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Dictionary of the Bible,
COMPRISING ITS
ANTIQUITIES, BIOGRAPHY, GEOGRAPHY,
NATURAL HISTORY.
*UMEBOUS ILLUSTRATIONS AND HAPS, ENGRAVED EXPRESSLY FOB THIS WOBH
EDITED BY WILLIAM SMITH,
CLASSICAL BXAWNUt <» THE UXmntUTY OF LOMDOt.
HARTFORD, CONN.:
S. S. SORANTON & OO.
1896.
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS TO THE BIBLE DICTIONARY.
><» * >
> «•«
ALFOBD, HENRY, D. D.,
Own of Canterbury.
BAILEY, HENRY, B. D..
Warden of St. Augustine s, Canterbury.
BAKRY, ALFRED, B. D.,
Principal of Cheltenham College.
BEVAN, W. L., M. A.,
Vicar of Hay.
BLAKESLEY J. W., B. D.,
Canon of Canterbury.
BROWN, T. E., M. A.,
Vlce-Vrioclpel of King Tm'i OolL, Iile of Man.
BROWNE, R. W..M. A.,
Archdeacon of Bath.
BROWNE.. E. HAROLD., D.D.,
Lord Bishop of Ely.
BULLOCK, W. T., M. A.,
Secretary of the 8. P. 8.
CLARK, SAMUEL, M. A,
Vicar of Bredwardlne with Brobnry.
COOK, F. C., M. A,
Canon of Exeter.
COTTON, Q. E. L., D. D.,
Lord Bishop of Calcutta.
DAVIE8, J. LLEWELYN, M. A,
Bvetur of Christ Church Marylebone.
DAY, G. E„ D. D.,
Clnclunntl. Ohio.
DEUTsJCH, EMANUEL,
University or Berlin, and British Museum.
DRAKE, WILLIAM, M. A,
Hon. Canon of Worcester.
EDDRUP, E. P., M. A,
Principal of the Theological College, Salisbury.
ELLICOTT, C. J., D. D.,
Lord Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol.
FARRAR, F. W., M. A,
Assistant Master at Harrow.
FERGUSON, JAMES, F. R. 8.,
Royal Institution of British Architects.
FFOULKE8, EDMUND 8., M. A,
Late Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford.
FITZGERALD, WILLIAM, D. D.,
Lord Bishop of Killaloe.
GARDEN, FRANCIS, M. A.
Subdean of the Chapel Royal.
GOTCH, F. W., LL. D.,
Hebrew Examiner, University of London.
GROVE, GEORGE,
Sydenham.
HACKETT, H. B., D. D.,
Newton, Massachusetts.
HAWKINS, ERNEST, B. D.,
Canon of Westminster.
HAYMAN, HENRY, M. A,
Head Master of Oram mar School, Cheltenham,
HERVEY, LORD ARTHUR C, M. A,
Archdeacon of Sudbury.
HES8EY, JAMES A, D. C. L.,
Head Master of Merchant Taylors' School.
HOOKER, JOSEPH D., M. D.. F. R. 8.,
Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew.
HORNBY, J. J,, M. A.,
Principal of Bishop Coeln'a Hall.
HOUGHTON, W., M. A,
Hector of Preston, Salop.
HOWSON, J. 8., D. D.,
Principal of the College, Liverpool.
HUXTABLE, EDGAR, M. A,
Subdean of Wells.
JONES, W. BASIL, M.A,
Prebendary of York and 8t David's.
LAYARD, A H., D. C. L., M. P.,
Under Secretary of State for foreign Aftmv
LEATHE8, STANLEY, M. A,
Professor of Hebrew, King's Coll., London.
LIGHTFOOT, J. B., D. D.,
Hulaean Professor of Divinity, Cambridge.
MARKS, D. W.,
Professor of Hebrew, University Coll., London.
MEYRICK, FREDERICK, M.A,
H. M.'a Inspector of Schools.
OPERT, PROFESSOR,
Of Paris.
ORGER, E. R., M.A,
Fellow and Tutor of St Augustine's, Canterbury
ORMEROD, THOMAS J., M. A,
Archdeacon of Suffolk.
PEROWNE, J. J. 8., B. D.,
Vice-Principal of St. David's OolL, Lampeter.
PEROWNE, THOMAS T, B. D.,
Fellow of C C. ColL, Cambridge.
PHILLOTT, H. W., M. A,
Rector of Stannton-on-Wye.
PLUMPTRE, E. H., M.A,
Professor of Divinity, King's ColL, London.
POOLE, E. STANLEY, M. R. A 8.,
South Kensington Museum.
POOLE, R. 8TUART, M. R. 8. L.,
British Museum.
PORTER, J. L., M. A,
Author of " Handbook of Syria and Palestine."
PRITCHARD, CHARLES, M. A.,
Late Fellow of St. John's ColL, Cambridge.
RAWLINSON, GEORGE, M. A,
Camden Professor of Ancient History, Oxford.
R08E, H. J., B. D.,
Rector of Houghton Conquest, Beds.
8ELWYN, W., B. D.,
Margaret Professor of Divinity, Cambridge.
SMITH, WILLIAM, LL. D.,
Classical Examiner, University of London.
STANLEY, ARTHUR P., D. D.,
Dean of Westminster.
8T0WE. CALVIN E., D. D.,
Andover, Massachusetts.
THOMSON, J. P., D. D.,
New York.
THOMSON, WILLIAM, D. D.,
Lord Archbishop of York.
THRUPP, J. F., M. A,
Vicar of Barrlngton.
TWI8LETON, HON. EDW., M.A,
Late Fellow of Ballot College, 0.dbrd.
VENABLES, EDMUND, M. A,
Bonebureh, Isle of Wight
WE8TCOTT, B. F., M. A,
Assistant Master at Harrow.
WRIGHT, W. ALDI8, M. A,
Librarian, Trinity College, Oambrldg*.
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PUBLISHER'S PREFACE.
There are three books which ought to be found in every household, —
the Bible, an English Dictionary, and a Bible Dictionary. The necessity
■of the first two is universally admitted ; and a moment's consideration
will show the almost equal importance of the third.
The Bible, though designed by its Divine author for the whole human
race and for all time, was, of necessity, first addressed to a particular peo-
ple, of a certain age and country, and its language was, of course, greatly
influenced by these circumstances of time, place, and nationality. This
fact, however, might not materially affect its intelligibility, for other peo-
ples and centuries than those to whom it was first addressed, if it were
merely a Book of Precepts and Doctrines; but being, as it is, far more
largely, a Book of History, of Biography, of Poetry, and of Prophecy, it
necessarily abounds in local allusions, and historical and geographical
references, which the lapse of centuries has rendered more or less obscure
to the Bible reader of our day. For its companion volume, therefore, he
needs not so much a commentary upon its doctrines and precepts, as a
full and accurate Dictionary of all those geographical and historical refer-
ences, and of those frequent allusions to the customs of remote ages and
peoples, a clear understanding of which is essential to the interest and
profit of Bible reading. Such a Dictionary of the Social, Political, and
Natural History of the Bible, should, therefore, be found in every house-
hold in the land, by the side of its Bible and its English Dictionary.
Bible Dictionaries, of a certain grade of excellence, have not indeed been
wholly unknown to the Bible readers of our country, though by no means so
widely circulated as desirable ; but it is also true that all such Books, pre-
pared previously to the recent very great advances in Biblical science and
research, are, and must be, exceedingly incomplete. The desire, there-
fore, for a comprehensive and accurate work of this kind, embodying
the results of the most recent research, and of the ripest Biblical scholar-
ship, has of late been deeply felt, and frequently expressed, by the intelli-
gent Bible readers of our country ; and especially have many Pastors and
Sabbath School Teachers urged upon the Publishers the need of such a
work.
Such, most emphatically, both in compass and in merit, is the work
which the Publishers now offer to the American public, — " Dr. William
Smith's Dictionary of the Antiquities, Biography, Geography, and Nat-
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nral History of the Bible," — a book universally admitted, by those most
competent to judge, to be the best of its kind in the English language.
Its Editor, and his associate contributors, are well known as among the
most eminent Biblical scholars of our time, in both Europe and America,
and they have performed their work with a thoroughness which leaves
little room for competition or criticism.
This Dictionary, prepared under the direction and superintendence of
Dr. Smith himself, for wide and general use, contains a full and accurate
account of every place and name mentioned in the Bible, which can possi-
bly need explanation, — of every animal, plant, or mineral, alluded to by
the Sacred Writers, and of every custom and article of use, among Jewish
and contemporary nations, to which reference is made in the Bible or
Apoch rypba. The most recent researches of Robinson, Layard, Rawlinson ,
and many other explorers in Bible lands, here render their aid in deter-
mining questions hitherto unsettled, or in correcting the mistakes of pre-
vious investigators. It contains also a sufficiently complete history and
analysis of each of the Books of the Bible, while adequate biographical
sketches are given of each of the inspired penmen, and of every historical
character mentioned in the Bible,— every article being entirely reliable,
and many of them the results of the ripest and rarest scholarship, and
embodying the substance of whole treatises upon their respective subjects.
The simple explanations of this work, unlike the expositions of a commen-
tary, admit of no denominational or sectarian coloring, and it is, there-
fore, equally valuable to Bible readers of every diversity of belief
The Publishers have spared no expense nor pains, to make the mecnan-
ical execution and typography of the book equal to its rare merit in other
respects, and they now offer it to an intelligent American public, in the
full confidence that it will be received with the favor which it so richly
deserves.
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A DICTIONARY
OK
THE BIBLE.
A.
A'alar. [Addan.J
Aaron toe son of Amram and Jochebed,
ud the elder brother of Moses and Miriam
(Mam. xxri. 59, xxxiii. 39 j. He was a Le-
rite, and is first mentioned in Ex. iv. 14, as one
who could "speak well." He was appointed
by Jehovah to oe the Interpreter and "Month"
(Ex. ir. 16) of his brother Moses, who was
"slow of speech ; " and accordingly be was not
only the organ of communication with the Is-
raelites ana with Pharaoh (Ex. iv. 30, vii. 2),
bat also the actual instrument of working most
of the miracles of the Exodus. (Ex. vii. 19,
4c.) Thus on the way to Mount Sinai, during
the battle with Amalek, Aaron is mentioned
with Hur, as staying up the weary hands of
Moses, when they were lifted up for the victory
of Israel (not in prayer, as is sometimes ex-
plained, bat) to bear the rod of God (Ex. xvii.
9). Through all this period he is mentioned as
dependent upon his brother, and deriving all
his authority from him. The contrast between
them is even more strongly marked on the ar-
rival at Sinai. Moses at once acts as the medi-
ator (Gal. iii. 19) for the people, to come near
to God for them, and to speak His words to
them. Aaron only approaches with Nadab, and
Abihu, and the seventy elders of Israel, by
special command, near enough to see God s
glory, but not so as to enter His immediate
presence. Left then, on Moses' departure, to
guide the people, Aaron is tried for a moment
on his own responsibility, and he fails, not from
any direct unbelief on his own part, but from a
weak inability to withstand the demand of the
people for visible "gods to go before them."
Possibly it seemed to him prudent to make an
image of Jehovah, in the well-known form of
Egyptian idolatry (Apis or Mnevis), rather than
to risk the total alienation of the people to false
gads; and his weakness was rewarded by seeing
a "feast to the Lord" (Ex. xxxii. 5) degraded
to the lowest form of heathenish sensuality, and
knowing, from Moses' words and deeds, that
the covenant with the Lord was utterly broken.
There can hardly be a stronger contrast with
AAKON
this weakness, and the self-convicted shame of
his excuse, than the burning indignation of
Moses, and his stern decisive measures of ven-
geance; although beneath these there lay an
ardent affection, which went almost to the
verge of presumption in prayer for the people
(Ex. xxxii. 19-34), and gained forgiveness for
Aaron himself (l)eut. ix. 20). Aaron was now
consecrated by Moses to the new office of the
high-priesthood. The order of God for the con-
secration is found in Ex. xxix., and the record
of its execution in Lev. viii. The form of con-
secration resembled other sacrificial ceremonies
in containing, first, a sin-offering, the form of
cleansing from sin and reconciliation [Sin-op-
feeing] ; a burnt-offering, the symbol of entire
devotion to God of the nature so purified
[Burnt-offerino];. and a meat-offering, the
thankful acknowledgment and sanctifying of
God's natural blessings [Meat-offering]. It
had, however, besides these, the solemn as-
sumption of the sacred robes (the garb of right-
eousness), the anointing (the symbol of God's
Etrptkn anointing t from Wfflthuon).
grace), and the offering of the ram of conse-
cration, the blood of which was sprinkled on
Aaron and his sons, as upon the altar and ves-
1
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AB
ABEL
■ell of the ministry, in order to sanctify them
for the service of God. The former ceremo-
nies represented the blessings and duties of the
man ; the latter the special consecration of the
priest. — The solemnity of the office, and its en-
tire dependence for sanctity on the ordinance of
God, were vindicated by the death of his sons,
Nadab and Abihu, for " offering strange fire " on
the altar (Lev. x. 1,2). From this time the
history of Aaron is almost entirely that of the
priesthood, and its chief feature is the great re-
bellion of Korah and the Levites against his
sacerdotal dignity, united with that of Dathan
and Abiram and the Reubenites against the
temporal authority of Moses [Kobah]. The
true vindication of the reality of Aaron's priest-
hood was, not so much the death of Korah by
the fire of the Lord, as the efficacy of his offer-
ing of incense to stay the plague, by which he
was seen to be accepted as an Intercessor for the
people. The blooming of his rod, which fol-
lowed, was a miraculous sign, visible to all, and
capable of preservation, of God's choice of him
and his house. — The only occasion on which
his individual character is seen is one of pre-
sumption, prompted as before chiefly by anoth-
er, and, as before, speedily repented of. The
murmuring of Aaron and Miriam against Mo-
ses clearly proceeded from their trust, the one
in his priesthood, the other in her prophetic in-
spiration, as equal commissions from God (Num.
xii. 2). It seems to have vanished at once be-
fore the declaration of Moses' exaltation above
all prophecy and priesthood, except that of One
who was to come. On all other occasions he
is spoken of as acting with Moses in the gui-
dance of the people. Leaning as he seems to
have done wholly on him, it is not strange that
he should have shared his sin at Meribah, and
its punishment [Moses] (Num. xx. 10-12).
Aaron's death seems to have followed very
speedily. It took place on Mount Hor, after the
transferrence of his robes and office to Eleazar,
who alone with Moses was present at his death
(Num. xx. 28). This monnt is still called the
* Mountain of Aaron." [Hob.] — The wife of
Aaron was Elishcba (Ex. vi. 23); and the two
sons who survived him, Eleazar and Ithamar.
The high-priesthood descended to the former,
and to his descendants until the time of Eli, who,
although of the house of Ithamar, received the
high-priesthood, and transmitted it to his chil-
dren ; with them it continued till the accession
of Solomon, who took it from Abiathar, and
restored it to Zadok (of the houre of Eleazar),
so fulfilling the prophecy of 1 Sam. ii. 30.
Ab {father), an element in the composition
of many proper names, of which Abba is a
Chaldaic form, the syllable affixed giving the
emphatic force of the definite article. Applied
to God by Jesus Christ (Mark xiv. 36), and by
St Paul {Rom. viii. 15; Gal. iv. 6).
Ab. [Months.]
Ab'aouc, 2 Esdr. i. 40. [Habakkuk.] Ap.
Abaddon, Rev. ix. 11. [Apollton.1
Abadi'as = Obadiah, son of Jehiel (1
Esd. viii. 35). Ap.
Abag'tba, one of the seven eunuchs in the
Persian court of Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10).
Ab'ana, one of the "rivers of Damascus"
(2 K. v. 12). The Barada and the Awaj are
now the chief streams of Damascus, and ther*
can be little doubt that the former of these
represents the Abana and the latter the Phar-
par of the text. The Barada rises in the An-
tilibanus, at about 23 miles from the city, after
flowing through which it runs across the plain,
till it loses itself in the lake or marsh Bahret
H-Kibliyeh.
Ab'arim, a mountain or range of high-
lands on the east of the Jordan, in the land of
Moab (Deut xxxii. 49), facing Jericho, and
forming the eastern wall of the Jordan valley
at that part. Its most elevated spot was " the
Mount Nebo, 'head' of 'the' PWah," from
which Moses viewed the Promised Land before
his death. There is nothing to prove that the
Abarim were a range or tract of any length,
unless the Ije-Abarim ("heaps of A.") named in
Num. xxxiii. 44, and which were on the south
frontier of Moab, are to be taken as belonging
to them. These mountains are mentioned in
Num. xxvii. 12, xxxiii. 47, 48, and Dent,
xxxii. 49 ; also probably in Jer. xxii. 20, where
the word is rendered in the A. V. "passages."
Abl>a. [Ab.]
Ab'da. 1. Father of Adoniram (1 K. iv.
6). — 2. Son of Shammua (Neh. xi. 17),
called Obadiah in 1 Chr. ix. 16.
Ab'deel, father of Shelemiah (Jer. xxxvi.
26).
Ab'di. 1. A Merarite, and ancestor of
Ethan the singer (1 Chr. vi. 44).— 2. The
father of Kish, a Merarite, in the reign of
Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). — 3. One of the
Bene-Elam in the time of Ezra, who had mar-
ried a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 26).
Ab'dias, 2 Esdr. i. 39. [Obadiah.) Ap.
Ab'diel, son of Guni and father of Ahi,
one of the Gadites who were settled in the land
of Bashan {1 Chr. v. 15) in the days of Jotham
king of Judah.
Ab'don. 1. A judge of Israel (Judg.
xii. 13, 15), perhaps the same person as Bedan
in 1 Sam. xii. 11. — 2. Son of Shashak (1
Chr. viii. 23). — 3. First-born son of Jehiel,
son of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 30, ix. 35, 36). — 4.
Son of Micah, a contemporary of Josiah (2
Chr. xxxiv. 20 J, called Achborin 2 K. xxii. 12.
— 6. A city in the tribe of Asher, given to
the Gershonites (Josh. xxi. 30; 1 Chr. vi. 74).
Abed'negO (i. e. tenant of Nego, perhaps
the same as Nebo), the Chaldsean name given to
Azariah, one of the three friends of Daniel,
miraculously saved from the fiery furnace (Dan.
Hi.). [Azariah.]
Abel, in Hebr. HVbel (i.e. breath, vapor,
transitorineu, probably so called from the short-
ness of his life), the second son of Adam, mur-
dered by his brother Cain (Gen. iv. 1-16). Je-
hovah showed respect for Abel's offering, bat
not for that of Cain, because, according to the
Epistle to the Hebrews (xi. 4), Abel "by faith
offered a more excellent sacrifice than Cain."
The expression "sin,"«\e. sin-offering, "lieth
at the door" (Gen. iv. 7), seems to imply that
the need of sacrifices of Mood to obtain forgive-
ness was already revealed. Our Lord spoke of
Abel as the first martyr (Matt xxiii. 35); so
did the early church subsequently. The place
of his murder and his grave are pointed ont
near Damascus; and the neighboring peasants
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ABEL
3
ABIATHAB
toll a carious tradition respecting his burial
(Stanley, S. #■ P. p. 413).
A1>el» the name of several places in Pales-
tine, probably signifies a meadow. L A'bbIs-
bkth-ma'achah, a town of some importance
("a city and a mother in Israel," 2 Sam. xx.
19), in the extreme N. of Palestine; named
with Dan, Cinneroth, Kedesh; and as such
falling an early prey to the invading kings of
Syria (I K. xv. 39). In the parallel passage, 2
Chr. xvi 4, the name is changed to Abel Maim,
" Abel on the waters." Here Sheba was over-
taken and besieged by Joab (2 Sam. xx. 14,
15) ; and the city was saved by the exercise, on
the part of one of its inhabitants, of that sa-
gacity for which it was proverbial (18). In
verses 14 and 18 it is simply Abel, and in 14 is
apparently distinguished from Beth-maachah.
— 2. A'bel-mizka'im, i.e. the mourning of
Egypt, the name given bv the Canaanites to
the floor of Atad, at which Joseph, his broth-
ers, and the Egyptians, made their mourning
for Jacob (Gen. 1. 11). It was beyond (on the
east of ) Jordan. [Atad.1 — 3. A'bbl-shit'-
tim, "the meadow of the acacias," in the
•' plains " of Moab ; on the low level of the Jor-
dan valley, as contradistinguished from the
cultivated " fields " on the upper level of the ta-
ble-land. Here — their last resting-place before
crossing the Jordan — Israel " pitched from
Bcth-jesimoth unto A.-Shittim" (Num. xxxiii.
49). The place is most frequently mentioned
by its shorter name of Shittim. [Shittim.]
In the days of Josephns it was still known as
Abila, the town imbosomed in palms, 60 stadia
from the city. The town and the palms have
disappeared ; but the acacia-groves, denoted by
the name Shittim, still remain, "marking with
a line of verdure the upper terraces of the Jor-
dan valley " ( Stanley, S. fr P. 298). —4. A'bel-
mb'holah ("meadow of the dance"), named
with Beth-shean and Jockneam (1 K. iv. 12),
and therefore in the N. part of the Jordan val-
ley. To "the border (the 'lip' or 'brink') of
Abel-meholah," and to Beth - Shittah (the
"house of the acacia"), both places being evi-
dently down in the Jordan valley, the routed
Bedouin host fled from Gideon (Judg. vii. 23).
Here Elisha was found at his plough by Eli-
jah returning up the valley from Horeb ( 1 K.
xix. 16-19). — 6. A'bkl-ck R.tMiu.in the A.V.
rendered " the plain of the vineyards," a place
eastward of Jordan, beyond Aroer ; named as the
point to which Jephthah's pursuit of the Bene-
Ammon extended (Judg. xi. 33). An Abel is
mentioned by Eusebius at 6 miles beyond Phil-
adelphia (Kabbah) ; and another more to the N.
12 miles E. from Gadara, below the Hieromax.
— 6. "The orb at 'Abel,' in the field of
Joshua the Bethshemitc " (1 Sam. vi. 18). By
comparison with 14 and 15, it would seem that
for Abel should be read Eben =- stone. Our
translators, by the insertion of "stone of,"
take a middle course.
AIMS, a town in the possession of Issachar,
named between Kishion and Remeth, in Josh,
xix. 20. only.
Afm, mother of king Hexekiah (3 K. xvtii. 3).
The name is written Abijah in 3 Chr. xxix. 1.
Her father's name was Zachariah. He was per-
haps the Zechariah mentioned by Isaiah ( viii. 3).
Abi'a, Abi'ah, or Abi'jah. L Son of
Beecher, the son of Benjamin ( 1 Chr. vii. 8). —
2. Wife of Hexron ( 1 Chr. ii. 24). —3. Second
son of Samuel, whom together with his eldest
son Joel he made judge in Beersheba (I Sam.
viii. 2 ; 1 Chr. vii. 28). The corruptness of
their administration was the reason alleged by
the Israelites for their demanding a king. — 4.
Abu ah, or Abu am, the son of Rchoboam (1
Chr. iii. 10: Matt i. 7).— 6. Mother of king
Hexekiah. [Abi.] — 6. Descendant of Eleaxar,
and chief of the eighth of the 24 courses of
priests (Luke i. 5) : the same as Abijah, 4.
Abi-ATbon. [Abibl.]
Abi'aaaph (Ex. vi. 24), otherwise written
Ebi'aaaph (l Chr. vi. 23, 37, ix. 19), the
head of one of the families of the Korhites (a
house of the Kohathites), but his precise gene-
alogy is somewhat uncertain. In Ex. vl 24,
he appears at first sight to be represented as
one of the sons of Korah, and as the brother
of Assir and Elkanah. But in 1 Chr. vi. he
appears as the son of Elkanah, the son of Assir,
the son of Korah. The natural inference from
this would be that, in Ex. vi. 24, the expression
" the sons of Korah " merely means the fami-
lies into which the house of the Korhites was
subdivided. Among the remarkable descend-
ants of Abiasaph, according to the text of 1
Chr. vi. 33-37, were Samuel the prophet and
Elkanah his father (1 Sam. i. 1), and Hcmaa
the singer; but Ebiasaph seems to be improp-
erly inserted in ver. 37.
Abi'athar, high-priest and fourth in de-
scent from Eli, who was of the line of Ithamar,
the younger son of Aaron. Abiathar was the
only one of all the sons of Ahimelech the high-
priest who escaped the slaughter inflicted upon
his father's house by Saul, at the instigation of
Doeg the Edomite (see title to Ps. Iii. and the
psalm itself), in revenge for his having inquired
of the Lord for David, and given him the show-
bread to eat, and the sword of Goliath the Phi-
listine, as is related in 1 Sam. xxii. Abiathar
having become high-priest fled to David, and
was thus enabled to inquire of the Lord for him
(1 Sam. xxiii. 9, xxx. 7; 2 Sam. ii. 1, v. 19,
ic.). The fact of David having been the un-
willing cause of the death of all Abiathar' s kin-
dred, coupled with his gratitude to his father
Ahimelecn for his kindness to him, made him a
Arm and steadfast friend to Abiathar all his
life. Abiathar on his part was firmly attached
to David. He adhered to him in his wander-
ings while pursued by Saul ; he was with him
while he reigned in Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 1-3),
the city of the house of Aaron (Josh. xxi. 10-
13) ; he carried the ark before him when David
brought it up to Jerusalem ( 1 Chr. xv. 11:1
K. ii. 26) ; be continued faithful to him in Ab-
salom's rebellion (2 Sam. xv. 24, 29, 35, 36.
xvii. 15-17, xix. 11) ; and "was afflicted in all
wherein David was afflicted." He was also one
of David's chief counsellors (1 Chr. xxvii. 34).
When, however, Adonijah set himself up for
David's successor on the throne, in opposition
to Solomon, Abiathar, perhaps in rivalry to
Zadok, sided with him, and was one of his chief
partisans, while Zadok was on 8olomon's side.
For this Abiathar was banished to his native
village, Anathoth, in the tribe of Benjamin
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ABS
AB1UU
(Josh. xxi. 18), and narrowly escaped with his
life, which wan spared by Solomon only on the
strength of his long and faithful service to Da-
vid hi* father. He was deprived of the high-
priesthood, and we are told that " Zadok the
priest did the king put in the room of Abia-
thar" (1 K. ii. 27, 35). There are one or two
difficulties connected with Abiathar, to which
a brief reference must be mode. (1.) It is diffi-
cult to determine the position of Abiathar rela-
tively to Zadok, and to account for the double
high-priesthood. Zadok, who was descended
from Eleazar, the elder son of Aaron, is first
mentioned in 1 Chr. xii. 28, where he is de-
scribed as " a young man mighty of valor,"
and is said to have joined David while he
reigned in Hebron. From this time we read,
both in the books of Samuel and Chronicles,
of " Zadok and Abiathar the priests," Zadok
being always named first. And yet we are told
that Solomon on his accession put Zadok in
the room of Abiathar. Perhaps the true state
of the case was, that Abiathar was the first, and
Zadok the second priest ; but that from the su-
perior strength of the house of Eleazar, which
enabled it to furnish 16 out of the 24 courses
(l Chr. xxiv.), Zadok acquired considerable in-
fluence with David ; and that this, added to his
being the heir of the elder line, and perhaps
also to some of the passages being written after
the line of Zadok was established in the high-
priesthood, led to the precedence given him over
Abiathar. We have already suggested the pos-
sibility of jealousy of Zadok being one of the
motives which inclined Abiathar to join Adoni-
jah's faction. It is most remarkable how, first,
Saul's cruel slaughter of the priests at Nob, and
then the political error of tlie wise Abiathar, led
to the fulfilment of God's denunciation against
the house of Eli, as the writer of 1 E. ii. 27
leads us to observe when he says that " Solo-
mon thrust out Abiathar from being priest unto
the Lord, that lie might fulfil the word of the
Lord which He spoke concerning the house of
Eli in Shiloh." (2.) In 2 Sam. viii. 17, and in
the duplicate passage 1 Chr. xviii. 16, and in
1 Chr. xxiv. 3, 6, 31, we have Ahimelech substi-
tuted for Abiathar, and Ahimelech the son of Abia-
thar, instead of Abiathar the son of Ahimelech.
Whereas in 2 Sain. xx. 25, and in every other
passage in the O. T., we are uniformly told that
it was Abiathar who was priest with Zadok in
David's reign, and that he was the son of Ahim-
elech, and that Ahimelech was the son of Ahi-
tub. The difficulty is increased by finding
Abiathar spoken of as the high-priest in whose
time David ate the show-bread, in Mark ii. 26.
However, the evidence in favor of David's
friend being Abiathar the son of Ahimelech pre-
ponderates so stronglv, and the impossibility of
any rational reconciliation is so clear, that one
can only suppose that the error was a clerical
one originally, and was propagated from one
rsajrc to another. The mention of Abiathar
our Lord, in Mark ii. 26, might perhaps be
accounted for, if Abiathar was the person who
persuaded his father to allow David to have the
bread, and if, as is probable, the loaves were
Abiathar's (Lev. xxiv. 9), and given by him
with his own hand to David.
ATlib. [Moxths.]
Attidah or Abi da, a son of Midian ( Gen.
xxv. 4; 1 Chr. i. 33).
A'bidan, chief of the tribe of Benjamin at
the time of the Exodus (Num. i. 11, it. 22, vii.
60, 65, x. 24).
Alriel. 1. The father of Kish, and conse-
quently grandfather of Saul (1 Sam. ix. 11, as
well as of Abner, Sanl's commander-in-chief
( 1 Sam. xiv. 5 1 ). In the genealogy in 1 Chr. viii.
33, ix. 39, Ner is made the father of Kish, and
the name of Abiel is omitted, but the correct
genealogy according to Samuel is : —
Kish
Saul
Abiel
_l_
Ker
Abner.
— 2. One of David's mighty men (1 Chr. xi.
32). In 2 Sam. xxiii. 31 he is called Abial-
bon, which Kennicott decides is the true read-
ing, though it seems more probable that the
copyist carried his eye forward to the next
verse, and that " the Hhaalbonite " there was the
cause of his error. The Syr. of 2 Sam. has
" Abi, the son of Abialmon of Gilead." Abiel
was a native of the Arabah, or valley of the
Jordan, as bis name " Arbathite " indicates.
Abie'zer. 1. Eldest son of Gilead, and
descendant of Manassch, and apparently at one
time the leading family of the tribe (Josh. xvii.
2; 1 Chr. vii. 18; Num. xxvi. 30, where the
name is given in the contracted form of Jeexer).
In Chronicles, Abiczer is, in the present state
of the text, said to have sprung from the sister
of Gilead (1 Chr. vii. 18). He was the ances-
tor of the great judge Gideon. [Gideon.] The
name also occurs in Judg. vi. 34, viii. 2 ; and
in an adjectival form ("the Abiezrite") in
Judg. vi. 11, 24, viii. 32. — 2. One of David's
" mighty men " (2 Sam. xxiii. 27 ; 1 Chr. xi.
28, xxvii. 12).
Abiga'il. L The beautiful wife of Nabal,
a wealthy owner of goats and sheep in Carmel.
When David's messengers were slighted by
Nabal, Abigail took the blame upon herself,
supplied David and his followers with provis-
ions, and succeeded in appeasing his anger.
Ten days after this Nabal died, and David sent
for Abigail and mode her his wife (1 Sam. xxv.
14, &c.). By her he had a son, called Cliileab
in 2 Sam. iii. 3 ; but Daniel, in 1 Chr. iii. 1. —
2. A sister of David, married to Jether the
Ishmaelite, and mother, by him, of Amosa
(I Chr.ii. 17). — The statement in 2 Sam. xvii.
25, that the mother of Amasa was an Israelite,
is doubtless a transcriber's error. There could
be no reason for recording this fact; but the
circumstance of David's sister marrying a hea-
then Ishmaelite deserved mention.
Abiha'il. 1. Father of Zuriel, chief of
the Levitieal family of Mcrari, a contemporary
of Moses (Num. iii. 35). — 2. Wife of Abishur
(1 Chr. ii. 29). — 8. Son of Hnri, of the tribe
of Gad (1 Chr. v. 14).— 4. Wife of Reho-
boam. She is called the daughter, i.e. descend-
ant of Eliab, the elder brother of David (2 Chr.
xi. is). — 5. Father of Esther and nncle of
Mordccai (Esth. ii. 15, ix. 29).
Abfhu, the second son (Num. iii. 8) of
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ABIHUD
ABIMELECH
Aaron by Ellsheba (Ex. vi. 23), who with his
father and his elder brother Nadab, and seventy
elders of Israel, accompanied Moses to the sum-
mit of Sinai (Ex. xxiv. 1). Being together
with Nadab guilty of offering strange fire (Lev.
x. 1 ) to the Lord, i.e. not the holy fire which
burnt continually upon the altar of burnt-offer-
ing (Lev. vi 9, 12), they were both consumed
by fire from heaven, and Aaron and his surviv-
ing sons were forbidden to mourn for them.
AbiTlud, son of Bela and grandson of
Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 3).
Abijah or Abi'jam. 1. The son and
successor of Rehoboam on the throne of
Jadah (1 K. xiv. 31 ; 2 Chr. xii. 16). He is
called Abijah in Chronicles, Abijam in Kings ;
the latter name being probably an error in the
MisS. He began to reign b. c. 959, and reigned
three years. — From the First Book of Kings we
learn that Abijah endeavored to recover the
kingdom of the Ten Tribes, and made war on
Jeroboam. No details are given, bnt we are
also informed that he walked in all the sins of
Beboboam (idolatry and its attendant immorali-
ties, I K. xiv. 23, 24), and that his heart " was
not perfect before God, as the heart of David
his father." In the second book of Chronicles
his war against Jeroboam is more minutely de-
scribed ; he was successful in battle, and took
the cities of Bethel, Jeshanah, and Ephrain,
with their dependent villages. It is also said
that his army consisted of 400,000 men, and
Jeroboam's of 800,000, of whom 500,000 tell in
the action ; but our MSS. are frequently incor-
rect as to numbers, and there are reasons for
reducing these to 40,000, 80,000, and 50,000.
Nothing is said by the writer in Chronicles of
the sins of Abijah, but we arc told that after
his victory he " waxed mighty, and married
fourteen wives," whence we may well infer that
he was elated with prosperity, and like his
grandfather Solomon fell, during the last two
years of his life, into wickedness, as described
■n Kings. He was succeeded by Asa. — 2.
The second son of Samuel, called Abiah in our
version. [Abia, Abiah, No. 3.] — 3. The son
of Jeroboam I. king of Israel, in whom alone,
of all the house of Jeroboam, was found " some
good thing toward the Lord God of Israel,"
and who was therefore the only one of his family
who was suffered to go down to the grave in
peace. He died in his childhood, just after Jer-
oboam's wife had been sent in disguise to seek
help for him, in his sickness, from the prophet
Abijah, who gave her the above answer. ( 1 K.
xiv.) — 4. A descendant of Eleazar, who gnve
his name to the eighth of the twenty-four courses
into which the priests were divided by David
(1 Chr. xxiv. 10; 2 Chr. viii. 14 ; Neh. xii. 4,
17). To the course of Abijah or Abia belonged
Zacharias the father of John the Baptist (Luke
i. 5). — 6. One of the priests who entered into
a covenant with Nehcmiah to walk in God's
law (Neh. x. 7) ; unless the name is rather that
of a family, anil the same with the preceding.
Abi'jam. [Abijah, No. 1.]
Abila. [Abilene.]
Abile'ne (Luke iii. 1), a tetrachy of which
the capital was Abila, a city situated on the
eastern slope of Antilibanus, in a district ferti-
lized by the river Barada. Its name probably
arose from the green luxuriance of its situation,
" Abel " perhaps denoting " a grassy meadow.'*
[See p. 2 b.] The name, thus derived, is quite
sufficient to account for the traditions of the
death of Abel, which are associated with the
spot, and which are localized by the tomb called
Nebi Habil, on a height above the ruins of the
city. The position of the city is very clearly
designated by the Itineraries as 18 miles from
Damascus, and 38 (or 32) miles from Heliopolis
or Baalbec. — It is impossible to fix the limits
of the Abilene which is mentioned by St. Luke
as the tetrarchy of Lysanias. [Lvsaki Ag.J Like
other districts of the East it doubtless under-
went many changes, both of masters and of ex-
tent, before it was finally absorbed in the prov-
ince of Syria. Josephus associates this neigh-
borhood with the name of Lysanias both before
and after the time referred to by the evangelist.
— The site of the chief city of Abilene has been
undoubtedly identified where the Itineraries
place it ; and its remains have been described
of late years by many travellers. It stood in a
remarkable gorge called the Suk Wady Barada,
where the river breaks down through the moun-
tain towards the plain of Damascus.
Abim'ael, a descendant of Joktau (Gen. x.
28 ; 1 Chr. i. 22), and probably the progenitor
of an Arab tribe.
Abim'elech (father of the kino), the name
of several Philistine kings, was probably a com-
mon title of these kings, like that of Pharaoh
among the Egyptians, and that of Ciesar and
Augustus among the Romans. An argument
to the same effect is drawn from the title of Ps.
xxxiv., in which the name of Abimclech is given
to the king, who is called Achish in 1 Sam. xxL
11. — L A Philistine, king of Gcrar ( Gen. xx.,
xxi. ), who, exercising the right claimed by East-
ern princes, of collecting all the beautiful wo-
men of their dominions into their harem (Gen.
xii. 15; Esth. ii. 3), sent for and took Surah.
A similar account is given of Abraham's con-
duct on this occasion, to that of his behavior
towards Pharaoh [Abraham]. — 2. Another
king of Gcrar in the time of Isaac, of whom a
similar narrative is recorded in relation to Rc-
bekah(Gen. xxvi. 1, &c.). — 3. Son of the judge
Gideon by his Shcchemitc concubine (Judg. viii.
31 ). After his father's death he murdered all
his brethren, seventy in number, with the excep-
tion of Jotham the youngest, who concealed
himself; and he then persuaded the Shcchem-
itcs, through the influence of his mother's breth-
ren, to elect him king. It is evident from this
narrative that Shechcm now became an inde-
pendent state, and threw off the yoke of the con-
quering Israelites. When Jotham heard that
Abimelcch was mode king, he addressed to the
Shechcmitcs his fable of the trees choosing a
king (Judg. ix. 1 ). After Abimelech hud reigned
three years, the citizens of Shcchem rebelled.
He was absent at the time, but he returned and
quelled the insurrection. Shortly after he
stormed and took Thehez, but was struck on
the head by a woman with the fragment of a
mill-stone (comp. 2 Sam. xi. 21 ) ; and lest he
should be said to have died by a woman, he bade
his armor-bearer slay him. Thus God avenged
the murder of his brethren, ond fulfilled the curse
of Jotham. — 4. Son of Abiathar, the high-priest
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ABINADAB
6
ABNEB
in the time of David (1 Chr. xviii. 16), called
Ahimelecb in 3 Sam. viij. 16. [Ahimelkch.J
Abin'adab. 1. A Levite, a native of Kur-
jath-jearim, in whose house the ark remained 20
Tears (1 Sam. vii. 1, 2; 1 Chr. xiii. 7). — 2.
Second son of Jesse, who followed Saul to his
war against the Philistines ( 1 Sam. xvi. 8, xvii.
13). — 3. A son of Saul, who was slain with his
brothers at the fatal battle on Mount Gilboa
(1 Sam. xxxi. 2). — 4. Father of one of the
twelve chief officers of Solomon (1 K. iv. 11 J.
Abin'oam, the father of Barak (Judg. iv.
6, 12; v. 1,11).
Abi'ram. L AReubenite.sonofEliab, who
with Dathan and On, men of the same tribe,
and Koroh a Levite, organized a conspiracy
against Moses and Aaron (Num. xvi.). [For
details, see Kokah.] — 2. Eldest son of Hie], the
Bethclite, who died when his father laid the
foundations of Jericho (1 K. xvi. 34), and thus
accomplished the first part of the curse of Joshua
(Josh. vi. 26).
Abi'ron = Abiram (Ecclus. xlv. 181. An.
Abise'i = Abishua, son of Phinchas [2
Esdr. i. 2) ; called also Abiscm (1 Esdr. vhi.
2). An.
Ab isbag, a beautiful Shnnamite, taken
into David's harem to comfort him in bis ex-
treme old age (1 K. i. 1-4). After David's death
Adonijah induced Bathsheba, the queen-mother,
to ask Solomon to give him Abishag in mar-
riage ; but this imprudent petition cost Adonijah
his life (1 K. ii. 13, &c.). [Adonijah.]
Abisha'i, the eldest of the three sons of Zc-
ruiah, DavM's sister, and brother to Joab and
Asahel (1 Chr. ii. 1C). It may be owing to his
seniority of birth that Abishai, first of the three
brothers, appears as the devoted follower of
David. Long before Joab appears on the
stage Abishai had attached himself to the for-
tunes of David. He was his companion in the
desperate night expedition to the camp of
Saul, and would at once have avenged and
terminated his uncle's quarrel by stabbing the
sleeping king with his own spear. But David
indignantly restrained him, and the adven-
turous warriors left the camp as stealthily as
they bad come, carrying with them Saul's
spear and the cruse of water which stood at his
head (1 Sam. xxvi. 6-9). Duriiuj David's out-
law life among the Philistines, Abishai was pro-
bably by his side, though nothing more is heard
of him till he appears with Joab and Asahel in
hot pursuit of Abner, who was beaten in the
bloody fisht by the pool of Gibeon. Asahel fell
by Abner's hand : at sun-set the survivors re-
turned, buried their brother by night in the
sepulchre of their father at Bethlehem, and with
revenge in their hearts marched on to Hebron
by break of day (2 Sam. ii. 18, 24, 32). In the
prosecution of their vengeance, though Joab's
hand struck the deadly blow, Abishai was as-
sociated with him in the treachery, and "Joab
and Abishai killed Abner" (2 Sam. iii. 30).
[Abnbb.] In the war against Ilanun, under-
taken by David as a punishment for the insult
to his messengers, Abishai, as second in com-
mand, was opposed to the army of the Ammon-
ites before the gates of Rahbah, and drove them
headlong before him into the city, while Joab
defeated the Syrians who attempted to raise the
siege (2 Sam. x. 10, 14; 1 Chr. xix. 11, 15k
The defeat of the Edomites in the valley of salt
(1 Chr. xviii. 12), which brought them to a state
of vassalage, was due to Abishai, acting perhaps
under the immediate orders of the king (see 2
Sam. viii. 13), or of Joab (Ps. lx. title). On
the outbreak of Absalom's rebellion and the con-
sequent flight of David, Abishai remained true
to the king; and the old warrior showed a gleam
of his ancient spirit, as fierce and relentless as
in the camp of Saul, when he offered to avenge
the taunts of Shimei, and urged his subsequent
execution (2 Sam. xvi. 9 ; xix. 21 ). In the
battle in the wood of Ephraim Abishai com-
manded a third part of the army (2 Sam. xviii.
2, S, 12), and in the absence of Amasa was sum-
moned to assemble the troops in Jerusalem and
pursue after the rebel Sheba, Joab being appar-
ently in disgrace for the slaughter of Absalom
(2 Sam. xx. 6, 10). — The last act of service
which is recorded of Abishai is his timely rescue
of David from the hands of a gigantic Philis-
tine, Ishbi-bcnob (2 Sara. xxi. 17). His per-
sonal prowess on this, as on another occasion,
when he fought single-handed against three
hundred, won for him a place as captain of
the second three of David's mighty men (2 Sam.
xxiii. 18; 1 Chr. xi. 20). But in all probabili-
ty this act of daring was achieved while he was
the companion of David's wanderings as an out-
law among the Philistines. Of the end of his
checkered life we have no record.
Abish alom, father or grandfather of Maa-
chah, who was the wife of Rchoboam, and
mother of Abijah (1 K. xv. 2, 10). Heiscallid
Absalom in 2 Chr. xi. 20, 21. This person
must be David's son (see LXX., 2 Sam. xiv.
27). Maachah was doubtless named after her
grandmother (2 Sam. iii. 3). [Maachah, 3.1
Abishu'a. 1. Son of Beta, of the tribe of
Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 4). — 2. Son of'Phinchas,
the son of Eleazar, and father of Bukki, in the
genealogy of the high-priests (1 Chr. vi. 4, 5,
50, 51 ; Ezr. vii. 4, 5). According to Joseplius
(Ant. viii. 1, § 3) he executed the office of high-
priest after his father Phinehas, and was suc-
ceeded by Eli ; his descendants, till Zadok, fall-
ing into the rank of private persons.
Ab'ishur, son of Sharomai (2 Chr. ii. 28).
Abi'sum = Abishua, son of Phinchas (1
Esd. viii. 2), elsewhere called Abisei. Ap.
Ab'ital, one of David's wives (2 Sam. iii,
4 ; 1 Chr. iii. 3).
Ab'itub, son of Shaharaimby Hushim (1
Chr. viii. 11).
Abi'ud, descendant of Zorobabel in the gen-
ealogy of Jesus Christ (Matt. i. 13). Lord A.
Ilervey identifies him with Hooaiah (1 Chr.
iii. 24) and Jcoa (Luke iii. 26), and supposes
him to have been the grandson of Zorobabel
through his daughter Shelomith.
Ablution. [Pubification.]
Ab'ner. 1. Son of Ner, who was the bro-
ther of Kish (1 Chr. ix. 36), the father of Saul.
Abner, therefore, was Saul's first cousin, and
was made by him commander-in-chief of his
army ( 1 Sam. xiv. 51 ). He was the person who
conducted David into Saul's presence after the
death of Goliath (xvii. 57) ; and afterwards ac-
companied his master when he sought David's
life at Ilachilah (xxvi. 3-14). From this time
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ABOMINATION
ABRAHAM
we hear no more of him till after the death of
Saul, when he rises into importance as the main
stay of his family. It would seem that, imme-
diately after the disastrous battle of Mount Gil-
boa, David was proclaimed king of Jndah in
Hebron, the old capital of that tribe, but that
the rest of the country was altogether in the
hands of the Philistines, and that five years
passed before any native prince ventured to op-
pose his claims to their power. During that
rim! the Israelites were gradually recovering
their territory, and at length Abner proclaimed
the weak and unfortunate Ishbosheth, Saul's
son, as kinj of Israel, at Mahanaim beyond
Jordan. War soon broke out between the two
rival kings, and a " very sore battle " was fought
at Gibeon between the men of Israel under
Abner and the nun of Judah under Joab, son
of Zcruiah, David's sister (1 Chr. ii. 16). When
the army of Ishbosheth was defeated, Joab's
youngest brother Asahel, who is said to hare
been "as light of foot as a wild roe," pursued
Abner, and in spite of warning refused to leave
him. so that Abnsr in self-defence was forced to
kill him. After this the war continued, success
inclining mora and more to the side of David,
till at last the imprudence of Ishbosheth de-
prived him of the counsels and generalship of
the hero, who was in truth the only support
of his tottering throne. Abner had married
Ri spall, Saul's concubine, and this, according
to the views of Oriental courts, might be so in-
terpreted as to imoly a design upon the throne.
Rightly or wrongly, Ishbosheth so understood
it, and he even ventured to reproach Abner with
it. Abner, incensed at his ingratitude, after an
indignant reply, opened negotiations with David,
by whom he was most favorably received at
Hebron. Ha then undertook to procure his rec-
ognition throughout Israel ; but after leaving
hii court for the purpose was enticed back by
Joab, and treacherously murdered bv him and
his brother AbishsJ, at the gate of" the city,
partly no doubt, as Joib showed afterwards in
the case of Amasa, from fear lest so distin-
guished a convert to their cause should gain too
high a place in David's favor, hut ostensibly
in retaliation for the death of Asahcl. This
murder caused the greatest sorrow and indigna-
tion to David ; but, as the assassins were too
powerful to be punished, he contented himself
with showing every public token of respect to
Abner's memory, by following the bier and
S luring forth a simple dirge over the slain (2
am. iii. 33, 34). — 2. The father of Jaasiel,
chief of the Benjamites in David's reign ( 1 Chr.
zzvii. 21 ) : probably the same as the preceding.
Abomination of Desolation, men-
tioned by our Saviour as a sign of the approach-
ing destruction of Jerusalem, with reference to
Dan. ix. 27, xi. 31, xii. II. The Jews con-
sidered the prophecy of Daniel as fulfilled in the
profanation of the Temple under Antiochus
Bpiphanes, when the Israelites themselves erect-
ed an idolatrous altar upon the sacred altar,
and offered sacrifice thereon : this altar is de-
scribed as "an abomination of desolation" (1
Mace. i. 54, vi. 7). The prophecy, however,
referred ultimately to the destruction of Jeru-
salem by the Romans, and consequently the
" abomination " must describe some occurrence
connected with that event But it is not easy
to find one which meets all the requirements of
the case : the introduction of the Roman stand-
ards into the Temple would not be an "abomina-
tion," properly speaking, unless it could be
shown that the Jews themselves participated in
the worship of them ; moreover, this event, as
well as several others which have been proposed,
such as the erection of the statue of Hadrian,
fail in regard to the time of their occurrence,
being subaequent to the destruction of the city.
It appears most probable tnat the profanities of
the Zealots constituted the abomination, which
was the sign of impending ruin.
A'branam, or A'bram, as his name ap-
pears in the earlier portion of the history, was
the son of Terah, and founder of the great
Hebrew nation. His family, a branch of the
descendants of Shem, were settled in Ur of the
Chaldecs, beyond the Euphrates. The three
sons of Terah, Nahor, Abram, and Haran, ap-
pear in the book of Genesis as the ancestors of
those Shemitic tribes which, migrating in a
south-westerly direction from their original set-
tlements, spread through the region between
the Euphrates and the Mediterranean, and in
their ultimate development occupied the coun-
tries from Damascus to the extremity of the
Arabian peninsula. The details of one of the
most remarkable of these immigrations are
traced out in the history of Abram. The fam-
ily of Nahor wandered less tlian the others, and
remained principally in their ancestral pastures,
the fertile plains of Syria, as the aristocracy of
their race, from among whom, for two genera-
tions at least, the descendants of the migratory
branches sought their wives, to preserve the
purity of their descent. Terah was an idolater.
He and his sons " served other gods " (Josh,
xxir. 2), thoncjh there is some reason for sup-
posing that the worship which they practised
was less gross in its nature than that of the sur-
rounding tribes, and that the idea of the unity
of God tiad not been so completely obscured
among thom. Abram appears as the champion
of monotheism, and to him are referred the be-
ginnings of the Mosaic polity. — On the death
of his father, who accompanied the emigrants
as far as Haran in Mesopotamia, Abram, then
in the 75th year of his age, with Sarai his wife,
and Lot his nephew, son of his deceased brother
Haran, pursued his course to the land of
Canaan, whither he was directed by divine com-
mand (Gen. xii. 5), when he received the gen-
eral promise that he should become the founder
of a great nation, and that all the families of
the earth should be blessed in him. He passed
through the heart of the country by the great
highway to Shechem, and pitched his tent be-
neath the terebinth of Moreh (Gen. xii. 6).
Here he received in vision from Jehovah the
further revelation that this was the land which
his descendants should inherit (xii. 7). An
altar to Jehovah perpetuated the memory of
this divine appearance. The next halting-place
of the wanderer was in a strong position on a
mountain cost of Bethel, twtwecn Bethel and
Ai, where another altar was reared (Gen. xii.
8). But the country was sufferin<; from fam-
ine, and Abram, like his descendants two cen-
turies later, finding neither pasture for his cat-
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ABRAHAM
8
ABRAHAM
tie nor food for his household, journeyed still
southwards to the rich corn-lands of Egypt.
As the caravan approached the entrance to the
country, Abram, fearing that the great beauty
of Sarai might tempt the powerful monarch of
Egypt and expose his own life to peril, adopted
a policy which, as on a subsequent occasion,
produced the very consequences it was intended
to avert. Sarai was to represent herself as his
sister, which her actual relationship to him, as
probably the daughter of his brother Uaran,
allowed her to do with some semblance of
truth. But her fresh northern beauty excited
the admiration of the swarth-skinncd Egyptians :
the princes of Pharaoh saw her and praised her
to the king, and she was taken into the royal
harem. Abram was loaded with munificent
presents, and the foundation of his subsequent
prosperity was apparently laid in Egypt. But
the deception was discovered, and Pharaoh with
some indignation dismissed him from the coun-
try (xii. 10-20). How long was the period of
Abram's stay in Egypt is uncertain. It is sup-
posed that he was there during the sway of the
Shepherd kings in Memphis, and that from par-
ticipating in their war of conquest he acquired
the favor of the reigning pnnce. But this is
mere conjecture, and the narrative in Genesis
would seem to imply that his residence in Egypt
was not protracted. — Abram left Egypt witli
great possessions, and, accompanied by Lot,
returned by the south of Palestine to his
former encampment between Bethel and Ai.
The increased wealth of the two kinsmen was
the ultimate cause of their separation. The
soil was not fertile enough to support them
both ; their herdsmen quarrelled ; and, to avoid
dissensions in a country where they were sur-
rounded by enemies, for " the Canaanite and
Perizzite were then in the land," Abram pro-
posed that each should follow his own fortune.
Lot, eager to quit the nomadic life, chose the
fertile plain of the Jordan, rich and well-watered
as the garden of Jehovah ; while Abram dwelt
in tents, a pilgrim in the land of promise. It
was on this occasion that the two promises he
had already received were reiterated in one.
From the hill-top where he stood he looked
northwards and southwards ami eastwards and
westwards upon the country hereafter to Iw
peopled by his numerous descendants. After
parting from Lot, Abram, strong in numbers
and wealth, quitted the hill-fastness between
Bethel and Ai, and pitched his tent among the
oak-groves of Mamre, close to Hebron, where
he built a third commemorative altar to Jeho-
vah (Gen. xiii.). — The narrative is now inter-
rupted bv a remarkable episode in Abram's life, j
which vividly represents him in the light in
which he was regarded by the contemporary \
rhieftains of Canaan. The chiefs of the tribes ]
who peopled the oasis of the .Ionian had been |
subdued in a previous irruption of northern |
warriors, and for twelve years had been the ;
tributaries of Chedorlttomcr, king of Elum. j
Their rebellion brought down upon Palestine
and the neighboring countries a fresh flood '
of invaders from the north-east, who swept '
through the regions east of the Jordan, and,
returning, joined battle with the revolted chief-
tains in the vale of Siddim. The king of Sod- I
om and his confederates were defeated, their
cities plundered, and a host of captives accom-
panied the victorious army of Chedorlaomer.
Among them were Lot and nis family. Abram,
then confederate with Mamre the Amorite and
his brethren, heard the tidings from a fugitive,
and, hastily arming his trusty slaves, started in
pursuit. He followed the track of the conquer-
ors along the Jordan valley, come up with them
by Dan, and in a night-attack completely routed
their host, and checked for a time the* stream
of northern immigration. The captives and
plunder were all recovered, and Abram was
greeted on his return by the king of Sodom,
and by Melcbizedck king of Salem, priest of
the Most High God, who mysteriously appears
upon the scene to bless the patriarch, and re-
ceive from him a tenth of the spoil. In this
episode, Abram " the Hebrew" (xiv. 13), a for-
eign chief, appears as a powerful emir with a
numerous following of retainers, living on terms
of equality with others like himself, who were
anxions to court the friendship of so formidable
an ally, and combining with the peaceful habits
of a pastoral life the same capability for warfare
which is characteristic of the Arab race. With
great dignity he refuses to enrich himself by
the results of his victory, and claims only a
share of the booty for his Amorite confederates,
to whom he apparently extends his protection
in return for permission to reside in their terri-
tory (Gen. xiv.). — During his residence at
Hebron, and while apprehending the vengeance
of the powerful king of Elam, the thrice-re-
pented promise that his descendants should
become a mighty nation and possess the land
in which he was a stranger, was confirmed with
all the solemnity of a religious ceremony (Gen.
xv.). A deep sleep fell upon Abram, and in
the horror of great darkness which shrouded
him as he watched the sacrifices, the future
destinies of his race were symbolized and re-
vealed with greater distinctness than heretofore.
Each revelation acquired greater definitcness
than the preceding. He is now assured that,
though childless, the heir of his wealth and the
inheritor of his blessing shall be no adopted
stranger, but the issue of his own loins. Ten
years had passed since, in obedience to the di-
vine command, he had left his father's honse,
and the fulfilment of the promise was apparently
more distant than at first. But his faith was
counted to him for righteousness, and when the
lamp of fire had passed between the fragments
of tne sacrifice, Abram entered into a covenant
with Jehovah (Gen. xv.). At the suggestion
of Sarai, who despaired of having children of
her own, he took as his concubine Hagar, her
Egyptian maid, who bare him Ishmael in the
SGth' year of his age (Gen. xvi.). [Hag ah ;
Ishmael.1 But this was not the accomplish-
ment of the promise. Thirteen years elapsed,
during which Abram still dwelt in Hebron,
when the last step in the revelation was made,
that the son of Sarai, and not Ishmael, should
inherit both the temporal and spiritual blessings.
The covenant was renewed, and the rite of cir-
cumcision established as its sign. This most
important crisis in Abram's life is marked bv the
significant change of his name to Abraham,
" father of a multitude ; " while his wife's from
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ABRAHAM
9
ABRAHAM
Sarai became Sarah. In hi* 99th year Abra-
ham was circumcised in accordance with the
divine command, together with Ishmael and all
the males of his household, as well the slaves
born in his house as those purchased from the
foreigner (Gen. xvii.). The promise that Sa-
rah should have a son was repeated in the re-
markable scene described in ch. xviii. Three
men stood before Abraham as he sat in his tent-
door in the heat of the day. The patriarch,
with true Eastern hospitality, welcomed the
strangers, and bade them rest and refresh them-
selves. The meal ended, they foretold the birth
of Isaac, and went on their way to Sodom.
Abraham accompanied them, and is represented
as an interlocutor in a dialogue with Jehovah,
in which he pleaded in vain to avert the ven-
geance threatened to the devoted cities of the
plain (xviii. 17-33). — In remarkable contrast
with Abraham's firm faith with regard to the
magnificent fortunes of his posterity stands the
incident which occurred during his temporary
residence among the Philistines in Gerar,
whither he had, for some cause, removed after
the destruction of Sodom. 1 Sarah's beauty
won the admiration of Abimelech, the king of
the country ; the temporizing polfcy of Abra-
ham produced the same results as before ; and
the narrative of ch. xx. is nearly a repetition
of that in ch. xii. 11-20. Abimelecb's digni-
fied rebuke taught him that he was not alone in
recognizing a God of justice. It is evident
from Gen. xxi. 32-34, that Abraham's pros-
perity had at this time made him a powerful
auxiliary , whom it was advisable for Abimelech
to conciliate and court, and his conduct there-
fore evidences a singular weakness of character
in one who was otherwise so noble and chival-
rous. — At length Isaac, the long-looked tor
child, was born. His birth was welcomed by
all the rejoicings which could greet the advent
of one whose future was of such rich promise.
Sarah's jealousy, aroused by the mockery of
Ishmael at the "great banquet" which Abra-
ham made to celebrate the weaning of her son
(Gen. xxi. 9), demanded that, with his mother
Hagar, be should be driven out (Gen. xxi. 10).
The patriarch reluctantly consented, consoled
by the fresh promise that Ishmael too should
become a great nation. But the severest trial
of bis faith was yet to come. For a long
period (25 years according to Joscphus) the
history is almost silent. The position which
Abraham held among the Philistines, during
his long residence among them, is indicated in
the narrative of Gen. xxi. 22-34. At length
be receives the strange command to take Isaac,
his only son, and oner him for a burnt-offering
at an appointed place. Such a bidding, in di-
rect opposition to the promptings of nature and
the divine mandate against the shedding of hu-
man blood, Abraham hesitated not to obey.
His faith, hitherto unshaken, supported him in
this final trial, " accounting that God was able
to raise up his son, even from the dead, from
whence also he received him in a figure " (Heb.
xi. 19) — probably the same faith to which our
Lord refers, that God promised to be the " God
of Isaac" (Gen. xvii. 19), and that he was not
1 Perhaps the Hittites had driven out the Amo-
dies from Hebron (cf. xxiit.).
a
a " God of the dead, but of the living." Tha
sacrifice was stayed by the angel of Jehovah,
the promise of spiritual blessing for the first
time repeated, 1 and Abraham with his son re-
turned to Beersheba, and for a time dwelt there
(Gen.xxii.]. But we find him after a few years
in his original residence at Hebron, for there
Sarah died (Gen. xxiii. 2), and was buried in
the cave of Machpelah, which Abraham pur-
chased of Ephron the Hittite, for the exorbitant
price of 400 shekels of silver. The grasping
character of Ephron and the generosity ot
Abraham are finely contrasted in the narrative
of Gen. xxiii. In the presence of the elders of
Heth, the field of Machpelah, with the cave
and trees that were in it, were made sure to
Abraham : the first instance on record of a legal
conveyance of property. The mosque at He-
bron is believed to stand upon the site of the
sepulchral cave. — The remaining years of
Abraham's life are marked by but few inci-
dents. In his advanced age he commissioned
the faithful steward of his house to seek a wife
for Isaac from the family of his brother Nahor,
binding him by the most solemn oath not to
contract an alliance with the daughters of the
degraded Canaan i tea among whom he dwelt
(Gen. xxiv.l. After Isaac's marriage with Re-
becca, and his removal to Lahai-roi, Abraham
took to wife Keturah, Ay whom he had six chil-
dren, Zimran, Jokshan Modan, Midian, Ishbok,
and Shuah, who became the ancestors of no-
madic tribes inhabiting the countries south and
south-east of Palestine. Keturah occupied a
position inferior to that of a legitimate wife,
and in 1 Chr. i. 32 is called the concubine of
Abraham. Her children, like Ishmael, were
dismissed with presents, and settled in the East
country during Abraham's lifetime, and Isaac
was left sole heir of his father's wealth. —
Abraham lived to see the gradual accomplish-
ment of the promise in the birth of his grand-
children Jacob and Esau, and witnessed their
growth to manhood (Gen. xxv. 26). Of his
lost years we possess no record. They appear
to have been passed in tranquillity, and at the
goodly age of 175 he was " gathered to his peo-
ple," and laid beside Sarah in the tomb of
Machpelah by his sons Isaac and Ishmael (Gen.
xxv. 7-10). — From the intimate communion
which Abraham held with the Almighty, he is
distinguished by the high title of " the ' friend '
of God " (2 Chr. xx. 7 ; Is. xli. 8 ; Jam. ii.
23) ; and El-Khalil, " the friend," is the appel-
lation by which lie is familiarlv known in the
traditions of the Arabs, who have given the
same name to Hebron, the place of his resi-
dence. — The legends which have been re-
corded of him are numerous. According to
Joscphus he taught the worship of one God to
the Chaldsenns, and instructed the Egyptians
and Phoenicians in astronomy and philosophy.
The Greek tradition related by Nicolans of
Damascus assigns to him the conquest of that
1 The promise, tbat " In his seed all nations
should be blessed," would be now understood very
differently, and felt to be far above the temporal
promise, In which, perhaps, at first It seemed to
be absorbed. It can hardly be wrong to refer pre-
eminently to this epoch the declaration, that
"Abraham saw the day of Christ and was glad"
(John vlii. 58).
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ABRAHAM
10
ABSALOM
Om {father of peace). 1. Third
vid by Maachan, daughter of TaJmai
eity, and names him as its fourth king. With
the help of Ishmael he is said to have rebuilt,
for the fourth time, the Kaaba over the sacred
black stone of Mecca. The Rabbinical legends
tell how Abraham destroyed the idols which his
father made and worshipped, and how he was
delivered from the fiery furnace into which he
was cast by Nimrod (see D'Herbelot, BM.
Orient. ; Weil, Biblical Legends ; Beer, Leben
Abraham's, &c.).
Abraham. [Abraham "
Ab'salom
son of David
king of Geshur, a Syrian district adjoining
the N. E. frontier of the Holy Land. He is
scarcely mentioned till after David had com-
mitted the great crime which by its consequen-
ces imbittered his old age, and then appears as
the instrument by whom was fulfilled God's
threat against the sinfnl king, that "evil should
be raised up against him out of his own house,
and that his neighbor should lie with his wives
in the sight of the sun." In the latter part of
.David's reign, polygamy bore its ordinary
fruits. Not only is his sin in the case of Bath-
sheba traceable to it, since it naturally suggests
the unlimited indulgence of the passions, but it
also brought about the punishment of that
sin, by raising up jealousies and conflicting
claims between the sons of different mothers,
each apparently living with a separate house
and establishment (2 Sam. xiii. 8; xiv. 24; cf.
1 K. vii. 8, &£.). Absalom had a sister, Tamar,
who was violated by her half-brother Amnon,
David's eldest son by Ahinoam the Jezreelitess.
The natural avenger of such an outrage would
be Tamer's full brother Absalom. He brooded
over the wrong for two years, and then invited
all the princes to a sheep-shearing feast at his
estate in Baal-hazor, on the borders of Ephraim
and Benjamin. Here he ordered his servants
to murder Amnon, and then fled for safety to
his grandfather's court at Geshur, where he re-
mained for three years. David was over-
whelmed by this accumulation of family sor-
rows, thus completed bv separation from his fa-
vorite son, whom he thought it impossible to
pardon or recall. But he was brought back by
an artifice of Joab, who sent a woman of Te-
koah to entreat the king's interference in an
imaginary case similar to Absalom's. Having
persuaded David to prevent the avenger of
blood from pursuing a young man who, she
said, had slain his brother, she adroitly applied
his assent to the recall of Absalom, and urged
him, as he had thus yielded the general princi-
ple, to "fetch home his banished." David did
so, but would not see Absalom for two more
rears, though he allowed him to live in Jerusa-
lem. At last wearied with delay, and perceiv-
ing that his exclusion from court interfered
with the ambitious schemes which he was form- j
ing, the impetuous young man sent his servants I
to bum a field of com near his own, belonging |
to Joab, thus doing as Samson had done
(Judg. xv. 4). Thereupon Joab, probably
dreading some further outrage from his violence, |
brought him to his father, from whom he re- I
ceived the kiss of reconciliation. Absalom now !
began at once to prepare for rebellion, urged to J
it partly by his own restless wickedness, partly ;
perhaps by the fear lest Bathsheba's child should
supplant him in the succession, to which h*
would feel himself entitled as being now Da-
vid's eldest surviving son, since we may infer
that the second son Chileab was dead, from no
mention being made of him after 2 Sam. iii. 3.
It is harder to account for his temporary suc-
cess, and the imminent danger which befell so
powerful a government as his father's. As Da-
vid grew older he may have become less atten-
tive to individual complaints, and to that per-
sonal administration of justice which was on*
of an Eastern king's chief duties. For Absa-
lom tried to supplant his father by courting
popularity, standing in the gate, conversing
with every suitor, lamenting the difficulty which
he would find in getting a hearing, "putting
forth his hand and kissing any man who came
nigh to do him obeisance. He also maintained
a splendid retinue (xv. 1), and was admired for
his personal beauty and the luxuriant growth
of his hair, on grounds similar to those which
had made Saul acceptable (1 Sam. x. 23). It
is probable too that the great tribe of Judah
had taken some offence at David's government,
perhaps from finding themselves completely
merged in one united Israel; and that they
hoped secretly for pre-eminence under the less
w'se and liberal rule of his son. Thus Absa-
lom selects Hebron, the old capital of Judah
(now supplanted by Jerusalem), as the scene of
the outbreak ; Amasa his chief captain, and
Ahithophel of Giloh his principal counsellor,
are both of Judah, and after the rebellion was
crushed we see signs of ill-feeling between Ju-
dah and the other tribes (xix. 41). But, what-
ever the causes may have l>een, Absalom raised
the standard of revolt at Hebron. The revolt
was at first completely successful ; David fled
from his capital over the Jordan to Mahanaim
in Gilead. Absalom occupied Jerusalem, and
by the advice of Ahithophel, who saw that for
such an unnatural rebellion war to the knife
was the best security, took possession of Da-
vid's harem, in which be had left ten concu-
bines. This was considered to imply a formal
assumption of all his father's royal rights
(comp. the conduct of Adonijah, 1 K. ii. 13
ff.), and was also a fulfilment of Nathan's
{irophecy (2 Sam. xii. 11). But David had
eft friends who watched over his interests. The
vigorous counsels of Ahithophel were after-
wards rejected through the crafty advice of
Hushai, who insinuated himself into Absalom's
confidence to work his ruin, and Ahithophel
himself, seeing his ambitious hopes frustrated,
went home to Giloh, and committed suicide.
At last, after being solemnly anointed king at
Jerusalem (xix. 10), and lingering there far
longer than was expedient, Absalom crossed
the Jordan to attack his father, who by this
time had rallied round him a considerable force,
whereas, had Ahithophel's advice been fol-
lowed, he would probably have been crushed at
once. A decisive battle was fought in Gilead,
in the wood of Ephraim. Here Absalom's
forces were totally defeated, and as he himself
was escaping, his long hair was entangled in
the branches of a terebinth, where he was left
hanging while the mule on which he was riding
ran away from under him. He was despatched
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ABSALON
11
ACELDAMA
by Joab in spits of the prohibition of David,
who, loving him to the last, had desired that
his life might be spared, and when he heard of
his death lamented over him in the pathetic
words, O my won Absalom ! would God I had
died far thee ! Absalom, my mm, my son .' He
was buried in a great pit in the forest, and the
conquerors threw stones over his grave, an old
proof of bitter hostility (Josh. ni. 26). The
sacred historian contrasts this dishonored burial
with the tomb which Absalom had raised in
the Kimft dale (comp. Gen. xir. 17) for the
three sons whom he nad lost (comp. 2 Sam.
xviii. 18, with xir. 27), and where he probably
had intended that his own remains should be
laid. Joscphus (Ant. vii. 10, §3) mentions the
pillar of Absalom as situate two stadia from
Jerusalem. An existing monument in the val-
ley of Jehoshaphat just outside Jerusalem bears
the name of the Tomb of Absalom; but the
Ionic pillars which surround its base show that
it belongs to a much later period, even if it be
a tomb at all. — 2. The father of Mattathias
(1 Mace xi. 70) and Jonathan (1 Mace xiii.
11).
Ab'Ulon, an ambassador with John from
the Jews to Lysias, chief governor of Coelo-
Syria and Phoenice (2 Mace. xi. 17). Ap.
Abuloua, father of Ptolemens, captain of
the plain of Jericho, and son-in-law to Simon
Maccabteus (xri. II, 15). Ap.
A'catan = Hakkatan (i Esdr. viii. 38).
Ap.
Ae'cad, one of the cities in the land of
Shinar — the others being Babel, Erech, and
Calneh — which were the beginning of Nim-
rod's kingdom (Gen. x. 10). Its position is
quite uncertain. — The theory deduced by Raw-
bnson from the latest Assyrian researches is,
that "Akkad" was the name of the "great
primitive Hamite race who inhabited Babylonia
from the earliest time." The name of the city
is believed to have been discovered in the in-
scriptions under the form Kinzi Akkad.
Ac'caron. IEkbos.) An.
Ac'cho (the Ptolemais of the Maccabees
and N. T.), now called Acca, or more usually
by Europeans, Saint Jean d'Acre, the most im-
portant seaport town on the Syrian coast,
about 30 miles S. of Tyre. It was situated on
a slightly projecting headland, at the northern
extremity of that spacious bay — the only inlet
of any importance along the whole sea-board
of Palestine — which is formed by the bold prom-
ontoryof Carruel on the opposite side. Inland
the hills, which from Tyre southwards press close
upon the sea-shore, gradually recede, leaving in
the immediate neighborhood of Accho a plain
of remarkable fertility about 6 miles broad, and
watered by the small river Belus (Nahr Na-
sidn), which discharges itself into the sea close
under the walls of the town : to the S.E. the
still receding heights afford access to the inte-
rior in the direction of Sepphoris. Accho, thus
favorably placed in command of the approaches
from the north, both by sea and land, has been
justly termed the " key of Palestine." — In the
division of Canaan among the tribes, Accho fell
to the lot of Asher, bnt was never wrested from
its original inhabitants ( Judg. i. 31 ) ; and
hence it is reckoned by the classical writers
among the cities of Phoenicia. No further
mention is made of it in the O. T. history, nor
does it appear to have risen to much impor-
tance until after the dismemberment of the*
Macedonian empire, when its proximity to the
frontier of Syria made it an object of frequent
contention. Along with the rest of Phoenicia
it fell to the lot of Egypt, and was named Pto-
lemois, after one of the Ptolemies, probably
Soter, who could not have failed to see its im-
portance to his dominions in a military point
of view. In the wars that ensued between
Syria and Egypt, it was taken by Antiochus
the Great, ana attached to his kingdom. It
is mentioned in the wars of the Maccabees
(1 Mace. v. 22, x. 39). On the decay of the
Syrian power it was one of the few cities of
Judaea which established its independence. Ul-
timately it passed into the hands of the Ro-
mans, who constructed a military road along
the coast, from Berytus to Sepphoris, passing
through it, and elevated it to the rank of a col-
ony. The only notice of it in the N. T. is in
connection with St. Paul's passage from Tyre
to Csssarea (Acts xxi. 7J. Few remains of
antiquity are to be found in the modern town :
the original name has alone survived all the
changes to which the place has been exposed.
Ac'COS, father of John and grandfather of
Eupolemus the ambassador from Judas Macca-
bseus to Rome (1 Mace. viii. 17). Ap.
AC'COS (1 Esd. v. 38). [Koz.l Ap.
Aceldama, "the field of blood;" the
name given by the Jews of Jerusalem to a
" field ' near Jerusalem purchased by Judsea
with the money which he received for the be-
trayal of Christ, and so called from his violent
death therein (Acts i. 19). This is apparently at
variance with the account of St. Matthew (xxvii.
8), according to which the " field of blood "
was purchased by the priests with the 30 pieces
of silver, after they had been cast down by Judas,
as a burial-place for strangers, the locality be-
ing well known at the time as " the field of the
Potter." 1 And accordingly ecclesiastical tra-
dition appears, from the earliest times, to have
pointed out two distinct spots as referred to in
the two accounts. Arculfus saw the " large fig-
tree where Judos hanged himself," certainly m
a different place from that of the " small field
(Aceldama) where the bodies of pilgrims were
buried." Sir John Maundeville found the
" e/dVr-trce " of Judas " fast by " the " image of
Absalom ; " but the Aceldama " on the other
side of Mount Sion towards the south." Mann-
droll's account agrees with this, and so docs
the large map of Schultz, on which both sites
are marked. The Aceldama still retains its
ancient position, but the tree of Judas has been
transferred to the " Hill of Evil Counsel " (Stan-
ley, S. frP. 105, 186). — The " field of blood "
is now shown on the steep southern face of the
valley or ravine of Hinnom, near its eastern
end, on a narrow plateau, more than half way
up the hillside. Its modern name is Hale ed-
damm. It is separated by no enclosure ; a few
venerable olive-trees occupy a part of it, and
i The prophecy referred to by St. Matthew, Zach-
ariah (not Jeremiah) xl. 12, 13, does not In the
present itate of the Heb. text agree with the quo-
tation of the Evangelist.
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ACHAIA
12
ACHSAH
the rest U covered by a ruined square edifice —
half built, half excavated — which, perhaps
originally a church, was in Maundrell's time in
use as a chamcl-house. It was believed in the
middle ages that the soil of this place had the
power of very rapidly consuming bodies buried
in it, and, in consequence either of this or of
the sanctity of the spot, great quantities of the
earth were taken away ; amongst others by the
Pisan crusaders in 1218 for their Campo Santo
at Pisa, and by the Empress Helena for that at
Rome. Besides the charnel-house above men-
tioned, there are several large hollows in the
ground in this immediate neighborhood which
may have been caused by such excavations.
The formation of the hill is cretaceous, and it
is well known that chalk is always favorable to
the rapid decay of animal matter.
Acna'ia signifies, in the N. T., a Roman
province, which included the whole of the Pel-
oponnesus and the greater part of Hellas proper
with the adjacent islands. This province, with
that of Macedonia, comprehended the whole of
Greece : hence Achaia and Macedonia are fre-
quently mentioned together in the N. T. to in-
dicate all Greece (Acts xviii. 12, xix. 21 ; Rom.
xv. 26, xvi. 25; 1 Cor. xvi. 15; 2 Cor. ii. 1,
ix. 2, xi. 10 ; I Thess. i. 7, 8). A narrow slip
of country upon the northern coast of Pelopon-
nesus was originally called Achaia, the cities of
which were confederated in an ancient League,
which was renewed in B.C. 280 for the purpose
of resisting the Macedonians. This League
subsequently included several of the other Gre-
cian states, and became the most powerful polit-
ical body in Greece ; and hence it was natural
for the Romans to apply the name of Achaia to
the Peloponnesus and the south of Greece, when
they took Corinth and destroyed the League in
B.C. 146. In the division of* the provinces by
Augustus between the emperor and the senate
in B.C. 27, Achaia was one of the provinces as-
signed to the senate, and was governed by a
proconsul. Tiberius in the second year of his
reign (a.d. 16) took it away from the senate,
and made it an imperial province governed by a
procurator; but Claudius restored it to the
senate. This was its condition when Paul was
brought before Gallio, who is therefore (Acts
xviii. 12) correctly called the " proconsul " of
Achaia, which is translated in the A. V. " de-
puty " of Achaia.
Aeha'ious, a name of a Christian (1 Cor.
xvi. 17, subscription v. 25).
A'chan (troublcr), an Israelite of the tribe
of Judah, who, when Jericho and all that it con-
tained were accursed and devoted to destruction,
secreted a portion of the spoil in his tent. For
this sin Jehovah punished Israel by their defeat
in their attack upon Ai. When Achan con-
fessed his guilt, and the booty was discovered,
he was stoned to death with his whole family
by the people in a valley situated between Ai
and Jericho, and their remains, together with
his property, were burnt. From this event the
valley received the name of Achor (i.e. trouble).
[Anion. | From the similarity of the name
Achan to Achor, Joshua said to Achan, " Why
host thou troubled us ? the Lord shall trouble
rhee this day" (Josh. vii. 25).
A'char = Achan (i ciir. ii. 7).
A'chaz = Ahaz, king of Judah (Matt. i. 9).
Achlbor. 1. Father of Baal-hanan, king
of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 38, 39; 1 Chr. i. 49).—
2. Son of Michaiah, a contemporary of Josiah
(2 K. xxii. 12, 14; Jer. xxvi. 22, xxxvi. 12),
called Abdok in 2 Chr. xxxiv. 20.
Aehiach'arus, chief minister at the court
of Sarchcdonus, or Esarhaddon, king of Nine-
veh, in the apocryphal history of Tobit (Tob.
i. 21, 22, ii. 10, xiv. 10). From the occurrence
of the name of Aman in the last passage, it hat
been conjectured that Achiacharus is but the
Jewish name of Mordecai, whose history sug-
gested some points which the author of the book
of Tobit worked up into his narrative ; but there
is no need to have recourse to such a supposi-
tion, as the discrepancies are much more
strongly marked than the resemblances. Ap.
Acni'as, son of Phinees; high-priest and
Erogenitorof Esdras (2 Esdr. i. 2), but omitted
oth in the genealogies of Ezr. and 1 Esd. He
is probably confounded with Ahijah, the son of
Anitub and grandson of Eli. Ap.
A'chim, son of Sadoc, and father of Eliud,
in our Lord s genealogy ; the fifth in succession
before Joseph, the husband of Mary (Matt. i.
14). The Hebrew form of the name would be
Jachin, which is a short form of Jehoiachin, the
Lord vrill establish.
A'chior, a general of the Ammonites in the
army of Holofernes, who is afterwards repre-
sented as becoming a proselyte to Judaism
(Jnd. v. vii. xiii. xiv.). Ap.
A'chish, a Philistine king of Gath, son of
Maoch, who in the title to the 34th Psalm is
called Abimelech. David twice found a refuge
with him when he fled from Saul. On the fiist
occasion, being recognized by the servants of
Achish as one celebrated for his victories over
the Philistines, he was alarmed for his safety,
and feigned madness (1 Sam. xxi. 10-13).
[David.] From Achish he fled to the cave of
A<1 ul lam. On a second occasion David fled to
Achish with 600 men (1 Sam. xxvi. 2), and re-
mained at Gath a year and four months. — .
Whether Achish, to "whom Shimei went in dis.
obedience to the commands of Solomon ( 1 K. it
40), be the same person, is uncertain.
Achi'tob = Ahitub, the high-priest (1
Esdr. viii. 2; 2 Esdr. i. 1), in the genealogy of
Esdras. Ap.
Ach'metha. [Ecbatana.1 Ap.
A'chor, Valley Of = " valley of trouble,"
according to the etymology of the text ; the
spot at which Achat", the " troubler of Israel,"
was stoned (Josh. vii. 24, 26). On the N.
honndnrv of Judah (xv. 7; also Is. Ixv. 10;
Hos. ii. 15).
Ach'sa (1 Chr. ii. 49). [Achsah.]
Ach'sah, daughter of Caleb, the son of
Jcphunneh the Kenczite. Her father promised
her in marriage to whoever should take DcUr.
Othnicl, her father's vounger brother, took that
city, and accordingly received the hand of
Achsah as his reward. Caleb, at his daughter's
request, added to her dowry the upper and lower
springs, which she had pleaded for as pecu-
liarly suitable to her inheritance in a south
country (Josh. xv. 15-19; Stanley's S. fr P.
p. 161). The story is repeated in Judg. i. Il-
ls. Achsah is mentioned again, as being the
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ACHSHAPH
13
ACTS
daughter of Caleb the son of Hezron, in 1 Chr.
ii. 49.
Ach'Bhaph, a city within the territory of
Asher, named between Beten and Alammelech
(Josh. xix. 25) ; originally the seat of a Canaan-
ite king Jxi. 1, xii. 20). It is possibly the
modern Kesaf, ruins bearing which name were
found by Robinson (iii. 55) on the N. W. edge
of the fluirJi. But more probably the name has
survived in Chaifa, a town which, from its situa-
tion, must always have been too important to
have escaped mention in the history, as it other-
wise would hare done.
Acb/sib. L A city of Judah in the She-
fclah, named with Keilah and Mareshab (Josh,
xv. 44 ; Mic. i. 14). It is probably the same
with Chezib and Chozeba, which see. — 2. A
town belonging to Asher (Josh. xix. 29), from
which the Canaanites were not expelled ( Judg.
i. 31 ) ; afterwards Ecdippo. It is now es-jiib,
on the sea-shore at the mouth of the Nahr Her-
dawil, 2 h. 20 m. N. of Acre (Robinson, iii.
628). After the return from Babylon Achzib
was considered by the Jews as the northernmost
limit of the Holy Land.
A'cipha (1 Esdr. r. 31). [Hakupha]
Ap.
Ac'itho (Jud. viii. 1 ; comp. 2 Esdr. i. 1).
Ap.
Acrabat'tine. [Akabattinb.] Ap.
Acts Of the Apostles, a second treatise
by the author of the third Gospel, traditionally
known as Luke (which see). The identity of the
writer of both books is strongly shown by their
great similarity in style and idiom, and the
usage of particular words and compound forms.
It must be confessed to be, at first sight, some-
what surprising that notices of the author are
so entirely wanting, not only in the book itself,
but also, generally, in the Epistles of St. Paul,
whom he must have accompaniol for some
years on his travels. But our sui prise is re-
moved when we notice the habit of the Apostle
with regard to mentioning his companions to
hare been very various and uncertain, and re-
member that no Epistles were, strictly speak-
ing, written by him while our writer was in his
company, before bis Roman imprisonment ; for
he does not seem to have joined him at Corinth
(Acts xviii.), where the two Epistles to the
Thessalonians were written, nor to have been
with him at Epheso* (ch. xix.), whence, per-
haps, the Epistle to the Galatians was written ;
nor again to have wintered with him at Corinth
(ch. xx. 3) at the time of his writing the Epis-
tle to the Romans, and, perhaps, that to the
Galatians. — The book commences with an in-
scription to one Thcophilus, who was probably
a man of birth and station. But its design
must not be supposed to be limited to the edi-
fication of Theophilus, whose name is prefixed
only, as was customary then as now, by way of
dedication. The readers were evidently in-
tended to be the members of the Christian
Church, whether Jews or Gentiles ; for its con-
tents are such as are of the utmost consequence
to the whole Church. They are The fulfilment
ofthe promise of the Father by the descent of the
Hohj Spirit, and the rendu of that outpouring, by
the dispersion of the Gospel among Jews and Gen-
tilts. Under these leading heads all the personal
and subordinate details may be ranged. Im-
mediately after the Ascension, St. Peter be-
comes the prime actor under God in the found-
ing of the Church. He is the centre of the first
great group of sayings and doings. The open-
ing of the door to Jews (ch. ii.) and Gentiles
(ch. x.) is his office, and by him, in good time,
is accomplished. But none of the existing
twelve Apostles were, humanly speaking, fitted
to preach the Gospel to the cultivated Gentile
world. To be by divine grace the spiritual con-
queror of Asia and Europe, God raised up an-
other instrument, from among the highly-edu-
cated and zealous Pharisees. The preparation of
Saul of Tarsus for the work to be done, the
progress, in his hand, of that work, his journcy-
mgs, preachings, and perils, his stripes and im-
prisonments, his testifying in Jerusalem and being
brought to testify in Rome, — these are the sub-
jects of the latter half of the book, of which the
great central figure is the Apostle Paul. — As to
the time when, and place at which, the book
was written, we are left to gather them entirely
from indirect notices. It seems most probable
that the place of writing was Rome, and the
time about two years from the date of St. Paul's
arrival there, as related in ch. xxviii. 30. Had
any considerable alteration in the Apostle's cir-
cumstances taken place before the publication,
there can be no reason why it should not have
been noticed. And on other accounts also this
time was by far the most likely for the publica-
tion of the book. The arrival in Rome was un
important period in the Apostle's lite : the quiet
which succeeded it seemed to promise no im-
mediate determination of his cause. A large
amount of historic material had been collected
in Judosa, and during the various missionary
journeys. Or, taking another and not less prob-
able view, Nero was beginning to undergo that
change for the worse which disgraced the latter
portion of his reign : none could tell how soon
the whole outward repose of Roman society
might be shaken, and the tacit toleration which
the Christians enjoyed be exchanged for bitter
persecution. If such terrors were imminent,
there would surely be in the Roman Church
prophets and teachers who might tell them of
the storm which was gathering, and warn them,
that the records lying ready for publication must
be given to the faithful before its outbreak or
event. — Such a priori considerations would, it
is true, weigh but little against presumptive
evidence furnished by the book itself; but ar.
rayed, as they are, in aid of such evidence, they
carry some weight, when we find that the time
naturally and fairly indicated in the book itself
for its publication is that one of all others at
which we should conceive that publication most
likely. — This would give us for the publication
the year 63 a.d., according to the most prob-
able assignment of the date of the arrival of
St. Paul at Rome. — The genuineness of the
Acts of the Apostles has ever been recognized
in the Church. It is first directly quoted in the
epistle of the churches of Lyons and Vienne to
those of Asia and Phrygia (a.d. 177); then re-
peatedly and expressly by Irenieus, Clement of
Alexandria, Tertullian, and so onwards. It
was rejected by the Marcionites (cent, iii.) and
Manichseans (cent. iv.)as contradicting some of
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ACUA
14
ADAM
their notions. — The text of the Acts of the
Apostles is very fall of various readings ; more
so than any other book of the N. T. To this
several causes may have contributed. In the
many backward references to Gospel history,
and the many anticipations of statements and
expressions occurring in the Epistles, tempta-
tions abounded for a corrector to try his hand
at assimilating, and, as he thought, reconciling,
the various accounts. In places where ecclesi-
astical order or usage was in question, inser-
tions or omissions were made to suit the habits
and views of the Church in after-times. Where
the narrative simply related facts, any act or
word apparently unworthy of the apostolic
agent was modified for the sake of decorum.
Where St. Paul repeats to different audiences,
or the writer himself narrates, the details of his
miraculous conversion, the one passage was
pieced from the other, so as to produce verbal
accordance. There are in this book an unusual
number of those remarkable interpolations of
considerable length, which are round in the
Codex Bez89 (D) and its cognates. A criticof
some eminence, Bomemann, believes that the
text of the Acts originally contained them all,
and has been abbreviated by correctors ; and he
has published an edition in which they are in-
serted in full. But, while some of them bear
an appearance of genuineness, the greater part
are unmeaning and absurd.
Ac ua = Akkub (1 Esdr. v. 30 ; cf. Ezr.
ii. 45). Ap.
A cub = Bakbuk (1 Esdr. v. 31 ; cf. Ezr.
ii. 51). Ap.
Aa'adah, one of the cities in the extreme
south of Judah named with Dimonah and Ke-
desh (Josh. xv. 22).
A'dah [ornament, beauty). 1. The first of
the two wives of Lamech, fifth in descent from
Cain, by whom were born to him Jabal and
Jubal (Gen. iv. 19). — 2. A Hittitess, daughter
of Elon, one of the three wives of Esau, mother
of his first-bom son Eliphaz, and so the ances-
tress of six (or seven) of the tribes of the Edom-
ites (Gen. xxxvi. 2, 10 ft". 15 ff.). In Gen.
xxvi. 34 she is called Bashkmath.
Adai'ah. 1. Maternal grandfather of king
Josiah, and native of Boscath in the lowlands
of Judah (2 K. xxii. 1 ). — 2. A Levite, of the
Gcrshonite branch, and ancestor of Asaph
(1 Chr. vi. 41 ). In v. 31 he is called Iddo. —
8. A Benjamite, son of Sbimhi (1 Chr. viii.
21), who is apparently the same as Shema in
v. 13. —4. A priest, son of Jehonun (1 Chr. ix.
12; Neh. xi. 12). — 6. Ancestor of Maaseiah,
one of the captains who supported Jehoiada
(2 Chr. xxiii. 1 ). — 6. One of the descendants
of Bani who had married a foreign wife after
the return from Babylon (Ezr. x. 29). He is
called Jbdeus in 1 Esdr. ix. 30. — 7. The
descendant of another Bani, who had also taken
a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 39). — 8. A man of Ju-
dah, of the line of Pharez (Neh. xi. 5).
Adal'ia, fifth son of Haman (Esth. ix. 8).
Adam, the name which is given in Scrip-
ture to the first man. The term apparently
has reference to the ground from which he was
formed, which is called in Hebrew Adamah.
The idea of redneu of color seems to be inhe-
rent in either word. The creation of man was
the work of the sixth day. His formation was
the ultimate object of the Creator. It was with
reference to him that all things were designed.
He was to be the "roof and crown" of the
whole fabric of the world. In the first nine
chapters of Genesis there appear to be three
distinct histories relating more or less to the
life of Adam. The first extends from Gen. i. 1
to ii. S, the second from ii. 4 to iv. 26, the third
from v. 1 to the end of ix. The word at the
commencement of the two latter narratives,
which is rendered there and elsewhere genera-
tiont, may also be rendered history. The style
of the second of these records differs very con-
siderably from that of the first. In the first the
Deity is designated by the word Elohim ; in the
second He is generally spoken of as Jehovah
Elohim. The object of the first of these narra-
tives is to record the creation ; that of the sec-
ond to give an account of paradise, the original
sin of man, and the immediate posterity of
Adam; the third contains mainly the history
of Noah, referring, it would seem, to Adam and
his descendants principally in relation to that
patriarch. — The Mosaic accounts furnish us
with very few materials from which to form any
adequate conception of the first man. He is
said to have been created in the image and like-
ness of God, which probably points to the Di-
vine pattern and archetype after which man's
intelligent nature was fashioned; reason, un-
derstanding, imagination, volition, &c., being
attributes of God ; and man alone of die ani-
mals of the earth being possessed of a spiritual
nature which resembles God's nature. The
name Adam was not confined to the father of
the human race, but like homo was applicable to
woman as well as man, so that we find it said in
Gen. v. 1, 2, " This is the book of the ' history '
of Adam in the day that God created ' Adam,'
in the likeness of God made He him, male and
female created He them, and called their name
Adam in the day when they were created." —
The man Adam was placed in a garden which
the Lord God had planted " eastward in Eden,"
for the purpose of dressing it and keeping it.
I Eden.] Adam was permitted to eat of the
fruit of every tree in the garden but one, which
was called the " tree of the knowledge of good
and evil." What this was, it is impossible to
say. Its name would seem to indicate that it
had the power of bestowing the consciousness
of the difference between good and evil ; in the
ignorance of which man's innocence and happi-
ness consisted. The prohibition to taste the
fruit of this tree was enforced by the menace of
death. There was also another tree which was
called " the tree of life." Some suppose it to
have acted as a kind of medicine, and that by
the continual use of it our first parents, not
created immortal, were preserved from death.
(Abp. Whately.) While Adam was in the gar-
den of Eden the beasts of the field and the
fowls of the air were brought to him to be
named, and whatsoever he called every living
creature that was the name thereof. Thus the
power of fitly designating objects of sense was
possessed by the first man, a faculty which is
generally considered as indicating mature and
extensive intellectual resources. Upon the fail-
ure of a companion suitable for Adam among
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ADAM
16
ADDER
the creature* tbtu brought to him to be named,
die Lord God caused a deep sleep to (all upon
him, and took one of hi* ribs from him, which
He fashioned into a woman and brought her to
the man. At this time they are both described
as being naked without the consciousness of
shame — Such is the Scripture account of
Adam prior to the Fall. The first man is a
One man, with the powers of a man and the
innocence of a child. He is moreorer spoken
of by St. Paul aa being " the figure of Him
that was co come," the second Adam, Christ
Jesus (Rom. r. 14). By the subtlety of the ser-
pent, the woman who was given to be with
Adam was beguiled into a violation of the one
cununand which had been imposed upon them.
She took of the fruit of the forbidden tree and
gave it to her husband. The propriety of its
name was immediately shown in the results
which followed : self-consciousness was the first-
fruits of sin ; their eyes were opened and they
knew that they were naked. Though the curso
of Adam's rebellion of necessity feu upon him,
yet the very prohibition to eat of the tree of life
after his transgression was probably a manifes-
tation of Divine mercy, because the greatest
malediction of all would have been to have the
gift of indestructible life superadded to a state
of wretchedness and sin. — Adam is stated to
have lived 930 years : so it would seem that the
death which resulted from his sin was the spirit-
ual death of alienation from God. " In the day
that thou eatest thereof thon shalt surely die :
and teeordingly we find that this spiritual death
began to work immediately. — The sons of
Adam mentioned in Scripture are Cain, Abel,
and Seth : it is implied, however, that he had
others.
Adam, a city on the Jordan "beside Zare-
tan," in the time of Joshua (Josh. iii. 16). It
is not elsewhere mentioned.
Ad' amah, one of the " fenced cities " of
Naphtali, named between Chinnereth and Ra-
man (Josh. xix. 36). It was probably situ-
ated to the N.W. of the Sea of Galilee, but no
trace of it has yet been discovered.
Adamant, the translation of the Hebrew
word Shamir in Ex. iii. 9 and Zech. vii. 13. In
Jer. xvii. 1 it is translated " diamond." In
toese three passages the word is the representa-
tive of some stone of excessive hardness, and is
used metaphoricaUv. Our English Adamant is
derived from the Greek, and signifies " the un-
conquerable,'' in allusion perhaps to the hard
nature of the substance indicated, because it
was supposed to be indestructible by fire. The
Greek writers generally apply the word to some
very hard metal, perhaps steef, though they also
use it for a mineral. Nor does the English
language attach any one definite meaning to
Adamant ; sometimes indeed we understand the
diamond 1 by it, but the term is often used
vaguely to express any substance of impenetra-
ble hardness. That some hard cutting stone is
intended in the Bible U evident from the pas-
sage in Jeremiah (xvii. 1) : — "The sin of Ju-
dan is written with a pen of iron and with the
point of a diamond." Since the Hebrews ap-
1 Our Enatandfeiatawrf Is ineferr a corruption of
idamamt. Cf. toe French iM amam it , and German
pear to have been unacquainted with the true
diamond, it is very probable, from the expres-
sion in Ex. iii. 9, of "adamant harder than flint,"
that by Shamir is intended some variety of
Corundum, a mineral inferior only to the dia-
mond in hardness. Of this mineral there are
two principal groups — one is crystalline, the
other granular ; to the crystalline varieties be-
long the indigo-blue sapphire, the red oriental
ruby, the yellow oriental topaz, the green ori-
ental emerald, the violet oriental amethyst, the
brown adamantine spar. Bat it is to the gran-
ular or massive variety that the Shamir may
with most probability be assigned. This 1*
known by the name of Emery, which is exten-
sively used in the arts for polishing and cutting
gems and other hard substances. The Greek
name for the emery-stone or the emery-powder
is Smyrig or Smiru, and the Hebrew lexicog-
raphers derive this word from the Hebrew
Shamir. There seems to be no doubt whatever
that the Hebrew and Greek words are identical,
and that by Adamat* we are to understand the
emery-ttone, or the mi-crystalline variety of the
Corundum of mineralogists.
Ad'ami, a place on the border of Naphtali,
mentioned after Allon Bezaanannim (Josh,
xix. 33). In the post-biblical times Adami bore
the name of Damin.
Ad'ar, a place on the south boundary of
Palestine and of Judah (Josh. xv. 3), whicn in
the parallel list is called Hazib-addak.
A'dar. [Months.]
Ad'asa, a place in Judasa, a day's Journey
from Gazera, and 30 stadia from Bethhoron
(Jos. Ant, xii. 10, §5). Here Judas Macca-
beus encamped before the battle in which
Nicanor was killed, Nicanor having pitched at
Bethhoron (1 Mace. vii. 40, 45). A p.
Ad'beel, A son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 19 ;
1 Chr. i. 29), and probably the progenitor of
an Arab tribe.
Ad'dan, one of the places from which some
of the captivity returned with Zerubbabel to
Judasa who could not show their pedigree as
Israelites (Ezr. ii. 59). In the parallel lists of
Nehemiah (vii. 61) and Esdras the aacte is
Addon and Aalar.
Ad'dar, son of Bela (1 Chr. viii. 3), called
Ann in Num. xxvi. 40.
Adder. This word is used for any poison-
ous snake, and is applied in this general sense by
the translators of the A. V. They use in a simi-
lar way the synonymous term asp. The wotd
adder occurs five times in the text of the A V.
(see below), and three times in the margin as
synonymous with cockatrice, viz. Is. xi. 8, xiv. 39,
lix. 5. It represents four Hebrew words: — 1,
Acshib is found only in Ps. cxl. 3 : " They hava
sharpened their tongues like a serpent, adder's
poison is under their lips." The latter hal f of
this verse is quoted by St. Paul from the LAX,
in Rom. iii. 13. The poison of venomous ser-
pents is often employed by the sacred writers, in
a figurative sense, to express the evil tempers of
ungodly men.— The number of poisonous ser-
pents with which the Jews were acquainted was
m all probability limited to some five or six
species [Serpent] ; and as there are reason-
able grounds for identifying Pethen and SbqrM-
phtn with two well-known species, viz. the
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ADDI
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ADONUAH
Eyptian Cobra and the Horned Viper, it U not
improbable that the Acshib may be represented
by the Toxicoa of Egypt and North Africa.
At any rate it is unlikely that the Jews should
have been unacquainted with this species, which
is common in Egypt and probably in Syria :
the EchU areniccEx, therefore, for such is this
adder's scientific name, may be identical, as in
name so in reality, with the animal signified by
the Hebrew Aalvb. — 2. Pethen. [Asp. J — 8.
Tsephd, or Tripnori, occurs five times in the
Hebrew Bible. In Prov. xxiii. 32 it is trans-
lated adder, and in Is. xi. 8, xiv. 29, lix. 5, Jer.
viii. 17, it is rendered cockatrice. From Jere-
miah we learn that it was of « hostile nature,
and from the parallelism of Is. xi. 8 it appears
that the Tsiphoni was considered even more
dreadful than the Pethen. It is possible that
the Tsiphoni may be represented by the Al-
gerine adder ( Ctotho mauritanica), but it must
be confessed that this is mere conjecture. — 4.
Shephiphon occurs only in Gen. xlix. 17, where it
is used to characterize the tribe of Dan : " Dan
shall be a serpent by the way, an adder in the
path, that biteth the horse's heels, so that his
rider shall fall backward." The habit of lurk-
ing in the sand and biting at the horse's heels,
here alluded to, suits the character of a well-
known species of venomous snake, and helps us
to identify it with the celebrated horned viper,
the asp of Cleopatra (Cerastes Hassekjuistii),
which is found abundantly in the dry sandy des-
erts of Egypt, Syria, and Arabia. — The Ce-
rastes is extremely venomous ; Bruce compelled
a specimen to scratch eighteen pigeons upon
the thigh as quickly as possible, and thev nil
died nearly in the same interval of time. This
species averages from 12 to 15 inches in length,
but occasionally larger individuals are found.
Ad'di. 1. (Luke iii. 28.) Son of Cosam,
and father of Mclchi, in our lord's genealogy ;
the third above Salathiel. — 2. The name oc-
curs in a very corrupt verse of 1 Esd. ix. 31,
and has apparently no equivalent in Ezr. x.
Ad'do = Iddo ( 1 Esd. vi. 1 ). Ap.
Addon. IAbdan.]
Ad'dllS. 1. The sons of Addus arc enu-
merated among the sons of the servants of
Solomon in I Esd. v. 34 ; but the name does
not occur in Ezr. ii. or Nch. vii. — 2. A priest,
whose descendants, according to 1 Esd., were
nnable to establish their genealogy in the time
of Ezra, and were removed from their priest-
hood (1 Esd. v. 38). He is there said to have
married Augia, the daughter of Berzelus, or
Barzillai. In Ezra and Nehemiali he is called
by his adopted name Barzillai, and it is not
clear whether Addus represents his original
name or is a mere corruption. Ap.
A'der, a Benjamite, son of Beriah, chief of
the inhabitants of Aijalon (1 Chr. viii. 15).
The name is more correctly Edcr.
Ad'ida, a town on an eminence overlook-
ing the low country of Judah, fortified by
Simon Maccabams in his wars with Tryphon
(1 Mace. xii. 38, xiii. 13). Probably identical
with Hadid and Adithaim (which see). Ap.
A'diel. 1. A prince of the tribe of Simeon,
descended from the prosperous family of Shimei
(1 Chr. iv. 36). He took part in the murder-
ous raid made by his tribe upon the peaceable
Hamite shepherds of the valley of Gedor in the
reign of Hczekiah. — 2. A priest, ancestor of
Maasiai (1 Chr. ix. 12). — 3. Ancestor of Az-
maveth, David's treasurer ( 1 Chr. xxvii, 25).
A din, ancestor of a family who returned
with Zcrubbabel, to the number of 454 (Ezr. ii.
15), or 655 according to the parallel '' > "eh!
vii. 20. Fifty-one more accompanied hzra in
the second caravan from Babylon (Ezr. viii. 6).
They joined with Nehemiah in a coy,- -nt to
separate themselves from the heath''!)' (Sch. x.
16).
Ad'ina, one of David's captains bevond the
Jordan, and a chief of the Rcubcnites (1 Chr.
xi. 42). According to the A. V. and the Syr.
he had the command of thirty men ; but the
passage should be rendered " and over him were
thirty," i.e. the thirty before enumerated were his
superiors, just as Benaiah (I Chr. xxvii.) was
" above the thirty."
Adi no, the Eznite, 3 Sam. xxiii. 8.
See Jashobeam.
Ad in us = Jamin, the Lcvite (1 Esd. ix.
48; cf. Nch. viii. 7). Ap.
Adithaim, a town belonging to Judah,
lying in the low country (Shefelah), and named,
between Sharaim and hag-Gederah, in Josh,
xv. 36 only. At a later time the name appears
to have been changed to Hadid (Chadid) and
Adida.
Adjuration. [Exorcism.]
Adla'i, ancestor of Shaphat, the overseer
of David's herds that 1 ■<i in the broad valleys
(1 Chr. xxvii. 29).
Ad'mah, one of the '* cities of the plain,"
always coupled with Zeboim (Gen. x. 19, xiv.
2, 8 ;' Dcut. xxix. 23 ; Hos. xi. 8). It had a
king of its own.
Ad'matha, one of the seven princes of
Persia (Esth. i. 14). y "-
Ad'na. 1. One of the family " r ,"7- * .uh-
Moab who returned with Ezra. • :'',;' Irricd a
foreign wife (Ezr. x. 30) —'3. A- ''priest, de-
scendant of Hnrim in the r^M'of Joiakim, the
son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. i!}-
Ad'nah. 1. A M»' assite who deserted
from Saul and joined the fortunes of David on
his road to Ziklag from the camp of the Philis-
tines. He was captain of a thousand of his
tribe, and fought at David's side in the pursuit
'of the Amalekites (1 Chr. xii. 20). — 2. The
captain over 300,000 men of Judah who were
in Jehoshaphat's army (2 Chr. xvii. 14).
Ado'ni-Be'zek {lord of Besek), king of
Bezek, a city of the Canaanites. [Bezek.J
This chieftain was vanquished by the tribe of
Judah (Judg. i. 3-7), who ut off his thumbs
and great toes, and brou fe ..t 'him prisoner to
Jerusalem, where he died. He confessed that
he had inflicted the same c. y upon seventy
petty kings whom he had conquered.
Adoni'jah (my Lord is Jehovah). 1. The
fourth son of David by Haggith, born at
Hebron, while his father was king of Judah (2
Sam. iii. 4). After the death of his three bro-
thers, Amnon, Chileab, and Absalom, he be-
came eldest son ; and when his father's strength
was visibly declining, put forward his preten-
sions to the crown. David promised Batnsheba
that her son Solomon should inherit the suc-
cession (1 K. i. 30), for there was no absolute-
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ADOPTION
17
ADORATION
claim of primogeniture in these Eastern mon-
archies. Adouijah's cause was espoused by
Abiathar and Joab, the famous commander of
David's army. [Joab.] His mime and in-
fluence secured a large number of followers
nmjin. ^j captains of the royal army belong-
ing '^%ne, tribe of Judah (comp. 1 K. i. 9 and
25) ; aud these, together with all the princes
except Solomon, were entertained by Adonijah
at a t sacrificial feast held "by the stone
Zoheleth, which is by En-rogcl." [Enrogel.]
Nathan and Bathsheba, now thoroughly
alarmed 1 , apprised David of these proceedings,
who immediately gave orders that Solomon
should be conducted on the royal mule in solemn
5 recession to Gihon, a spring on the W. of
crusalem(2 Chr. xx.xii.30). IGiuon.] Here
he was anointed and proclaimed king by Zadok,
and joyfully recognized by the people. This
<l«A<iTC measure struck terror into the opposite
partv, and Adon-iah fled to sanctuary, but was
pardoned by Solomon on condition that he
should " show himself a worthy man," with the
threat that " if wickedness were found in him
he shonld die" (i. 52). The death of David
quickly followed on these events ; and Adoni-
jah begged Bathsheba, who as " king's moth-
er" would now have special dignity and influ-
ence [Asa], to procure Solomon's consent to
his marriage with Abishag, who had been the
wile of David in his ojd age ( I K. i. 3). This
was regarded as equivalent to a fresh attempt
on the throne [Absalom ; Abneb] ; and there-
fore Solomon ordered him to be put to death
by Benaiah, in accordance with the terms of
his previous pardon. — 2. A Levite in the reign
of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 8). — 8. (Neh. x.
16). [Adonikam.1
* 'tonilcam. The sons of Adonikam, 666
in ■">■■. were among those who returned
from b. -> with Zerubbabet (Ezr. ii. 13;
Neh. vii. .. ; . ■ d. v. 14). In the last two
passages the n>- h is 667. The remainder
of the family reto ( ,with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 13 ;
1 Esd. viii. 39). Tr-e^name is given as Adoni-
jah in Neh. x. 16. .
Adoni'ram (1 K. iv. 6; by an unusual
contraction Adobam, 2 Sam. xx. 24, and 1 K.
xii. 18; also H adobam, 2 Chr. x. 18), chief
receiver of the tribute during the reigns of
David (2 Sam. xx. 24), Solomon (1 K. iv. 6),
and Rehoboam (I K. xii. 18). This last mon-
arch sent him to collect the tribute from the
rebellious Israelites, by whom he was stoned to
death.
Ado ni-Ze'dek Ityrd ofjwaice). the Amo-
rite king of Jeruyalvpa who organized a league
with four other Amorite princes against Joshua.
The confederate , .^juss having laid siege to
Gibeon, Joshua marched to the relief of his
new allies and put the besiegers to flight. The
five kings took refuge in a cave at Makkcdah,
whence they were taken and slain, their bodies
hung on trees, and then buried in the place of
their concealment (Josh. x. 1-27). (Joshua.]
Adoption, an expression metaphorically
used by St. Paul in reference to the present and
prospective privileges of Christians (Rom. viii.
IS, 23 ; Gal. iv. 5 ; Eph. i. S). He probably
allndcs to the Roman custom of adoption, by
which a person, not having children of his own,
3
might adopt as his son one born of other
parents. The effect of it was that the adopted
child was entitled to the name and sacra prtvata
of his new father, and ranked as bis heir-at-law :
while the father on his part was entitled to the
property of the son, and exercised towards him
all the rights and privileges of a father. In
short the relationship was to all intents and
purposes the same as existed between a natural
father and sou. The selection of a person to
be adopted implied a decided preference and
lore on the part of the adopter : and St. Paul
aptly transfers th>; well-known feelings and cus-
toms connected with the act to illustrate the
position of the Christianized Jew or Gentile.
The Jews themselves were unacquainted with
the process of adoption : indeed it would have
been inconsistent with the regulations of the
Mosaic law affecting the inheritance of prop-
erty : the instances occasionally adduced as
referring to the custom ( Gen. xv. 3, xvi. 2, xxx.
5-9) are evidently not cases of adoption proper.
Ado'ra or Ador. [Adobaim.J
Adora'im, a fortified city built by Reho-
boam (2 Chr. xi. 9), in Judah, apparently in
or near the Shefelah, since, although omitted
from the lists in Josh, xv., it is by Josephus al-
most uniformly coupled with Mareshah, which
was certainly situated there. Adoraim is prob-
ably the same place with Adora ( 1 Mace. xiii.
20), unless that be Dor, on the seacoast below
Carmel. Robinson identifies it with Dura, a
" large village " on « rising ground west of
Hebron (ii. 215).
Ado'ram. [Auoniram ; Hadoham, 3.]
Adoration. The acts and postures by
which the Hebrews expressed adoration bear a
great similarity to those still in use among
Oriental nations. To rise up and suddenly
prostrate the body was the most simple method ;
out, generally speaking, the prostration was
conducted in a more formal manner, the person
falling upon the knee and then gradually in-
clining the body until the forehead touchea the
ground. Such prostration was usual in the
worship of Jehovah (Gen. xvii. 3 ; Ps. xcv. 6).
But it was by no means exclusively used for
that purpose ; it was the formal mode of re-
ceiving visitors (Gen. xviii. 2), of doing obei-
sance to one of superior station (2 Sam. xiv
4), and of showing respect to equals (1 K. ii.
19). Occasionally it was repeated three times
(1 Sam. xx. 41), and cvn seven times (Gen.
xxxiii. 3). It was accompanied by such acts
as a kiss (Ex. xviii. 7), laying hold of the knees
or feet of the person to whom the adoration
was paid (Matt, xxviii. 9), and kissing the
ground on which he stood (Ps. lxxii. 9 ; Mie.
vii. 17). Similar adoration was paid to idols
(1 K. xix. 18) : sometimes however prostration
was omitted, and the act consisted simply in
kissing the hand to the object of reverence (Job
xxxi. 27), and in kissing the statue itself (Hos.
xiii. 2). The same customs prevailed at the
time of our Saviour's ministry, as appears not
only from the numerous occasions on which
they were put in practice towards Himself, but
also from tne parable of the unmerciful sen-ant
(Matt, xviii. 26), and from Cornelius's rever-
ence to St. Peter (Acts x. 25), in which case it
was objected to by the Apostle, as implying a
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ADR1A
18
ADULTERY
higher degree of superiority than be was en-
titled to, especially as coming from a Roman,
to whom prostration was not usoaL
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Adrtun'melech. 1. The name of an idol
Introduced into Samaria by the colonists from
Sepharvaim (2 K. xvii. 31). He was wor-
shipped with rites resembling those of Molech,
children being burnt in his honor. The first
part of the word probably means fire. Sir II.
Rawlinson regards Adrammelech as the male
power of the sun, -and Axammelech, who is
mentioned with Adrammelech as a companion-
god, as the female power of the sun ( Rawlin-
son 's Herodotus, i. 611). — 2. Son of the As-
syrian king Sennacherib, whom, in conjunction
with his brother Sharczer, he murdered in the
temple of Nisroch at Nineveh, after the failure
of the Assyrian attack on Jerusalem. The
parricides escaped into Armenia (2 K. xix. 37 ;
2 Chr. xxxii. 21 ; Is. xxxvii. 38). The date
of this event was b.c. 680.
■ Adramyf tium, a seaport in the province
of Asia [Asia], situated in the district ancient-
ly called JEo\i», and also Mysia (see Acts xvi.
7). Adramyttium gave, and still gives, its name
to a deep gulf on this coant, opposite to the
opening of which is the island of Lesbos. (Mit-
tleneJ St. Paul was never at Adramyttium,
except perhaps during his second missionary
journey, on his way from Galium to Troas
(Acts xvi.), and it has no Biblical interest, ex-
cept as illustrating his voyage from Csesarea in
a ship belonging to this place (Acts xxvii. 2).
Ships of Adramyttium must have been fre-
quent on this coast, for it was a place of con-
siderable traffic. It lay on the great Roman
road between Assos, Troas, and the Hellespont
on one side, and Pcrgamus, Ephesus, and Mi-
letus on the other, and was connected by
similar roads with the interior of the country.
The modem Adramyti is a poor village, but it
is still a place of some trade and ship-building.
A'dria, more properly Adrias. It is im-
portant to fix the meaning of this word as used
In Acta xxvii. 27. The word seems to have
been derived from the town of Adria, near the
Po; and at first it denoted the part of the gulf of
Venice which is in that neighborhood. After-
wards the signification of the name was ex-
tended, so as to embrace the whole of that gulf.
Subsequently it obtained a much wider exten-
sion, and in the apostolic age denoted that
natural division of the Mediterranean which
HumboMt names the Syrtic basin (see Acts
xxvii. 17),.,uU which bad the coasts of Sicily,
Italy, Greece, and Africa for its boundaries.
This definition is explicitly given by almost m
contemporary of St. Paul, the geographer Pto-
lemy, wno also says that Crete is bounded on the
west by Adrias. Later writers state that Malta
divides the Adriatic sea from the Tyrrhenian
sea, and the isthmus of Corinth the JEgean
from the Adriatic. Thus the ship in which Jo-
sephus started for Italy about the time of St.
Paul's voyage foundered in Adrias (Life, 3),
and there he was picked up by a ship from
Cyrene and taken to Pnteoh (see Acts xxviii.
13). It is through ignorance of these facts, or
through the want of attending to them, that
writers have drawn an argument from this geo-
graphical term in favor of the false view which
places the apostle's shipwreck in the gulf of
Venice. [Melita.]
A'driel, a son of Barzillai the Mchohuhite,
to whom Saul gave his daughter Mcrab, al-
though he had previously promised her to
David (1 Sam. xviii. 19). His five sons were
amongst the seven descendants of Saul whom
David surrendered to the Gibeonites (2 Sam.
xxi. 8) in satisfaction for the endeavors of
Saul to extirpate them, although the Israelite*
had originally made a league with them (Josh,
ix. 15). In 2 Sam. xxi. they are called tha
sons of Michal ; but as Michal hod no children
(2 Sam. vi. 23), the A. V., in order to sur-
mount the difficulty, erroneously translates the
Hebrew word " brought up " instead of " bare."
The margin also gives " the sister of Michal "
for " Michal." Probably the error is due to
some early transcriber.
A'dueL a Naphtalite, ancestor of Tobit
(Tob. i. 1).
Adullam, Apocr. Odollam, a city of
Judah in the lowland of the Shefelah, Josh. XT.
35 (comp. Gen. xxxviii. 1, "Judah went down,''
and Micah i. 15, where it is named with Ma.
reshoh and Achzib) ; the seat of a CanoaniU
king (Josh. xii. 15), and evidently a place of
great antiquity (Gen. xxxviii. 1, 12,20): for-
tified by Rchoboam (2 Chron. xi. 7), one of tha
towns re-occupied by the Jews after their return
from Babylon (Nch. xi. 30), and still a city in
the times of the Maccabee^2 Mace. xii. 38). —
The site of Adullam has not yet been iden-
tified, but from the mention of it in the passages
quoted above in proximity with other known
towns of the Shefelah, it is likely that it was near
Dtir Dubbdn, 5 or 6 miles N. of Eleutheropolis.
The limestone clifis of the whole of that local-
ity are pierced with extensive excavations,
some one of which is doubtless the "cave of
Adullam," the refuge of David (1 Sam. xxii. 1;
2 Sam. xxiii. 13; 1 Chr. xi. 15). Monastic
tradition places the cave at KhSreit&n, at the
south end of the Wady Urtdt, between Bethle-
hem and the Dead Sea.
Adullamite. a native of Adullam (Gen.
xxxviii. 1, 12, 20).
Adultery. The parties to this crime
were a married woman and a man who was not
her husband. The toleration of polygamy, in-
deed, renders it nearly impossible to make
criminal a similar offence committed by a mar-
ried man with a woman not his wife. In tha
patriarchal period the sanctity of marriage is
noticeable from the history of Abraham, who
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ADULTER V
19
AGABA
fears, not that his wife wfll be seduced from
him, bat that he may be killed for her sake,
and especially from the scruples ascribed to
Pharaoh and Abimelech (Gen. xii., xx.). The
woman's punishment, as commonly amongst
Eastern nations, was no doubt capital, and prob-
ably, as in the case of Tamar's unchastity,
death by fire (xxxviii. 34). The Mosaic pen-
ilty was that both the guilty parties should be
no'ned, and it applied as well to the betrothed
as to the married woman, provided she were free
(Dent. xxii. 22-34). A bondwoman so offend-
ing was to be scourged, and the man was to
make a trespass offering (Lev. xix. 20-23). —
The system of inheritances, on which the polity
of Moses was based, was threatened with con-
fusion by the doubtful offspring caused by this
crime, and this secured popular sympathy on
the side of morality until a far advanced stage
of corruption was reached. It is probable that,
when that territorial basis of polity passed
away — as it did after the captivity — and
when, owing to Gentile example, the marriage
tie became a looser bond of union, public feel-
ing in regard to adultery changed, and the
penalty of death was seldom or never inflicted.
Thus, "in the case of the woman brought under
our Lord's notice (John viii.), it is likely that
no one then thought of stoning her in fact,
though there remained the written law ready
for the purpose of the caviller. It is likely also
that a divorce, in which the adulteress lost her
dower and rights of maintenance, &c., was the
usual remedy, suggested by a wish to avoid
scandal and the excitement of commiseration
for crime. The expression in St. Matthew
(L 19) " to make her a public example," prob-
ably means to bring the case before the local
Sanhedrim, which was the usual course, but
which Joseph did not propose to take, preferring
repudiation, because that could be managed
privately. — Concerning the famous trial by
the waters of jealousy (Num. v. 11-29), it has
been questioned whether a husband was, in
case of certain facts, bound to adopt it. The
more likely view is, that it was meant u a re-
lief to the vehemence of implacable jealousy to
which Orientals appear prone, but which was
not consistent with the laxity of the nuptial tie
prevalent in the period of the New Testament
The ancient strictness of that tie gave room for
a more intense feeling; and in that intensity
probablv arose this strange custom, which no
doubt Moses fonnd prevailing and deeply seated,
and which is said to be paralleled bya form
of ordeal called the " red water " in Western
Africa. The forms of Hebrew justice all tended
to limit the application of this test. 1. By pre-
scribing certain facts presumptive of guilt, to
be established on oath by two witnesses, or of
preponderating but not conclusive testimony
to the fact of the woman's adultery. 2. By
technical rules of evidence which made proof
of those presumptive facts difficult. 3. By ex-
empting certain large classes of women (all
indeed, except a pure Israelites* married to a
pure Israelite, and some even of them) from
the liability. 4. By providing that the trial
could only be before the great Sanhedrim. 5.
By investing it with a ceremonial at once hu-
m'Uiating and intimidating, yet which still
harmonised with the spirit of the whole ordeal
as recorded in Num. v. But, 6. Above all, by
the conventional and even mercenary light in
which the nuptial contract was latterly re-
garded. — When adultery ceased to be capital,
as no doubt it did, and divorce became a matter
of mere convenience, it would be absurd to
suppose that this trial was continued. And
when adultery became common, as the Jews
themselves confess, it would have been impious
to expect the miracle which it supposed. If
ever the Sanhedrim were driven by force of cir-
cumstances to adopt this trial, no doubt every
effort was used, nay, was prescribed to overawe
the culprit and induce confession. Besides,
however, the intimidation of the woman, the
man was likely to feel the public exposure of
his suspicions odious and repulsive. Divorce
was a ready and quiet remedy.
Adum'mim, " the qoinq op to " or
•• of " = the " pass of the red ; " one of the
landmarks of the boundary of Benjamin, a ris-
ing ground or pass " over against Gilgal," and
" on the south side of the ' torrent ' " (Josh. xv.
7, xviii. 17), which is the position still occupied
by the road leading np from Jericho and the
Jordan valley to Jerusalem, on the south face
of the gorge of the Wadg Kdt. Jerome as-
cribes the name to the blood shed there by the
robbers who infested the pass in his day, as
they do still, and as they did in the days of our
Lord, of whose parable of the Good Samaritan
this is the scene. But the name is doubtless
of a date and significance for more remote, and
is probably derived from some tribe of " red
men " of the earliest inhabitants of the coun-
try.
JEdi'aa, 1 Esdr. ix. 37. Probably a cor-
ruption of £u AH. Ap.
iE'gypt. [Eotpt.J
JEne'as, a paralytic at Lydda, healeJ hy
St. Peter (Acts ix. 33, 34).
-23'non, a place " near to Salim," at which
John baptized (John iii. 23). It was evidently
west of the Jordan (comp. iii. 22, with 26, and
with i. 28), and abounded in water. This is
indicated by the name, which is merely a Greek
version of a Chaldee word, signifying " spt^gs."
vEnon is given in the OnomaMicon as b Mules
south of ScythopoHs "near Salem and the
Jordan." Dr. Robinson's careful search, on
his second visit, however, failed to discover any
trace either of name or remains in that locality.
But a SAlim has been found by him to the
east of and close to N/Umlus, where there are
two very copious springs. This position
agrees with the requirements of Gen. xxxiii.
18. [Salem.] In favor of its distance from
the Jordan is the consideration that, if close by
the river, the Evangelist would hardly have
drawn attention to the " much water " there. —
The latest writer on Jerusalem, Dr. Barclay,
reports the discovery of ^Enon at Wadu Farah,
a secluded valley about 5 miles to the N.E. of
Jerusalem, running into the great Wady Fowar
immediately above Jericho. But it requires
more examination than it has yet received.
JEra. [Chronology.]
iEthio'pia. [Ethiopia.]
Affinity. [Marriage.]
Afr/aba, I Esdr. v. 30. [Haoab.] Ap.
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AGRICULTURE
Ag'abus, a Christian prophet in the apos-
tolic age, mentioned in Acts xi. 28 and xxi. 10.
He predicted (Acts xi. 28) that a famine would
take place in the reign of Claudius " through-
out all the world." This expression may take
a narrower or a wider sense, cither of which
confirms the prediction. As Greek and Ro-
man writers used " the world " of the Greek
and the Roman world, so a Jewish writer could
use it naturally of the Jewish world or Pales-
tine. Ancient writers give no account of any
universal famine in the reign of Claudius, but
they speak of several local famines which were
severe in particular countries. Josephus men-
tions one which prevailed at that time in Ju-
dsea, and swept away many of the inhabitants.
This, in all probability, is the famine to which
Agabus refers in Acts xi. 28. The chronology
udmits of this supposition. According to Jo-
sephus, the famine which he describes took
place when Cuspius Fadus and Tiberius Alex-
ander were procurators ; i.e. it may have be-
gun about the close of a. d. 44, and lasted three
or four years. Fadus was sent into Judea on
.be death of Agrippa, which occurred in a.d.
=14. If we attach the wider sense to " world,"
the prediction may import that a famine should
teke place throughout the Roman empire dur-
ing the reign of Claudius (the year is not spe-
cified), and not that it should prevail in all parts
at the sane time. We find mention of three
other famines during the reign of Claudius:
one in Greece, and two in Rome.
A'gag, possibly the title of the kings of
Amalek, like Pharaoh of Egypt. One king
of this name is mentioned in Num. xxiv. 7,
and another in 1 S.-wn. xv. 8, 9, 20, 32. The
latter was the king of the Amalekites, whom
Saul spared, together with the best of the spoil,
although it was the well-known will of Jehovah
that the Amalekites should be extirpated ( Ex.
xvii. 14; Deut. xxv. 17). For this act of dis-
obedience Samuel was commissioned to declare
to Saul his rejection, and he himself sent for
Agag and cut him in pieces. [Samuel.] — Hu-
man is called the Aoagite in Esther iii. 1, 10,
viii. 3, 5. The Jews consider Hainan a de-
scendant of Agag, the Amalekite, and hence
account for the hatred with which he pursued
their race.
A'gagite. [Agag.]
A'gar. [Haoar.]
Agare'nes, Bar. iii. 23. [Haoar.] Ap.
Agate is mentioned four times in the text
of the A. V. ; viz. in Ex. xxviii. 19, xxxix. 12 ;
Is. liv. 12 ; Ez. xxvii. 16. In the two former pas-
sages, where it is represented by the Hebrew
word ahebd, it is spoken of as forming the sec-
ond stone in the third row of the high priest's
breastplate; in each of the two latter places
the original word is cadedd, by which, no
doubt, is intended a different stone. [Rcbt.]
In Ez. xxvii. 16, where the text has agate, the
margin has chn/soprase, whereas in the very
next chapter, Ez. xxviii. 13, chrysonrase occurs
in the margin instead of emerald, which is in the
text, as the translation of an entirely different
Hebrew word, nopher. ; this will show how much
our translators were perplexed as to the mean-
ings of the minerals and precious stones men-
tioned in the sacred volume. It is probable,
however, that shebd does stand for some variety
of at/ate, for there is a wonderful agreement
amongst interpreters, who all understand an
agate by the term . — Our English agate, or achat,
derives its name from the Achates, in Sicily, on
the banks of which, according to Theophrastua
and Pliny, it was first found ; but as agates are
met with in almost every country, this stone
was doubtless from the earliest times known
to the Orientals. It is a silicious stone of the
quartz family, and is met with generally in
rounded nodules, or in veins in trap-rocks ;
specimens are often found on the sea-shore,
and in the beds of streams, the rocks in which
they had been embedded having been decom-
posed by the elements, when the agates have
dropped out.
Age, Old. In early stages of civilization,
when experience is the only source of practical
knowledge, old age has its special value, and
consequently its special honors. A further mo-
tive was superadded in the case of the Jew, who
was taught to consider old age as a reward for
piety, and a signal token of God's favor. For
these reasons the aged occupied a prominent
Slace in the social and political system of the
ews. In private life they were looked up to as
the depositaries of knowledge (Job xv. 10) :
the young were ordered to rise up in their
presence (Lev. xix. 32) : they allowed them to
give their opinion first (Job xxxii. 4) : they
were taught to regard gray hairs as a " crown
of glory and as the "beauty of old men"
(Prov. xvi. 31, xx. 29). The attainment of
old age was regarded as a special blessing (Job
v. 26), not only on account of the prolonged
enjoyment of fife to the individual, but also
because it indicated peaceful and prosperous
times (Zcch. viii. 4 ; 1 Mace. xiv. 9 ; Is. lxv.
20). In public, affairs age carried weight with
it, especially in the infancy of the state: it
formed under Moses the main qualification of
those who acted as the representatives of the
people in all matters of difficulty and delibera-
tion. The old men or Elders thus became a
class, and the title gradually ceased to convey
the notion of age, and was used in an official
sense, like Patres, Senatores, and other similar
terms. [Elders.] Still it would be but natu-
ral that such an office should be generally held
by men of advanced age (1 K. xii. 8).
A'gee, a Hararite, father of Shammah, one
of David's three mightiest heroes (2 Sam. xxiii.
11).
Agge'US, 1 Esd. vi. 1, vii. 3; 2 Esd. i. 40.
[Haggai.] Ap.
Agriculture. This, though prominent
in the Scriptural narrative concerning Adam,
Cain, and Noah, was little cared for by the
patriarchs; more so, however, by Isaac and
Jacob than bv Abraham (Gen. xxvi. 12, xxxvii.
7), in whose' time, probably, if wc except the
lower Jordan valley (xiii. 10), there was little
regular culture in Canaan. Thus Gerar and
Shechcm seem to have been cities where pas-
toral wealth predominated (xxxiv. 28). The
herdmen strove with Isaac about his wells ;
about his crops there was no contention. In
Joshua's time, as shown by the story of the
" Eschol " (Num. xiii. 23, 24)*, Canaan was found
in a much more advanced agricultural state than
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AGRICULTURE
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AGRICULTURE
Jacob had left it in (Dent. viii. 8), resulting
probably from the severe experience of famines,
■ad the'example of Egypt, to which its people
were thus led. The pastoral life was the means
of keeping the sacred race, whilst yet a family,
dbtinct from mixture and locally unattached,
especially whilst in Egypt. When, grown into
a nation, they conquered their future seats,
agriculture supplied a similar check on the
foreign intercourse and speedy demoralization,
especially as regards idolatry, which commerce
would have caused. Thus agriculture became
the basU of the Mosaic commonwealth. It
tended to check also the frcebooting and nomad
life, and made a numerous offspring profitable,
is it was already honorable by natural senti-
ment and by law. Thus, too, it indirectly dis-
couraged slavery, or, where it existed, made
the slave somewhat like a son, though it made
the son also somewhat of a slave. Taken in
connection with the inalienable character of in-
heritances, it gave each m in and each family a
stake in the soil and nurtured a hardy patriot-
ism. " The land is Mine " (Lev. xxv. 23) was
a dictum which nude agriculture likewise the
basis of the theocratic relation. Thus every
family felt its own life with intense keenness,
and had its divine tenure which it was to guard
from alienation. The prohibition of culture in
the sabbatical year formed, under this aspect, a
kinl of rent reserved by the Divine Owner.
Lwdmarks were deemed sacred (Deut. xix.
14), and the inalienability of the heritage was
insured by its reversion to the owner in the
year of jubilee ; so that only so many years of
occupancy could be sold (Lev. xxv. 8-16, 23-
33). The prophet Isaiah (v. 8) denounces the
contempt of such restrictions by wealthy gran-
dee*, who sought to "add field to field," erasing
families and depopulating districts.
Agricultural Calendar. — The Jewish calendar,
a> fixed by the three great festivals, turned on
the seasons of green, ripe, and fully-gathered
produce. Hence, if the season was backward,
or, owing to the imperfections of a non-astro-
nomical reckoning, seemed to be so, a month
was intercalated. This ntdo system was fondly
retained long after mental progress and foreign
intercourse placed a correct calendar within
their power; so that notice of a Veadar, i.e.
second or intercalated Adar, on account of the
lambs being not yet of paschal size, and the
barley not forward enough for the Abib (green
sheaf), was sent to the Jews of Babylon and
Egypt early in the season. — The year ordina-
rily consisting of 12 months was divided into
6 agricultural periods as follows: —
1. SOWIJCO TlMK.
C beginning about ~l
Turf, latter half I autumnal [
Xarduarmi ....*"?".. .. f Brtrntoaw.
Kajleo, former half ..)
XL Uauri Tun.
Kulra, meter half.
Tebeth.
She bath, farmer halt
m. Cold Season-.
Khebath, latter half
Adar .. f
1 Veadar] " " " > I
Xbaa. former half >
Nlean, latter half .
nar.
8rran, former half .
IV. HamvasT Tina.
i Beginning about
vernal equinox.
Barley gre
Pejaorer.
J Wheat ripe.
"iFenteooeC
v. Smaua.
SI Tan, latter half.
Tamus.
Ab, former halt
VX Solvit Baaaov.
Ab, latter half.
EluL
Tieri. former half Ingathering of finite.
Thus the 6 months from mid Tisri to mid
Nisan were mainly occupied with the process
of cultivation, and the rest with the gathering
of the fruits. The ancient Hebrews had little
notion of green or root-crops grown for fodder,
nor was the long summer drought suitable for
them. Barley supplied food both to man and
beast, and the plant, called in Ez. iv. 9, " Mil-
let," was grazed while green, and its ripe grain
made into bread. Mowing (Am. vii. 1 ; Pa.
lxxii. 6) and hay-making were familiar pro.
Climate and Soil. — A change in the cl imate of
Palestine, caused by increase of population and
the clearance of trees, must have taken place
before the period of the N. T. A further change
caused by the decrease of skilled agricultural
labor, e.g. in irrigation and terrace-making,
has since ensued. Not only this, but the great
variety of elevation and local character in so
small a compass of country necessitates a par-
tial and guarded application of general re-
marks, ret wherever industry is secure, the
soil still asserts its old fertility. The Haurdn
(Penea) is as fertile as Damascus, and its
bread enjoys the highest reputation. The
black and rich, but light, soil about Gaza is
said to hold so much moisture as to be very
fertile with little rain. Here, as in the neigh-
borhood of BeijriU, is a vast olive-ground,' and
the very sand of the shore is said to be pro-
ductive if watered.
Timber. — The Israelites probably found in
Canaan a fair proportion of woodland, which
their necessities, owing to the discouragement
of commerce, must have led them to reduce
(Josh. xvii. 18). But even in early times tim-
ber seems to have been far less used for build-
ing material than among western nations ; the
Israelites were not skilful hewers, and imported
both the timber and the workmen (1 K. v. 6,
8). No store of wood-fuel seems to have been
kept : ovens were heated with such things as
dung and hay (Ez. iv. 12, 15; Matt. vi. 30);
and, in any case of sacrifice on an emergency,
some, as we should think, unusual source of
supply is constantly mentioned for the wood
(1 Sam. vi. 14; 2 Sam. xxiv. 22; 1 K. xix.
21 ; comp. Gen. xxii. 3, 6, 7). All this indi-
cates a non-abundance of timber.
Rain and Irrigation. — The abundance of
water in Palestine, from natural sources, made
Canaan a contrast to rainless Egypt (Deut.
viii. 7, xi. 8-12). Rain was commonly ex-
pected soon after the autumnal equinox or mid
Tisri ; and if by the first of Kasleu none had
fallen, a fast was proclaimed. The common
scriptural expressions of the "early" and the
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AGRICULTURE
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AGRICULTURE
"latter rain" (Dent. xL 14; Jer. t. 24; Hos.
Ti. 3; Zech. x. 1 ; Jam. v. 7) are scarcely con-
firmed by modern experience, the season of
rains being unbroken, though perhaps the fall
is more strongly marked at the beginning and
the end of it. The consternation caused by the
failure of the former rain is depicted in Joel
i. ii. ; and the prophet seems to promise the
former and latter rain together "in the first
month," 1. 1. Nisan (ii. 23). The peculiar Egyp-
tian method of irrigation alluded to in Dent,
xi. 10 — "where thou wateredst it with thy
foot " — was not unknown, though less preva-
lent in Palestine. That peculiarity seems to
have consisted in making in the fields square
shallow beds, like our salt-pans, surrounded by
a raised bonier of earth to keep in the water,
which was then turned from one square to
another by pushing aside the mud, to open one
and close the next with the foot. A very simi-
lar method is apparently described by Robinson
as used especially for garden vegetables, in Pal-
eatine. There irrigation was as essential as
drainage in our region ; and for this the large
extent of rocky surface, easily excavated for
cisterns and ducts, was most useful. Even the
plain of Jericho is watered not by canals from
the Jordan, since the river lies below the land,
but by rills converging from the mountains.
In these features of the country lay its expan-
sive resources to meet the wants of a multiply-
ing population. The lightness of agricultural
labor in the plains set free an abundance of
hands for the task of terracing and watering;
and the result gave the highest stimulus to
industry.
Croat. — The cereal crops of constant mention
are wheat and barley, ana more rarely rye and
millet (?). Of the two former, together with
the vine, olive, and fig, the use of irrigation, the
plough and the harrow, mention is made in
the book of Job (xxxi. 40, xv. 33, xxiv. 6, xxix.
19, xxxix. 10). Two kinds of cumin (the
black variety called " fitches," Is. xxviii. 27),
and such podded plants as beans and lentils,
may be named among the staple produce. To
these, later writers add a great variety of gar-
den plants, tjg. kidney-beans, peas, lettuce, en-
dive, leek, garlic, onions, melons, cucumbers,
cabbage, &c. The produce which formed
Jacob s present was of such kinds as would
keep, and had been preserved during the famine
(Gen. xliii. 11).
Ploughing and Sowino. — The plough probably
was like the Egyptian, and the process of
ploughing mostly very light, one yoke of oxen
usually sufficing to draw it. Such is still used
in Asia Minor, and its parts are shown in the
accompanying drawing : 1 is the pole to which
the cross beam with yokes, 5, 6, is attached ; c,
the share ; d, the handle ; 2, 4, 3, represent three
modes of arming the share, and 7 is a goad
with a scraper at the other end, probably for
Flf. l.-FVm»h, *e, •■ Mill and In AMI Minor. — (Tn
T&awt-i Ama Motor.)
cleaning the share. Mountains and steep
places were hoed (Is. vii. 25). New ground
and fallows, the use of which latter was famil-
iar to the Jews (Jer. iv. 3 ; Hos. x. 12), were
cleared of stones and of thorns (Is. v. 2) early
in the year, sowing or gathering from " among
thorns " being a proverb for slovenly husbandry
(Job v. 5 ; Prov. xxiv. 30, 31). Virgin land
kaa no*l a d.-(WaMa Ma ,!n*HB«ira»
was ploughed a second time. Sowing also
took place without previous ploughing, the seed,
at in the parable of the sower, Deing scattered
broadcast, and ploughed in afterwards, the roots
of the late crop being so far decayed as to serve
for manure (Fellows, Atia Minor, p. 72). The
soil was then brushed over with a fight harrow,
of thorn bushes. In highly irrigated
(pots the seed was trampled in by cattle (Is.
xxxii. 20), as in Egypt by goats. Sometimes,
however, the sowing was by patches only in
well-manured spots. Where the soil was heav-
ier, the ploughing was best done dry ; but the
more formal routine of heavy western soils must
not be made the standard 6f such a naturally
fine tilth as that of Palestine generally. Dor-
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AGRICULTURE
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AGUE
tag the rnins, if not too heavy, or between their
two periods, would be the best time for these
operations; thus 70 days before the passover
*as the time prescribed for sowing for the
" ware-sheaf," and probably, therefore, for that
of barley generally. The oxen were urged on
by a goad like a spear (Judg. iii. 31). The
custom of watching ripening crops and thresh-
ing floors against theft, or damage, is probably
ancient. Thus Boas slept on the floor (Ruth ill.
4,7). Barley ripened aweek or two before wheat,
tad at fine harvest weather was certain (Prov.
xxvi. 1 ; 1 8am. xii. 17; Am. it. 71, die crop
chiefly varied with the quantity of timely rain.
The period of harvest mast always have dif-
fered according to elevation, aspect, 4c. The
proportion of harvest gathered to seed sown
was often vast, a hundred-fold is mentioned, but
in such a way as to signify that it was a limit
rarely attained (Gen. xxvi. IS ; Matt xiii. 8). —
The rotation of crops, familiar to the Egyp-
tians, can hardly have been unknown to the
Hebrews. Sowing a field with divers seeds
was forbidden ( Deut xxii. 9), and minute direc-
tion! are given by the Rabbins for arranging a
seeded surface with great variety, yet avoiding
juxtaposition of heterogenea.
Beapingand Threshing. — The wheat, Ac., was
reaped by the sickle, or was pulled up by the
roots. It was bound in sheaves — a process
prominent in Scripture. The sheaves or heaps
were carted (Am. u. 13) to the floor — a circular
spot of hard ground, probably, as now, from
SO to 99 or 100 feet in diameter. Such floors
were probably permanent, and became well-
known spots (Gen. 1. 10, 11 ; 3 8am. xxiv. 16,
18). On these the oxen, arc., forbidden to be
muzzled (Dent. xxv. 4), trampled out the grain,
rt»- 1 — Btaptuf whatf. —
am, TamUtrUm Ming*.
-fwra*
flte)
as we find represented in the Egyptian monu-
ments. At a later time the Jews used a thresh-
ing sledge called Morag (Is. xli. IS ; 9 Sam.
xxiv. 23; 1 Chr. xxi. 33), probably resembling
T1m «n ilrfrvn nmnd 0m htapi
u— fWllHn—, TMm.)
the ndreg, toll employed in Egypt — a stage
with three rollers ridged with iron, which,
aided by the driver's weight, crushed out, often
injuring, the grain, as well as cut or tore the
straw, which thus became fit for fodder. Lighter
grains were beaten out with a stick (Is. xxviii.
27). Barley was sometimes soaked and then
parched before treading out, which got rid of
the pellicle of the grain. — The use of animal
manure is proved frequent by such recurring
expressions as " dung on the face of the earth,
field," &c (Pt. lxxxiii. 10; 3 K. ix. 37; Jer.
viii. 2, &c.)
Winnowing. — The " shovel " and " fan " (Is.
xxx. 34), the precise difference of which is
doubtful, indicate the process of winnowing — a
conspicuous part of ancient husbandry (Ps.
xxxv. 5; Job xxi. 18; Is. xvii. 13), and im.
portant, owing to the slovenly threshing. Even*
ing was the favorite time (Ruth iii. 3), when
there was mostly a breeze. The " fiui " (Matt,
iii. 13) was nerhaps a broad shovel which threw
*■#• *. — WlaaowlBf with woodta ihorak. — CWmOaaoa,
Aito.)
the grain up against the wind. The last pro-
cess was the shaking in a sieve to separate dirt
and refuse (Am. ix. 9). — Fields and floors were
not commonly enclosed ; vineyards mostly were,
with a tower and other buildings (Num. xxii.
34; Ps. lxxx. 18; Is. v. 5; Matt. xxi. 33;
comp. Jud. vi. 1 1 ). Banks of mod from ditches
were also used. — With regard to occupancy,
a tenant might pay a fixed money rent (Cant
viii. 11), or a stipulated share of the fruits
(2 Sam. ix. 10 ; Matt xxi. 34), often a half or
a third ; but local custom was the only rule.
A passer by might eat any quantity of corn or
grapes, but not reap or carry off fruit (Deut
xxiii. 24-25 ; Matt. xii. 1). —The rights of the
corner to be left, and of gleaning [Corker ;
Gleaning], formed the poor man's claim on
the soil for rapport. For his benefit, too, a
sheaf forgotten in carrying to the floor was to
be left ; to also with regard to tho vineyard and
the olive-grove (Lev. xix. 9, 10 ; Deut. xxiv.
19). Besides there seems a probability that
every third year a second tithe, besides the
priests', was paid for the poor (Deut xiv. 28,
xxvi. 12 ; Am. iv. 4 ; Tob. i. 7).
Agrip'pa. [Herod.]
A gur, the son of Jakeh, an unknown He-
brew sage, who uttered or collected the sayings
of wisdom recorded in Prov. xxx. Ewald at-
tributes to him the authorship of Prov. xxx. 1-
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AHAB
24
AHASBAI
xxxi. 9, in consequence of the similarity of
style exhibited iu the three sections therein
contained, and assigns as his date a period not
earlier than the end of the 7th or beginning of
the 6th cent. B.C. The Kabbins, according to
Jarchi, and Jerome after them, interpreted the
name symbolically of Solomon, who " collected
understanding," and is elsewhere called " Ivo-
heleth." Bunsen contends that Agur was an
inhabitant of Massa, and probably a descendant
of one of the 500 Simeon i tea, who in the reign
of Hezekiah drove out the Amalekites from
Mount Seir. Hitzig goes further, and makes
him the con of the Queen of Massa and brother
of Lemuel. [Jakeh.J
Ahab. 1. Son of Omri, seventh king of
the separate kingdom of Israel, and second of
his dynasty, reigned B.C. 919-896. The great
lesson which we learn from his life is the depth
of wickedness into which a weak man may fall,
even though not devoid of good feelings and
amiable impulses, when he abandons himself
to the guidance of another person, resolute, un-
scrupulous, and depraved. The cause of his
ruin was his marriage with Jezebel, daughter
of Ethbaal, king of Tyre, who had been priest
of Agtarte. [Jezebel.] We have a compara-
tively full account of Ahab's reign, because it
was distinguished by the ministrv of the great
prophet Elijah, who was brought into direct
collision with Jezebel when she ventured to in-
troduce into Israel the impure worship of Baal
and her father's goddess Astarte. In obedience
to her wishes, Ahab caused a temple to be built to
Baal in Samaria itself, and an oracular grove
to be consecrated to Astarte. With a fixed
determination to extirpate the true religion,
Jezebel hunted down and put to death God's
prophets, some of whom were concealed in
caves by Ohadiah, the governor of Ahab's
house; while the Phoenician rites were carried
on with such splendor, that we read of 450
prophets of Baal, and 400 of Asherah. (See
1 K. xviii. 19, where our version erroneously
substitutes " the groves " for the proper name
Asherah, as again in 2 K. xxi. 7, xxiii. 6). [ Ash-
ehah.] How the worship of God was restored,
and the idolatrous priests slain, in consequence
of " a sore famine in Samaria," is related
under Elijah. But heathenism and perse-
cution were not the only crimes into which
Jezebel led her yielding husband. One of his
chief tastes was for splendid architecture, which
he showed by building an ivory house and
several cities. But the place in which he chiefly
indulged this passion was the beautiful city of
Jezrcel (now Zerin), in the plain of Esdraelon,
which he adorned with a palace and park for
his own residence, though Samaria remained
the capital of his kingdom, Jezrcel standing in
the same relation to it as the Versailles of the
old French monarchy to Paris (Stanley, 5. fr P.
244). Desiring to add to his pleasure-grounds
there the vineyard of his neighbor Naboth, he
proposed to buy it or give land in exchange for
it; and when this was refused by Naboth, in
accordance with the Mosaic law, on the ground
that the vineyard was " the inheritance of his
lathers " (Lev. xxv. 23), a false accusation of
blasphemy was brought against him, and not
only was he himself stoned to death, but his
sons also, as we learn from 2 IC. ix. 26. Elijah,
already the great vindicator of religion, now-
appeared as the assertor of morality, and de-
clared that the entire extirpation of Ahab'o
house was the penalty appointed for his long
course of wickedness, now crowned by this
atrocious crime. The execution, however, of
the sentence was delayed in consequence of
Ahab's deep repentance. — Ahab undertook
three campaigns against Benhadad II. king of
Damascus, two defensive and one offensive. In
the first, Benhadad laid siege to Samaria ; and
Ahab, encouraged by the patriotic counsels of
God's prophets, made a sudden attack on him
whilst in the plenitude of arrogant confidence
he was banqueting in his tent with his thirty-two
vassal kings. The Syrians were totally routed,
and fled to Damascus. — Next year Benhadad,
believing that his failure was owing to some
peculiar power which the God of Israel exer-
cised over the hills, invaded Israel by way of
Aphck, on the E. of Jordan. Yet Ahab's victo-
ry was so complete that Benhadad himself fell
into his hands ; but was released (contrary to the
will of God as announced by a prophet) on con-
dition of restoring all the cities of Israel which
he held, and making " streets " for Ahab in Da-
mascus ; that is, admitting into his capital per-
manent Hebrew officers, in an independent
position, with special dwellings for themselves
and their retinues, to watch over the commercial
and political interests of Ahab and his subjects.
This was apparently in retaliation for a similar
privilege exacted by Bcnhadad's predecessor
from Omri in respect to Samaria. After this
great success Ahah enjoyed peace for three years,
when, in conjunction with Jeboshaphat king of
Judah, he attacked Kamoth in Gilead on the
east of Jordan, which town he claimed as be-
longing to Israel. But God's blessing did not
rest on the expedition, and Ahab was told by
the prophet Micaiah that it would fail. For
giving this warning Micaiah was imprisoned ;
but Ahab was so far roused by it as to take the
precaution of disguising himself, so as not to
offer a conspicuous mark to the archers of
Benhadad. But he was slain by a " certain man
who drew a bow at a venture ; " and, though
stayed up in his chariot for a time, yet he died to-
wards evening, and his army dispersed. When
he was brought to be buried in Samaria, the dogs
licked up his blood as a servant was washing his
chariot ; a partial fulfilment of Elijah's predic-
tion (1 K. xxi. 19), which was more literally
accomplished in the case of his son (2 K. ix. 26).
— 2. A lyingprophet, who deceived the captive
Israelites in Babylon, and was burnt to death
by Nebuchadnezzar (Jcr. xxix. 21 ).
Aliarah, third son of Benjamin (I Chr.
viii. 1). JAheb ; AniBAM.)
Ahar'hel, a name occurring in an obscure
fragment of the genealogies of Judah. " The
families of Aharhel " apparently traced their
descent through Coz to Ashur, the posthumous
son of Hezron. The Targnm of K. Joseph on
Chronicles identifies him with " Hur the first-
born of Miriam " (1 Chr. iv. 8).
Ahasa'i, a priest, ancestor of Maasiai (Neh.
xi. 13) ; called Jahzerah in 1 Chr. ix. 12.
Ahasba'i, father of Eliphelet, one of David's
thirty-seven captains (2 Sam. xxiii. 34). In the
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AHASUERCS
25
AHAZ
corrupt list in I Chr. xi. 35, Eliphelet appears
as " Ebphal the son of Ur."
Ahasuerus, the name of one Median and
two Persian kings mentioned in the 0. T. It
may be desirable to prefix to this article a chro-
nological table of the Medo-Persian kings from
Cyaxares to Artaxerxes Longimanus, accord-
ing to their ordinary classical names. The
Scriptural names conjectured to correspond to
them are added in Italics : — 1 . Cyaxares, king
of Modia, son of Phraortes, grandson of Deioces
and conqueror of Nineveh, began to reign B.C.
634 : Ahasuerus. 2. Astyages his son, last king
of Media, B.C. 594 : Darius the Meek. 3. Cyrus,
son of his daughter Mandane and Cambyses, a
Persian noble, first king of Persia, 559 : Cyrus.
4. Cambyses his son, 529 ; Ahasuerus. 5. A
Magian usurper, who personated Smcrdis, the
younger son of Cyrus, 521 : Artaxerxes. 6.
barios Hystaspis, raised to the throne on the
oTerthrow of the Magi, 521 : Darius. 7. Xerx-
e* his son, 485 : Ahasuerus. 8. Artaxerxes
Longunanos (Macrocheir), his son, 465-495 :
Artaxerxes — The name Ahcasuerus, or Achash-
verosh, is the same as the Sanscrit kshatra, a
king, which appears as kshershe' in the arrow-
headed inscriptions of Persepolis. — 1. In Dan.
be. 1. Ahasnerus is said to be the father of Darius
the Mede. Now it is almost certain that Cyaxa-
res is a form of Ahasuerus Grecized into Axares
with the prefix Cy- or Kai-, common to the
Kaianian dynasty of kings (Malcolm's Persia,
eh. iii.), with which may be compared Kai
Khosroo, the Persian name of Cyrus. The
son of this Cyaxares was Astyages, and it is no
improbable conjecture that Darius the Medo
w.13 Astyages, set over Babylon as viceroy by
his grandson Cyrus, and allowed to live there
in royal state. [Darius.] This first Ahasu-
erus, then, is Cyaxares, the conqueror of Nin-
eveh. And, in accordance with this view, wo
read in Tobit xiv. 15 that Nineveh was taken
by Nabnchodonosor and Assuerns, i. e. Cyaxares.
— 2. In Ezr. iv. 6 the enemies of the Jews,
after the death of Cyrus, desirous to frustrate
the building of Jerusalem, send accusations
against them to Ahasuerus king of Persia.
This must be Cambyses. For we read (v. 5)
that their opposition continued from the time
of Cyrus to that of Darius, and Ahasuerus and
Artaxerxes, i.e. Cambyses and the pscudo-
Smerdis, are mentioned as reigning between
them. [Artaxerxes.] Xenophon calls the bro-
ther of Cambyses Tanyoxares, i.e. the younger
Oxares, whence we infer that the elder Oxarcs
or Axares, or Ahasuerus, was Cambyses. His
constant wars probably prevented him from in-
terfering in the concerns of the Jews. He was
plainly called after his grandfather, who was
not of royal race, and therefore it is very likely
that be also assumed the kingly name or title
of Axares or Cyaxares, which had been borne
by his most illustrious ancestor. — 3. The third
is the Ahasuerus of the book of Esther. It is
needless to give more than the heads of the
well-known story. Having divorced his queen
Vashti fot refusing to appear in public at a
banquet, he married, four years afterwards, the
Jewess Esther, cousin and ward of Mordecni.
Five years after this, Hainan, one of bis coun-
sellors, having been slighted by Mordecai, pre-
vailed upon the king to order the destruction of
all the Jews in the empire. But before the day
appointed for the massacre, Esther and Mor-
decai overthrew the influence which Unman
had exercised, and so completely changed his
feelings in the matter, that they induced him
to put Hainan to death, and to give the Jews
the right of self-defence. This they used so
vigorously that they killed several thousands
of their opponents. Now, from the extent
assigned to the Persian empire (Esth. i. 1),
" from India even unto Ethiopia," it is proved
that Darius Hystfcspis is the earliest possible
3 to whom thi< history can apply, and it is
y worth while to consider the claims of
any after Artaxerxes Longimanus. But Ahasu-
erus cannot be identical with Darius, whose
wives were the daughters of Cyrus and Otanes,
and who in name and character equally diners
from that foolish tyrant. Neither can he be
Artaxerxes Longimanus, although, as Arta-
xerxes is a compound of Xerxes, there is less dif-
ficulty here as to the name. But in the first place
the character of Artaxerxes is also very unlike
that of Ahasuerus. Besides this, in Ezr. vii.
1-7, 11-26, Artaxerxes, in the seventh year of
his reign, issues a decree very favorable to the
Jews, and it is unlikely therefore that in the
twelfth (Esth. iii. 7) Haman could speak to him
of them as if he knew nothing about them, and
persuade him to sentence them to an indis-
criminate massacre. We are therefore reduced
to the belief that Ahasuerus is Xerxes (the
names being identical) : and this conclusion is
fortified by the resemblance of character, and
by certain chronological indentions. As Xerx-
es scourged the sea, and put to death the en-
gineers of his bridge, because their work was
injured by a storm, so Ahasuerus repudiated
his queen Vashti because she would not violate
the decorum of her sex, and ordered the massa-
cre of the whole Jewish people to gratify the
malice of Haman. In the third year of the
reign of Xerxes was held an assembly to ar-
range the Grecian war (Herod, vii. 7 flf.). In
the third year of Ahasuerus was held a great
feast and assembly in Shushan the palace
(Esth. i. 3). In the seventh year of his reign
Xerxes returned defeated from Greece, an J con-
soled himself by the pleasures of the harem
(Herod, ix. 108). In the seventh year of his
reign "fair young virgins were sought" for
Ahasuerus, and ho replaced Vashti by marry-
ing Esther. The tribute he " laid upon the
land and upon the isles of the sea " (Esth. x. 1 )
may well have been the result of the expendi-
ture and ruin of the Grecian expedition.
Ah'ava, a place (Ezr. viii. 15), or a river
(viii. 21 ), on the banks of which Ezra collected
the second expedition which returned with him
from Babylon to Jerusalem. Various have
been the conjectures as to its locality : but the
latest researches are in favour of its being the
modern Hit, on the Euphrates, due east of
Damascus.
A haz. 1. Eleventh king of Judah, son of
Jotham, reigned B.C. 741-726. At the time of
his ascension, Rezin king of Damascus and Pe-
kah king of Israel had recently formed a league
against Judah, and they proceeded to lay siege
to Jerusalem. Upon this the great prophet lias-
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AHAZIAH
26
AHIAH
tcned to give advice and encouragement to
Ahaz, and it was probably owing to tbe spirit
of energy and religious devotion which he
poured into his counsels, that the allies failed
in their attack on Jerusalem (Is. vii. viii. ix.).
Bat the allies took a vast number of captives,
who, however, were restored in virtue of the
remonstrances of the prophet Oded ; and they
also inflicted a most severe injury on Judah by
the capture of Elath, a flourishing port on the
Red Sea; while the Philistines invaded the W.
and S. (2 K. xvi. ; 2 Chr. xxviii. ) The weak-
minded and helpless Ahaz sought deliverance
from these numerous troubles by appealing to
Tiglath-pileser, king of Assyria, who freed nim
from his most formidable enemies by invading
Syria, taking Damascus, killing Rezin, and
depriving Israel of its Northern and trans-
Jordanic districts. But Ahaz had to purchase
this help at a costly price: he became tribu-
tary to Tiglath-pileser, sent him all the treas-
ures of the Temple and his own palace, and
even appeared before him in Damascus as a
vassal. He also ventured to seek for safety in
heathen ceremonies ; making his son pass
through the fire to Moloch, consulting wiz-
ards and necromancers (Is. viii. 19), sacrificing
to the Syrian gods, introducing a foreign altar
from Damascus, and probably the worship of
the heavenly bodies from Assyria and Babylon,
as he would seem to have set up tbe horses of
the sun mentioned in 2 K. xxiii. 1 1 ; and " the
altars on the top (or roof) of the upper cham-
ber of Ahaz" (2 K. xxiii. 12) were connected
with the adoration of the stars. We see another
and blameless result of this intercourse with an
astronomical people in the "sun-dial of Abaz "
(Is. xxxviii. 8). — 2. A son of Micah the
grandson of Jonathan through Meribbaal or
Mephibosheth (1 Chr. viii. 35, 36, ix.42).
Ahasi'ah. 1. A son of Ahab and Jezebel,
and eighth king of Israel, reigned B.C. 896-895.
After the battle of Ramoth in Gilead [Ahab] the
Syrians had the command of the country along
the east of Jordan, and they cut off all com-
munication between the Israelites and Moabites,
so that the vassal king of Moab refused his
yearly tribute of 100,000 lambs and 100,000
rams with their wool (comp. Is. xvi. 1 ). Be-
fore Ahaziah could take measures for enforcing
his claim, he was seriously injured by a fall
through a lattice in his palace at Samaria. In
his health he had worshipped his mother's
gods, and now he sent to inquire of the oracle
of Baalzebub in the Philistine city of Ekron
whether he should recover his health. But
Elijah, who now for the last time exercised the
prophetic office, rebuked him for this impiety,
and announced to him his approaching death.
The only other recorded transaction of his
reign, his endeavor to join the king of Judah
in trading to Ophir, is more fitly related under
Jkhosiiaphat (1 K. xxii. 49-53 ; 2 K. i. ;
2 Chr. xx. 35-37). — 2. Fifth king of Judah,
son of Jehoram and Athaliah, daughter of Ahab,
and therefore nephew of the preceding Aha-
ziah. He is called Azariah, 2 Chr. xxii. 6, prob-
ably by a copyist's error, and Jehoahaz, 2 Chr.
xxi. 17. So, too, while in 2 K. viii. 26 we read
that he was 22 years old at his accession, we
find in 2 Chr. xxii. 2 that his age at that time
was 42. The former number is certainly right,
as in 2 Chr. xxi. 5, 20, we see that his father J<s
horam was 40 when he died, which would make
him younger than his own son, so that a transcri-
ber must nave made a mistake in the numbers.
Ahaziah was an idolater, and he allied himself
with his uncle Jehoram king of Israel, brother
and successor of tbe preceding Ahaziah, against
Hazael, the new king of Syria. The two icing*
' were, however, defeated at Ramoth, where Je-
horam was so severely wounded that he retired
to his mother's palace at Jezreel to be healed.
The revolution carried out in Israel by Jehu
under the guidance of Elisha broke out while
Ahaziah was visiting his uncle at Jezreel. As
Jehu approached the town, Jehoram and Aha-
ziah went out to meet him ; the former was shot
through the heart by Jehu, and Ahaziah was
pursued as far as the pass of Gur, near the city
of Ibleam, and there mortally wounded. He
died when he reached Megiddo. In 2 Chr.
xxii. 9, an apparently different account is given
of his death. Ahaziah reigned one year, B.C.
884 (2 K. viii. 26 ; 2 K. ix. 29).
An'ban, son of Abishur, by his wife Abi-
hail (1 Chr. ii. 29). He was of the tribe of
Judah.
ATlor, ancestor of Hushim, or rather " the
Hushim, as the plural form seems to indicate
a family rather than an individual. The name
occurs in an obscure passage in the genealogy
of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 12). Some trans-
lators consider it as not a proper name at
all, and render it literally " another ; " because,
as Jarchi says, Ezra, who compiled the geneal-
ogy, was uncertain whether the families be-
longed to the tribe of Benjamin or not. It is
not improbable that Aher and Ahiram (Num.
xxvi. 38) are the same ; unless the former be-
longed to the tribe of Dan, whose genealogy is
omitted in 1 Chr. vii. ; Hushim being a Danite
as well as a Benjamite name.
Aid. 1. A Gadite, chief of a family who
lived in Gilead in Bashan (1 Chr. v. 15), m the
days of Jotham, king of Judah. By the LXX.
and Vulg. it was not considered a proper name.
— 2. A descendant of Ahamer, of the tribe of
Asher (1 Chr. vii. 34). The name, according
to Gesenius, is a contraction of Ahijah.
Ahi'ah or Ahijah. 1. Son of Ahitub,
brother of Ichabod, grandson of Phinehas, and
great-grandson of Eli. He is described as being
the Lord's priest in Shiloh, wearing an ephoa
(1 Sam. xiv. 3, 18). There is, however, great
difficulty in reconciling the statement in 1 Sam.
xiv. 18, concerning the ark being used for in-
quiring by Ahiah at Saul's bidding, and the
statement that they inquired not at the ark in
the days of Saul ( 1 Chr. xiii. 3), if we under-
stand the latter expression in the strictest sense.
But all difficulty will disappear if we apply the
expression only to all the latter years of the
reign of Saul, when we know that the priestly
establishment was at Nob, and not at Kirjath-
jearim, or Baale of Judah, where the ark was.
The narrative in 1 8am. xiv. is entirely favor-
able to the mention of the ark. Ahiah is prob-
ably the same person as Ahimelech the son of
Ahitub. Such changes of name as Ahi-melech
and Ahi-jah are not uncommon. However it is
not impossible that Ahimelech may have been
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AOTMAA7
27
AHIMELECH
brother to Ahiah. — 2. One of Solomon's
princes (1 K. iv. 3). — 3. A prophet of Shiloh
( I K. sir. S), hence called the Shilonite (xi. 29)
in the days of Solomon and of Jeroboam king
of Israel, of whom we have two remarkable
prophecies extant : the one in 1 K. xi. 31-39,
addressed to Jeroboam, announcing the rending
of the ten tribes from Solomon, and the trans-
fer of the kingdom to Jeroboam : the other in
1 K. xiv. 6-16, was delivered in the prophet's
extreme old age to Jeroboam's wife, in which
he foretold the death of Abijah, the king's son,
who was sick, and the destruction of Jeroboam's
house on account of the images which he had
set up. Jeroboam's speech concerning Ahijah
(IK. xiv. 2, 3) shows the estimation in which
he held his troth and prophetic powers (comp.
2 Car. ix. 29). —4. Father of Baasha, king of
Israel (1 K. xv. 27, 33). — 6. Son of Jerah-
meel (1 Chr. U. 25). — 6. Son of Bela (1 Chr.
vui. 7). — 7. One of David's mighty men
(1 Chr. x. 36). — 8. A Levite in David's reign
(1 Chr. xxvi. 20). — 9. One of " the heads of
the people " who joined in the covenant with
Nehemiah (Neh. x. 26).
AJtu'am, son of Sharar the Hararite (or of
Sacar, 1 Chr. xi. 35), one of David's thirty
mightv men (2 Sam. xxiii. 33).
Ahl'an, a Manassite, of the family of She-
midah (iChr. vii. 19).
Ahie'ser. L Son of Ammishaddai, hered-
itary chieftain of the tribe of Dan (Num. i. 12,
ii- 25, vii. 66). — 2. The Benjamite chief of a
body of archers in the time of David (1 Chr.
xii.3).
AhiTlud. 1. The son of Shelomi, and
prince of the tribe of Asher (Num. xxxiv. 27).
— 2. Chieftain of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr.
viu. 7).
Ahfk&m, son of Shaphan the scribe, an
influential officer at the court of Josiah, and of
Jehoiakini his son. He was one of the dele-
gates sent by Hilkiah to consult Huldah (2 K.
xxti. 12—14). In the reign of Jehoiakini he
successfully used his influence to protect the
prophet Jeremiah (Jer. xxvi. 24). His son
Gedaliah was made __vernor of Judah by
Nebuchadnezzar, the Chaldean king, and to
his charge Jeremiah was intrusted when re-
leased from prison (Jer. xxxix. 14, xl. 5).
AMlud. 1. Father of Jehoshaphat, the
recorder or chronicler of the kingdom in the
reigns of David and Solomon (2 Sam. viii. 16,
xx. 24; 1 K. iv. 8; 1 Chr. xviii. 15). — 2.
The father of Baana, one of Solomon's twelve
commissariat officers (1 K. iv. 12). It is un-
certain whether he is the same with the fore-
going.
Anim'att. L Father of Saul's wife, Ahi-
noam (1 Sam, xiv. 50). — 2. Son of Zadok, the
high-priest in David's reign, and celebrated for
his swiftness of foot When David fled from
Jerusalem, on account of Absalom's rebellion,
the high-priests, accompanied by their sons,
Ahimaaz and Jonathan, and the Levites,
carried the ark of God forth, intending to
accompany the king. Bnt at his bidding
they returned to the city, as did likewise
Hnshai the Archite. It was then arranged
(hat Hashai should feign himself to be a
friend of Absalom, and should tell Zadok and
Abiathar whatever intelligence he could obtain
in the palace. They, on their parts, were to
forward the intelligence through Ahimaaz and
Jonathan, who accordingly staid outside the
walls of the city at En-Rogel, on the road
towards the plain. A message soon came to
them from Zadok and Abiathar through the
maid-servant, to say that Ahithophel had coun-
selled an immediate attack upon David and his
followers, and that, consequently, the king most
cross the Jordan without the least delay. They
started at once on their errand, but not without
being suspected, for a lad seeing the wench
speak to them, and seeing them immediately
run off quickly, went and told Absalom, who
ordered a hot pursuit. In the mean time, how-
ever, they had got as flu* as Bahurim, to the
house of a steadfast partisan of David's. Here
the woman of the house effectually hid them in
a well in the court-yard, and covered the well's
mouth with ground or bruised corn. Absa-
lon.'s servants coming up searched for them in
vain ; and as soon as they were gone, and re-
turned by the road to Jerusalem, Ahimaaz and
Jonathan hasted on to Da-^d, and told him
Ahithophel's counsel. DavkX with his whole
company crossed the Jordan that very night
(2 Sam. xv. 24-37, xvii. 1 5-22). Shortly after-
wards the narrative gives us a singular instance
of Oriental or Je Irish craft in Ahimaaz. When
Absalom was killed by Joab and his armor-
bearers, Ahimaaz was very urgent with Joab
to be employed as the messenger to run and
carry the tidings to David. The politic Joab,
well knowing the king's fond partiality for'
Absalom, would not allow him to be the
bearer of such tidings, but employed Cushi
instead. But, after Cushi had started, Ahimaaz
was so importunate to be allowed to run too that
at length he extorted Joab's consent Taking a
shorter or an easier way by the plait, ho man-
aged to outrun Cushi, and, arriving first, he
reported to the king the good news of the vic-
tory, suppressing his knowledge ot Arsalom's
death, and leaving to Cushi the task of an-
nouncing it He had thus the merit of bring-
ing good tidings without the alloy of Ihe disas-
ter of the death of the king's son (2 Sam. xviii.
19-33). This is the last we hear of Ahimaaz.
There is no evidence, beyond the assertion of
Josephus, that he ever filled die office of high-
priest and Josephus may have concluded that
tie did, merely because, in the genealogy of
the high-priests (1 Chr. vi. 8, 9), he intervenes
between Zadok and Azariah. Judging only
from 1 K. iv. 2, compared with 1 Chr. vi. 10,
we should conclude that Ahimaaz died before
his father Zadok, and that Zadok was succeeded
by his grandson Azariah. — 3. Solomon's offi-
cer in Naphtali, the king's son-in-law, having
married his daughter Basmath (1 K. iv. 151.
Ahl'man. 1. One of the three giant Ana-
kim who inhabited Mount Hebron (Num. xiii.
22, 33), seen by Caleb and the spies. The
whole race were cut off by Joshua (Josh. xi.
21 ), and the three brothers were slain by the
tribe of Judah (Judg. i. 10). — 2. One of the por-
ters or gatekeepers who had charge of the king's
gate for the "camps" of the sons of Levi
(1 Chr. ix. 17).
Ahim'eleoh. L Son of Ahitnb (1 Sam-
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AHITHOPHEL
28
AHOAH
xxii. 11,12), and high-priest at Nob in the days
of Saul. He gave David the show-bread to eat,
and the sword of Goliath; and for so doing
was, upon the accusation of Doeg the Edomite,
put to death with his whole house by Saul's
order. Eighty-five priests wearing an ephod
were thus cruelly slaughtered ; Abiathar alone
escaped. [Abiathar]. On the question of
Ahimelech s identity with Ahijah, see Ahijah.
For the singular confusion between Ahimelech
and Abiathar in the 1st book of Chronicles, see
Abiathar. — 2. A Hittite, one of David's
companions while he was persecuted by Saul ;
called in the LXX. Ahimelech ; which is perhaps
the right reading, after the analogy of Abime-
lech, king of Gerar (1 Sam. xxvi. 6).
Ahi'moth, a Levite, apparently in the time
of David (1 Chr. vi. 25). In ver. 35, for Ahi-
math we find Mahath, as in Luke iii. 26.
Ahin'adab, son of Iddo, one of Solomon's
twelve commissaries who supplied provisions
for the royal household (1 K. iv. 14).
Ahin'oam. 1. The daughter of Ahimaaz
and wife of Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 50). — 2. A
Jezrcelitess who was married to David during
his wandering life (1 Sam. xxv. 43). She lived
with him and his other wife Abigail at the court
of Achish (xxvii. 3), was taken prisoner with
her by the Amalekites when they plundered
Ziklag (xxx. 5), but was rescued by David (18).
She is again mentioned as living with him when
he was king of Judah in Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 2) ;
and was the mother of his eldest son Amnon
<iii. 2).
Ahi'O. 1. Son of Abinadab, -who accom-
panied the ark when it was brought out of his
father's house (2 Sam. vi. 3, 4; 1 Chr. xiii. 7).
— 2. A Benjamitc, one of the sons of Beriah
who drove out the inhabitants of Gath (1 Chr.
viii. 14). — 3. A Benjamitc, son of Jehiel,
father or founder of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 31, ix.
37).
Ahi'ra, chief of the tribe of Naphtali when
Moses took the census in the year after the
Exodus (Num. i. 15, ii. 29, vii. 78, 83, x. 27).
Ahiram, one of the sons of Benjamin, and
ancestor of the Ahiramites (Num. xxvi. 38).
In the list of Benjamin's children, in Gen. xlvi.
21, the name of Ahiram appears as "Ehi and
Rosh," the former being probably the true
reading, of which the latter was an easy corrup-
tion. It is uncertain whether Ahiram is the
same as Aher (I Chr. vii. 12), or Aharah
(1 Chr. viii. 1).
Ahis'amach, a Danite, father of Aholiab,
one of the architects of the tabernacle (Ex.
xxxi. 6, xxxv. 34, xxxviii. 23).
Ahiflh'ahar, one of the sons of Bilhan, the
grandson of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 10).
Ahi'shar, the controller of Solomon's
household (1 K. iv. 6).
Ahith'ophel (brother of foolishness), a native
of Giloh, in the hill-country of Judah (Josh,
xv. 51 ), and privy councillor of David, whose
wisdom was so highly esteemed, that his advice
had the authority of a divine oracle, though his
name had an exactly opposite signification
i2 Sam. xvi. 23). He was the grandfather of
tathsheba (comp. 2 Sam. xi. 3 with xxiii. 34).
Absalom immediately he had revolted sent for
him, and when David heard that Ahithophel
had joined the conspiracy, he prayed Jehovah
to turn his counsel to foolishness (xv. 31),
alluding possibly to the signification of his
name. David's grief at the treachery of his
confidential friend found expression in the
Messianic prophecies (Ps. xli. 9, lv. 12-14). —
In order to show to the people that the breach
lwtween Absalom and his father was irreparable,
Ahithophel persuaded him to take possession
of the royal harem (2 Sam. xvi. 21). David,
in order to counteract his counsel, sent Hushai
to Absalom. Ahithophel had recommended an
immediate pursuit of David ; but Hushai ad-
vised delay, his object being to send intelligence
to David, and to give him time to collect his
forces for a decisive engagement. When
Ahithophel saw that Husai s advice prevailed,
he despaired of success, and returning to his
own home " put his household in order and
hanged himself" (xvii. 1-23).
Ahi'tub. 1. Father of Ahimelech, or Ahi-
jah, the son of Phinchas, and the elder brother
of Ichabod (1 Sam. xiv. 3, xxii. 9, 1 1 ), and there-
fore of the house of Eli and the family of
Ithamar. There is no record of his high-priest-
hood, which, if he ever was high-priest, most
have coincided with the early days of Samuel's
judgeship. — 2. Son of Amariah, and father
of Zadok the high-priest (1 Chr. vi. 7, 8 ;
2 Sam. viii. 17), of the house of Elcazar.
From 1 Chr. ix. 11, where the genealogy of
Azariah, the head of one of the priestly fami-
lies that returned from Babylon with Zerubba-
bel, is traced, through Zadok, to " Ahitub, the
ruler of the bouse of God," it appears tolerably
certain that Ahitub was high-priest. The pas-
sage is repeated in Neh. xi. 11. If the line is
correctly given in these two passages, Ahitub
was not the father, but the grandfather, of Za-
dok, his father being Meraioth. But in I Chr.
vi. 8, and in Ezr. vii. 2, Ahitub is represented
as Zadok's father. This uncertainty makes it
difficult to determine the exact time of Ahitub's
high-priesthood. If he was father to Zadok he
must have been high-priest with Ahimelech.
But if he was grandfather, his age would have
coincided exactly with the other Ahitub, the
son of Phinehas. Certainly a singular coinci-
dence. — 8. The genealogy of the high-priests
in 1 Chr. vi. 11, 12, introduces another Ahitub,
son of another Amariah, and father of another
Zadok. But there are reasons for believing that
the second Ahitub and Zadok are spurious.
Ab/lab, a city of Asher from which the
Cnnaanites were not driven out (Judg. i. 31 ).
It is more probable that Achlab re-appears in
later history as Gush Chaleb (Giscala), a place
identified by Robinson under the abbreviated
name of d-Jish, near Safed, in the hilly country
to the N.W. of the Sea' of Galilee.
Ahla'i, daughter of Sheshan, whom, having
no issue, he gave in marriage to his Egyptian
slave Jarha (1 Chr. ii. 31,35). In consequence
of the failure of male issue, she became the
foundress of an important branch of the family
of the Jerahmeelites, and from her were de-
scended Zabad, one of David's mighty men
(1 Chr. xi. 41), and Azariah, one of the cap-
tains of hundreds in the reign of Joash (2 Chr.
xxiii. 1).
Aho'ah, son of Bela, son of Benjamin
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AI
29
AIN
(1 Chr. viii. 4). In 1 Chr. viii. 7, he is called
Ahiaii. The patronymic, Auohitb, is found
in 2 Sam. xxiii. 9, 28; 1 Chr. xi. 12, 29,
xxrii. 4.
Aho'hite. [Ahoah.J
AJb/olall, a harlot, used by Ezekiel as the
symbol of Samaria (Ez. xxiii. 4, 5, 36, 44).
Aho'liab, a Danite of great skill as a
weaver and embroiderer, whom Moses appoint-
ed with Bezalecl to erect the tabernacle (Ex.
xxxt. 30-35).
Aholibah, a harlot, used by Ezekiel as the
symbol of Judah (Ez. xxiii. 4, 11, 22, 36, 44).
Aboliba'mah, one (probably the second)
of the three wires of Esau. She was the
daughter of Axah, a descendant of Scir the
Honte (Gen. xxxvi. 2,25). In the earlier nar-
rative (Gen. xxvi. 34) Aholibamah is called
Judith, daughter of Beeri, the Hittite. The
explanation of the change in the name of the
woman seems to be that her proper personal
name was Judith, and that Aholibamah was
the name which she received as the wife of
Esau and foundress of three tribes of his de-
scendants ; she is therefore in the narrative
called by the first name, whilst in the genealogi-
cal table of the Edomites she appears under the
second. This explanation is confirmed by the
rec ur r e nce of the name Aholibamah in the con-
cluding list of the genealogical table (Gen.
xxxvi. 40— 43), which we must regard as a list
of names of places and not of persons. The
district which received the name of Esau's
wife, or perhaps rather from which she received
her married name, was no doubt (as the name
itself indicates) situated in the heights of the
mountains of Edom, probably therefore in the
neighborhood of Mount Hor and Petra.
Ahuma'i, son of Jahath, a descendant of
Judah, and head of one of the families of the
Zorathites (1 Chr. iv. 2).
Ahu'zam, properly Ahnzzam, son of
Ashur, the father or founder of Tekoa, by
' his wife Naarah (1 Chr. iv. 6).
Ahuz'zath, one of the friends of the Philis-
tine king Abimelech, who accompanied him at
his interview with Isaac (Gen. xxvi. 26).
A'i [heap of ruins). 1. A royal city (comp.
Josh. viii. 23, 29, x. 1, xii. 9) of Canaan, al-
ready existing in the time of Abraham (Gen.
xii. 8) [Hai], and lying east of Bethel (comp.
Josh. xii. 9), and " beside Bethaven " (Josh. vii.
2, viii. 9). It was the second city taken by
Israel after the passage of the Jordan, and was
"utterly destroyed" (Josh. vii. 3, 4, 5, viii. 1,
2,3, 10, 11, 12, 14. 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23, 24,
25, 26, 28, 29, ix. 3, x. 1, 2, xii. 9). However,
if Aiath be Ai — and from its mention with
Migron and Michmash, it is at least probable
that it was so — the name was still attached to
the locality at the time of Sennacherib's march
on Jerusalem ( Is. x. 28). At any rate, the " men
of Bethel and Ai," to the number of two hun-
dred and twenty-three, returned from the cap
nVity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 28; Neh. vii.
S2, "one hundred and twenty-three " only) ; and
when the Benjamites again took possession of
their towns, "Michmash, Aija, and Bethel,
with their " ' daughters,' " are among the places
named (Neh. xi. 31). [Aha.] —No attempt
has yet succeeded in fixing the site of the city
which Joshua doomed to be a -'heap and a
desolation forever." It is the opinion of some
that the words A vim in Josh, xviii. 23, and
Gaza in 1 Chr. vii. 28, are corruptions of Ai.
[A vim ; Azzah.] — 2. A city of the Ammon-
ites, apparently attached to llesbbon (Jer. xlix.
3).
Ai'ah. 1. Son of Zibeon, a descendant of
Seir, and ancestor of one of the wives of Esau
(1 Chr. i. 40), called in Gen. xxxvi. 24 Ajah.
He probably died before his father, as the suc-
cession fell to his brother Anab. — 2. Father
of Rizpah, the concubine of Saul (2 Sam. iii.
7, xxi. 8, 10, 11).
Ai'ath, a place named by Isaiah (x. 28), in
connection with Migron and Michmash, prob-
ably the same as Ai. [Ai.J
Ai'ja, like Aiath, probably a variation of
the name Ai, mentioned with Michmash and
Bethel (Neh. xi. 81).
Aijalon, "a place of deer or gazelles."
1. A city of the Kohathites (Josh. xxi. 24;
1 Chr. vi. 69), originally allotted to the tribe of
Dan (Josh. xix. 42 ; A. V. " Ajalon "), which
tribe, however, was unable to dispossess the
Amorites of the place (Judg. i. 35). Aijalon
was one of the towns fortified by Rchoboam
(2 Chr. xi. 10) during his conflicts with the
new kingdom of Ephraim (1 K. xiv. 30), and
the last we hear of it is as being in the hands
of the Philistines (2 Chr. xxviii. 18, A. V.
" Ajalon "). Being on the very frontier of the
two kingdoms, we can understand how Aijalon
should be spoken of sometimes (1 Chr. vi. 69,
comp. vith 66) as in Ephraim, and sometimes
(2 Chr. ii. 10 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 31 ) as in Judah
and Benjamin. The name is most familiar to
us from its mention in the celebrated speech of
Joshua during his pursuit of the Canaanites
(Josh. x. 12, " valley of Aijalon "). The town
has been discovered by Dr. Robinson in the
modern Yah, a little to the N. of the Julia
road, about 14 miles out of Jerusalem. — 2.
A place in Zebulun, mentioned as the burial-
place of Elon, one of the judges (Judg. xii.
12).
Ai'jeleth Sha'har (i.e. the hind of the
morning dawn), found once only in tho Bible,
in connection with Ps. xxii., of which it forms
part of the introductory verse or title. This
term has been variously interpreted. Some
take it for the name of a musical instrument ;
others suppose it to express allegoricallv the
argument of the 22d Psalm ; but the weight of
authority predominates in favor of the interpre-
tation which assigns to the phrase the sole pur-
pose of describing to the musician the melody
to which tho psalm was to be played, — "a
Psalm of David, to be sung to the tune called
the Morning Hind."
Ain t an eye, and also, in the simple but
vivid imagery of the East, a spring or natural
burst of living water, always contradistin-
guished from the well or tank of artificial
formation, and which latter is designated by
the words Beer and Bor. Ain oftcnest occurs
in combination with other words forming the
names of definite localities : these will be found
under En, as En-gedi, En-gannim, &c. It
occurs alone in two cases: — 1. One of the
landmarks on the eastern boundary of Pales-
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ALABASTER
30
ALCTMTJS
tine, as described by Moses (Nam. xxxiv. 11).
It is probably 'Am a-'Azy, the main source of
the Orontes, a spring remarkable for its force
and magnitude. 2. One of the southernmost
cities of Judah (Josh. xt. 32), afterwards al-
lotted to Simeon (Josh. xix. 7; 1 Chr. iv. 32)
and given to the priests (Josh. xxi. 16). In
the list of priests' cities in 1 Chr. vi. Ashan
takes the place of Ain.
Ai'rus, one of the " servants of the Tem-
ple," or Nethinim, whose sons came up with
Zorobabel (1 Esd. v. 31). Perhaps the same
as Reaiah.
A'jah = Aiah, 1 (Gen. xxxvi. 24).
Ajalon (Josh. x. 12, xix. 42; 2 Chr. xxviii.
18). The same place as Aijalon (1), which
sec. The Hebrew being the same in both,
there is no reason for the inconsistency in the
spelling of the name in the A. V.
A'kan, son of Ezer, one of the " dnkes " or
chieftains of the Horites, and descendant of
Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 27). He is called Jakan in
1 Chr. i. 42 = Jaakin, which last is probably
the true reading in both cases.
Ak'kub. 1. A descendant of Zerubba-
bel and son of Elioenai (1 Chr. Hi. 24). — 2.
One of the porters or doorkeepers at the east
gate of the Temple. His descendants suc-
ceeded to his office, and appear among those
who returned from Babylon (1 Chr. ix. 17;
Ezr. ii. 42 ; Neh. vii. 45, xi. 19, xii. 25). Also
called Dacobi (1 Esd. v. 28). — 3. One of the
Kethinim, whose family returned with Zerub-
babel (Ezr. ii. 45). Called Acub in 1 Esd. v.
31). — 4. A Levite who assisted Ezra in ex-
pounding the law to the people (Neh. viii. 7).
Called Jacdbvs in 1 Esd. ix. 48.
Akrab'bim, "thb ascent op," and "the
ooinu up to;" also " Maaleh-achabbim "
("the scorpion-pass"). A pass between the
with end of the Dead Sea and Zin, forming
^ne of the landmarks on the south boundary at
jnce of Judah (Josh. xv. 3) and of the Holy
Land (Num. xxxiv. 4). Also the north (?)
boundary of the Amorites (Judg. i. 36). Judas
Maccabaeus gained here a great victory over
the Edomites (1 Mace. v. 3, " Arabattinc "1.
Perhaps Akrabbim is the steep pass a-Sufah,
by which the final step is made from the desert
to the level of the actual land of Palestine. As
to the name, scorpions abound in the whole of
this district.
Alabaster occurs in the N. T. only in the
notice of the alabaster-box of ointment which a
woman brought to our Lord when he sat at
meat in the house of Simon the leper at
Bethany, the contents of which she poured on
the head of the Saviour (Matt. xxvi. 7 ; Mark
xiv. 3; Luke vii. 37). By the English word
alabaster is to be understood both that kind
which is also known by the name of gypsum, as
well as the Oriental alabaster which is so much
valued on account of its transluccncy, and for
its variety of colored streakings, red, yellow,
gray, &c., which it owes for the most part to
the admixture of oxides of iron. The latter is
a fibrous carbonate of lime, of which there are
many varieties, satin spar being one of the most
common. The former is a hydrous sulphate of
lime, and forms when calcined and ground the
vell-known and useful substance called plaster
of Paris. Both these kinds of alabaster, but
especially the latter, are and have been long
used for various ornamental purposes, such as
in the fabrication of vases, boxes, 4c. The
ancients considered alabaster (carbonate of
Alabuter VeeeeU. - From the Brttbh Huieim. - The In-
scription on trie eentre veeeel denote* the quantity it hold*.
lime) to be the best material in which to pre-
serve their ointments. " Unguents," says
Pliny, " keep best in alabaster." In Mark
xiv. 3, the woman who brought " the alabas-
ter-box of ointment of spikenard " is said to
break the box before pouring out the ointment,
which probably only means breaking the seal
which kept the essence of the perfume from
evaporating.
Ala'meth, properly Alemeth, one of the
sons of Becher, the son of Benjamin (1 Chr.
vii. 8).
Alam'melech ("king's oak"), a place
within the limits of Asher, named between
Achshaph and Amad (Josh. xix. 26 only).
Al'amoth (Ps. xlvi. title ; 1 Chr. xv. 20),
a word of exceedingly doubtful meaning, some
interpreting it to mean a musical instrument,
and others a melody.
Al'cimUS (valiant, a Greek name, assumed,
according to the prevailing fashion, as repre-
senting Eliakim, whom God will establish), a Jew-
ish pnest (1 Mace. vii. 14), who was attached
to the Hcllenizing party (2 Mace. xiv. 3). On
the death of Menelaus," though not of the pon-
tifical family, he was appointed to the high-
priesthood by the influence of Lysias (1 Mace,
vii. 14), to the exclusion of Onias, the nephew
of Menelaus. When Demetrius Soter obtained
the kingdom of Syria he paid court to that
monarch, who confirmed him in his office, anil
through his general Bacchidcs [Bacchidkr]
established him at Jerusalem. His cruelty,
however, was so great, that, in spite of the force
left in his command, he was unable to with-
stand the opposition which he provoked, and
he again fled to Demetrius, who immediately
took measures for his restoration. The first
expedition under Nicanor proved unsuccessful ;
but upon this Bacchides marched a second time
against Jerusalem with a large army, routed
Judas, who fell in the battle (161 B.C.), and re-
instated Alcimus. After his restoration, Alci-
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ALEXANDER IIL
31
ALEXANDER BALA8
mus seem* to have attempted to modify the
ancient worship, and as he was engaged in
pulling down " the wall of the inner court of
the sanctuary " (i'a which separated the court
of the Gentiles from it) he was " plagued " (by
paralysis), and "died at that time, 160 B.C.
(1 Mace. vii. ix. ; cf. 2 Mace. xiv. xv.) Ap.
Al'ema, a large and strong city in GQead
in the time of the Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 26).
Ap.
Alem'oth, a Benjamite, son of Jehoadah
or Jarah ( 1 Chr. viii. 36, ix. 42), and descended
from Jonathan the son of Saul.
Alem'eth, the form under which Auiow,
the name of a city of the priests in Benjamin,
appears in 1 Chr. vi. 60 [451. Under the very
similar form of 'Almit or Almuth, it has been
apparently identified in the present day at
about a mile N.E. of Anata, the site of Ana-
tboth. Among the genealogies of Benjamin
the name occur* in the A. v. in connection
with Axmaveth, also the name of a town of
that tribe (1 Chr. viii. 36, ix. 42, compared
with Ear. ii. 24), but the form in Hebrew is
different.
AleXSn'der HI., king of Macedon, sur-
named tkv Great, " the son of Philip"
(1 Mace vi. 2) and Olympian, was born at
Pella, b.c. 356. On the murder of Philip
(b.c. 336) Alexander put down with reso-
lute energy the disaffection and hostility by
which his throne was menaced ; and in two
years crossed the Hellespont (b.c. 334) to carry
out the plans of his father, and execute the
mission of Greece to the civilized world. The
battle of the Granicus was followed by the sub-
jugation of western Asia ; and in the following
year the fate of the East was decided at Issus
(b.c. 333). Tyre and Gaza were the only cities
in western Syria which offered Alexander any
resistance, and these were reduced and treated
with unusual severity (B.C. 332). Egypt next
submitted to him ; ana in B.C. 331 he founded
Alexandria, which remains to the present day
the most characteristic monument of his life
and work. In the same year he finally defeated
Darius at Gaugamela ; and in B.C. 330 his un-
happy rival was murdered by Besus, satrap of
Bactria- The next two years were occupied
by Alexander in the consolidation of his Persian
conquests and the reduction of Bactria In
b.c. 327 he crossed the Indus, penetrated to the
Hydaspes, and was there forced by the discon-
tent of his army to turn westward. He reached
Susa B.c. 325, and proceeded to Babylon, B.C.
324, which he chose as the capital of his empire.
In the next year (b.c. 323) he died there in the
midst of his gigantic plans ; and those who in-
herited his conquests left his designs unachieved
and nnattempted (cf. Dan. rii. 6, viii. 5, xi. 3).
— The famous tradition of the visit of Alexander
to Jerusalem during his Phoenician campaign
(Joseph. Ant. xi. 8, § 1 ft) has been a fruitful
source of controversy. The Jews, it is said, had
provoked his anger hy refusing to transfer their
allegiance to him when summoned to do so
during the siege of Tyre, and after the reduc-
tion of Tyre and Gaza he turned towards Jeru-
salem. Jaddua (Jaddns) the hijrh-priest (Nch.
xii. 11, 22), who had been warned in a dream
how to avert the king's anster, calmly awaited
his approach, and when be drew near went out
to meet him, clad in his robes of hyacinth and
gold, and accompanied by a train of priests and
citizens arrayed in white. Alexander was so
moved by the solemn spectacle that he did rev-
erence to the holy name inscribed upon the
tiara of the high-priest ; and when Parmenio
expressed surprise, he replied that " he had seen
the god whom Jaddua represented in a dream
at Dium, encouraging him to cross over into
Asia, and promising Turn success." After this
it is said that he visited Jerusalem, offered sac-
rifice there, heard the prophecies of Daniel
which foretold his victorv, and conferred im-
Jortant privileges upon tnc Jews, not only in
udsea, hut in Babylonia and Media, which
they enjoyed during the supremacy of his suc-
cessors. The narrative is repeated in the Tal-
mud and in later Jewish writers. On the other
hand, no mention of the event occurs in Arrian,
Plutarch, Diodorus, or Curtius. But internal
evidence is decidedly in favor of the story even
in its picturesque fulness. From policy or con-
viction Alexander delighted to represent him-
self as chosen by destiny h>r the great act which
he achieved. The siege of Tyre arose pro-
fessedly from a religious motive. The battle
of Issus was preceded by the visit to Gordium ;
the invasion of Persia by the pilgrimage to the
temple of Ammon. And the silence of the
classical historians, who notoriously disregard-
ed and misrepresented the fortunes of the Jews,
cannot be held to be, conclusive against the
occurrence of an event which must have ap-
peared to them trivial or unintelligible. — In
the prophetic visions of Daniel the influence of
Alexander is necessarily combined with that
of his successors. Tbcy represented with par-
tial exaggeration the several phases of his char-
acter ; and to the Jews nationally the policy of
the Syrian kings was of greater importance
than tne original conquest of Asia. But soma
traits of " the first mighty king " (Dan. viii.
21, xi. 3) are given with vigorous distinctness.
The emblem by which he is typified (a he-goat)
suggests the notions of strength and speed ; and
the universal extent (Dan. viii. \ , . . from the
west on the fan of the whole earth) and marvellous
rapidity of his conquests (Dan. I.e., he touched
not the ground) are brought forward as the char-
acteristics of his power, which was directed by
the strongest personal impetuosity (Dan. viii.
6, in the fury of hit poioer). He ruled with great
dominion, and did according to his will (xi.3),
" and there was none that could deliver . . .
out ->f his hand " (viii. 7).
Tvtndnehm (Attic talent) of Lvehnechnt, King of Three*.
ObT. Head of Alexander theOreetae a yoongJuplter Ammoa.
Rev. Pellaa temted to left, holding a victory.
Alexander Balas was, according to
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ALEXANDER
32
ALEXANDRIA
some, a natural eon of Antiochus IV. Epiph-
anes, but he was more generally regarded as
an impostor who falsely assumed the connec-
tion. He claimed the throne of Syria, in 152
B.C., in opposition to Demetrius Soter, who had
provoked the hostility of the neighboring kings
and alienated the affections of his subjects.
After landing at Ptolemais (1 Mace. x. \)
Alexander gained the warm support of Jona-
than, who was now the leader of the Jews
(1 Mace. ix. 73) ; and in 150 n.c. he completely
routed the forces of Demetrius, who himself
fell in the retreat (1 Mace, x.48-50). After this
Alexander married Cleopatra, the daughter of
Piolcmy VI. l'hilomctor ; and in the arrange-
ment of his kingdom appointed Jonathan gov-
ernor (1 Mace. x. 65) of a province (Judtea:
cf. 1 Mace. xi. 57 ). But his triumph was of short
duration. After obtaining power he gave him-
self up to a life of indulgence ; and when
DemetriuB Nicator, the son of Demetrius Sotcr,
landed in Syria, in 147 B.C., the new pretender
fonnd powerful support (1 Mace. x. 67 ff.).
At tint Jonathan defeated and slew Apollonius,
the governor of Ccelc-Syria, who had joined
the party of Demetrius, for which exploit he
received fresh favors from Alexander (1 Mace.
x. 69-89) ; but shortly afterwards (n.c. 146)
Ptolemy entered Syria with a large force, and
aftor he had placed garrisons in the chief cities
on the coast, which received him according to
the commands of Alexander, suddenly pro-
nounced himself in favor of Demetrius (1 Mace,
xi. 1-11), alleging, probably with truth, the
existence of a conspiracy against his lite.
Alexander, who had been forced to leave
Antioch, was in Cilicia when he heard of
Ptolemy's defection (1 Mace. xi. 14). He has-
tened to meet him, but was defeated (1 Mace,
xi. 15), and fled to Abae in Arabia, where he
was murdered, B.C. 146 (1 Mace. xi. 17). The
narrative in 1 Mace, shows clearly the partial-
ity which the Jews entertained for Alexander
" as the first that entreated of true peace with
them" (1 Mace. x. 47) ; and the same feeling
was exhibited afterwards in the zeal with which
they supported his son Antiochus. [Antio-
chus VI.] Ap.
Alexan'der, in N. T. 1. Son of Simon
the Cvrcnian, who was compelled to bear the
cross for our Lord (Mark xv. 21). — 2. One of
the kindred of Annas the high-priest (Acts iv.
6), apparently in some high office, as he is
among three who are mentioned bv name.
Some suppose him identical with Alexander
the Alabarch at Alexandria, the brother of
Philo Judanis, mentioned by Joscphus. — 3.
A Jew at Ephesus, whom his countrymen put
forward during the tumult raised by Demetrius
the silversmith (Acts xix. 33), to* plead their
cause with the mob, as being unconnected with
the attempt to overthrow the worship of Arte-
mis. Or he may have been, as imagined by-
Calvin and others, a Jewish convert to Chris-
tianity, whom the Jews were willing to expose
as a victim to the frenzy of the mob. — 4. An
Ephcsian Christian, reprobated by St. Paul in
1 Tim. i. 20, as having, together with one Hy-
menals, put from him faith and a good con-
science, and so made shipwreck concerning the
faith. This mav be the same with — 6. Alex-
ander the coppersmith, mentioned by the same
apostle (2 Tim. iv. 14) as having done him
many mischiefs. It is quite uncertain where
this person resided; but, from the caution to
Timotheus to beware of him, probably at
Ephesus.
Alexandria (3 Mace. iii. 1 ; Acts xviii.
24, vi. 9), the Hellenic, Korean, and Christian,
capital of Egypt, was founded by Alexander
the Great, u.c. 332, who himself traced the
ground-plan of the city, which he designed to
make the metropolis of his western empire.
The work thus begun was continued after the
death of Alexander by the Ptolemies. Every
natural advantage contributed to its prosperity.
The climate and site were singularly healthy.
The harbors, formed by the islar-d of Pharos
and the headland Lochias, were safe and com-
modious, alike for commerce and for war ; and
the Lake Marcotis was an inland haven for the
merchandise of Egypt and India. Under the
despotism of the later Ptolemies the trade of
Alexandria declined, but its population and
wealth were enormous. After the victory of
Augustus it suffered for its attachment to the
cause of Antony ; but its importance as one of
the chief corn-ports of Home ' secured for it the
general favor of the first emperors. In later
times the seditious tumults for which the Alex-
andrians had always been notorious desolated
the city, and religious feuds aggravated the
popular distress. Yet even thus, though Alex-
andria suffered greatly from constant dissensions
and the weakness of the Byzantine court, the
splendor of " the great city of the West " amazed
Amroti, its Arab conqueror; and, after centu-
ries of Mohammedan misrule, it promises once
again to justify the wisdom of its founder. —
The population of Alexandria was mixed from
the first ; and this fact formed the groundwork
of the Alexandrine character. The three re-
gions into which the city was divided (Regio
Jiukeorum, Drvclieium, filiacotia) corresponded to
the three chief classes of its inhabitants, Jews,
Greeks, Egyptians; but, in addition to these
principal races, representatives of almost every
nation were found there. According to Jo-
sephus, Alexander himself assigned to the
Jews a place in his new city ; " and thej ob-
tained," he adds, " equal privileges with the
Macedonians," in consideration " of their ser-
vices against the Egyptians." Ptolemy I. imi-
tated the policy of Alexander, and, after the
capture of Jerusalem, removed a considerable
number of its citizens to Alexandria. Many
others followed of their own accord ; and all
received the full Macccdonian franchise, as men
of known and tried fidelity. Already on a
former occasion the Jews had sought a home in
the land of their bondage. Mo/c than two cen-
turies and a half lieforc the foundation of Alex-
andria a large body of them had taken refuge
in Egypt, after trie murder of Gedaliah ; but
these, after a general apostasy, were carried
capiive to Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar (2 K.
1 The Alexandrine corn-vessels (Act? xxvtl. 6,
x xviii. II) were large (Acts xxvii. 3D and hand-
some. They geneinlly sailed direct to I'uteoli
(Acts xxviit. 13); but, from stress of weather,
often kept close under the Asiatic coast (Acta
xxvUi.).
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ALGUM
ALLELUIA
xxr. 26 ; Jer. xliv.). — The fate of the later
colony was far different. The numbers and
importance of the Egyptian Jews were rapidly
increased under the Ptolemies by fresh immi-
grations and untiring industry. Philo esti-
mates them in his time at little less than
1,000,000 ; and adds, that two of the five dis-
tricts of Alexandria were called "Jewish dis-
tricts," and that many Jews lived scattered in
the remaining three. Julius Cawar and Augus-
tas confirmed to them the privileges which they
had enjoyed before, and they retained them,
with various interruptions, during the tumults
and persecutions of later reigns. They were rep-
resented, at least for some time (from the time
of Cleopatra to the reign of Claudius), by their
own officer, and Augustus appointed a council
(i*. Sanhedrim) " to superintend the affaire of
the Jews " according to their own laws. The
establishment of Christianity altered the civil
position of the Jews, but they maintained their
relative prosperity ; and when Alexandria was
taken by Amrou 40,000 tributary Jews were
reckoned among the marvels of the city. — For
some time the Jewish Church in Alexandria
was in close dependence on that of Jerusalem.
Both were subject to the civil power of the first
Ptolemies, and both acknowledged the high-
priest as their religious head. The persecution
of Ptolemy Philopator (217 B.C.) occasioned
the first political separation between the two
bodies. From that time the Jews of Palestine
attached themselves to the fortunes of Syria
[A.ttiochob the Great] ; and the same policy
which alienated the Palestinian party gave
unity and decision to the Jews of Alexandria.
The Septnagint translation, which strength-
ened the barrier of language between Palestine
and Egypt, and the temple at Leontopolis
(161 B.C.), which subjected the Egyptian Jews
to the charge of schism, widened the breach
which was thus opened. But the division,
though marked, was not complete. At the
beginning of the Christian era the Egyptian
Jews still paid the contributions to the temple-
service. Jerusalem, though its name was fash-
ioned to a Greek shape, was still the Holy City,
the metropolis not of a country but of a people,
and the Alexandrians had a synagogue there
(Acts vi. 9). The internal administration of
the Alexandrine Church was independent of
the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem ; but respect sur-
vived submission. — According to the common
legend St. Mark first " preached the Gospel in
Egypt, and founded the first Church in Alex-
andria." At the beginning of the 2d century
the number of Christians at Alexandria must
have been very large, and the great leaders of
Gnosticism who arose there (Basilides, Valen-
unos) exhibit an exaggeration of the tendency
of the Church.
Alexan'driaus. 1. The Greek inhabit-
ants of Alexandria (3 Mace. ii. 30, iii. 21). 2.
The Jewish colonists of that dry, who were ad-
mitted to the privileges of citixenship, and had
a synagogue at Jerusalem (Acts vi. 9). See
above.
Algnm or Alvnng Tree*; the former
occurring in 2 Chr. ii. 8, ix. 10, 11, the latter
ml K.x. 11, 12. There can be no question that
these words are identical. From 1 K. x. 1 1, 12.
6
2 Chr. ix. 10, 11, we learn that the almug was
brought in great plenty from Ophir, together
with gold and precious stones, by the fleet of
Hiram, for Solomon's Temple and house, and
for the construction of musical instruments.
In 9 Chr. ii. 8, Solomon is represented as desir-
ing Hiram to send him "cedar-trees, fir-trees,
and almug-trees out of Lebanon." From the
passage in Kings it seems clear that Ophir was
the country from which the almug-trees came ;
and as it is improbable that Lebanon should
also have been a locality for them, the passage
which appears to ascribe the growth of the
almug-tree to the mountains of Lebanon must
be considered to be either an interpolation of
some transcriber, or else it must bear a differ-
ent interpretation. Perhaps the wood had been
brought from Ophir to Lebanon, and Solomon's
instructions to Hiram were to send on to Jeru-
salem the timber imported from Ophir that was
lying at the port of Tyre, with the cedars which
had oeen cut in Mount Lebanon. It is impos-
sible to identify the algum or almug-tree with
any certainty, but the arguments are more in
favor of the red sandal-wood ( Pterocarput tanta-
limu) than of any other species. This tree,
which belongs to the natural order Leguminotcr,
and sub-order Papilionacea, is a native of
India and Ceylon. The wood is very heavy,
hard, and fine grained, and of a beautiful
garnet color.
Al'iah. [Alvab.
Al'ian. [Alvan.1
Allegory, a figure of speech, which has
been donned by Bishop Marsh, in accordance
with its etymology, as " a representation of one
thing which is intended to excite the represen-
tation of another thing;" the first representa-
tion being consistent with itself, but requiring,
or capable of admitting, a moral or spiritual
interpretation over and above its literal sense.
An allegory has been considered by some as a
lengthened or sustained metaphor, or a continu-
ation of metaphors, as by Cicero, thus standing
in the same relation to metaphor as parable to
simile; but the interpretation of allegory differs
from that of metaphor, in having to do not with
words but things. In every allegory there is a
twofold sense ; the immediate or historic, which
is understood from the words, and the ultimate,
which is concerned with the things signified by
the words. The allegorical interpretation is not
of the words, but of the things signified by
them ; and not only may, but actually does,
co-exist with the literal interpretation in every
allegory, whether the narrative in which it is
conveyed be of things possible or real. An il-
lustration of this may be seen in Gal. iv. 24,
where the apostle gives an allegorical interpre-
tation to the historical narrative of Hagar and
Sarah ; not treating that narrative as an alle-
gory in itself, as our A. V. would lead us to
suppose, but drawing from it a deeper sense
than is conveyed by the immediate representa-
tion. For examples of pure and mixed alle-
gory, see Ps. Ixxx. ; Luke xv. 11-32; Johnxv.
1-8.
Alleluia, so written in Rev. xix. 1, foil.
or more properly Hallblcjah, "praise ye Je-
hovah," as it is found in the margin of Ps. cv.
cvi. cxii. 1, cxiii. 1, cxlvi.-cl. (comp. Ps. cxiii.
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ALLIANCES
84
ALMODAD
9, cxr. 18, cxvi. 19, cxtU. 2). The Psalms
from cxiii. to cxviii. were called by the Jews the
Hallel, and were sung on the first of the month,
at the feast of Dedication, and the feast of
Tabernacles, the feast of Weeks, and the feast
of the Fassorer. [HoeAXNA.] On the last
occasion Fs. cxiii. and cxiv., according to the
school of Hillel (the former only according to
the school of Shammai), were snng before the
feast, and the remainder at its termination,
after drinking the last cop. The hvmn (Matt.
xxvi. 30), snng by Christ and his disciples after
the last supper, is supposed to have been die
great Hallel, which seems to have varied accord-
ing to the feast. The literal meaning of " Hal-
lelujah " sufficiently indicates the character of
the Psalms in which it occurs, as hymns of praise
and thanksgiving. They are all found in the
last book of the collection, and bear marks of
being intended for use in the temple-service ; the
words " praise ye Jehovah " being taken up by
the full chorus of Levites. In the great hymn
of triumph in heaven over the destruction of
Babylon, the apostle in vision heard the multi-
tude in chorus like the voice of mighty thun-
derings burst forth, " Alleluia, for the Lord God
omnipotent reigneth," responding to the voice
which came out of the throne saying " Praise
our God, all ye his servants, and ye that fear
him, both small and great " (Rev. xix. 1-6).
In this, as in the offering of incense (Rev.
viii.), there is evident allusion to the service of
the temple, as the apostle had often witnessed
it in all its grandeur.
Allianoes. On the first establishment of
the Hebrews in Palestine no connections were
formed between them and the surrounding na-
tions. But with the extension of their power
tinder the kings, the Jews were brought more
into contact with foreigners, and alliances be-
came essential to the security of their commerce.
Solomon concluded two important treaties ex-
clusively for commercial purposes ; the first
with Hiram, king of Tyre, originally with the
view of obtaining materials and workmen for
the erection of the Temple, and afterwards for
the supply of ship-builders and sailors (1 K. v.
2-12, ix. 27) : the second with a Pharaoh, king
of Egypt ; by this he secured a monopoly of the
trade in horses and other products of that coun-
try (1 K. x. 28, 29). After the division of the
kingdom the alliances were of an offensive and
defensive nature. When war broke out between
Amaziah and Jeroboam H. a coalition was
formed between Rezin, king of Syria, and
Pekah on the one side, and Ahaz and Tiglath-
pileser, king of Assyria, on the other (2 K. xvi.
5-9). By this means an opening was afforded
to the advances of the Assyrian power ; and the
kingdoms of Israel and Judah, as they were
successively attacked, sought the alliance of
the Egyptians, who were strongly interested in
maintaining the independence of the Jews as a
barrier against the encroachments of the Assy-
rian power. Thus Hoshea made a treaty with
So (Sabaco, or Sevechus), and rebelled against
Shalmaneser (2 K. xvii. 4). Hezekiah adopted
the same policy in opposition to Sennacherib
(Is. xxx. 2) ; but in neither case was the alli-
ance productive of much good : the Israelites
were abandoned by So, and it was only when
the independence of Egypt itself was threat-
ened that the Assyrians were defeated by the
joint forces of Sethos and Tirhakah, and a
.temporary relief afforded thereby to Judah (3
K. xix. 9, 36). On the restoration of inde-
pendence Judas Maccabeus sought an alliance
with the Romans as a counterpoise to the neigh-
boring state of Syria (1 Mace. viii.). This al-
liance was renewed by Jonathan (1 Mace. xii.
1) and bv Simon (1 Mace. xv. 17). On the
last occasion the independence of the Jews waa
recognized and formally notified to the neigh-
boring nations, B.C. 140 (1 Mace. xv. 22, 23).
Treaties of a friendly nature were at the same
period concluded with the Lacedaemonians,
under an impression that they came of a com-
mon stock (1 Mace. xii. 2, xiv. 20). — The
formation of an alliance was attended with
various religious rites : a victim was slain and
divided into two parts, between which the con-
tracting parties passed (Gen. xv. 10). Thai
this custom was maintained to a late period
appears from Jer. xxxiv. 18-20. Generally
speaking the oath alone is mentioned in the
contracting of alliances, either between nations
(Josh. ix. 15) or individuals (Gen. xxvi. 28,
xxxi. 53; 1 Sam. xx. 17; 2 K. xi. 4). The
event was celebrated by a feast (Gen. Ix.; Ex.
xxiv. 11 ; 2 Sam. iii. 12, 20). Salt, as sym.
bolical of fidelity, was used on these occasions ;
it was applied to the sacrifices (Lev. ii. 13), and
probably used, as among the Arabs, at hospi-
table entertainments ; hence the expression
"covenant of salt" (Num. xviii. 19; 2 Chr.
xiii. 5). Occasionally a pillar or a heap of
Btones was set up as a memorial of the alliance
(Gen. xxxi. 52). Presents were also sent by
the party soliciting the alliance (1 K. xv. 18 ;
Is. xxx. 6 ; 1 Mace. xv. 18). The fidelity of
the Jews to their engagements was conspicuous
at all periods of their history (Josh. ix. 18), and
any breach of covenant was visited with very
severe punishment (2 Sam.xxi. 1 ; Ez. xvii. 16).
Allom = Ami = Amon (l Esd. v. 34;
cf. Ezr. ii. 57 ; Neh. vii. 59).
Allon, a Simeonite, ancestor of Ziza, a
prince of his tribe in the reign of Hezekiah
(1 Chr. iv. 37).
Allon, a large strongtree of some descrip-
tion, probably an oak. The word is found in
two names in the topography of Palestine.—
1. Allon, more accurately Eloh, a place
named among the cities of Naphtali (Josh. xix.
33). Probably the more correct construction it
to take it with the following word, i.e. " the
oak by Zaanannim," or " the oak of the loading
of tents," as if deriving its name from some
nomad tribe frequenting the spot. Such a tribe
were the Kenites, and in connection with them
the place is again named in Judg. iv. II, with
the additional definition of " by Kedesh (Naph-
tali)." Here, however, the A. v., following the
Vulgate, renders the words "the plain of Zaav
naim." [Elok.] — 2. Al'loh-ba'chcth ("oak
of weeping "), the tree under which Rebekah'e
nurse, Deborah, was buried (Gen. xxxv. 8).
ATmodad, the first, in order, of the de-
scendants of Joktan (Gen. x. 26; 1 Chr. i. 20),
and the progenitor of an Arab tribe. His
settlements must be looked for, in common
with those of the other descendants of Joktan,
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ALMOND-TREE
35
ALMS
in the Arabian peninsula; and his name appears
to be preserved in that of Madid, a famous
personage in Arabian history, the reputed father
of IshmjieTs Arab wife, and the chief of the
Joktanite tribe Jurhum.
Al'mon, a city within the tribe of Benjamin,
with "suburbs" given to the priests (Josh.
xxL 18). In the parallel list in 1 Chr. vi. it is
found as Alemeth. [Albmkth.]
Al'mon-Diblatha'im, one of the latest
stations of the Israelites, between Dibon-gad
and the mountains of Abarim (Num. xxxiii.
46, 47). Dibon-gad is the present Dhibin, just
to the north of the Arnou ; and it is thus prob-
able that Almon-diblathaim is identical with
Beth-diblathaim, a Moabite city mentioned by
Jeremiah (xlviii. 22) in company with both
Dibon and Nebo.
Almond-tree ; Almond. This word is
found in Gen. xliii. 11 ; Ex. xxt. 33, 34,
xxxvit 19, 20; Num. xrii. 8; Eccles. xii. 5 ;
Jer. i. 11, in the text of the A. V. It is
invariably represented by the same Hebrew
word {thaktd), which sometimes stands for the
whole tree, sometimes for the fruit or nut ; for
instance, in Gen. xliii. 11, Jacob commands his
sous to take as a present to Joseph "a little
honey, spices and myrrh, nuts and almonds ; "
here the fruit is clearly meant. In the passages
referred to abovw out of the book of Exodus the
" bowls made like unto almonds," which were
to adorn the golden candlestick, seem to allude
to the nut also. Aaron's rod, that so mirac-
ulously budded, yielded almond-nut*. In the
two latter passages from Ecclesiastes and Jere-
miah the Hebrew thaktd is translated almond-
tree, which from the context it certainly repre-
sents. It is clearly then a mistake to suppose,
as some writers hare done, that ihakfd stands
exclusively for "almond-nuts," and that l&z
signifies " the tree." It is probable that this
tree, conspicuous as it was for its early flowering
and useful fruit, was known by these two dif-
ferent names. The Hebrew li* occurs only in
(Jen. xxx. 37, where it is translated hazel in the
text of the A. V., yet there can be little or no
doubt that it is another word for the almond,
for in the Arabic this identical word, l&z, de-
notes the almond. [Hazel.) — SkdUd is
derived from a root which signifies "to be
wakeful," "to hasten," for the almond-tree
blossoms very early in the season, the flowers
appearing before the leaves. Hence it was
regarded by the Jews as a welcome harbinger
of spring, reminding them that the winter was
passing away — that the flowers would soon
appear on the earth, that the time of the
singing of birds was come, and the voice of the
turtle would soon be heard in the land (Cant i.
11, 12). The word shalcrd, therefore, or the
tree which hastened to put forth its blossoms,
was a very beautiful and fitting synonyme for
the l&z, or almond-tree, in the language of a
people so fond of imagery and poetry as were
the Jews. The almond-tree has been noticed
in flower as early as the 9th of January; the
19th, 23d, and 25th are also recorded dates.
The knowledge of this interesting fact will
explain that otherwise unintelligible passage in
Jeremiah (i. 11, 12), "The word of the Lord
unto me, saying, Jeremiah, what seest
thou 1 And I said, I see the rod of aa almond,
tree (thaktd). Then said the Lord unto me,
thou hast well seen, for I will hatten (thiktd)
my word to perform it." — The almond-tree
has always been regarded by the Jews with
reverence, and even to this day the modern
English Jews on their great feast-days v.a.-ry a
bough of flowering almond to the synagogue,
just as the Jews of old time used to present
palm-branches in the Temple. — The almond-
tree, whose scientific name is Amugdalut com-
munis, is a native of Asia and North Africa, but
it is cultivated in the milder parts of Europe.
The height of the tree is about 12 or 14 feet ;
the flowers are pink, and arranged for the most
part in pairs ; the leaves are long, ovate, with a
serrated margin, and an acute point. The
covering of the fruit is downy and succulent,
enclosing the hard shell which contains the
kernel. It is curious to observe, in connection
with the almond-howls of the golden candle-
stick, that, in the language of lapidaries, Almond*
are pieces of rock-crystal, even now used in
adorning branch-candlesticks.
Alnrm. This word is not found in our ver-
sion of the canonical books of O. T., but it
occurs repeatedly in N. T., and in the Apocrv-
phal books of Tobit and Ecclesiastical. — The
duty of alms-giving, especially in kind, consist-
ing chiefly in portions to be left designedly from
produce of the field, the vineyard, and the
oliveyard (Lev. xix. 9, 10, xxiii. 22; Dent. xv.
11, xxiv. 19, xxvi. 2-13 ; Ruth ii. 2), is strictly
enjoined by the Law. Every third year also
(Deut. xiv. 28) each proprietor was directed to
share the tithe of his produce with " the Levite,
the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow."
The theological estimate of almsgiving among
the Jews is indicated in the following passages :
Job xxxi. 17 ; Prov. x. 2, xi. 4 ; Esth. ix. 22 ;
Ps. cxii. 9 ; Acts ix. 36, the case of Dorcas ;
x. 2, of Cornelius ; to which may be added, Tob.
iv. 10, 11, xiv. 10, 11 ; and Ecclus. iii. SO, xl.
24. And the Talmudists went so for as to
interpret righUtmtna* by almsgiving in such
passages as Gen. xviii. 19; Is. liv. 14; Ps.
xvii. 15. — In the women's court of the Tem-
ple there were 13 receptacles for voluntary
offerings (Mark xii. 41), one of which was
devoted to alms for education of poor children
of good family. Before the Captivity there is
no trace of permission of mendicancy, but it was
evidently allowed in later times (Matt. xx. 30;
Mark x. 46 ; Acts iii. 2). — The Pharisees were
zealous in almsgiving, but too ostentatious in
their mode of performance, for which our Lord
finds fault with them (Matt. vi. 2). But there
is no ground for supposing that the expression
" do not sound a trumpet " is more than a mode
of denouncing their display, by a figure drawn
from the frequent and well-known use of trum-
pets in religions and other celebrations, Jewish
as well as heathen. — The duty of relieving the
poor was not neglected by the Christians (Matt
vi. 1-4 ; Luke xiv. 13 ; Acts xx. 35 ; Gal. ii.
10). Every Christian was exhorted to lay by
on the first day of each week some portion of
his profits, to be applied to the wants of the
needy (Acts xi. SO; Rom. xv. 25-27; 1 Cor.
xvi. 1-4). It was also considered a duty
specially incumbent on widows to isvote
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ALTAR
36
ALTAR
themselves to such ministrations (1 Tim. t.
10).
Almug-Trees. [Aloum-TrkksJ
Alna/thail [Elxathax 2]. (1 Esd. viii.
44.) Ap.
Aloes, Iiign Aloes (in Heb. AhdlSm,
Ahaloth) the name of a costly and sweet-smell-
ing wood which is mentioned in Nam. xxiv. 6 ;
Ps. xlv. 8; Prov. vii. 17. In Cant. iv. 14,
Solomon speaks of " myrrh and aloes, with all
the chief spices." The word occurs once in the
N. T. (John xix. 39), when Nieodemus brings
"a mixture of myrrh and aloes, about an hun-
dred pound weight," for the purpose of anoint-
ing the body of onr Lord. It is usually
identified with the Aquilaria AgaUochwm, a tree
which supplies the agallochum, or aloes-wood of
commerce, much valued in India on account of
its aromatic qualities for purposes of fumigation
and for incense. This tree grows to the height
of 120 feet, being 12 feet in girth. It is, how-
ever, uncertain whether the Alidlim or Ahaldth
is in reality the aloes-wood of commerce ; it is
quite possible that some kind of odoriferous
cedar may be the tree denoted by these terms.
Alotu, a place or district, forming with
Asher the junsdiction of the ninth of Solo-
mon's commissariat officers (1 K. iv. 16).
Alpha, the first letter of the Greek alpha-
bet, as Omega is the last. Its significance is
plainly indicated in the context, " I am Alpha
and Omega, the beginning and the end, the
first and the last" (Rev. xxii. IS, i. 8, 11, xxi.
6), which may be compared with Is. xli. 4.
Both Greeks and Hebrews employed the letters
of the alphabet as numerals.
Alphabet. [Writing.]
Alphse'us, the father of the Apostle St.
James the Less (Matt. x. 3 ; Mark iii. 18 ;
Luke vi. 15-; Acts i. 13), and husband of that
Mary (called in Mark xv. 40, mother of James
the Less and of Joscs) who, with the mother of
Jesus and others, was standing by the cross
during the crucifixion (John xix. 25). [Maby.]
In this latter place he is called Clopas (not, as
in the A. V., Cleophas) ; a variation arising
from the double pronunciation of the Hebrew
letter Cheth ; and found also in the rendering
of Hebrew names by the LXX. Whether the
existence of this variety gives us a further right
to identify Alplueus with the Clopas of Luke
xxiv. 18, can never be satisfactorily determined.
If, as commonly, the ellipsis in 'loviac '\anuflov
in Luke vi. 15, Acts i. 13, is to be filled up by
inserting " brother," then the apostle St. Jude
was another son of Alptueus. And in Mark
ii. 14, Levi (or Matthew) is also said to have
been the son of Alplueus. For further par-
ticulars, see James.
Altane'us, the same as Hattenai (Ezr.
x. 33), one of the sons of Hashnm (1 Esd. ix.
33). Ap.
Altar. (A.) The first altar of which we
have any account is that built by Noah when
he left the ark (Gen. viii. 20). In the early
times altars were usually built in certain spots
hallowed by religious associations, tjg. where
God appeared (Gen. xii. 7, xiii. 18, xxvi. 25,
xxxv. 1 ). Generally of course they were erect-
ed for the offering of sacrifice ; but in some in-
stances they appear to have been only memo-
rials. Such was the altar built by Moses, and
called Jehovah Nissi, as a sign that Jehovah
would have war with Amalek from generation
to generation (Ex. xvii. 15, 16). Snch too was
the altar which was' built by the Reubenites,
Gadites, and half-tribe of Manasseh, " in die
borders of Jordan," and which was erected
" not for burnt-offerings nor for sacrifice," but
that it might be " a witness " between them and
the rest of the tribes (Josh. xxii. 10-29). Altars
were most probably originally made of earth.
The Law of Moses allowed them to be made
cither of earth or unhewn stones (Ex. xx. 24,
25) : any iron tool would have profaned the
altar — but this could only refer to the body of
the altar, and that part on which the victim
was laid, as directions were given to make a
casing of shittim-wood overlaid with brass for the
altar of bumt-offering. ( See below. ) In later
times they were frequently built on high places,
especially in idolatrous worship (Dcut. xii. 2).
The altars bo erected were themselves some-
times called " high places." By the Law of
Moses all altars were forbidden, except those
first in the Tabernacle, and afterwards in the
Temple (Lev. xvii. 8, 9 ; Deut. xii. 13, &c.).
This prohibition, however, was not strictly ob-
served, at least till after the building of the
Temple, even by pions Israelites. Thus Gideon
built an altar (Judg. vi. 24). So likewise did
Samuel (1 Sam. vii. 9, 10), David (2 Sam.
xxiv. 25), and Solomon (1 K. iii. 4). The
sanctity attaching to the altar led to its being re-
garded as a place of refuge or asylum (Ex. xxi.
14 ; 1 K. i. 50). — (B.) The Law of Moses di-
rected that two altars should be made, the one
the Altar of Burnt-offering (called also simply
the Altar), and the other the Altar of Incense.
— I. The Altar of Burnt-offering, called in
Mai. i. 7, 12, " the table of the Lord," perhaps
also in Ez. xliv. 16. It differed in construction
at different times. ( 1 . ) In the Tabernacle (Ex.
xxvii. 1 ff. xxxviii. 1 ff.) it was comparatively
small and portable. In shape it was square.
It was five cubits in length, the same in breadth,
and three cubits high. It was made of planks
of shittim (or acacia) wood overlaid with brass.
The interior was hollow (Ex. xxvii. 8). At
the four corners were four projections called
horns, made, like the altar itself, of shittim-
wood overlaid with brass (Ex. xxvii. 2). They
probably projected upwards ; and to them the
victim was bound when about to be sacrificed
(Ps. cxviii. 27). On the occasion of the con-
secration of the priests (Ex. xxix. 12) and the
ottering of the sin-offering (Lev. iv. 7 ff.)
the blood of the victim was sprinkled on the
horns of the altar. Round the altar, midway
between the top and bottom, ran a projecting
ledge (A. V. " compass "), on which perhaps
the priests stood when they officiated. To tne
outer edge of this, again, a grating or net-
work of brass was affixed, and reached to the
bottom of the altar, which thus presented the
appearance of being larger below than above.
At the fonr corners of the network were four
brazen rings, into which were inserted the staves
by which the altar was carried. These staves
were of the same materials as the altar itself. As
the priests were forbidden to ascend the altar by
steps (Ex. xx. 26), it has been conjectured that
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ALTAR
37
ALTAR
a dope of earth led gradually op to the ledge
from which they officiated. The place of the
altar was at " the door of the tabernacle of the
tent of the congregation" (Ex. xl. 29). The
Tarions utensils for the service of the altar ( Ex.
xxvii. 3) were: (1.) Pans to clear away the
fkt and ashes with. (2.) Shovels. (3.) Basins,
in which the blood of the victims was received,
and from which it was sprinkled. (4.) Flesh-
toots, by means of which the flesh was removed
from the caldron or pot. (See 1 Sam. ii. 13,
14, where they are described as having three
prongs.) (5.) Firepans, or perhaps censers.
These might either be used for taking coals
from the fire on the altar (Lev. xvi. 12), or for
horning incense (Num. xvi. 6, 7). All these
utensils were of brass. — (2.) In Solomon's
Temple the altar was considerably larger in its
dimensions, as might have been expected from
the much greater size of the building in which
it was placed. Like the former it was square ;
but the length and breadth were now twenty
cubits, and the height ten (2 Chr. iv. 1 ). It dif-
fered, too, in the material of which it was made,
being entirely of brass (1 K. viii. 64 ; 2 Chr.
vtt. 7). It had no grating: and instead of a
single gradual slope, the ascent to it was prob-
ably made by three successive platforms, to
each of which it has been supposed that steps
led. Against this may be urged the fact that
the Law of Moses positively forbade the use
of steps ,Ex. xx. 26), and the assertion of Jo-
sephus that in Herod's temple the ascent was
by an inclined plane. On the other hand
steps are introduced in the ideal, or symbol-
ical, temple of Ezekiel (xliii. 17), and the
prohibition in Ex. xx. has been interpreted
as applying to a continuous flight of stairs,
and not to a broken ascent. But the Biblical
account is so brief that we arc necessarily
unable to determine the question. Asa, we
read, renewed this altar (2 Chr. xv. 8). This
may either mean that he repaired it, or more
probably perhaps that he reconsecrated it after
it bad been polluted by idol-worship. Sub-
sequently Ahaz had it removed from its place
to the north side of the new altar which Uri-
jah the priest had made in accordance with his
directions (2 K. xvi. 14). It was "cleansed" by
command of Hczekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 18), and
Manasseh, after his repentance, either repaired or
rebuilt it (2 Chr. xxxiii. 16). It may Anally
have been broken up, and the brass carried to
Babylon, bnt this is not mentioned (Jer. lii. 17
ff.) — (3.) The altar of burnt-offering in the
second (Zernbbabel's) temple. Of this no de-
scription is given in the Bible. We are only
told (Ear. ih. 2) that it was built before the
foundations of the Temple were laid. Accord-
ing to Josephns (Ant. xi. 4, § 1 ) it was placed
on the same spot on which that of Solomon
had originally stood. It was constructed, as
we may infer from 1 Mace. iv. 47, of unhewn
stones. Antiochus Epiphancs desecrated it (1
Mace. i. 54) : and according to Josephus (Ant.
xii. 5, § 4) removed it altogether. In the res-
toration by Judas Maccabaeus a new altar was
tmUt of unhewn stone in conformitv with the
Mosaic Law (1 Mace. iv. 47). — (4.)' The altar
erected by Herod, which is thus described by
Jo*>pha«7 R J.r 5, J 6) : — " In front of the
Temple stood the altar, 15 cubits in height,
and in breadth and length of equal dimensions,
viz. 50 cubits; it was built foursquare, with
horn-like corners projecting from it; and on
the south side a gentle acclivity led up to it.
Moreover it was made without any iron tool,
neither did iron ever touch it at any time,"
The dimensions given in the Mishna are differ-
ent. In connection with the horn on the south-
west was a pipe intended to receive the blood
of the victims, which was sprinkled on the left
side of the altar: the blood was afterwards
carried by means of a subterranean passage
into the brook Kidron. Under the altar was a
cavity into which the drink-offerings passed.
It was covered over with a slab of marble, and
emptied from time to time. On the north side
of the altar were a number of brazen rings,
to secure the animals which were brought for
sacrifice. Lastly, round the middle of the
altar ran a scarlet thread to mark where the
blood was to be sprinkled, whether above or
below it. — According to Lev. vi. 12, 13, a
perpetual fire was to be kept burning on the
altar. This was the symbol and token of the
perpetual worship of Jehovah. For inasmuch
as the vrolc religion of Israel was concentrrted
in the sacrifices which were offered, the ex-
tinguishing of the fire would have looked like
the extinguishing of the religion itself. The
fire which consumed the sacrifices was kindled
from this : and besides these there was the fire
from which the coals were taken to burn in-
cense with. — II. The Altar of Incense, called
also the golden altar to distinguish it from the
Altar of Burnt-offering, which was called the
brazen altar (Ex. xxxviii. 30). Probably this
is meant by the " altar of wood " spoken of
Ezek. xli. 22, which is further described as the
" table that is before the Lord," precisely the
expression used of the altar of incense. The
name " altar " was not strictly appropriate, as
no sacrifices were offered upon it ; but once in
the year, on the great day of atonement, the
high-priest sprinkled upon the homs of it the
blood of the sin-offering ( Ex. xxx. 10). — (a.)
That in the Tabernacle was made of acacia-
wood, overlaid with pure gold. In uhape it
was square, being a cubit in length and breadth,
and two cubits in height. Like the Altar of
Burnt-offering it had horns at the four comers,
which were of one piece with the rest of the
altar. It had also a top or roof, on which
the incense was laid and lighted. Many, fol-
lowing the interpretation of the Vulgate cratic-
ulam ejus, have supposed a kind of grating to
he meant; but for this there is no authority.
Round the altar was a border or wreath. Be-
low this were two golden rings which were to
be " for places for the staves to bear it withal."
The staves were of acacia-wood overlaid with
gold. Its appearance may be illustrated by the
following figure : —
This altar stood in the Holy Place, " before
the veil that is by the ark of the testimony "
(Ex. xxx. 6, xl. 5). — (b.) The Altar in Solo-
mon's Temple was similar (1 K. vii. 48 ; 1 Chr.
xxviii. IS), hut was made of cedar overlaid with
gold. The altar mentioned in Is. vi. 6 is clearly
the Altar of Incense, not the Altar of Burnt-
offering. From this passage it would seem
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ALTAR
38
AMALEKITE8
(hat heated stones were laid upon the altar, br
means of which the incense was kindled. Al-
though if is the heavenly altar which is there
SoppOMd form of Iht Alur of IneMM.
described, we may presume that the earthly
corresponded to it. — (c.) The Altar of Incense
is mentioned as having been removed from the
Temple of Zerubbabel by Antiochus Epiphanes
(1 Mace. i. 21 ). Judas Maccabreus restored it,
together with the holy vessels, &c. (1 Mace. iv.
49.) On the arch of Titus no Altar of Incense
appears. But that it existed in the last Tem-
ple, and was richly overlaid, we learn from the
Mishna. From the circumstance that the sweet
incense was burnt upon it every day, morning
Varloua Alton.
1, g, Egyptian, from bjiti-relleff.
. (RswelliiU.)
S* AmjtUd, found at Khoraabad. (Layani.)
4. Babylontaa. BSMothtqm Satumalc. (Layard.)
A, Aafjrrian.lrom KhorWbad. (Layard.)
and evening (Ex. xxx. 7, 8), as well as that the
blood of atonement was sprinkled upon it (v.
10), this altar had a special importance attached
to it. It is the only altar which appears in the
Heavenly Temple (Is. vi. 6; Bcv. viii. 3, 4).
— (C) Other Altars. (I.) Altars of brick.
There seems to be an allusion to such in Is.
lxv.3.
(2.) An Altar to an Unknown God. What
altar this was has been the subject of much dis-
cussion. St. Paul merely mentions in his
speech on the Areopagus that he had himself
seen such an altar in Athens. His assertion is
confirmed by other writers, from whom we
learn that there were several nltnrs of this kind
•it Athens. It is not at all probable that such
inscription referred to the God of the Jews, ai
One whose Name it was unlawful to utter, as
some have supposed. As to the origin of these
altars, we are told by Diogenes Laertius that in
the time of a plague, when the Athenians knew
not what god to propitiate in order to avert it,
Epimenides caused black and white sheep to be
let loose from the Areopagus, and wherever
they lav down, to be offered to the respective
divinities. It was probably on this or similar
occasions that altars were dedicated to an Un-
known God, since they knew not what god was
offended and required to be propitiated.
Al-Taschi th, found in the introductory
verse to the four following Psalms, lvii., Iviii.,
lix., lxxv. Literally rendered, the import of the
words is "destroy not," probably the beginning
of some song or poem to the tune of which
those psalms were to be chanted.
Aluflh, one of the stations of the Israelites
on their journey to Sinai, the last before Rephv
dim (Num. xxxiii. 13, 14).
Al'vah, a duke of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 40),
written Aliah in 1 Chr. i. 51.
Al'van, a Horite, son of Shobal (Gen. xxxvi
23), written Aliah in 1 Chr. i. 40.
A mad, an unknown place in Asher, be
tween Alammelech and Misheal (Josh. xix. 26
only).
Amad'atha (Esth. xvi. 10, 17); and
Amad'athttt (Esth. xii. 6). [Hammedatha.]
A'mal, an Asherite, son of Helem (1 Chr.
vii. 35).
Am'alek, son of Eliphaz by his concubine
Timnah, grandson of Esau, and chieftain
("duke" A. V.) of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 12,
16; 1 Chr. i. 36).
Amal'ekites, a nomadic tribe, which oc-
cupied the peninsula of Sinai and the wilder-
ness intervening between the southern hill-
ranges of Palestine and the border of Egypt
(Num. xiii. 29; 1 Sam. xv. 7, xxvii. 8). Ara-
bian historians represent them as originally
dwelling on the snores of the Persian Gulf,
whence they were pressed westwards by the
growth of the Assyrian empire, and spread over
a ortion of Arabia at a period antecedent to
its occupation by the descendants of Joktan.
This account of their origin harmonizes with
Gen. xiv. 7, where the " country " of the Amale-
kites is mentioned several generations before
the birth of the Edomite Amalck: it throws
light on the traces of a permanent occupation
iii' central Palestine in their passage westward,
as indicated by the names Amalek and Mount
of the Amalekites (Judg. v. 14, xii. 15): and
it accounts for the silence of Scripture as to
any relationship between the Amalekites on the
one hand, and the Edomites or the Israelites
on the other. That a mixture of the two
former races occurred at a later pc.iod, would
in this case be the only inference from Gen.
xxxvi. 16, though many writers have consid-
ered that passage to refer to the origin of the
whole nation, explaining Gen. xiv. 7 as a case
of proiepsis. The physical character of the
district, which the Amalekites occupied, necessi-
tated a nomadic life, which they adopted to its
fullest extent, taking their families with them
even on their military expeditions (Judg. vi. 5).
Their wealth consisted in flocks and herds.
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AMAB1AS
AMAZIAH
Mention is made of a " town " ( 1 Sam. xt. 5),
bat their towns could hare been little more than
stations, or nomadic enclosures. The kings or
chieftains were perhaps distinguished by the
hereditary title Agag (Nam. xxiv. 7 ; 1 8am.
zt. 8). Two important routes led through the
Amaiekite district, viz., from Palestine to Egypt
by the Itthauu of Suez, and to southern Asia
and Africa by the ASlanitic arm of the Red Sea.
It has been conjectured that the expedition of
the four kings (Gen. xiv.) had for its object the
opening of the latter route ; and it is in con-
nection with the former that the Amaiekites
first came in contact with the Israelites, whose
progress they attempted to stop, adopting a
gaenlla style of warfare (Dent. xxv. 18), but
were signally defeated at Refhidim (Ex. xvii.).
In union with the Canaanites they again at-
tacked the Israelites on the borders of Palestine,
sad defeated them near Hormah (Num. xiv.
45). Thenceforward we hear of them only as
a secondary power, at one time in league with
tbeMoabites (Judg. iii. 13), when they were
defeated by Ehud near Jericho ; at another time
in league with the Midianites (Judg. vi. 3) when
they penetrated into the plain of Esdraelon,
and were defeated by Gideon. Saul undertook
an expedition against them, overrunning their
whole district from Havilah to Shur, and in-
flicting an immense loss upon them (1 Sam.
xt.). Their power was thenceforth broken, and
they degenerated into a horde of banditti.
Their destruction was completed by David
(I Sam. xxvii., xxx.).
A'mam, a city in the south of Judah, named
with Sheraa and Moladah in Josh. xv. 96 only,
▲'man. [Hamas. 1 (Tob. xiv. 2 ; Esth.
x 7, xii. 6, xiii. 3, 12, xiv. 17, xvi. 10, 17.) Ap.
Am'ana, apparently a mountain in or near
Lebanon — " from the head of Amma" (Cant,
iv. 8). It is commonly assumed that this is
the mountain in which the river Abana (2 K. v.
12) has its source, but in the absence of fur-
ther research in the Lebanon this is mere as-
nnnption.
Amari'ab. L Father of A hi tub, accord-
ing to 1 Chr. vi. 7, 52, and son of Meraioth, in
the line of the high-priests. 2. The high-
priest in the reign of .'ehoshaphat (2 Chr. xix.
11). He was the son of Azanah, and the fifth
high-priest who succeeded Zadok (1 Chr. vi.
11). 3. The head of a Levities! honse of
the Kohathites in the time of David (1 Chr.
xxiii. 19, xxiv. 23). 4. The head of one of
the twenty-four courses of priests, which was
named after him, in the times of David, of
Hezetiah, and of Nehemiah (1 Chr. xxiv. 14 ;
2 Chr. xxxi. 15; Neh. x. 3, xii. 2, 13). In
the first passage the name is written Immer,
bat it seems to be the same name. Another
form of the name is Imri (1 Chr. ix. 4), a man
of Judah, of the sons of Bani. 5. One of the
sons of Bani in the time of Ezra, who had
married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 42). 6. A
priest who returned with Zcrubbabel (Neh. x.
3, xii. 2, 13). 7. A descendant of Pharez, the
wn of Judah (Neh. xi. 4), probably the same
as Ixai in 1 Chr. ix. 4. 8. an ancestor of
Zephamah the prophet (Zeph. i. 1).
Amari'as. [Amariah I.] (l Esd. viii.
I: 2 Esd. i. 2.) Ap.
Amasa. L Son of Ithra or Jether, by Abi-
gail, David's sister {2 Sam. xvii. 25). He
joined Absalom in his rebellion, and was by
him appointed commander-in-chief in the placa
of Joab, by whom he was totally defeated in
the forest of Ephraim (2 Sam. xviii. 6). When
Joab incurred the displeasure of David for kill-
ing Absalom, David forgave the treason of
Amass, recognized him as his nephew, and ap
pointed him Joab's successor (xix. 13). Joab
afterwards, when they were both in pursuit of
the rebel Sheba, pretending to salute Amasa,
stabbed him with his sword (xx. 10), which he
held concealed in his left hand. 2. A prince
of Ephraim, son of Hadlai, in the reign of Ahaa
(2 Chr. xxviii. 12).
Amasa'i. L. A Kohathite, father of Ma-
bath, and ancestor of Samuel and Heman the
singer (1 Chr. vi. 25, 35). 2. Chief of the
captains of Judah and Benjamin, who deserted
to David while an outlaw at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii.
18). Whether the same as Amasa, David's
nephew, is uncertain. 3, One of the priests
who blew trumpets before the Ark, when David
brought it from the house >f Obeiledom ( 1 Chr.
xv. 24). 4. Another Kohothite, father of an.
other Mahath, in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr.
xxix. 12), unless the name is that of a family.
Amuha'i) son of Azareel, a priest in the
time of Nehemiah (Neh. xi. 13), apparently
the same as Maasiai (1 Chr. ix. 12).
Amaai'ah, son of Zichri, and captain of
200,000 warriors of Judah, in the reign of
Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 16).
A'math. [Hakath.]
Ama'theis (l Esd.ix.29). [Athlai.] Ap
Ama'this, "the land op," a district to
the N. of Palestine (1 Mace. xii. 25). From the
context it is evidently Hamath. Ap.
Amaxi'ah, son of Joash, and eighth king
of Judah, reigned B.C. 837-809. He succeeded
to the throne at the age of 25, on the murder
of his father, and punished the murderers ;
sparing, however, their children, in accordance
with Deut. xxiv. 16, as the 2d book of Kings
(xiv. 6) expressly informs us, thereby implying
that the precept had not been generally ob-
served. In order to restore his kingdom to the
greatness of Jehoshaphat's days, he made war
on the Edomites, defeated them in the valley
of Salt, south of the Dead Sea, and took their
capital, Selah or Petra, to which he gave the
name of Jokteel, i.e. " God-subdued." We read
in 2 Chr. xxv. 12-14, that the victorious Jews
threw 10,000 Edomites from the cliffs, and that
Amaziah performed religious ceremonies in
honor of the gods of the country; an excep-
tion to the trencral character of his reign (cf. 2
K. xiv. 3, with 2 Chr. xxv. 2). In consequence
of this he was overtaken by misfortune. Hav-
ing already offended the Hebrews of the north-
ern kingdom by sending back, in obedience to
a prophet's direction, some mercenary troops
whom he had hired from it, he had the foolish
arrogance to challenge Joash, king of Israel, to
battle, despising probably a sovereign whose
strength had been exhausted by Syrian ware,
and who had not yet made himself respected
by the great successes recorded in 2 K. xiii. 25.
But Judah was completely defeated, and Ama-
ziah himself was taken prisoner, and conveyed
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AMEN
40
AMMIEL
by Joash to Jerusalem, which opened its gates
to the conqueror. A portion of the wall of
Jerusalem on the side towards the Israclitish
frontier was broken down, and treasures and
hostages were carried off to Samaria. Ama-
liah lived 15 years after the death of Joash;
and in the 29th year of Ids reign was murdered
by conspirators at Lac-lush, whither he had re-
tired for safety from Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxv.
27). 2. A descendant of Simeon (1 Chr. iv.
34). 3. A Levitc (1 Chr. vi. 45). 4. Priest
of the golden calf at Bethel, who endeavored to
drive the prophet Amos from Israel into Judah
(Am. vii. 10, 12, 14).
Ambassador. The earliest examples of
ambassadors employed occur in the cases of
Edom, Moab, and the Amorites (Num. xx. 14,
xxi. 21 ; Judg. xi. 17-19), afterwards in that
of the fraudulent Gibeonites (Josh. ix. 4, &c.),
and in the instances of civil strife mentioned
Judg. xi. 12, and xx. 12. Tbey are alluded to
more frequently during and after the contact of
the great adjacent monarchies of Syria, Baby-
lon, &c., with those of Judah and Israel, as in
the invasion of Sennacherib. They were usu-
ally men of high rank. In the case quoted, the
chief captain, the chief cup-bearer, and chief of
the eunuchs, were met by delegates of similar
dignity from Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 17, 18; see
also Is. xxx. 4). Ambassadors are found to
have been employed, not only on occasions of
hostile challenge or insolent menace (2 K. xiv.
8 ; 1 K. xx. 2, 6), but of friendly compliment,
of request for alliance or other aid, of submis-
sive deprecation, and of curious inquiry (2 K.
xiv. 8, xvi. 7, xviii. 14; 2 Chr. xxxii. 31).
Amber (Heb. chashmal) occurs only in Ez.
i. 4, 27, viii. 2. It is usually supposed that the
Hebrew word chashmal denotes a metal, and not
the fossil resin called amber. The LXX. and
Vulg. afford no certain clew to identification,
for the word electron was used by the Greeks to
express both amber and a certain metal, which
was composed of gold and silver, and held in
very high estimation by the ancients.
A'rnen, literally, "true;" and, used as a
substantive, "that which is true," " troth " (Is.
lxv. 16); a word used in strong asseverations,
fixing as it were the stamp of truth upon the
assertion which it accompanied, and making it
binding as an oath (comp. Num. v. 22). In
Deut. xxvii. 15-26, the people were to say
"Amen," as the Levitcs pronounced each of
the curses upon Mount Ebal, signifying by this
their assent to the conditions under which the
curses would be inflicted. In accordance with
this usage we find that, among the Rabbins,
"Amen involves the ideas of swearing, ac-
ceptance, and truthfulness. The first two are il-
lustrated by the passages already quoted ; the last
by 1 K. i. 36 ; John iii. 3, 5, 1 1 (A. V. " verily"),
in which the assertions are made with the solem-
nity of an oath, and then strengthened by the
repetition of " Amen." " Amen " was the
proper response of the person to whom an oath
was administered (Neh. v. 13, viii. 6; 1 Chr.
xvi. 36; Jer. xi. 5, marg.), and the Deity to
whom appeal is made on such occasions is
called "the God of Amen" (Is. lxv. 16), as
being a witness to the sincerity of the implied
compact. With a similar significance Christ is
called " the Amen, the faithful and true wit-
ness" (Rev. iii. 14; comp. John i. 14, xiv. 6;
2 Cor. i. 20). It is matter of tradition that
in the Temple the "Amen" was not uttered
by the people, but that, instead, at the conclu-
sion of the priest's prayers, they responded.
" Blessed be the name of the glory of his king-
dom for ever and ever." Of this a trace is
supposed to remain in the concluding sentence
of the Lord's Prayer (comp. Rom. xi. 36).
But in the synagogues and private house* it
was customary for the people or members of
the family who were present to say "Amen"
to the prayers which were offered by the minister
or the master of the house, and the custom re-
mained in the early Christian Church (Matt,
vi. 13; 1 Cor. xiv. 16). And not only public
prayers, but those offered in private, ana dox-
ologies, were appropriately concluded with
"Amen" (Rom. ix. 5, xi. 86, xv. 33, xvi. 27;
2 Cor. xiii. 13, &cj.
Amethyst (Heb. achldmah). Mention is
made of this precious stone, which formed the
third in the third row of the high-priest's breast-
plate, in Ex. xxviii. 19, xxix. 12, "And the
third row a ligure, an agate, and an amethyst."
It occurs also in the N. T. (Rev. xxi. 20) as
the twelfth stone which garnished the founda-
tions of the wall of the heavenly Jerusalem.
Commentators generally are agreed that the
amethyst is the stone indicated by the Hebrew
word, an opinion which is abundantly sup-
ported by the ancient versions. — Modem mine-
ralogists by the term amethyst usually under-
stand the amethystine variety of quartz, which
is crystalline and highly transparent. — The
Greek word amethustos, the origin of the Eng-
lish amethyst, is usually derived from a, " not,"
and methuo, " to be intoxicated," this stone hav-
ing been believed to have the power of dispell-
ing drunkenness in those who wore it
A'mi, one of "Solomon's servants" (Ezr.
ii. 57) ; called Amok in Neh. vii. 59; and Al-
lom, 1 Esd. v. 34.
Amin'adab (Matt. 1. 4; Luke iii. 33).
[Amminadab 1.]
Amit'tai, rather of the prophet Jonah
(2 K. xiv. 25; Jon. i. 1).
Am'mah, the hill of, a hill "racing"
Giah by the way of the wilderness of Gibeon,
named as the point to which Joab's pursuit of
Abner after the death of Asahel extended (2
Sam. ii. 24).
Am'mi, i.e. as explained in the marg. of
A.V. " my people," a figurative name, applied
to the kingdom of Israel in token of God's
reconciliation with them, in contrast with the
equally significant name Lo-ammi given by the
prophet Hosea to his second son by Gomer
the daughter of Diblaim (Hos. ii. 1). In the
same manner Ruhamah contrasts with Lo-
Ruhamah.
Am'midoi, in some copies Ammidioi,
named in 1 Esdr. v. 20, among those who
came up from Babylon witn zoroDanei. Ap.
Am miel. 1. The spy selected by Moses
from the tribe of Dan (Num. xiii. 12). 2.
Father of Macbir of Lodebar (2 Sam. ix. 4, 5,
xvii. 27). 8. Father of Bathsheba (1 Chr. iii.
5), called Eliam in 2 Sam. xi. 3. He was the
son of Ahithophel, David's prime minister. 4.
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AMMON
41
AMMON
The sixth son of Obed-Edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 5),
•ad one of the doorkeepers of the Temple.
Am'mihud. L An Ephraimite, father of
Hishama, the chief of the tribe at the time of
the Exodus (Num. t 10, ii. 18, vii. 48, 53, x.
22; 1 Chr. vii. 26), and, through him, ancestor
of Joshua. 2. A Simeonite, father of Shemuel,
prince of the tribe (Nnm. xxxiv. 20) at the
mne of the division of Canaan. 3. The father
of Pedahel, prince of the tribe of Naphtali at
the same time (Num. xxxiv. 28). 4. The
father of Talmai, king of Geshur (2 Sam. xiii.
37). 6. A descendant of Fharei, son of Ju-
dah (1 Chr. ix. 4).
Ammin 'aHah. 1. Son of Ram or Aram,
•nd father of Nahshon, or Naason (as it
if written, Matt. i. 4 ; Luke iii. 32), who was
the prince of the tribe of Jndah, at the first
numbering of Israel in the second year of the
Exodus (Num. i. 7, ii. 3 ; Ruth iv. 19, 20;
1 Chr. ii. 10). He was the fourth generation
sfter Judah the patriarch of his tribe, and one
of the ancestors of Jesus Christ. 2. The
chief of the 112 sons of Uzziel, a junior Leviti-
es! Douse of the family of the Kohathites (Ex.
ri. 18), in die days of David, whom that king
sent for, together with other chief fathers of
Leriucal houses, to bring the ark of God to Je-
rusalem (1 Chr. xv. 10-12). 3. In 1 Chr. ri. 22
Izhar, the son of Kohath, and father of Koran,
» called Amminadab, but it is probably only
s derieal error. In Cant. vi. 12, it is uncertain
whether we ought to read, Amminadib, with the
A V., or my witling people, as in the margin.
Ammin'adib [Ammihadab 3.] (Cant
ri. 12.)
«mmi.haHHtti ( the father of Ahiezer,
prince of the tribe of Dan at the time of the
Exodus (Num. i 12, ii. 25, vii. 66, 71, x. 25).
Amrniir ' ft tMMi, the son of Benaiah, who
apparently acted as his father's lieutenant, and
commanded the third division of David's army,
which was on duty for the third month (1 Chr.
xxvii 6).
Amnion, Ammonites, Children of
Amnion, a people descended from Ben-
Ammi, the sou of Lot by his younger daughter
(Gen. xix. 38 ; comp. Ps. Ixxxiii. 7, 8), as
Moab was by the elder ; and dating from the
destruction of Sodom. The near relation be-
tween the two peoples indicated in the story of
their origin continued throughout their exist-
ence (comp. Judg. x. 6 ; 2 Chr. xx. 1 ;
Zeph. ii. 8, &c). Indeed, so close was their
onion, and so near their identity, that each
would appear to be occasionally spoken of un-
der the name of the other. Unlike Moab, the
precise position of the territory of the Ammon-
ites is not ascertainable. In the earliest men-
tion of them (Dent. ii. 20) they are said to
hare destroyed the Rephaim, whom they called
the Zamzumraim, ana to have dwelt in their
place, Jabbok being their border (Nam. xxi.
M ; Dent. ii. 37, iii. 16). " Land " or " coun-
try " is, however, but rarely ascribed to them,
nor is there any reference to those habits and
orenmstances of civilization, which so con-
stantly recur in the allusions to Moab (Is. xv.,
xvi. ; Jer. xtviii.). On the contrary, we find
everywhere traces of the fierce Writs of
marauders in their incursions ( 1 Sam. xi. 2 ;
Am. i. 13), and a very high degree of crafty
cruelty to their foes (Jer. xli. 6, 7 ; Jud. vii. 1 1,
12). It appears that Moab was the settled and
civilized half of the nation of Lot, and that
Amnion formed its predatory and Bedouin sec-
tion. On the west of Jordan they never ob-
tained a footing. Among the confusions of the
times of the Judges we find them twice passing
over; once with Moab and Amalek seizing Jeri-
cho, the " city of palm-trees " (Judg. iii. 13), and
a second time " to tight against Judah and Ben-
jamin, and the house of Ephraim ; " but thev
quickly returned to the freer pastures of Oileail,
leaving but one trace of their presence in the
name of Chephar ha-Ammonai, " the hamlet
of the Ammonites" (Josh, xviii. 24), situated
in the portion of Benjamin somewhere at the
head of the passes which lead up from the Jor-
dan valley. The hatred in which the Ammon-
ites were held by Israel is stated to have arisen
partly from their opposition, or, rather, their
denial of assistance (Dent, xxiii. 4), to the Is- *
raelites on their approach to Canaan. But it
evidently sprang mainly from their share in
the affair of Balaam (Deut. xxiii. 4 ; Neh. xiii.
1). At the period of Israel's first approach to
the south of Palestine the feeling towards Am-
nion is one of regard. The command is then,
" distress not the Moabites .... digress not
the children of Ammon, nor medate with
them " (Deut. ii. 9, 19 ; and comp. 37), and it
is only from the subsequent transaction that we
can account for the fact that Edom, who had
also refused passage through his land, but had
token no part with Balaam, is punished with
the ban of exclusion from the congregation for
three generations, while Moab and Ammon are
to be kept ont for ten generations (Deut. xxiii.
3, 8). But whatever its origin it is certain
that the animosity continued in force to the
latest date. Subdued by Jephthah (Judg. xi.
33), and scattered with great slaughter by Saal
( 1 Sam. xi. 11) — and that not once only, for
he " vexed " them " whithersoever he turned "
(xiv. 47) — they enjoyed under his successor a
short respite, probably the result of the connec-
tion of Moab with David (1 Sam. xxii. 3) and
David's town, Bethlehem — where the memory
of Ruth must hare been still fresh. But this
was soon brought to a close by the shameful
treatment to which their king subjected the
friendly messengers of David (2 Sam. x. 4 ;
1 Chr. xix. 4), and for which he destroyed their
city, and inflicted on them the severest blows
(2 Sam. xii. ; 1 Chr. xx.). [Kabbah.] In the
days of Jchoshaphat they made an incursion into
Judah with the Moabites and the Maonites, but
were signally repulsed, and so many killed that
three days were occupied in spoiling tho bodies
(2 Chr. xx. 1-25). In Uzziah's reign they
made incursions, and committed atrocities in
Gilead (Am. i. 13); Jot ham hod wars with
them, and exacted from them a heavy tribute
of " silver (comp. 'jewels,' 2 Chr. xx. 25),
wheat, and barley" (2 Chr. xxvii. 5). In the
time of Jeremiah we find them in possession of
the cities of Gad from which the Jews had been
removed by Tiglath-pileser (Jer. xlix. 1-6) ;
and other incursions are elsewhere alluded to
(Zeph. ii. 8, 9). At the time of the captivity
many Jews took refuge among the Ammonites
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AMON
42
AMORITE
from the Assyrians (Jer. xl. 11), but no better
feeling appears to have arisen, and on the re-
turn from Babylon, Tobiah the Ammonite and
Banballat a Moabite (of Horonaim, Jer. xlix.),
were foremost among the opponents of Nche-
miah's restoration. The last appearances of
the Ammonites are in the books of Judith (v.,
Ti, vii.) and of the Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 6,
30-43), and it has been already remarked that
their chief characteristics — close alliance with
Moab, hatred of Israel, and canning cruelty —
are maintained to the end. — The tribe was
governed by a king (Judg. xi. 12, &c. ; 1 Sam.
xii. 12; 2 Sam. x. 1 ; Jer. xl. 14) and by
" princes " (2 Sam. x. 3 ; 1 Chr. xix. 8). It
has been conjectured that Nahash (1 Sam. xi.
1 ; 2 Sam. x. 2) was the official title of the
king as Pharaoh was of the Egyptian mon-
archs ; but this is without any clear foundation.
The divinity of the tribe was Molech, generally
named in the 0. T. under the altered form of
- Milcom — " the abomination of the children
of Ammon ; " an4 occasionally as Malcham.
In more than one passage under the word ren-
dered " their king in the A. V. an allusion is
intended to this idol. [Molech.]
Ammoni'teSS, a woman of Ammonite race.
Such were Naamah, the mother of Rehoboam,
one of Solomon's foreign wives (I K. xiv. 21,
31 ; 2 Chr. xii. 13), and Shimeath, whose son
Zabad or Jozachar was one of the murderers
of Joash (2 Chr. xxiv. 26). For allusions to
these mixed marriages see 1 K. xi. 1, and Neh.
xiii. 23.
Am'non. 1. Eldest son of David by
Ahinoam the Jezreelitess, born in Hebron
while his father's royalty was only acknowl-
edged in Judah. He dishonored his half-sis-
ter Tamar, and was in consequence murdered
by her brother (2 Sam. xiii. 1-29). [Absalom.]
—2. Son of Shimon II Chr. iv. 20).
A'mok, a priest who returned with Zerub-
fcabel (Neh. xn. 7, 20).
Tb« god Amon ( W|]klDion>.
A'mon, an Egyptian divinity, whose name
occurs in that or No Amon (Nah. iii. 8), in
A. V. " populous No," or Thebes, also called No.
(No.) The Greeks called this divinity Ammon.
The ancient Egyptian name is Amen, whnl>
must signify " the hidden," from the verb amen,
" to inwrap, conceal." Amen was one of the
eight gods of the first order, and chief of the
triad of Thebes. He was worshipped at that
city as Amen-Ra, or " Amen the sun," repre-
sented as a man wearing a cap with two high
plumes. The Greeks identified Amen with
Zeus, and he was therefore called Zeus Ammon
and Jupiter Ammon.
A'mon. L King of Judah, son and suc-
cessor of Manasseh, reigned two years from
B.C. 642 to 640. Following his fathers example,
Amon devoted himself wholly to the service of
false gods, but was killed in a conspiracy.
The people avenged him by putting all the
conspirators to death, and secured the succes-
sion to his son Josiah. To Amon's reign wo
must refer the terrible picture which the
prophet Zephaniah gives of the moral and
religious state of Jerusalem : idolatry sup-
ported by priests and prophets (i. 4, iii. 4), the
poor ruthlessly oppressed (iii. 3), and shameless
indifference to evil (iii. 11). — 2. Prince or gov-
ernor of Samaria in the reign of Ahab (IK.
xxii. 26; 2 Chr. xviii. 25). What was the
precise nature of his office is not known. Per-
haps the prophet Micaiah was intrusted to Ilia
custody as captain of the citadel. — 3. Sea
Am.
Am'orite, the Am'orites, «'e. the dwell-
ers on the summits — mountaineers — one of
the chief nations who possessed the land of
Canaan before its conquest by the Israelites,
In the genealogical table of Gen. x. " the
Amorite is given as the fourth son of Canaan,
with " Zidon, Heth [Hittite], the Jebusite," &c.
As dwelling on the elevated portions of the
country, they are contrasted with the Canaan-
ites, who were the dwellers in the lowlands ;
and the two thus formed the main broad divis-
ions of the Holy Land. " The Hittite, and the
Jebusite, and the Amorite, dwell in the moun-
tain [of Judah and Epliraim], and the Canaan-
ite dwells bv the sea [the lowlands of Philistia
and Sharon] and by the ' side ' of Jordan " [in
the valley ofthe Arabah ] — was the report of the
first Israelites who entered the country (Num.
xiii. 29 ; and sec Josh. v. 1, x. 6, xi. 3 ; Dent,
i. 7, 20, " mountains of the A. ; " 44). In the
very earliest times (Gen. xiv. 7) they are occu-
pying the barren heights west of the Dead Sea,
at the place which afterwards bore the name of
Engedi ; hills in whose fastnesses, the " rocks
of the wild goats," David afterwards took
refuge from the pursuit of Saul (1 Sam. xxiii.
29, xxiv. 2). [Hazezon-Tamar.1 From this
point they stretched west to Hebron, where
Abram was then dwelling under the "oak-
grove" of the three brothers, Aner, Eshcol,
and Mamrc (Gen. xiv. 13; comp. xiii. 18).
From this, their ancient seat, they may have
crossed the valley of the Jordan, tempted by
the high table-lands on the east, for there we
next meet them at the date of the invasion of
the country. Silion, their then king, had taken
the rich pasture-land south of the Jabbok, and
had driven the Moabites, its former possessors,
across the wide chasm of the Amon (Num. xxi.
13, 26), which thenceforward formed the boun-
dary between the two hostile peoples (Num-
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AMOS
43
AMRAM
zxl 13). The Israelites apparently approached
from the south-east, keeping "on the other
side " (that is on the east) of the upper part of
the Arson, which there bends southwards, so
as to form the eastern boundary of the country
of Moab. Their request to pass through his
Und was refused by Sihon (Num. xxi. 21 ;
Dent. ii. 26) ; he "went out against them
(Num. xxi. 23 ; Deut ii. 32), was killed with
his sons and his people (Deut ii. 33), and his
land, cattle, and cities taken possession of by
Israel (Num. xxi. 24, 25, 31 ; Deut. ii. 34-36).
This nch tract, bounded by the Jabbok on the
north, the Anion on the south, Jordan on the
west, and " the wilderness " on the east (Judg.
xi. 21, 22), was, perhaps, in the most special
sense the " land of the Amorites " (Num. xxi.
31 ; Josh. xiL 2, 3, xiii. 9; Judg. xi. 21, 22) ;
but their possessions are distinctly stated to
have extended to the very foot of Hermon
(Deut iii. 8, iv. 48), embracing "all Oilead
and all Bashan " (iii. 10), with the Jordan val-
ley on the east of the river (iv. 49), and forming
together the hand of the "two kings of the
Amorites," Sihon and Og (Deut xxxi. 4 ;
Josh. ii. 10, ix. 10, xxiv. 12). After the pas-
sage of the Jordan we again meet with Amorites
disputing with Joshua the conquest of the west
country (Josh. x. 5, 4c., xi. 3, &c.). After the
conquest of Canaan nothing is heard in the
Bible of the Amorites, except the occasional
mention of their name among the early inhabit-
ants of the country.
A'mos. 1. A native of Tekoa in Judah,
about six miles S. of Bethlehem, originally a
shepherd and dresser of sycamore-trees, who
was called by God's Spirit to be a prophet, al-
though not trained in any of the regular pro-
phetic schools (i. 1, vii. 14, 15). He travelled
from Judah into the northern kingdom of
Israel or Ephraim, and there exercised his min-
istry, apparently not for any long time. His
date cannot be later than the 15th year of
Uzziah's reign (B.C. 808) ; for he tells us that
he prophesied " in the reigns of Uzziah king of
Judah, and Jeroboam the son of Joash king
of Israel, two years before the earthquake.
This earthquake (also mentioned Zech. xiv. 5)
cannot have occurred after the 17th year of
Uzziah, since Jeroboam II. died in the 15th of
that king's reign, which therefore is the latest
year fulfilling the three chronological indica-
tions Burnished by the prophet himself. But
his ministry probably took place at an earlier
period of Jeroboam's reign, perhaps about the
middle of it, for on the one hand Amos speaks
of the conquests of this warlike king as com-
pleted (vi. 13 ; cf. 2 K. xiv. 25), and on the
other the Assyrians, who towards the end of
his reign were approaching Palestine (Hos. x.
6, xi 5), do not seem as yet to have caused any
alarm in the country. Amos predicts indeed
that Israel and other neighboring nations will
be punished by certain wild conquerors from
the North (i. 5, v. 27, vi. 14), but does not
name them, as if they were still unknown or
unheeded. In this prophet's time Israel was
at the height of power, wealth, and security,
but infected by the crimes to which such a
Mate is liable. The poor were oppressed (viii.
*), the ordinances of religion thought burden-
some (viii. 5), and idleness, luxury, and extrav.
agance were general (iii. 15). The source of
these evils was idolatry, that of the golden
calves. Calf-worship was specially practised at
Bethel, where was a principal temple and sum-
mer palace for the King (vii. 13 ; cf. iii. 15),
also at Gilgal, Dan, ana Beersheba in Judah
(iv. 4, v. 5, viii. 14), and was offensively united
with the true worship of the Lord (v. 14, 21-
23 ; cf. 2 K. xvii. 33). Amos went to rebuke
this at Bethel itself, but was compelled to
return to Judah by the high-priest Amaziah,
who procured from Jeroboam an order for his
expulsion from the northern kingdom. The
book of the prophecies of Amos seems divided
into four principal portions closely connected
together. ( 1 ) From i. 1 to ii. 3 he denounces
the sins of the nations bordering on Israel and
Judah, as a preparation for (2), in which, from
ii. 4 to vi. 14, he describes the state of those
two kingdoms, especially the former. This is
followed by (3) vii. 1-ix. 10, in which, after re-
flecting on the previous prophecy, he relates
his visit to Bethel, and sketches the impending
punishment of Israel which he predicted to
Amaziah. After this in (4) he rises to a loftier
and more evangelical strain, looking forward to
the time wSen the hope of the Messiah's king-
dom will be fulfilled, and His people forgiven
and established in the enjoyment of God's
blessings to all eternity. The chief peculiarity
of the style consists in the number of allusions
to natural objects and agricultural occupations,
as might be expected from the early life of the
author. See i. 3, ii. 13, iii. 4, 5, iv. 2, 7, 9, v.
8, 19, vi. 12, vii. 1, ix. 3, 9, 13, 14. The refer-
ences to it in the N. T. are two : v. 25, 26, 27,
is quoted by St. Stephen iu Acts vii. 42, 43,
and ix. 11 by St James in Acts xv. 16. As
the book is evidently not a seriet of detached
prophecies, but logically and artistically con-
nected in its several parts, it was probably writ-
ten by Amos as we now have it after bis return
to Tekoa from his mission to Bethel. — 2.
Son of Naum, in the genealogy of Jesus Christ
(Luke iii. 25).
A'mos, father of the prophet Isaiah, and,
according to Rabbinical tradition, brother of
Amaziah king of Judah (2 K. xix. 2, 20, xx. 1 p
2 Chr. xxvi. 22, xxxii. 20, 32 : Is. i. 1, ii. 1,
xiii. 1, xx. 2, xxxvii. 2, 21, xxxviii. 1).
Amphip'olifl, a ciry of Macedonia, through
which Paul and Silas passed on their way from
Philippi to Thessalonica (Acts xvii. 1 ). It was
distant 33 Roman miles from Philippi. It was
called Amphipolis, because the river Strymon
flowed almost round the town. It stood upon
an eminence on the left or eastern bank of
this river, just below its egress from the lake
Cercinitis, and at the distance of about three
miles from the sea. It was a colony of the
Athenians, and was memorable in the Pelo^
ponnesian war for the battle fought under its
walls, in which both Brasidas and Cleon were
killed. Its site is now occupied by a village
called Neakhdrio, in Turkish Jaii-Keni, or " New
Town."
Am'plias, a Christian at Rome (Rom. xvi.
8).
Am'rtun. L A Levite of the family of
the Kohathites, and father of Moses, Aaron,
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AN AH
44
ANAKIM
and Miriam (Ex. vi. 18, 20 ; Num. iii. 19 ;
1 Chr. vi. 2, 3, 1 8). He is called the " son " of
Kohath, but it is evident that in the genealogy
several generations must have been omitted ;
for from Joseph to Joshua ten generations are
recorded, while from Levi to Moses there are
but three. Again, the Kohathites in the time
of Moses mustered 8,600 males, from a mouth
old and upward (Num. iii. 28), a number to
which they could not have attained in two gen-
erations from Kohath. The chief difficulty
which attends this explanation is the fact that
Jochebed, the wife and aunt of Amram, is de-
scribed as a daughter of Levi, who was born to
him in Egypt (Num. xxvi. 59) ; but it may be
avoided by supposing that by " Levi," the tribe
and not the individual is intended. — 2. A son
of Dishon and descendant of Seir (1 Chr. i.
41 ) ; properly " Hamran " = Hem dan in Gen.
xxxvi. 26. — 3. One of the sons of Bani in
the time of Ezra, who had married a foreign
wife (Ezr. x. 34). Called Omaercs in 1 Esdr.
ix. 34.
Am'ramites. A branch of the great Ko-
hathite family of the tribe of Levi (Num. iii.
27 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23) ; descended from Amram
the father of Moses.
Am'raphel, perhaps a Hamite king of
Shinar or Babylonia, who joined the victorious
incursion of the Elamite Chedorlaomer against
the kings of Sodom and Gomorrah and the
cities of the plain (Gen. xiv.).
Amulets were ornaments, gems, scrolls,
&c., worn as preservatives against the power of
enchantments, and generally inscribed with
mystic forms or characters. The word does
not occur in the A.V., but the "ear-rings" in
Gen xxxv. 4 were obviously connected with
idolatrous worship, and were probably amulets
taken from the bodies of the slain Shechemites.
They are subsequently mentioned among the
spoils of Midian (Judg. viii. 24), and perhaps
their objectionable character was the reason
why Gideon asked for them. Again, in Hos.
ii. 13, " decking herself with ear-nngs" is men-
tioned as one of the signs of the " days of
Baalim." The " ear-rings " in Is. iii. 20 were
also amulets. The Jews were particularly
addicted to amulets, and the only restriction
placed by the Rabbis on their use was, that
none but approved amulets (i.e. such as were
known to have cured three persons) were to be
worn on the Sabbath.
Am'zi. 1. A Levite of the family of Mera-
ri, and ancestor of Ethan the minstrel ( 1 Chr.
vi. 46). — 2. A priest, whose descendant Ada-
iah with his brethren did the service for the
temple in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xi. 12).
A'nab, a town in the mountains of Judah
(Josh. xv. 50), named, with Debir and Hebron,
as once belonging to the Anakim (Josh. xi.
21 ). It has retained its ancient name, and lies
among the hills about 10 miles S.S.W. of He-
bron, close to Shoco and Eshtemoa (Rob. i.
494).
An'ael, brother of Tobit (Tob. i. 21 ).
A'nah, the son of Zibeon, the son of Seir
the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 20, 24), a "duke" or
prince of his tribe, and father of Aholibamah,
one of the wives of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 2. 14,
05). There is no reason to suppose that he is
other than the same Anah who found the " hot
springs " (not " mules," as in the A. V.) in the
desert as he fed the asses of Zibeon his father,
though Bunsen considers him a distinct person-
age, the son of Seir and brother of Zibeon
{Bibdwerk, v. 83). The chief difficulty con-
nected with the identification of Anah arises
from the various names which are given to
Esau's wives. In the Edomite genealogy of
Gen. xxxvi. 2, Aholibamah is described as
" the daughter of Anah, the daughter (' son '
LXX. and Sam.) of Zibeon the Hivite;" the
word " daughter " in the second case referring
still to Aholibamah, and not to Anah, as is
evident from ver. 25. But in Gen. xxvi. 34,
the same wife of Esau is called Judith, the
daughter of Beeri the Hittite. If therefore
Judith is another name of Aholibamah, Beeri
the Hittite is apparently identical with Anah
the Hivite, and on this supposition there arises
a twofold discrepancy. Anah was not a Hi-
vite, but a Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 20) ; this diffi-
culty may be removed by attributing it to a
mistake of the transcriber, or by supposing with
Hengstenberg that Anah belonged to that
branch of the Hivites, who from living in caves
were called Horites or Troglodytes. The for-
mer is probably the true solution, and the Alex.
MS. of the LXX. has adopted the reading
" Horite " in Gen. xxxvi. 2. That Anah and
Beeri are the same person, is unhesitatingly
affirmed by Hengstenberg, who conjectures that
from the circumstance of his discovering the
hot-springs in the wilderness Anah obtained
the name Beeri, " the man of the wells," and
that the designation " Hittite," in Gen. xxvi.,
is a general term, equivalent to " Canaanite "
(comp. Gen. xxvii. 46 with xxviii. 1 ). South-
east of the Dead Sea, in the country of the Ho-
rites, are the hot-springs of the Wady Al-
Akhsa, the ancient Callirrhoe.
Anab'arath, a place within the border of
Issachar, named with Shihon and Rabbi th (Jos.
xix. 19).
Anai'ah. 1. Probably a priest: one of
those who stood on Ezra's right hand as he
read the law to the people (Neh. viii. 4).
He is called Ananias in 1 Esdr. ix. 43. — 2.
One of " the heads of the people " who signed
the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 22).
Anak. [Anakim.]
An'akim, a race of giants, descendants of
Arba (Josh. xv. 13, xxi. 11), dwelling in the.
southern part of Canaan, and particularly at
Hebron, which from their progenitor received
the name of " city of Arba. Besides the gen-
eral designation Anakim, they are various! v
called sons of Anak (Num. xiii. 33), descend-
ants of Anak (Num. xiii. 22), and sons of
Anakim (Dent. i. 28). These designations
serve to show that we must regard Anak as the
name of the race rather than that of an indi-
vidual, and this is confirmed bv what is said of
Arba, their progenitor, that he "was a great
man among the Anakim " (Josh. xiv. 15). The
race appears to have been divided into three
tribes or families, bearing the names Sheshai,
Ahiman, and Talmai. Though the warlike
appearance of the Anakim had struck the Is-
raelites with terror in the time of Moses (Num.
xiii. 28 ; Deut. ix. 2), they were nevertheless
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ANANIAS
45
ANATHOTH
dispossessed by Joshua, and utterly driven from
the land, except a small remnant that (bond
•efage in the Philistine cities, Gaza, Oath, and
Atbdod (Josh. xi. 21, 22). Their chief city
Hebron became the possession of Caleb, who is
laid to hare driven out from it the three sons
of Anak mentioned above, that is the three
funnies or tribes of the Anakim (Josh. xv. 14 ;
Judg. i. 20). After this time they vanish from
atttory.
An'amim, a Mizraite people or tribe, re-
specting the settlements of which nothing cer-
tain is known (Gen. x. 13; 1 Car. i. 11).
Judging from the position of the other Mizraite
peoples, this one probably occupied some part
of Egypt, or of the adjoining region of Africa,
or possibly of the south-west of Palestine.
Anam'melech, one of the idols wor-
shipped by the colonists introduced into Sa-
maria from Sepharvaim (2 K. xvii. 31). He
•Ms worshipped with rites resembling those of
Molech, children being burnt in his honor,
md is the companion-god to Adbamhblbch.
As Adrammelech is the male power of the sun,
s» An&mmelech is the female power of the sun.
A'nan. 1. One of " the heads of the peo-
ple " who signed the covenant with Nehemiah
(Xeh.x.26). — 2. Han A* 4(1 Esdr.v. 30). Ap.
Anu'lli, the seventh son of Elioenai, de-
rended through Zerubbabel from the royal line
ofJudah(l Chr. iii. 24).
Anani'ah. Probably a priest, and ancestor
of Azariah, who assisted in rebuilding the city
wall in the days of Nehemiah (Neh. in. 23).
Anani'ah, a place, named between Nob and
Hazor, in which the Benjamites lived after
their return from captivity (Neh. xi. 32).
Ananias. 1. The sons of Ananias, to the
number of 101, are enumerated in 1 Esdr. v. 16
as having returned with Zorobabel. No such
name occurs in the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah.
— 2. (1 Esdr. ix. 21.) [Han am 3.]— 3. (1
bdr.ix.29.) (Hananiah 9.1— 4. (1 Esdr. ix.
«.) [Anaiah l.|— 5. (I Esdr.ix.48.) [Hanan
5-1 — 8. Father of Azarias, whose name was as-
nuned by the angel Raphael (Tob. v. 12, 13).
—7. Ancestor of Judith (Jud. viii. 1). — 8,
Shadrach (Song of 3 Ch. 66; 1 Mace- ii. 59).
4.p.
['as. 1. A high-priest in Acts xxiii.
2-5, xxiv. 1. He was the son of Nebecueus,
succeeded Joseph son of Camydus, and pre-
ceded Ismael son of Phabi. He was nominated
to the office by Herod king of Chalcis, in a.d.
48; and in a.d. 52 sent to Rome by the prefect
Ummidius Quadratus to answer before the Em-
peror Claudius a charge of oppression brought
by the Samaritans. He appears, however, not
to have lost his office, but to have resumed it
on his return. He was deposed shortly before
Felix left the province ; but still had great
power, which he used violently and lawlessly.
He was at last assassinated by the sicarii at the
beginning of the last Jewish war. — 2. A dis-
ciple at Jerusalem, husband of Sapphira (Acts
t. 1 1-1 ). Having sold his goods for the benefit
of the church, he kept back a part of the price,
bringing to the apostles the remainder, as if it
were the whole, his wife also being privy to the
scheme. St. Peter, being enabled by the power
of the Spirit to see through the fraud, de-
(Hanasiah 7.J A
nonnced him as having lied to the Holy Ghost,
i.e. having attempted to pass upon the Spirit
resident in the apostles an act of deliberate de-
ceit. On hearing this, Ananias fell down and
expired. That this incident was no mere phy-
sical consequence of St. Peter's severity of tone,
as some of the German writers have maintained,
distinctly appears by the direct sentence of a
similar death pronounced by the same apostle
upon his wife Sapphira a few hours after.
[Sapphira.] It is of course possible that An-
anias's death may have been an act of divine
justice unlooked for by the apostle, as there is
no mention of such an intended result in his
speech; but in the case of the wife, such an
idea is out of the question. — 3. A Jewish dis-
ciple at Damascus (Acts ix. 10-17), of high
repute, "a devout man according to the law,
having a good report of all the Jews which
dwelt there" (Acts xxii. 12). Being ordered
by the Lord in a vision, he sought out Saul
during the period of blindness and dejection
which followed his conversion, and announced
to him his future commission as a preacher of
the Gospel, conveying to him at the same time,
by the laying on of his hands, the restoration of
sight, and commanding him to arise, and be
baptized, and wash away his sins, calling on the
name of the Lord. Tradition makes bim to
have been afterwards bishop of Damascus, and
to have died bv martyrdom.
Allan 'iel, forefather of Tobit (Tob.i. 1). Ap.
A oath, father of Shamgar (Judg. iii. 31,
v. 6).
Anath'ema, which literally means a thing
suspended, is the equivalent of the Hebrew word
signifying a thing or person devoted. Any
object so devoted to t.Se Lord was irredeemable":
if an inanimate ohjcci, it was to be given to the
priests (Num. xviii. 14) ; if a living creature .ir
even a man, it was to be slain (Lev. xxvii. 2»,
29). Generally speaking a vow of this de-
scription was taken only with respect to the
idolatrous nations who were marked out for
destruction by the special decree of Jehovah, as
in Num. xxi. 2 ; Josh. vi. 17: but occasionally
the vow was made indefinitely, and involved the
death of the innocent, as is illustrated in the
cases of Jephthah's daughter (Judg. xi. 31), and
Jonathan (1 Sam. xiv. 24) who was only saved
by the interposition of the people. The breach
of such a vow on the part of any one directly
or indirectly participating in it was punished
with death (Josh. vii. 25). Tho word anathema
frequently occurs in St. Paul's writings, and is
generally translated accursed. Many expositors
have regarded his use of it as a technical term
for judicial excommunication. That the word
was so used in the early Church there can be
no doubt, but an examination of the passages in
which it occurs shows that it had acquired a
more general sense as expressive cither of strong
feeling (Rom. ix. 3) or of dislike and condem-
nation (1 Cor. xii. 3, xvi. 22; Gal. i. 9).
An'athoth. 1. Son of Bcchcr, a son of
Benjamin (1 Chr.vii.8). — 2. One of the heads
of the people who signed the covenant in the
time of Nehemiah (Neh. x. 19) ; unless, as is
not unlikely, the name stands for " the men of
Anathoth enumerated in Neh. vii. 27.
An'athoth, a priests' city, belonging to the
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ANDREW
46
ANGELS
tribe of Benjamin, with " suburbs " (Josh. xxi.
18; 1 Chr. vi. 60J. Hither to hi* "field*"
Abiathar was banished by Solomon after the
failure of his attempt to pnt Adonyah on the
throne (1 K. ii. 26). This was the native place
of Abiezer, one of David's 30 captains (2 Sam
xxiii. 27; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 12), and of
Jehu, another of the mighty men (1 Chr. xii.
3) ; and here, " of the priests that were in Ana-
thoth," Jeremiah was bom (Jer. i. 1, xi. 21, 23,
xxix. 27, xxxii. 7, 8, 9). The "men" of A.
returned from the captivity with Zerubbabel
(Ezra ii. 23; Neh. vii. 27; 1 Esdr. v. 18). Ana-
thoth lay on or near the great road from the
north to Jerusalem (Is. x. 30), and is placed by
Eusebius and Jerome at 3 miles from the city.
Its position has been discovered by Robinson at
Anala, on a broad ridge l£ hour N.N.E. from
Jerusalem. The cultivation of the priests sur-
vives in tilled fields of grain, with figs and
olives. There are the remains of walls and
strong foundations, and the quarries still sup-
ply Jerusalem with building stone.
Anchor. [Ship.]
An'drew, one among the first called of the
Apostles of our Lord (John i. 40 ; Matt iv. 1 8 ) ;
brother (whether elder or younger is uncertain)
of Simon Peter (ibid.). Be was of Bethsaida,
and had been a disciple of John the Baptist.
On hearing Jesus a second time designated by
him as the Lamb of God, he left his former
master, and, in company with another of John's
disciples, attached himself to our Lord. By his
means his brother Simon was brought to Jesus
(John i. 41). The apparent discrepancy in
Matt. iv. 18 ff., Mark i. 16 ff., where the two
appear to have been called together, is no real
one; St. John relating the first introduction of
the brothers to Jesus, the other Evangelists
their formal call to follow Him in his ministry.
In the catalogue of the Apostles, Andrew ap-
pears, in Matt. x. 2, Luke vi. 14, second, next
after his brother Peter; but in Mark iii. 16,
Acts i. 13, fourth, next after the three, Peter,
James, and John, and in company with Philip.
And this appears to have been his real place of
dignity among the Apostles ; for in Mark xiii.
3, we find Peter, James, John, and Andrew, in-
quiring privately of our Lord about His com-
ing ; and in John xii. 22, when certain Greeks
wished for an interview with Jesus, they ap-
plied through Andrew, who consulted Philip,
and in company with him made the request
known to our Lord. This last circumstance,
combined with the Greek character of both
their names, may perhaps point to some slight
shade of Hellenistic connection on the part of
the two Apostles ; though it is extremely im-
probable that any of the Twelve were Hellenists
in the proper sense. On the occasion of the
five thousand in the wilderness wanting food,
it is Andrew who points out the little lad with
the five barley loaves and the two fishes. Scrip-
ture relates nothing of him beyond these scat-
tered notices. Except in the catalogue (i. 13),
his name does not occur once in the Acts. The
traditions about him are various. Eusebius
makes him preach in Scythia; Jerome and
Theodoret in Achaia (Greece) ; Nicephorus in
Asia Minor and Thrace. He is said to have
been crucified at Patrse in Achaia. Some an-
cient writers speak of aa apocryphal Acta of
Andrew.
Androni'OUS. L An officer left as vice-
roy (2 Mace. iv. 31) in Antioch by Antiochtu
Epiphanes during his absence (B.C. 171). At
the instigation ofMenelaus, Andronicus put to
death the high-priest Onias. This murder ex-
cited general indignation ; and on the return of
Antiochus, Andronicus was publicly degraded
and executed (2 Mace. iv. 81-38). — 2. Another
officer of Antiochus Epiphanes who was left by
him on Garizim (2 Mace. v. 23), probably in
occupation of the temple there. — 3. A Chris-
tian at Rome, saluted by St Paul (Rom. xvi.
7), together with Junias. The two are called
by him his relations and fellow-captives, and
of note among the Apostles, using that term
probably in the wider sense. An.
A'nem, a city of Issachar, with " suburbs,"
belonging to the Gershonites (1 Chr. vi. 73).
A'ner, a city of Manasseh west of Jordan,
with " suburbs given to the Kohathites (1 Chr.
vi. 70).
A'ner. one of the three Amorite chiefs of
Hebron who aided Abraham in the pursuit after
the four invading kings (Gen. xiv. 13, 24).
Aneth'othue (2 Sam. xxiii. 27), Anef-
Othite (1 Chr. xxvii. 12), and An'tothite
(1 Chr. xi. 28, xii. 3), an inhabitant of Ana-
thoth of the tribe of Benjamin.
Anet'othite. [Anethothitb.]
Angels. By the word " angels " (£*," mes-
sengers" of God) we ordinarily understand a
race of spiritual beings, of a nature exalted far
above that of man, although infinitely removed
from that of God, whose office is " to do Him
service
succor i
ralutcof the word. — There are many passage*
in which the expression the " angel of God,"
" the angel of Jehovah," is certainly used for a
manifestation of God himself. This is espe-
cially the case in the earlier books of the Old
Testament, and may be seen at once by a com-
parison of Gen. xxii. 11 with 12, and of Ex. iii.
2 with 6 and 14 ; where He, who is called the
" angel of Jehovah " in one verse, is called
"God," and even "Jehovah," in those which
follow, and accepts the worship due to God
alone. (Contrast Rev. xix. 10, xxii. 9.) See
also Gen. xvi. 7, 13, xxxi. ll,13,xlviii. 15, 16;
Num. xxii. 22, 32, 35, and comp. Is. lxiii. 9
with Ex. xxxiii. 14, 4c., &c It is to be ob-
served also, that, side by side with these ex-
pressions, we read of God's being manifested
in the form of man ; as to Abraham at Mamre
(Gen. xviii. 2, 22, comp. xix. 1), to Jacob at
Penuel (Gen. xxxii. 24, 30), to Joshua at Gilgal
(Josh. v. 13, 15), &c. It is hardly to be doubted
that both sets of passages refer to the same kind
of manifestation of the Divine Presence. This
being the case, since we know that " no man hath
seen God" (the Father) "at any time," and
that "the only-begotten Son, which is in the
bosom of the Father, He hath revealed Him"
(John i. 18), the inevitable inference is that by
the " Angel of the Lord " in such passages is
meant He, who is from the beginning the
" Word,"t'.e. the Manifester or Revealerof God.
These appearances are evidently " foreshadow-
ing* of the Incarnation." By these God the Son
vice in heaven, and by His appointment to
cor and defend men on earth. I. Scriptu-
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ANGELS
47
ANGELS
aaaajfetted Himself from time to time in that hu-
man nature which He united to the Godhead
forever in the Virgin's womb. Besides this,
which is the highest application of the word
* angel,'' we find the phrase used of any messen-
gers of God, such as the prophets (b. xlii. 19;
Hag. i. 13; Mai. iii 1), the priests (Mai. ii. 7),
and the rulers of the Christian churches (Rer. i.
JO). — II. Nature of angeU. —Little is said of
their nature as distinct from their office. Thev
are termed " spirits " (as in Heb. i. 14) ; but it is
not asserted that the angelic nature is incorpo-
real. The contrary seems expressly implied by
the words in which our Lord declares, that, after
the Hamrettion, men shall be " like the angels "
(Luke xx. 36) ; because (as is elsewhere said,
PhlL iii. 21 ) their bodies, as well as their spirits,
shall have been made entirely like His. It may
also be noticed that the glorious appearance as-
cribed to the angels in Scripture (as in Dan. x. 6)
a the same as that which shone out in our Lord's
Transfiguration, and in which St. John saw
Him clothed m heaven (Rer. i. 14-16); and
moreover, that, whenever angels have been
made manifest to man, it has always been in
human form (as in Gen. xviii., xix. ; Luke xxiv.
4 ,- Acts t 10, etc Ac). The very (act that the
titles " sons of God " (Job i. 6, xxxviii. 7 ;
Dan. iii. 25 oomp. with 28), and "gods " (Pa.
viii. 5, xcvii. 7), applied to them, are also given
to men (see Luke iii. 38 ; Ps. lxxxii. 6, and
oomp. our Lord's application of this last pas-
sage in John x. 34-37), points in the same way
to a difference only of degree, and an identity
of Hod, between the human and the angelic
nature. The angels are therefore revealed to
as as beings, such as man might be and will be
when the power of sin and death is removed,
partaking in their measure of the attributes of
God, Truth, Purity, and Love, because always
beholding His face (Matt, xviii. 10), and there-
axe being " made like Him " (1 John iii. 2).
This, of course, implies flniteness, and therefore
(in the strict sense) " imperfection " of nature,
and constant progress, both moral and intellect-
ual, through all eternity. Such imperfection,
contrasted with the infinity of God, is expressly
ascribed to them in Job iv. 18 ; Matt. xxiv. 36 ;
1 Pet. i. 12. This flniteness of nature implies
capacity of temptation ; and accordingly we
hear of " fallen angels." Of the nature of their
temptation and the circumstances of their fall,
we know absolutely nothing. All that is cer-
tain is, that they " left their first estate," and
that they are now " angels of the devil" (Matt.
xxv. 41 ; Rer. xii. 7, 9), partaking therefore of
the falsehood, nncleanness, and hatred, which
are his peculiar characteristics (John viii. 44).
On the other hand, the title especially assigned
to the angels of God, that of the " holy ones "
(see Dan. iv. 13, 23, viii. 13 ; Matt. xxv. 31 ), is
precisely the one which is given to those men
who are renewed in Christ's image, but which
belongs to them in actuality and in perfection
only hereafter. (Comp. Heb. ii. 10, v. 9, xii.
».)— DX Office of the angeU.— Of their office
ia heaven, we have, of course, onlr vague pro-
phetic glimpses (as in 1 K. xxii. 19 ; Is. vi. 1-3 ;
Dan. ni 9, 10; Rer. vi. 11, Ac), which show
us nothing but a never-ceasing adoration. Their
•fflce towards man is far more folly described to
us. They are represented as being, In the wi.
dest sense, agents of God's Providence, natural
and npernatural, to the body and to the soul.
The operations of nature are spoken of, as un-
der angelic guidance fulfilling the Will of God.
Thus the pestilences which slew the first-born
(Ex. xii. 23 ; Heb. xi. 28), the disobedient peo-
ple in the wilderness (1 Cor. x. 10), the Israel-
ites in the days of David (2 Sam. xxiv. 16 ; 1
Chr. xxi. 16), and the army of Sennacherib (2
K, xix. 35), as also the plague which cut on
Herod (Acts xii. 23), are plainly spoken of as
the work of the "angel of the Lord. Nor can
the mysterious declarations of the Apocalypse,
by far the most numerous of all, be resolved in-
to mere poetical imagery. ( See especially Rev.
viii. and ix. ) More particularly, however, angels
are spoken of as ministers of what is called iu-
pernatural Providence of God ; as agents in the
great scheme of the spiritual redemption and
sanctiflcation of man, of which the Bible is the
record. In the Book of Genesis there is no no-
tice of angelic appearance till after the call of
Abraham. Then, as the book is the history of
the choeen family, so the angels mingle with and
watch over its fam'iy life, entertained by
Abraham and by Lot (Gen. xviii., xix.), guiding
Abraham's servant to Padan-Aram (xxiv. 7,40),
seen by the fugitive Jacob at Bethel (xxviii. 12),
and welcoming his return at Mahanaim (xxxii.
1 ). Their ministry hallows domestic life, in its
trials and its blessings alike, and is closer, more
familiar, and less awful than in after-times.
(Contrast Gen. xviii. with Judg. vi. 21, 22, xiii.
16, 22.) In the subsequent history, that of a
cltoten nation, the angels are represented more
as ministers of wrath and mercy. It is, more-
over, to be observed, that the records of their
appearance belong especially to two periods,
that of the Judges, and that of the oaptirifc
which were transition periods in Israelibsh hu-
tory ; the former one destitute of direct revela-
tion or prophetic guidance, the latter one of
special trial and unusual contact with heathen-
ism. During the lives of Moses and Joshua
there is no record of the appearance of created
angels, and only obscure reference to angels at
all. In the Book of Judges angels appear at
once to rebuke idolatry (ii. 1-4), to call Gideon
(vi. 11, Ac.) and consecrate Samson (xiii. 3, Ac.)
to the work of deliverance. The prophetic of-
fice begins with Samuel, and immediately angel-
ic guidance is withheld, except when needed by
the prophets themselves (1 K. xix. 5; 2 K. vi.
17). During the prophetic and kingly period,
angels are spoken of only (as noticed above) as
ministers of God in the operations of nature.
But in the captivity, when the Jews were in the
presence of foreign nations, each claiming its
tutelary deity, then to the prophets Daniel and
Zechanah, angels are revealed in a fresh light,
as watching, not only over Jerusalem, but also
over heathen kingdoms, under the Providence,
and to work out the designs, of the Lord. (Sea
Zech. passim, and Dan. iv. 13, 23, x. 10, 13, 20,
21, Ac) The Incarnation marks a new epoch
of angelic ministration. " The Angel of Jeho-
vah," the Lord of all created angels, having
now descended from heaven to earth, it was
natural that His servants should continue to do
Him service there. Whether to predict and
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ANKLET
48
ANOINTING
glorify His birth itself (Matt. i. 20 ; Luke ''., ii.),
to minister to Him after his temptation and
agony (Matt. iv. 11 ; Lake xxii. 43), or to de-
clare His resurrection and triumphant ascension
(Matt, xxviii. 2 ; John xx. 12 ; Acts i. 10, 11 ),
they seem now to be indeed " ascending and
descending on the Son of Man," almost as
though transferring to earth the ministrations
of heaven. The New Testament is the history
of the Church of Christ, every member of which
is united to Him. Accordingly, the angels are
revealed now, as " ministering spirits " to each
individual member of Christ for His spiritual
guidance and aid (Heb. i. 14). The records of
their visible appearance are but unfrequen t (Acts
v. 19. viii. 26, x. 3, xii. 7, xxvii. 23) ; but
their presence and their aid are referred to fa-
miliarly, almost as things of course, ever after
the Incarnation. They are spoken of as watch-
ing over Christ's little ones (Matt xviii. 10), as
rejoicing over a penitent sinner (Luke xv. 10),
as present in the worship of Christians (1 Cor.
xi. 10), and, perhaps, bringing their prayers
before God (Rev. viii. 3, 4), and as bearing the
souls *{ Che redeemed into Paradise (Luke xvi.
22). In one word they are Christ's ministers
of (jrace now, as they shall be of judgment
hereafter (Matt. xiii. 39, 41, 49, xvi. 27, xxiv.
31, &c). That there are degrees of the angelic
nature, fallen and unfallen, and special titles
and agencies belonging to each, is clearly de-
clared by St. Paul (Eph. i. 21 ; Rom. viii. 38),
but what their general nature is, it is useless to
speculate. For what little is known of this
special nature see Seraphim, Michael, Ga-
briel.
Angling. [Fishing.]
AnUUnT a Manassite, son of Shemidah
(1 Chr. vii. 19).
A'nim, a city in the mountains of Judah,
named with Eshtcmoh ( Es-Semueh ) , and Goshen
(Josh. xv. 50). Eusebius and Jerome mention
a place of this name in Daroma, 9 miles south
of Hebron.
Anise. ( Gr. anethon . ) This word occurs
only in Matt, xxiii. 23, " Woe unto you, scribes
and Pharisees, hypocrites ! for ye pay tithe
of mint and anise and cumin." It is by no
means a matter of certainty whether the anise
{Pimpinella anisum, Lin.) or the dill (Anethum
oraveolens) is here intended, though the proba-
bility is more in favor of the latter plant. Both
the ilill and the anise belong to the natural or-
der Umbellifira; and are much alike in external
character ; the seeds of both, moreover, are and
have been long employed in medicine and cook-
ery, as condiments and carminatives. Dr. Royle
is decidedly in favor of the dill being the prop-
er translation, and says that the anethum is more
especially a genus of Eastern cultivation than
the other plant.
Anklet. This word docs not occur in the
A. V., but is referred to in Is. iii. 16, 18, 20,
where the prophet speaks of " the tinkling or-
naments " about the feet of the daughters of Zi-
on, and of the " ornaments of the legs." They
were fastened to the ankle-band of each leg,
were as common as bracelets and armlets, and
made of much the same materials ; the pleasant
jingling and tinkling which they made as they
knocked against each other, was no donbt one
of the reasons why they were admired (" the
bravery of their tinkling ornaments"). They
are still worn in the East, and Lane quotes from
a song, in allusion to the pleasure caused by
their sound, " the ringing of thine anklets ha
deprived me of reason.
Hence Mohammed
forbade them in public ; " let them not make a
noise with their feet, that their ornaments which
they hide may [thereby] be discovered " {Koran,
xxiv. 31 ).
Anna, occurs in Punic as the name of the
sister of Dido. 1. The wife of Tobit (T»b.
i. 9 ff.). — 2. A "prophetess" in Jerusalem
at the time of our Lord's presentation in the
Temple (Luke ii. 36). She was of the tribe of
Asher.
An'naas, i Esd. v. 23. [Senaah.] Ap.
An'nas (1 Esd. ix. 32). A corruption of
Harim (Ezr. x. 31 ). Ap.
An'nas, a high-priest of the Jews. He was
son of one Seth, and was appointed high-priest
in the year a.d. 7, by Quinnus, the imperial
governor of Syria ; but was obliged by Valerius
Gratus, procurator of Judaea, to give way to
Ismael, son of Phabi, at the beginning of the
reign of Tiberius, a.d. 14. But soon Ismael
was succeeded by Eleazar, son of Annas ; then
followed, after one year, Simon, son of Caini-
thus, and then, after another year (about a.d. 25)
Joseph Caiaphas, son-in-law of Annas (John
xviii. 13). But in Luke iii. 2, Annas and Cai-
apl«as arc both called high-priests, Annas being
mentioned first. Our Lord's first hearing
(John xviii. 13) was before Annas, who then
sent him bound to Caiaphas. In Acts iv. 6,
Annas is plainly called the high-priest, and Cai-
aphas merely named with others of his family.
It is no easy matter to give an account of the
seemingly capricious applications of this title.
Some maintain that the two, Annas and Cai-
aphas, were together at the head of the Jewish
people, — Caiaphas as actual high-priest, Annas
as president of the Sanhedrim. Others again
suppose that Annas held the office of taoan, or
substitute of the high-priest, mentioned by the
later Talmudists. He lived to old age, having
hail five sons high-priests.
Annu'US (1 Esd. viii. 48). Probably a cor-
ruption of the Hebrew word rendered "with
him" (Ezr. viii. 19). Ap.
Anointing in Holy Scripture is either
I. Material, with oil, or II. Spiritual, with the -
Holy Ghost. — I. Material. — 1. Ordinary.
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ANOINTING
49
ANTELOPE
Anointing the body or bead with oil was a
common practice with the Jews, as with other
Oriental nations (Dent, xxviii. 40 ; Ruth iii. 3 ;
Hie vi. 15). Abstinence from it was a sign of
mourning (2 Sam. xiv. 2 ; Dan. x. 3 ; Matt.
tL 17). Anointing the head with oil or oint-
ment seems also to have been a mark of re-
nsoraetim -s paid by a host to his guests
e vii. 46 ana Ps. xxiii. 5), and was an
ancient Egyptian custom at feasts. — 2. Offi-
cial Anointing with oil was a rite of inaugu-
ration into each of the three typical offices of
the Jewish commonwealth, (a) Prophets were
occasionally anointed to their office (IK. xix.
16), and are called messiahs, or anointed (1
Car. xvi. 22 ; Ps. cr. 15). (6) Priests, at the
first institution of the Levitical priesthood,
were all anointed to their offices, the sons of
Aaron as well as Aaron himself (Ex. xl. 15;
Num. iii. 3) ; bat afterwards, anointing seems
not to have been repeated at the consecration
of ordinary priests, but to have been especially
reserved for the high-priest (Ex. xxix. 29;
Lev. xvi. 32) ; so that " the priest that is
anointed" (Ler. ir. 3) is generally thought to
mean the high-priest. See also Lev. ir. 5, 1 6,
and ri. 22. (c) Kings. Anointing was the
principal and divinely-appointed ceremony in
the inauguration of the Jewish kings (1 bam.
ix. 16, x. 1 ; 1 K. i. 34, 39) ; indeed, so pre-
eminently did it belong to the kingly office,
that "the Lord's anointed" was a common
designation of the theocratic king (1 Sam. xii.
3, 5; 2 Sam. i. 14, 16). The rite was some-
times performed more than once. David was
thrice anointed to be king : first, privately by
Samuel, before the death of Saul, by way of
conferring on him a right to the throne ( I Sam.
xrl I, 13); again over Judah at Hebron (2
Sam. ii. 4), and finally over the whole nation
(2 Sam. v. 3). After the separation into two
kingdoms, the kings both of Judah and of
Load seem still to have been anointed (2 K.
ix. 3, xi. 12). So late as the time of the cap-
tivity the king is called " the anointed of the
Lord " (Ps. lxxxix. 38, 51 ; Lam. iv. 20). Be-
sides Jewish kings, we read that Uazael was to
be anointed king over Syria (I K. xix. 15).
Cyrus also is called the Lord s anointed, as
having been raised by God to the throne for
the special purpose of delivering the Jews out
of captivity (Is. xlv. 1). (rf) Inanimate objects
also were anointed with oil in token of their
being set apart for religious service. Thus
Jacob anointed a pillar at Bethel (Gen. xxxi.
13; and at the introduction of the Mosaic
economy, the tabernacle and all its furniture
were consecrated by anointing (Ex. xxx. 26-
28). — 3. Ecclesiastical. Anointing with oil in
the name of the Lord is prescribed by St.
James to be used together with prayer, by
the elders of the church, for the recovery of the
•ick (James r. 14). Analogous to this is the
anointing with oil practised by the twelve
(Hark vi. 13), and our Lord's anointing the
eyes of a blind man with clay made from sali-
va, in restoring him miraculously to sight
(John ix. 6, 1 1 ). — II. Spiritual. — 1. In the
0. T. a Deliverer is promised under the title
of Messiah, or Anointed (Ps. ii. 2; Dan. ix.
*&, 26); and the nature of his anointing is
T
described to be spiritual, with the Holy Ghost
(Is. lxi. 1 ; see Luke iv. IB). As anointing
with oil betokened prosperity, and produced a
cheerful aspect (Ps. civ. 15), so this spiritual
unction is figuratively described as anointing
" with the oil of gladness" Ps. xlv. 7 ; Heb. l.
9). In the N. T. Jesus of Nazareth is shown
to be the Messiah, or Christ, or Anointed of
the Old Testament (John i. 41 ; Acts ix. 22,
xvii. 2, 3, xviii. 5, 28) ; and the historical fart
of his being anointed with the Holy Ghost is
asserted and recorded (John i. 32, 33 ; Acts iv.
27, x. 38). 2. Spiritual anointing with the
Holy Ghost is conferred also upon Christians
by God (2 Cor. i. 21 ), and they are described
as having an unction from the Holy One, by
which they know all things (1 John u. 20, 27).
To anoint the eyes with eye-salve is used fig-
uratively to denote the process of obtaining
spiritual perception (Rev. iii. 18).
Alios. 1 Esd. ix. 34. [Vaniah.] Ap.
Ant (Heb. nemalah). This insect is men-
tioned twice in the 0. T. : in Prov. vi. 6, " Go
to the ant, thou sluggard, consider her ways
and be wise ; " in Prov. xxx. 25, " The ante
are a people not strong, yet they prepare their
meat in the summer." In the former of these
passages the diligence of this insect is instanced
by the wise man as an example worthy of imi-
tation; in the second passage the ant's wis-
dom is especially alluded to, for these insects,
" though they be little on the earth, arc exceed-
ing wise." It is well known that the ancient
Greeks and Romans believed that the ant
stored up food, which it collected in the sum-
mer, ready for the winter's consumption ; but
this is an error. The European species of ants
are all dormant in the winter, and consequently
require no food ; and the observations of mod-
ern naturalists seem almost conclusive that
no ants lav up for future consumption. The
words of Solomon do not necessarily teach that
ants store up food for future use, but they seem
to imply that such was the case. If this was
the general opinion, is it a matter of surprise
that the wise man should select the ant as an
instance whereon he might ground a lesson of
prudence and forethought? — The teaching of
the Bible is accommodated to the knowledge
and opinions of those to whom its language is
addressed, and the observations of naturalists
are no more an argument against the truth of
the Word of God than are the ascertained laws
of astronomical science.
Antelope. In scientific nomenclature, the
term " antelope" is the designation of a family
of ruminants containing numerous species.
Ruminants are animals which chew the cud
and divide the hoof. The antelope family is
distinguished from all others by their light and
graceful forms, and their permanent horns,
which are generally round, annulated, and
slender.
The iachmur, improperly rendered " fallow-
deer" (Dent. xir. 5, 1 K. iv. 23), is a species
of antelope, as also the theo, translated " wild
ox " (Deut. xiv. 5), " wild bull " ( Is. Ii. 20), and
the dishon and tscbi (Deut. xiv. 5), rendered
"roebuck" and "pygarg."
The cut represents a specimen of the second
species, — the antelope defatsa of Wilkinson.
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ANTICHRIST
50
ANTIOCH
The tsebi U mentioned (English version)
"roe" (Dent ziL 15, 23, ziv. 5, xv. 22;
Antelope dtfuma of Wllklnfon.
1 K. iv. 23 ; Heb. Bible v. 3 ; Prov. vi. 5, vii. 3,
viii. 14; Is. xiii. 14).
Antichrist. This terra is employed by
the Apostle John alone, and is defined oy him
in a manner which leaves no doubt as to its in-
trinsic meaning. With regard to its applica-
tion there is less certainty. In the first passage
(1 John ii. 18) in which it occurs the apostle
makes direct reference to the false Christs,
whose coming, it had been foretold, should
mark the last days. " Little children, it is the
last time : and as ye hare heard that the Anti-
christ cometh, even now have there been many
Antichrists ; whereby we know that it is the last
time." The allusion to Matt. xxiv. 24, was
clearly in the mind of the Svriac translator,
who rendered Antichrist by " the false Christ."
In ver. 22 we find, " he is the Antichrist that
denieth the Father and the Son ; " and still
more positively, "every spirit that confcsseth
not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh " is
of Antichrist (comp. 2 John 7). From these
emphatic and repeated definitions it has been
supposed that the object of the apostle in his
first epistle was to combat the errors of Ce-
rinthus, the Docets, and the Gnostics, on the
subject of the Incarnation. The Antichritts,
against which he warned the churches of Asia
Minor as being already in the world, had been
of their own number ; " they went out from ns,
but they were not of ns " (1 John ii. 19) ; and
the manner in which they are referred to, im-
plies that the narao was already familiar to
those to whom the epistle was addressed,
through the apostles' oral teaching (2 Thess.
ii. 5). The coming of Antichrist was believed
to be foretold in the " vile person " of Daniel's
prophecy (xi. 21), which received its first ac-
complishment in Antiochus Epiphanes, but of
which the complete fulfilment was reserved for
the last times. He is identified with " the man
of sin, the son of perdition " (2 Thess. ii. 3),
who should be revealed when he " who now '
letteth " was removed ; that is, according to j
the belief of the primitive church, when the i
Roman order of things ceased to be. This '
interpretation brings Antichrist into close con- \
nection with the gigantic power of evil, arm--
bolizedbythe "beast" (Rev. xiii.), who received
his power from the dragon (i.e. the devil, the
serpent of Genesis), continued for forty and
two months, and was invested with the king-
dom of the ten kings who destroyed the harlot
Babylon (Rev. xvii. 12, 17), the city of seven
hills. The destruction of Babylon is to be fol-
lowed by the rule of Antichrist for a short period
(Rev. xvii. 10), to be in his turn overthrown " in
the battle of that great day of God Almighty "
(Rev. xvi. 14) with the false prophet and all
his followers (Rev. xix.). The personality
of Antichrist is to be interred as well from
the personality of his historical precursor, as
from that of Him to whom he stands opposed.
Snch an interpretation is to be preferred to that
which regards Antichrist as the embodiment
and personification of all powers and agencies
inimical to Christ, or of the Antichristian might
of the world. In the Jewish traditions Anti-
christ is represented by Armilus, or Armilans,
which is the translation of " tho wicked " in the
Targum of Pseudo-Jonathan on Is. xi. 4. He
was the last enemy of the Jewish race, who,
after Gog and Magog, should wage fierce wars
and slay Messiah ben Ephraim, but should him-
self be slain by Messiah ben David. His his.
tory will be found in Buxtorf s Lex. Tidm. pp.
221-224. A type of Antichrist has been sought
in Balaam the antagonist of Moses, the type of
Christ, and the allusions in Jude 11, and 2 Pet,
ii. 15, are presumed to be directed against the
errors of the Nicolaitanes, Nicolaus signifying
in Greek the same as Balaam in Hebrew. But
of such speculations there is no end ; the lan-
guage of the apostles is intentionally obscure,
and this obscurity has been rather deepened
than removed by the conflicting interpretations
of expositors. All that the dark hints of the
apostles teach us is, that they regarded Anti-
christ as a power whose influence was begin-
ning to be felt even in their time, but whose full
development was reserved till the passing away
of the principle which hindered it, and the de-
struction of the power symbolized by the mys.
tical Babylon.
An'tioch. 1. In Stria. The capital of
the Greek kings of Syria, and afterwards the
residence of the Roman governors of the pror*
ince which bore the same name. This metrop.
olis was situated where the chain of Lebanon,
running northwards, and the chain of Taurus,
running eastwards, are brought to an abrupt
meeting. Here the Orontes breaks through the
mountains ; and Antioch was placed at a bend
of the river, partly on an island, partly on the
level which forms the left bank, and partly on the
steep and craggy ascent of Mount Supius, which
rose abruptly on the south. In the immediate
neighborhood was Daphne, the celebrated sanc-
tuary of Apollo (2 Mace. iv. 33) ; whence the
city was sometimes called Antioch by DxraXB,
to distinguish it from other cities of the sama
name. — -No city, after Jerusalem, is so inti-
mately connected with the history of the apos-
tolic church. Certain points of close asso-
ciation between these two cities, as regards the
progress of Christianity, may be noticed in the
first place. One of the seven deacons, or almo-
ners appointed at Jerusalem, was Nicolas, a
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ANTIOCH
51
ANTIOCHU8 II.
proselyte of Antioch (Acts vi. 5). The Chris-
tuns, who were dispersed from Jerusalem at
the death of Stephen, preached the Gospel at
Antioch (ibid. xi. 19). It was from Jerusalem
that Agabus and the other prophets, who fore-
told the famine, came to Antioch (ibid. xi. 27,
18); and Barnabas and Saul were consequently
■eat on a mission of charity from the latter city
to the former (ibid. xi. 30, xii. 25). It was
from Jerusalem again that the Jndaizers came,
who disturbed the church at Antioch (ibid. xv.
1) ; and it was at Antioch that St. Paul re-
buked St Peter for conduct into which he had
been betrayed through the influence of emis-
saries from Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 11, 12). — The
duet' interest of Antioch, however, is connected
with the progress of Christianity among the
beatben. Here the first Gentile church was
banded (Acts xi. 20, 21) ; here the disciples of
Jesus Christ were first called Christians (xi.
26) ; here St. Panl exercised (so far as is dis-
tinctly recorded) his first systematic ministerial
work (xi 22-26 ; see xiv. 26-28 ; also xr. 35
and xriii. 22) ; hence he started at the begin-
ning of his first missionary journey (xiii. 1-3),
and hither he returned (xiv. 26). So again
after the apostolic council (the decrees of which
were specially addressed to the Gentile con-
rem at Antioch, xv. 23), he began and ended
bis second missionary journey at this place (xv.
X, xriii. 22). This too was the starting point
of the third missionary journey (xviii. 23),
which was brought to a termination by the im-
prHotraant at Jerusalem and Caesarea. Though
St Panl was never again, so far as we know, nt
Antioch, it did not cease to be an important
centre for Christina progress ; but it does not
belong to this place to trace its history as a pa-
triarchate, and its connection with Ignatius,
Chrjsostom, and other eminent names. Anti-
och was founded in the year 300 B.C., by Seleu-
aa Nicator. Jews were settled there from the
Sra in large numbers, were governed by their
own ethnarch, and allowed to have the same
political privileges with the Greeks. Antioch
grew under the successive Seleucid kings, till it
became a city of great extent and of remarkable
booty. Some of the most magnificent build-
ings were on the island. One feature, which
seems to have been characteristic of the great
Syrian cities, — a vast street with colonnades,
intersecting the whole from end to end, — was
added by Antiochus Epiphanes. Some lively
notices of the Antioch of this period, and of its
relation to Jewish history, are supplied by the
books of Maccabees. (See especially 1 Mace.
ii.37,xi. 13 ; 2 Mace. iv. 7-9, v. 21, xi. 36.)
It is the Antioch of the Soman period with
which we are concerned in the N. T. By Pom-
per it had been made a free city, and such it
continued till the time of Antoninus Pius.
The early Emperors raised there some large
and important structures, such as aqueducts,
amphitheatres, and baths. Herod the Great
contributed a road and a colonnade. It should
be mentioned here that the citizens of Antioch
■nder the Empire were noted for scurrilous wit
•ad the invention of nicknames. This perhaps
was the origin of the name by which the disci-
ples of Jesus Christ are designated, and which
was probably given by Romans to the despised
sect, and not by Christians to themselves. — 3.
In Pisidia (Acts xiii. 14, xiv. 19, 21 ; 2 Tim.
iii. 11), on the borders of Phrygia, corresponds
to YaUbatck, which is distant from Ah-ther six
hours over the mountains. This city, like the
Syrian Antioch, was founded by Seleucus Nica-
tor. Under the Romans it became a cotonia,
and was also called Caasarea. The occasion on
which St Paul visited the city for the first time
(Acts xiii. 14) was very interesting and im-
portant. His preaching in the synagogue led
to the reception of the Gospel by a great num-
ber of the Gentiles : and this resulted in a vio-
lent persecution on the part of the Jews, who
first, using the influence of some of the wealthy
female residents, drove him from Antioch to
Iconium (ib. 50, 51 ), and subsequently followed
him even to Lystra (Acts xiv. 19). St Panl,
on his return from Lystra, revisited Antioch
for the purpose of strengthening the minds of
the disciples (ib. 21 ). These events happened
when he was on his first missionary journey, in
company with Barnabas. He probably visited
Antioch again at the beginning of his second
journey, when Silas was his associate, and Ti-
motheus, who was a native of this neigh-
borhood, had just been added to the party.
The allusion in 2 Tim. iii. 11 shows that Ti-
motheus was well acquainted with the suffer-
ings which the apostle had undergone during
his first visit to the Pisidian Antioch. [Phrt-
oia ; Pisidia |
Antiochi'tx (1 Mace. iv. 35, vi. 63 ; 2 Mace
iv. 33, v. 21). [Antioch 1 .]
Antio'cnians, partisans of Antiochus
Epiphanes (2 Mace. iv. 9, 19).
Anti'ocnis, concubine of Antiochus Epiph-
anes (2 Mace. iv. 30).
Anti'ochufl, father of Numenius, one of
the ambassadors from Jonathan to the Romans
(1 Mace. xii. 16, xiv. 22).
Anti'ochus II.,_ king of Syria, sumamed
the God, succeeded his father Antiochus Soter
in b.c. 261. During the earlier part of his
reign he was engaged in a fierce war with
Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, in the
course of which Parthia and Bactria revolted
and became independent kingdoms. At length
(B.C. 250) peace was made, and the two mon-
archs "joined themselves together" (Dan. xi.
6), and Ptolemy (" the king of the 3cuth ")
gave his daughter Berenice in ir*rriage to
Antiochus (" the king of the no- »i '), who set
aside his former wife, Laodicc, to receive her.
After some time, on the death of Plotemy (b.c.
247), Antiochus recalled Laodice and her chil-
dren Seleucus and Antiochus to court. Thus
Berenice was " not able to retain her power ; "
and Laodice, in jealous fear lest she might a
second time lose her ascendency, poisoned
Antiochus (him "that strengthened her," i.e.
Berenice), and caused Berenice and her infant
son to be pat to death, b.c. 246 (Dan. xi. 6).
After the death of Antiochus, Ptolemy Ever-
gctes, the brother of Berenice ("out of a branch
of her roots "), who succeeded his father Ptol.
Philadelphus, exacted vengeance for his sister's
death by an invasion of Syria, in which Laod-
ice was killed, her son Seleucus Callinicus
driven for a time from the throne, and the
whole country plundered (Dan. xi. 7-9). The
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ANTIOCHUS III.
52
ANTIOCHUS IV.
totalities that renewed continued for many
years ; and on the death of Seleucus b.c. 226,
after his " return into his own land " (Dan. xi.
9), his sons Alexander, (Seleucus) Kcruunos,
and Antiochus "assembled a multitude of
great forces " against I'tol. Philopator the son
of Evergetes, and one of them (Antiochus)
threatened to overthrow the power of Egvpt
(Dan. xi. 9, 10).
Antiochus III., surnamed the Gnat, suc-
ceeded his brother Seleucus Keraunos, who was
assassinated after a short reign in B.C. 223. He
prosecuted the war against Ptolemy Philopator
with rigor, and at first with success. In n.c.
218 he drove the Egyptian forces to Sidon, con-
quered Samaria and Gilead, and wintered at
Ptolemais, but was defeated next year at
Raphia, near Gaza (b.c. 217), with immense
loss, and in consequence made a peace with
Ptolemy, in which he ceded to him the disputed
provinces of Ccele-Syria, Phoenicia and Pales-
tine (Dan. xi. 11, 12). During the next thir-
teen years Antiochus was engaged in strength-
Antiochut the Great.
suing his position in Asia Minor, and on the
frontiers of Parthia, and by his successes gained
his surname of the Great. At the end of this
time, b.c. 205, Ptolemy Philopator died, and
left his kingdom to his son Ptol. Epiphanes,
who was only five years old. Antiochus availed
himself of the opportunity which was offered
by the weakness of a minority and the unpopu-
larity of the regent, to unite with Philip III. of
Macedon for the purpose of conquering and
dividing the Egyptian dominions. The Jews,
who had been exasperated by the conduct of
Ptol. Philopator both in Palestine and Egypt,
openly espoused his cause, under the influence
or a short-sighted policy (" the factious among
thy people shall rise, i.e. against Ptolemy,
Dan. xi. 14). Antiochus succeeded in occupying
the three disputed provinces, but was recalled
to Asia by a war which broke out with Attalus,
king of Pergamns ; and his ally Philip was
himself embroiled with the Romans. In con-
sequence of this diversion, Ptolemy, by the aid
of Scopas, again made himself master of Jeru-
salem, and recovered the territory which he
had lost. In n.c. 198 Antiochus" re-appeared
in the field and gained a decisive victory " near
the sources of the Jordan;" and afterwards
captured Scopas and the remnant of his forces
who had taken refuge in Sidon (Dan. xi. 15).
The Jews, who had suffered severely during the
struggle, welcomed Antiochus as their deliv-
erer, and " he stood in the glorious land which
by his hand was to be consumed " (Dan xi.
16). His further designs against Egypt were
frustrated by the intervention of the Romans ;
and his daughter Cleopatra, whom he gave in
marriage to Ptol. Epiphanes, with the Phoeni-
cian provinces for her dower, favored the
interests of her husband rather than those of
her father (Dan. xi. 17). From Egypt Antio-
chus turned again to Asia Minor, and after
various successes in the yEgean crossed over
to Greece, and by the advice of Hannibal
entered on a war with Rome. His victorious
course was checked at Thermopylae (b.c. 191 ),
and after subsequent reverses he was finally
defeated at Magnesia in Lydia, B.C. 190. By
the peace which was concluded shortly after-
wards (b.c. 188) he was forced to cede all his
possessions "on the Roman side of Mt.
Taurus," and to pay in successive instal-
ments an enormous sum of money to defray
the expenses of the war. This last condi-
tion led to his ignominons death. In b.c.
187 he attacked a rich temple of Belus in Elv-
mais, and was slain br the people who rose In
its defence. Thus " fie stumbled and fell, and
was not found " (Dan. xi. 19). — Two sons of
Antiochus occupied the throne after him, Se-
leucus Philopator, his immediate successor,
and Antiochus IV., who gained the kingdom
upon the assassi natio n of his brother.
Anti'ochus IV., Epiph anes (the IUus-
trious), was the youngest son' of Antiochus
the Great. He was given as a hostage to the
Romans (b.c. 188) after his father's defeat at
Magnesia. In B.C. 1 75 he was released by the
intervention of his brother Seleucus, who sub-
stituted his own son Demetrius in his olace.
Antiochus was at Athens when Seleucus was
assassinated by Heliodorus. He took advan-
tage of his position, and, by the assistance of
Eumcncs and Attains, easily expelled Helio-
dorus who had usurped the crown, and himself
" obtained the kingdom by flatteries " (Dan. xi.
21 ) to the exclusion of his nephew Demetrius
(Dan. viii. 7). The accession of Antiochus
was immediately followed by desperate efforts
of the Hellenizing party at Jerusalem to assert
their supremacy. Jason, the brother of Onias
III., the high-priest, persuaded the king to
transfer the high-priesthood to him, and at the
same time bought permission (2 Mace. iv. 9)
to carry out his design of habituating the Jews
to Greek customs (2 Mace. iv. 7, 20). Three
years afterwards, Menclaus, of the trilie of
Benjamin, who was commissioned by Jason to
carry to Antiochus the price of his office, sup-
planted Jason by offering the king a larger
bribe, and was himself appointed high-priest,
while Jason was obliged to take refuge among
the Ammonites (2 Mace. iv. 23-26). From
these circumstances and from the marked
honor with which Antiochus was received at
Jerusalem very early in his reign (c. B.C. 1 73 ;
2 Mace. iv. 22), it appears that he found no
difficulty in regaining the border provinces
which had been given as the dower of his sister
Cleopatra to Ptol. Epiphanes. But his ambi-
tion led him still farther, and he undertook
four campaigns against Egypt, B.C. 171, 170,
1 69, 1 68, with greater success than had attended
his predecessor, and the complete conquest of
the country was prevented only by the mterfbr-
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ANTIOCHUS IV.
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ANTIOCHUS VI.
ence of tbe Romans (Dan. xi. 24 ; 1 Mace. i.
16 ff. ; t Mace. v. 11 ff.). The coarse of Anti-
ochus was everywhere marked by the same
wild prodigality as had signalized his occupa-
tion of the throne (Dan. I.e.). The consequent
exhaustion of his treasury, and the armed con-
flicts of the rival high-priests whom he had
appointed, famished the occasion for an assault
upon Jerusalem on his return from his second
Egyptian campaign (B.C. 170) which he had
probably planned in conjunction with Ptol.
Phflometor, who was at that time in his power
(Dan. xi. 26). The Temple was plundered, a
terrible massacre took place, and a Phrygian
p>Ternor was left with Menclaus in charge of
the city (2 Mace v. 1-22 ; 1 Mace i. 20-28).
Two years afterwards, at the close of tbe fourth
Egyptian expedition, Antiochus detached a
force under Apollonius to occupy Jerusalem
tad fortify it, and at this time he availed him-
Klf of the assistance of the ancestral enemies
of the Jews (1 Mace. iv. 61, v. 3 ff. ; Dan. xi.
41). The decrees then followed which have
rendered his name infamous. The Temple was
desecrated, and the observance of the law was
forbidden. " On the fifteenth day of Cisleu
[tbe Syrians] set up the abomination of deso-
lation (ia an idol altar, ver. 59) on the altar "
(I Mace. i. 54). Ten days afterwards an offer-
ing was made npon it to Jupiter Olympics.
At Jerusalem all opposition appears to nave
ceased ; bat Mattathias and his sons organized
t resistance (" holpcn with a little help, Dan.
xL 34), which preserved inviolate the name and
faith of Israel. Meanwhile Antiochus turned
Hmt of AoOoehni tV. EpiphaiMS. (Tram * oeta.)
liu arms to the East, towards Parthia and Ar-
menia (Dan. xi. 40). Dealing not long after-
wards of the riches of a temple of Nansea
("tbe desire of women," Dan. xi. 37) in Ely-
mais, hnng with the gifts of Alexander, he re-
wired to plunder it. The attempt was defeat-
ed; and though he did not fall like his father
in tbe act of sacrilege, the event hastened his
<ieatb- He retired to Babylon, and thence to
Tabas in Persia, where he" died B.C. 164, the
victim of superstition, terror, and remorse, bav-
in;: first heard of the successes of the Maccabees
in restoring the Temple-worship at Jerusalem
(lMsccvi. 1-16; cf. 2 Mace. i. 7-17?). "He
came to his end and there was none to help
Win " (Dan. xi. 45). The reign of Antiochus,
thus shortly traced, was the last great crisis in
the history of the Jews before the coming of
par Lord. The prominence which is given to
>>>n the book of Daniel fitly accords with its
typical and representative character (Dan. vii.
*• 25, viii. 11 ff.). The conane«r of Alexander
*al introduced the forces of Greek thought and
life into the Jewish nation, which was already
prepared for their operation [Alexander].
For more than a century and a half these forces
had acted powerfully both upon the faith and
upon the habits of the people ; and tbe time
was come when an outward struggle alone
could decide whether Judaism was to be merged
in a rationalized Paganism, or to rise not only
victorious from the conflict, but more vigorous
and more pure. Nor was the social position of
the Jews less perilous. The influence of Greek
literature, or foreign travel, of extended com-
merce, had made itself felt in daily life. At
Jerusalem the mass of the inhabitants seem to
have desired to imitate tbe exercises of the
Greeks; and a Jewish embassy attended the
games of Hercules at Tyre (2 Mace. iv. 9-20).
Even their religious feelings were yielding;
and before the rising of the Maccabees no op-
tosition was offered to the execution of the
ing's decrees. Upon the first attempt of Ja-
son the " priests had no courage to serve at the
altar " (2 Mace. iv. 14 ; cf. I Mace i. 43) : and
this not so much from wilful apostasy, as from
a disregard to the vital principles involved in
the conflict
Anti OOhUS V., En'pator («/ noble de-
scent), succeeded his father Antiochus IV. B.C.
164, while still a child, under the guardianship
of Lysias (1 Mace. iii. 32, vi. 17), though An-
tiochus had on his death-bed assigned this office
to Philip his own foster-brother (1 Mace. vi.
14, 15, 55 ; 2 Mace. ix. 29). Shortly after his
accession he marched against Jerusalem with a
large army, accompanied by Lysias, to relievo
the Syrian garrison, which was hard pressed by
Judas Maccabsens (1 Mace. vi. 19 ff.). He re-
pulsed Judas at Bcthzacharia, and took Beth-
sura (Bethzur) after a vigorous resistance (1
Mace. vi. 31-50). Bat when the Jewish fbrca
in tbe Temple was on the point of yielding,
Lysias persuaded the king to conclude a hasty
peace that he might advance to meet Philip,
who had returned from Persia and made him-
self master of Antioch (I Mace. vi. 51 ff.).
Philip was speedily overpowered ; but in the
next year (B.C. 162) Antiochus and Lysias fell
into the hands of Demetrius Soter, the son of
Seleucus Philopator, who caused them to be
pat to death in revenge for the wrongs which
tie had himself suffered from Antiochus EjJpha-
nes (I Mace. vii. 2-4; 2 Mace. xiv. 1, 2).
Anti'ochUS VI. was the son of Alexan-
der Balas and Cleopatra. After his father's
death (146 B.C.) he remained in Arabia; but
though still a child (I Mace. xi. 54), he was
soon afterwards brought forward (c. 145 B.C.)
as a claimant to the throne of Syria against
Demetrius Nicator by Tryphon or Diodotut
(1 Mace. xi. 39), who had been an officer of
his father. Tryphon succeeded in gaining
Antioch (1 Mace. xi. 56) ; and afterwards the
greater part of Syria submitted to the young
Antiochus. Jonathan, who was confirmed by
him in the high priesthood (1 Mace. xi. 57)
and invested with the government of Judtea,
contributed greatly to his success, occupying
Ascalon and Gaza, and reducing the country
as far as Damascus (1 Mace. xi. 60-62). He
afterwards defeated the troops of Demetrius at
Hazor (I Mace. xi. 67) near Cadesh (ver. 73)
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ANTIPATRIS
54
APHEK
and repulsed a second attempt whkrl/ he made
to regain Palestine (1 Mace. xii. 24 ft".). Try-
pbon baring now gained the supreme power in
the name of Anttochns, no longer concealed
lua design of nsnrping the crown. As a first
Hmic€ AattMlraaVL (rron a eoto.)
step be took Jonathan by treachery and pnt
him to death, b.c. 143 (1 Mace xii. 40) ; and
afterwards murdered the young king, and
ascended the thr one (1 Mace. xiii. 31).
Antfoohus VII., Side'tes {of Side, in
Pamphylia), kingof Syria, was the second son
of Demetrius I. when his brother, Demetrius
Nicator, was taken prisoner (c 141 B.C.) by
Mithridates I. (Arsaces VI., 1 Mace. xiv. 1)
king of Parthia, he married his wife Cleopatra
and obtained possession of the throne (137
B.C.), having expelled the usurper Tryphon
(1 Mace xv. 1 ff.). At first he made a very
advantageous treaty with Simon, who was now
" high-priest and prince of the Jews," but when
be grew independent of his help, he withdrew
the concessions which he had made and de-
manded the snrrender of the fortresses which
the Jews held, or an equivalent in money (1
Mace xt. 26 ff.). As Simon was unwilling to
yield to his demands, he sent a force nnder
Cendebssus against him, who occupied a forti-
fied position at Cedron (? 1 Mace, xv.41), near
Azotus, and harassed the surrounding country.
After the defeat of Cendebssus by the sons of
Simon and the destruction of his works (1
Mace. xvi. 1-10), Antiochus, who had returned
from the pursuit of Tryphon, undertook an ex-
pedition against Judaea in person. He laid
siege to Jerusalem, but according to Josephus
granted honorable terms to John Hyrcanns
(B.C. 133), who had made a vigorous resistance.
Antiochus next turned his arms against the
Parthians, and Hyrcanus accompanied him in
the campaign. But after some successes he was
entirely defeated by Fhraortes II. (Arsaces
VII.), and fell in the battle c. B.C. 127-6.
An'tipas, martyr at Pergamos (Rev. ii. 13),
and according to tradition the bishop of that
place.
An'tipas. [Herod.]
Antip'ater, son of Jason, ambassador from
the Jews to the Lacedemonians (1 Mace. xii.
16, xiv. 22).
Aixtip'atrifl, a town to which the soldiers
conveyed St. Paul by night on their march
(Actsxxiii. 31). Its ancient name was Caphar-
saba ; and Herod, when he rebuilt the city,
changed it to Antipatris, in honor of his father
An ti pater. According to the Jerusalem Itin-
erary it was 42 miles from Jerusalem and Si
from Ccsarea. The village Kt/r-Sal/a still re-
tains the ancient name of Antipatris, and its
position is in sufficient harmony with what
Josephus says of the position of Antipatris,
which be describes as a well-watered and well-
wooded plain, near a billy ridge, and with bis
notices of a trench dug from thence for military
purposes to the sea near Joppa by one of the
Asmonean princes.
Anto'nia, a fortress built bv Herod on the
site of the more ancient Bans, on the N. W.
of the Temple, and so named by him after his
friend Antonius. [Jerusalem.] The word
nowhere occurs in the Bible.
An'totbite, a dweller at Anatbotb (I Ch.
xi. 28, xii. 3). [An athothite.]
Axitothiiah. A Benjamite, one of the
sons of Jerohani (1 Chr. viii. 24).
A'nub. Son of Cos and descendant of
Judah, through Ashur the father of Tckoa
(1 Chr. iv. 8).
Anus, a Levite (1 Esd. ix. 48). (Bahi.1
Ap'ame, concubine of Darius, and daugh-
ter of Bartacus (1 Esd. iv. 29).
Apes (Heb. tdpkim), occur in 1 K. x. 22,
" once in three years came the navy of Thar-
shish, bringing gold, and silver, ivory, and apes,
and peacocks, and in the parallel passage of
2 Chr. ix. 21. There can be little doubt bnt
that the apes were brought from the same
country which supplied ivory and peacocks,
both of which are common in Ceylon ; and Sir
E. Tennent has drawn attention to the fact
that the Tamil names for apes, ivory, and pea-
cocks, are identical with the Hebrew.
Apel/les, a Christian saluted by St. Pan!
in Rom. xvi. 10. Tradition makes him bishop
of Smyrna or Heraclea.
Apnanath'chites, Aphar'sites, A-
pharsacites, the names of certain tribes,
colonies from which had been planted in Sa-
maria by the Assyrian leader Asnapper (£zr.
iv. 9, v. 6). The first and last are regarded as
the same. Whence these tribes came is entirely
a matter of conjecture.
A'phek (from a root signifying tenacity or
firmness), the name of several places in Pales-
tine. — 1. A royal city of the Canaanites, the
king of which was killed by Joshua (Josh. xii.
18), probably the same as the Aphekah of Josh,
xv. 53. — 2. A city, apparently in the extreme
north of Asher (Josh. xix. 30), from which the
Canaanites were not ejected (Judg.i. 31 ; though
here it is Aphik). This is probably the same
place as the Aphek (Josh. xiii. 4), on the ex-
treme north "border of the Amorites," and
apparently beyond Sidon, identified with the
Aphaca of classical times, famous for its tem-
ple of Venus, and now A flea. — 3. A place at
which the Philistines encamped, while the Is-
raelites pitched in Eben-ezer, before the fatal
battle in which the sons of Eli were killed and
the ark taken (1 Sam. iv. 1). This would be
somewhere to the N. W. of, and at no great
distance from Jerusalem. — 4. The scene of
another encampment of the Philistines, before
an encounter not less disastrous than that just
named, — the defeat and death of Saul (1 Sam.
xxix. 1 ). It is possible that it may be the same
place as the preceding. — 6. A city on the mitt-
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APOLLONIUS
55
APOLLYON
tary road from Syria to Israel (1 K, xx. 26).
It was walled (30), and was apparently a com-
mon spot for engagements with Syria (2 K.
xiii. 17). It was situated in " the plain " (1 K.
xx. 25) and consequently in the level down-
country east of the Jordan ; and there, accord-
ingly. St is now found in File, at the head of
the Wady Ftt, 6 miles east of the Sea of Gali-
lee, the great road between Damascus, Natmlus,
sad Jerusalem, still passing through the village.
Aph'ekah, a city of Judah, in the moun-
tains (Josh. xv. 53), probably the same as
Araax (1).
Aphe'rema, one of the three "govern-
ments" added to Judaea from Samaria by
Demetrius Soter, and confirmed by Nicanor
(1 Hacc xi. 34). It is probably the same as
Ephraim.
Aphor'ra, one of the sons of the servants of
Solomon who returned with Zernbbabel (1 Esd.
t. 34). His name is not found in the parallel
lists of Ezra and Nehemiah.
Aphi'ah, one of the forefathers of king
8aaf(l Sam. i*. 1).
A'phik, a city of Asher from which the
Canaanites were not driven out (Judg. i. 31).
Probably the same place as Aphbk (2).
Aph rah, the house of, a place mentioned
inMjc. i. 10. Its site is uncertain.
Apb'BOH, chief of the 18th of the 24 cour-
ses in the service of the Temple (1 Chr. xxiv.
15).
Apocalypse. [Rbyblatiok.]
Apoc'rypha. The collection of Books to
vhicn this term is popularly applied includes
the following ( the order given is that in which
they stand in the English version) : — LI Es-
cras; TL2 Eadraa; HL Tobit; IV. Judith;
V. The rest of the chapters of the Book of
Esther, which are found neither in the Hebrew
*or m the Chaldee ; VI. The Wisdom of Solo-
mon ; VII. The Wisdom of Jesus the Son of
Sirach, or Ecclesiasticus ; VIII. Baruch ; IX.
The Song of the Three Holy Children ; X.
The History of Susanna; XI. The History of
the Destruction of Bel and the Dragon ; XIL
ThePrayerof Manasses, king of Judah ; XIII.
I Maccabees; XIV. 2 Maccabees. The pri-
mary meaning of Apocrypha, " hidden, secret,"
teems, towards the close of the 2d century, to
save been associated with the signification
"spurious," and ultimately to have settled
"town into the Utter. The separate books of
ibis collection are treated of in distinct Arti-
cles. Their relation to the canonical books of
the Old Testament is discussed under Cahon.
Apollo'nia, a city of Macedonia, through
which Paul and Silas passed in their way from
Phuippi and Amphipolis to Thessalonica (Acts
xviL 1). According to the Antonine Itinerary,
it was distant 30 Roman miles from Amphipo-
hs, and 37 Roman miles from Thessalonica.
Apollo'niaa. 1. Son of Thrasasas govern-
or of Ccele-Syria and Phosnice, under Seliu-
cirs IV. Philofatob, b.c. 187 ff., a bitter
■nemv of the Jews (2 Mace. iv. 4), who urged
the king, at the instigation of Simon the com-
mander of the Temple, to plunder the Temple
at Jerusalem (2 Mace. iii. 5ff.). — 2. An officer
of Antiochna Epiphanes, and governor of Sa-
ssaria, who led out a large force against Judas
Maccabeus, but was defeated and slain B.C.
166 (1 Mace. iii. 10-12; Joseph. Ant. xii. 71).
He is probably the same person who was chief
commissioner of the revenue of Judaea ( 1 Mace.
i. 29 ; cf. 2 Mace. v. 24), who spoiled Jeru-
salem, taking advantage of the Sabbath (2
Mace. v. 24-26), and occupied a fortified posi-
tion there (B.C. 168) (1 Mace. i. 30 ff.). — 8.
The son of Menestheus (possibly identical with
the preceding), an envoy commissioned (b.c.
173) by Antiochus Epiphanes to congratulate
Ptolemy Philometor on his being enthroned
(2 Mace iv. 21). — 4. The son of Gennaeus, a
Syrian general under Antiochus V. Eupator,
c. b.c. 163 (2 Mace. xii. 2).— 5. This Daiam
(t.e. one of the Datue or Dai, a people of Sog-
diana), a governor of Ccele-Syria (1 Mace. x.
69) under Alexander Balas, who embraced the
cause of his rival Demetrius Nicator, and was
appointed by him to a chief command (1 Mace
lx!). Apolloni a raised a large force and at-
tacked Jonathan, the ally of Alexander, but
was entirely defeated by him (b.c. 147) neat
Azotos (I Mace x. 69-87).
Apolloph'anes, a Syrian, killed by Judas
Maccabasns at Oazara (2 Mace. x. 37).
Apolloe, a Jew from Alexandria, eloquent
(which may also mean Itanvd) and mighty in
the Scriptures : one instructed in the wav of
the Lord, according to the imperfect view of *ho
disciples of John the Baptist (Acts xviii. 2.1),
but on his coming to Ephesus during a tempo-
rary absence of St Paul, a.d. 54, more per-
fectly taught by Aquila and Priscilla. After
this he became a preacher of the Gospel, first in
Achaia and then in Corinth (Acts xviii. 27, MX.
I ), where be watered that which Paul had plant-
ed (1 Cor. iii. 6). When the apostle wrote his
first Epistle to the Corinthians, Apollos was
with or near him (1 Cor. xvi. 12), probably at
Ephesus in a.d. 57 : we hear of him then that
he was unwilling at that time to iournevr to
Corinth, but would do so when he should nave
convenient time. He is mentioned but once
more in the N. T., in Tit iii. 13, where Titus
is desired to "bring Zenas the lawyer and
Apollos on their way diligently, that nothing
may be wanting to them. After this nothing
is known of him. Tradition makes him bishop
of Caesarea. The exact part which Apollos
took in the missionary work of the apostolic age
can never be ascertained, and much fruitless
conjecture has been spent on the subject After
the entire amity between St. Paul and him
which appears in the First Epistle to the Corin-
thians, it is hardly possible to imagine any im-
portant difference in the doctrines which they
taught Thus much may safely be granted,
that there may have been difference enough in
the outward character and expression of the
two to attract the lover of eloquence and phi.
losophy rather to Apollos, somewhat perhaps
to the disparagement of St. Paul. It has been
supposed by some that Apollos was the author
of the Epistle to the Hebrews.
Apollyon, or, as it is literally in the mar-
gin of the A. V. of Rev. ix. 11, " a destroyer,"
is the rendering of the Hebrew word Abao-
doh, " the angel of the bottomless pit." The
Hebrew term is really abstract, and signifies
" destruction," in which sense it occurs in
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APOSTLE
56
APOSTLE
Job xxvi. C, xxviii. 22 ; Prov. xt. 11; and
other passes. The angel Apollyon is
further described as the king of the locusts
which rose from the smoke of the bottomless
pit at the sounding of the fifth trumpet.
From the occurrence of the word in Ps.
lxxxviii. 11, the Rabbins have made Abad-
don the nethermost of the two regions into
which they divide the lower world. But that,
in Rev. ix. 11, Abaddon is the angel and not
the abyss is perfectly evident in the Greek.
There is no authority for connecting it with
"the destroyer " alluded to in 1 Cor. x. 10;
and the explanation quoted by Bengcl, that the
name is given in Hebrew and Greek, to show
that the locusts would be destructive alike to
Jew- and Gentile, is far-fetched and unneces-
sary. The etymology of Asmodeus, the king
of the demons in Jewish mythology, seems to
point to a connection with Apollyon, in his
character as "the destroyer" or destroying
angel. See also Wisd. xviii. 22, 25. [Asmo-
deus.]
Apostle (one sent forth), in the N. T.,
originally the official name of those Twelve
of the disciples whom Jesus chose to send forth
first to preach the Gospel, and to be with Him
during the course of his ministry on earth.
The word also appears to have been used in a
non-official sense to designate a much wider
circle of Christian messengers and teachers
(see 2 Cor. viii. 23 ; Phil. ii. 25). It is only of
those who were officially designated Apostles
that we treat in this article. The original quali-
fication of an Apostle, as stated by St. Peter,
on occasion of electing a successor to the traitor
1 udas, was, that he should have been personally
acquainted with the whole ministerial course
»f our Lord, from his baptism by John till the
day when He was taken up into heaven. He
himself describes them as " they that had con-
tinued with Him in his temptations" (Luke
*xii. 28). By this close personal intercourse
with Him, tbey were peculiarly fitted to give
testimony to the facts of redemption ; and we
gather, from his own words in John xiv. 26,
xv. 26, 27, xvi. 13, that an especial bestowal of
the Spirit's influence was granted them, by
which their memories were quickened, and
their power of reproducing that which they had
heard from Him increased above the ordinary
measure of man. The Apostles were from the
lower ranks of life, simple and uneducated ;
tome of them were related to Jesus according
*a the flesh ; some had previously been disciples
of John the Baptist. Our Lord chose them
early in his pnblic career, though it is uncertain
precisely at what time. Some of them had
certainly partly attached themselves to Him
before ; but after their call as Apostles they
appear to have been continuously with Him, or
in his service. They seem to have been all on
an equality, both during and after the ministry
of Christ on earth. We find one indeed, St.
Peter, from fervor of personal character,
usually prominent among them, and distin-
guished by having the first place assigned him
in founding the Jewish and Gentile churches
[Peter] ; but wc never find the slightest trace
in Scripture of any superiority or primacy
being in consequence accorded to him. We
! also find that he and two others, James and
John, the sons of Zcbedec, arc admitted to the
inner privacy of our Lord's acts and sufferings
on several occasions (Matt. xvii. 1-9, xxvi. 37 ;
Mark v. 37) ; but this is no proof of superiority
in rank or office. Early in our Lord's ministry,
He sent them out two and two to preach re-
pentance, and perform miracles in nis name
(Matt. x. ; Luke ix.). This their mission waa
of the nature of a solemn call to the children of
Israel, to whom it was confined (Matt. x. 5, 6).
The Apostles were early warned by their Mas-
ter of the solemn nature and the danger of
their calling (Matt. x. 17). They accompanied
Him in his journeys of teaching and to the
Jewish feasts, saw nis wonderful works, heard
his discourses addressed to the people (Matt,
v.-vii., xxiii. ; Luke ri. 13-49) or those which
he held with learned Jews (Matt. xix. 13 ff. ;
Luke x. 25 ff.), made inquiries of Him on re-
ligious matters, sometimes concerning his own
savings, sometimes of a general nature (Matt,
xhi. 10 ff., xv. 15 ff., xviii. 1 ff. ; Luke viii. 9 ff.,
xii. 41, xvii. 5 ; John ix. 2 ff., xiv. 5, 22, &c.) :
sometimes they worked miracles (Mark vi. 13 ;
Luke ix. 6), sometimes attempted to do so with-
out success (Matt. xvii. 16). Thev recognized
their Master as the Christ of God. (Matt xvi.
16; Luke ix. 20), and ascribed to Him super-
natural power (Luke ix. 54) ; but in the recog-
nition of the spiritual teaching and mission of
Christ, they made very slow progress, held
back as they were by weakness or apprehension
and by national prejudices (Matt. xv. 16, xvi.
22, xvii. 20, 21 ; Luke ix. 54, xxiv. 25 ; John
xvi. 12): thev were compelled to ask of Him
the explanation of even his simplest parables
(Mark viii. 14 ff. ; Luke xii. 41 ft.), and openlv
confessed their weakness of faith (Luke xvii. 5 J.
Even at the removal of our Lord from the earth
they were yet weak in their knowledge ( Luke xiv.
21 ; John xvi. 12), though He had for so long
been carefully preparing and instructing them.
And when that happened of which He had so
often forewarned them — his apprehension by
the chief priests and Pharisees — thev all for-
sook Him and fled (Matt xxvi. 56). They left
his burial to one who was not of their number
and to the women, and were only convinced of
his resurrection on the very plainest proofs fur-
nished by Himself. It was first when this fact
became undeniable that light seems to have en-
tered their minds, and not even then without
His own special aid, opening their understand-
ings that they might understand the Scriptures.
Even after that, many of them returned to
their common occupations (John xxi. 3 ff), and
it required a new direction from the Lord to
recall them to their mission, and re-unite
them in Jerusalem (Acts i. 4). Before the
descent of the Holy Spirit on the Church,
Peter, at least, seems to have been specially
inspired by Him to declare the prophetio
sense of Scripture respecting the traitot
Judas, and direct his place to be filled up
On the Feast of Pentecost, ten days after
our Lord's ascension, the Holy Spirit cam*
down on the assembled church (Actsii.) ; and
from that time the Apostles became altogther
different men, giving witness with power of
the life and death and resurrection of Jesus u
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APOSTLE
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APPLE-TREK
tk. had declared they should (Luke xxiv. 48;
Acts i. 8, 22, ii. 32, iii. 15, v. 32, xiii. 31).
First of all the mother-church at Jerusalem
grew up under their hands (Acts iii.-vii.), and
their superior dignity and power were univer-
sally acknowledged by the rulers and the
people (Acts v. 12 IF.). Even the persecution
which arose about Stephen, and put the first
check on the spread of the Gospel in Judsea,
does not seem to have brought peril to the
Apostles (Acts viii. 1). Their first mission
oat of Jerusalem was to Samaria (Acts viii.
5-25), where the Lord himself had, during his
ministrr, sown the seed of the Gospel. Here
ends, propcly speaking (or rather perhaps with
the general visitation hinted at in Acts ix. 31),
the first period of the Apostles' agency, during
which its centre is Jerusalem, and the promi-
nent figure is that of St. Peter. Agreeably to
the promise of our Lord to him (Matt. xvi. 18),
which we conceive it impossible to understand
otherwise than in a personal sense, he among
the twelve foundations (Rev. xxi. 14) was the
stone on whom the Church was first built ; and
it was his privilege first to open the doors of
the kingdom of heaven to Jews (Acts ii. 14, 22)
and to Gentiles (Acts x. II). — The centre of
the second period of the apostolic agency is
Antioch, where a church soon was built up,
consisting of Jews and Gentiles ; and the cen-
tral figure of this and of the subsequent period
is St. Paul, a convert not originally belonging
to the number of the Twelve, but wonderfully
prepared and miraculously won for the high
office [Paul]. This period, whose history (all
that we know of it) is related in Acts xi. 19-30,
xiii. 1-5, was marked by the united working of
Paul and the other Apostles, in the co-operation
and intercourse of the 'wo churches of Antioch
and Jerusalem. From this time the third apos-
tolic period opens, marked by the almost entire
disappearance of the Twelve from the sacred
narrative, and the exclusive agency of St. Paul,
the great apostle of the Gentiles. The whole
of the remaining narrative of the Acts is occu-
pied with his missionary journeys ; and when
we leave him at Rome, all the Gentile churches
from Jerusalem round about unto Illyricum
owe to him their foundation, and look to him
for supervision. Of the missionary agency of
the rest of the Twelve, we know absolutely
nothing from the sacred narrative. Some
notices we have of their personal history, which
will be found under their respective names,
together with the principal legends, trust-
worthy or untrustworthy, which have come
down to us respecting them. [See Peter,
James, Johjt especially.] — As regards the
apostaik office, it seems to have been pre-emi-
nently that of founding the churches, and up
holding them by supernatural power specially
bestowed for that purpose. It ceased, as a mat-
terof course, with its first holders: all continu-
ation of it, from the very conditions of its ex-
istence (cf. 1 Cor. ix. 1 ), being impossible. The
bishops of the ancient churches co-existed with,
and did not in any sense succeed, the Apostles;
and when it is 'claimed for bishops or any
church officers that they are tbeir successors, it
mb be understood only chronologically, and not
officially. I
Appa'im. Son of Nuduli, and descended
from Jcruhmeel, the founder of au important
family of the tribe of Juduh (1 Chr. ii. 30, 31).
Appeal. The principle of appeal was rec-
ognized by the Mosaic law in the establish-
ment of a central court under the presidency of'
the judge or ruler for the time being, More
which all cases too difficult for the local courts
were to be tried (l)cut. xvii. 8-9). According
to the above regulation, the appeal lay in the
time of the Judges to the judge (Judg. iv. 5),
and under the monarchy to the king, who
appears to have deputed certain persons to in-
autre into the facts of the case, and record his
ecision thereon (2 Sam. xv. 3). Jehoshaphat
delegated his judicial authority to a court per-
manently established for the purpose (2 Chr. xix.
8). These courts were re-established by Ezra
(Ezr. vii. 25). After the institution of the
Sanhedrim the final appeal lay to them. A
Roman citizen under the republic had the right
of appealing in criminal cases from the decision
of a magistrate to the people ; and as the em-
peror succeeded to the power of the people, there
was an appeal to him in the last resort. St.
Paul, as a Roman citizen, exercised a right of
appeal from the jurisdiction of the local court
at Jerusalem to the emperor (Acts xxv. 11),
But as no decision had been given, there could be
no appeal, properly speaking, in his case : the
language used (Acts xxv. 9) implies the right
on the part of the accused of electing either to
be tried by the provincial magistrate, or by the
emperor. Since the procedure in the Jewish
courts at that period was of a mixed and unde-
fined character, the Roman and the Jewish
authorities co-existing and carrying pn the
course of justice between them, Paul availed
himself of his undoubted privilege to be tried
by the pure Roman law.
Ap'phia (a Greek form of the Latin Appiit,
a Christian woman addressed jointly with
Philemon and Archippus in Philcm. 2, ap-
parently a member or Philemon's household*
and not improbably his wife.
Ap'phus, " the wary," according to Ml
chaefis, surname of Jonathan Maccabania
(1 Mace. ii. 5). Ap.
Ap'pii , For'um. a well-known station on
the Appian Way, the great road which led
from Rome to the neighborhood of the Bay of
Naples. St. Paul, having landed at Puteoll
(Acts xxviii. 13) on his arrival from Malta,
proceeded under the charge of the centurion
along the Appian Way towards Rome, and
found at Appii Forum a group of Christians
who had gone to meet him (ver. 15). The
position of this place is fixed by the ancient
Itineraries at 43 miles from Rome. Horace
describes it as full of taverns and boatmen.
This arose from the circumstance that it was at
the northern end of a canal which ran parallel
with the road, through a considerable port of
the Pomptine Marshes. There is no difficulty
in identifying the site with some ruins near
Treponti; and in fact the 43d milestone is
preserved there. [Three Taverns.]
Apple-Tree, Apple (Heb. tappuach).
Mention of the apple-tree occurs in the A. v.,
in the following passages. Cant. ii. 3: "As
the apple-tree among the trees of the wood, an
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ii my beloved among tl»e sons. I sat down un-
der his shadow with great delight, and his
fruit was sweet to ray taste." Cant. viii. 5 :
" I raised thee up under the apple-tree : there
thy mother brought thee forth. Joel i. 12,
where the apple-tree is named with the vine,
the fig, the pomegranate, and the palm-trees, as
withering under the desolating effects of the
locust, palmer-worm, &c. The fruit of this
tree is alluded to in Frov. xxv. 11 : "A word
fitly spoken is like apples of gold in pictures of
silver. In Cant. ii. 5 : " Comfort me with ap-
ples, for I am sick of love;" vii. 8, "The
smell of thy nose (shall be) like apples." It is
a difficult matter to say what is the specific tree
denoted by the Hebrew word tappuach. Most
modern writers maintain that it is either the
quince or the citron. The quince has some
plausible arguments in its favor. The fra-
grance of the quince was held in high esteem by
the ancients. " Its scent," says an Arabic
author, " cheers my soul, renews my strength,
and restores my breath." The quince was
sacred to Venus. On the other hand, Dr.
Royle says, " The rich color, fragrant odor,
and handsome appearance of the citron, wheth-
er in flower or in fruit, are particularly suited
to the passages of Scripture mentioned above."
But neither the quince nor the citron nor the
apple appears fully to answer to all the Scrip-
tural allusions. The tappuach must denote
some tree the fruit of which is sweet to the
taste, and possesses some fragrant and restora-
tive properties, in order to meet all the demands
of the Biblical allusions. Both the quince and
the citron may satisfy the last-named require-
ment ; but it can hardly be said that either of
these fruits are sweet to the taste. The orange
would answer all the demands of the Scriptural
passages, and orange-trees are found in Pales-
tine ; but there does not appear sufficient evi-
dence that this tree was known in the earlier
times to the inhabitants of Palestine, the tree
having been in all probability introduced at a
later period. As to the apple-tree being the
tappuach, most travellers assert that this fruit is
generally of a very inferior quality. Moreover
the apple would hardly merit the character for
txcellent fragrance which the tappuach is said
to have possessed. The question of identifi-
tation, therefore, must still be left an open one.
As to the Apples of Sodom, see Vihe of
Sodom. The expression " apple of the eye "
occurs in Dent, xxxii. 10 ; Ps. xvii. 8 ; Prov.
vii. 2; Lam. ii. 18; Zech. ii. 8. The English
word is the representative of one entirely differ-
ent from that considered above: the Hebrew
word being ithon, " little man " — the exact
equivalent of the English pupil, the Latin
pupilliu.
Aq'uila, a Jew whom St. Paul found at Cor-
inth on his arrival from Athens (Acts xviii. 2).
He was a native of Pontus, but had fled, with
his wife Priscilla, from Rome, in consequence
of an order of Claudius commanding all Jews
to leave the city [Claudius]. He became ac-
quainted with St. Paul, and they abode together,
and wrought at their common trade of making
the Cilician tent or hair-cloth [Paul]. On the
departure of the Apostle from Corinth, a year
and six months after, Priscilla and Aquila ac-
companied him to Ephesus on his way to Syria.
There they remained; and when Apollos came
to Ephesus, knowing only the baptism of John,
they took him and taught him the way of the
Lord more perfectly. At what time they be-
came Christians is uncertain. When 1 Cor.
was written, Aquila and his wife were still in
Ephesus (1 Cor. xvi. 19) ; but in Bom. xvi.
3 ff., we find them again at Rome, and their
house a place of assembly for the Christians.
They are there described as having endangered
their lives for that of the Apostle. In 2 Tim.
iv. 19, they are saluted as being with Timo-
theus, probably at Ephesus. In both these
latter places the form Prisca and not Priscilla
is used.
Ar, or Ar Of Moab, one of the chief places
of Moab (Is. xv. 1 ; Num. xxi. 28). In later
times the place was known as Areopolis and
Rabbath-Moab, i.e. the great city of Moab.
The site is still called Rabba; it lies about half-
way between Kerak and the Wady Mojeb, 10 or
11 miles from each, the Roman road passing
through it. The remains are not important.
In the books of Moses, Ar appears to be used
as a representative name for the whole nation
of Moab ; see Deut. ii. 9, 18, 29 ; and also
Num. xxi. 15.
A'rft. One of the sons of Jether, the head
of a family of Asherites (1 Chr. vii. 38).
Arab. A city of Judah in the mountain-
ous district, probably in the neighborhood of
Hebron, mentioned only in Josh. xv. 52.
Ar'abahi. Although this word appears in
the A. V. in its original shape only in Josh,
xviii. 18, yet in the Hebrew text it is of fre-
quent occurrence. It is used generally to indi-
cate a barren, uninhabitable district, but " the
Arabah " indicates more particularly the deep-
sunken valley or trench which forms the most
striking among the many striking natural fea-
tures of Palestine, and which extends with great
uniformity of formation from the slopes of
Hcrmon to the -lElanitic Gulf ( Gulf of Aiabah)
of the Red Sea ; the most remarkable depres-
sion known to exist on the surface of the globe.
Through the northern portion of this extraor-
dinary fissure the Jordan rushes through the
lakes of Huleh and Gennesareth down its tor-
tuous course to the deep chasm of the Dead
Sea. This portion, about 150 miles in length,
is known amongst the Arabs by the name of
el-Ghor. The southern boundary of the Ghor
is the wall of cliffs which crosses the valley
about 10 miles south of the Dead Sea. From
their summits, southward to the Gulf of Aka-
bah, the valley changes its name, or, it would
be more accurate to say, retains its old name
of Wady el- Arabah. There can be no doubt
that in the times of the conquest and the mon-
archy the name "Arabah'' was applied to
the valley in the entire length of both its south-
ern and northern portions. Thus in Deut. i.
1, probably, and in Deut. ii. 8, certainly (A. V.
" plain " in both cases), the allusion is to the
southern portion, while the other passages, in
which the name occurs, point to the northern
portion. In Deut. iii. 17, iv. 49; Josh. iii. 16,
xi. 2, xii. 3 ; and 2 K. xiv. 25, both the Dead
Sea and the Sea of Cinneroth (Gennesareth)
arc named in close connection with the Arabah.
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The allusions in Deut. xi. 30 ; Josh. viii. 14,
xiL 1, xviii. 18 ; 2 Sam. ii. 29, iv. 7 ; 2 K. xxv.
4 ; Jer. ■Fr^ii 4 t Ui. 7, become at once intel-
ligible when the meaning of the Arabah is
known. In Josh. xi. 16 and xii. 8 the Arabah
lakei its place with " the mountain," " the
lowland " plains of Philistia and Esdraelon,
" the south " and " the plain " of Coele-8yria,
at one of the great natural divisions of the con-
quered country.
ArabaftLne, in Idnnuea (1 Mace. v. 3).
[AcBABBUf.] Ap.
Ara'bia, a country known in the O. T.
under two designations : — 1. The Eatt Country
(Gen. dct. 6) ; or perhaps the Eatt (Glen. x.
10 ; Num. xxiii. 7 ; Is. ii. 6) ; and Land of the
mm of the Eatt (Gen. xxix. 1) ; Gentile name,
Smt of tie East (Judg. vi. 3, vii. 12 , K. iv.
W ; Job i. 3 ; Is. xi. 14 ; Jer. xlix. 28 ; Ez.
xxv. 4). From these parages it appears that
the Land of the Eat and Son* of the Eatt indi-
cate, primarily, the country east of Palestine,
sod the tribes descended from Ishmael and from
Keturah ; and that this original signification
nay have become gradually extended to Arabia
and its inhabitants generally, though without
any strict limitation. The third and fourth
passages above referred to relate to Mesopo-
tamia and Babylonia. 2. 'Arab and 'Arab,
whence Arabia (2 Chr. ix. 14 ; Is. xxi. 13 ;
Jer. xxv. 24; Ez. xxvii. 21). This name seems
to have the same geographical reference as the
former name to the country and tribes east of
the Jordan, and chiefly north of the Arabian
peninsula. — Arabia may be divided into Ara-
bia Proper, containing the whole peninsula as
far as the limits of the northern deserts ; North-
en Arabia, constituting the great desert of
Arabia; and Wettern Arabia, the desert of Pe-
tra and the peninsula of Sinai, or the country
that has been called Arabia Petraea. I. Arabia
Proper, or the Arabian peninsula, consists of
high table-land, declining towards the north ; its
most elevated portions being the chain of moun-
tains running nearly parallel to the Red Sea, and
the territory east of the southern part of this
chain. So far as the in 5 rior has been explored,
it consists of mountainous and desert tracts,
relieved by large districts under cultivation,
well peopled, watered by wells and streams,
and enjoying periodical rains. The most fertile
tracts axe those on the south-west and south.
The modern Yemen is especially productive,
and at the same time, from its mountainous
character, picturesque. The settled regions of
the interior also appear to be more fertile than
is generally believed to be the case; and the des-
erts afford pasturage after the rains. The prod-
acts mentioned in the Bible as coming from
Arabia will be found described under their re-
spective heads. They seem to refer, in many
instances, to merchandise of Ethiopia and
India, carried to Palestine by Arab and other
traders. Gold, however, was perhaps found in
small quantities in the beds of torrents; and the
spices, incense, and precious stones, brought
from Arabia (1 K. x. 2, 10, 15; 2 Chr. ix.1,9,
14 ; Is. Ix. 6 ; Jer. vi. 20 ; Ez. xxvii. 22), prob-
ably were the products of the southern prov-
inces, still celebrated for spices, frankincense,
smbergris. 4c, as well as for the onyx and
other precious stones. — TJ. Northern Arabia,
or the Arabian Desert, is a high, undulating,
parched plain, of which the Euphrates forms
the natural boundary from the Persian Gulf to
the frontier of Syria, whence it is bounded
by the latter country and the desert of Petra
on the north-west and west, the peninsula of
Arabia forming its southern limit. It has few
oases, the water of the wells is generally either
brackish or unpotable, and it is visited by the
sand-wind called Samoom. The Arabs find
pasture for their flocks and herds after the
rains, and in the more depressed plains; and
the desert generally produces prickly shrubs,
4c., on which the camels feed. The inhabit-
ants were known to the ancients as " dwellers
in tents," Seenita (comp. Is. xiii. 20 ; Jer. xlix.
31; Ezek. xxxviii. 11); and they extended
from Babylonia on the east (comp. Mum. xxiii.
7 ; 2 Chr. xxi. 16 ; Is. ii. 6, xiii. 20), to the
borders of Egypt on the west. These tribes,
principally descended from Ishmael and Ketu-
rah, have always led a wandering and pastoral
life. Their predatory habits are .several times
mentioned in the 0. T. (2 Chr. xxi. 16, 17,
xxvi. 7; Job i. 15; Jer. Hi. 2) They con-
ducted a considerable trade of merchandise of
Arabia and India from the shores of the Per-
sian Gulf (Ezek. xxvii. 20-24), whence a chain
of oases still forms caravan-stations ; and they
likewise traded from the western portions of
the peninsula. The latter traffic appears to be
frequently mentioned in connection with Ish-
maelites, Keturahites, and other Arabian peo-
ples (Gen. xxxvii. 25, 28; IK. x. 15, 25;
2 Chr. ix. 14, 24 ; Is. Ix. 6 ; Jer. vi. 20), and
probably consisted of the products of Southern
Arabia and of the opposite shores of Ethiopia :
it seems, however, to have been chiefly in the
hands of the inhabitants of Idumsaa ; bul it is
difficult to distinguish between the references
to the latter people and to the tribes of North-
ern Arabia in the passages relating to this
traffic. That certain of these tribes brought
tribute to Jehoshaphat appears from 2 Chr.
xvii. 11 ; and elsewhere there are indications
of such tribute. Respecting these tribes, see
Ishmael, Keturah. — Til. Wettern Arabia
includes the peninsula of Sinai [Slffkl], and
the desert or Petra, corresponding generally
with the limits of Arabia Petraea. The latter
name is probably derived from that of its chief
city ; not from its stony character. It was in
the earliest times inhabited by a people whose
genealogy is not mentioned in the Bible, the
Horites or Horim (Gen. xiv. 6, xxxvi. 20, 21,
22, 29, 30 ; Deut ii. 12, 22). [Hobitbs.] Its
later inhabitants were in part the same as those
of the preceding division of Arabia, as indeed
the boundary of the two countries is arbitrary
and unsettled ; but it was mostly peopled by
descendants of Esau, and was generally known
as the land of Edoro, or Idunuea [Edoh] ; as
well as by its older appellation, the desert of
Seir, or Mount Seir [Sbib]. The common
origin of the Idumssans from Esau and Ish-
mael is found in the marriage of the former
with a daughter of the latter (Gen. xxviii. 9,
xxxvi. .1). The Nabathseans succeeded to tho
Idumssans, and Idumasa is mentioned only as
a geographical designation after the time of
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Joscphns. The Nabathreans are identified
with Nebaioth, ion of Ishmael (Gen. xxv.
13; Is. lx. 7). Petra was in the great route
of the western caravan-traffic of Arabia, and
of the merchandise brought up the .ASIanitic
Gulf. See Edom, Elath, Ezion-oeber, Ac.
— Inhabitants. The Arabs, like every other an-
cient nation of any celebrity, have traditions
representing their country as originally inhab-
ited by races which became extinct at a very
remote period. The majority of their histori-
ans derive these tribes from Shem ; but some,
from Ham, though not through Cush. Their
earliest traditions that have any obvious rela-
tion to the Bible refer the origin of the existing
nation in the first instance to Kahtan, whom
they and most European scholars identify with
Joktan ; and secondly to Ishmael, whom they
assert to have married a descendant of Kahtan.
They are silent respecting Cushitc settlements
in Arabia; but modem research, we think,
proves that Cushitcs were among its early
inhabitants. [Cush.] — 1. The descendants of
Joktan occupied the principal portions of the
south and south-west of the peninsula, with
colonies in the interior. In Genesis (x. 30), it
is said, " and their dwelling was from Mesha,
as thou goest unto Sephar, a mount of the
East (Ktdem)." The position of Mesha is
very uncertain ; it is most reasonably supposed
to bo the western limit of the first settlers
[Mesha] : Sephar is undoubtedly Dhafdri, or
Zafdri, of the Arabs, a name not uncommon
in the peninsula, but especially that of two
celebrated towns — one being the seaport on
the south coast, near Slirbdt ; the other, now
in rains, near San'd, and said to be the ancient
residence of the Himyerite kings. The latter
is probably Sephar; it is situate near a thurif-
erous mountain, and exports the best frankin-
cense [Sephar]. In the district indicated
above are distinct and undoubted traces of the
names of the sons of Joktan mentioned in Gen-
esis (x. 26-29), such as Hadramuurt for Hazar-
maveth, Azdl for Uzal, Selst for Sheba, &c.
Their remains are found in the existing inhab-
itants of (at least) its eastern portion, and their
records in the numerous Himyerite ruins and
inscriptions. — The principal Joktanite king-
dom, and the chief state of ancient Arabia,
was that of the Yemen, founded (according to
the Arabs) by Yaarub, the son (or descendant)
of Kahtan (Joktan). Its most ancient capital
was probably San'd, formerly called Azdl after
Azal, son of Joktan. [Uzal.] The other capi-
tals were Ma-rili, or SeArf, and Zajiiri. This
was the Biblical kingdom of Sheba. Its rulers,
and most of its people, were descendants of
Seta ( = Sheba), whence the classical Salmi.
Among its rulers was probably the Queen of
Sheba who came to hear the wisdom of Solo-
mon (1 K. x. 2). [Sheba.] The dominant
family was apparently that of Himvcr, son (or
descendant) of Scba\ A memlier of this f.imily
founded the more modern kingdom of the Him-
yerites. The testimony of the Bible, and of
the classical writers, as well as native tradition,
seems to prove that the latter appellation super-
seded the former only shortly before the Chris-
tian era : i.e. after the foundation of the later
kingdom. The rule of the Himyerites (whence
the Homeritat of classical authors) probably ex
tended over the modern Yemen, Hadramawt,
and Mahreh. Their kingdom lasted until a.d.
525, when it fell before an Abyssinian invasion.
Already, about the middle of the 4th century,
the kings of Axum appear to have become mas-
ters of part of the Yemen, adding to their
titles the names of places in Arabia belonging
to the Himyerites. After four reigns they
were succeeded by Himyerite princes, vassals
of Persia, the last of whom submitted to Mo-
hammad. Kings of Hadramawt (the classical
Cliatramotita) are also enumerated by the
Arabs, and distinguished from the descendant!
of Yaarub, an indication of their separate de-
scent from Hazarmaveth [IIazarmavkth].
The Greek geographers mention a fourth peo-
ple in conjunction with the Sabasi, Homenue,
and Chatramotits, — the Minai, who have not
been identified with any Biblical or modern
name. Some place them as high as Mek-
keh, and derive their name from Mind (the
sacred valley N.E. of that city), or from the
goddess Manah, worshipped in the district be-
tween Mehkeh and El-AIedeenek. The other
chief Joktanitc kingdom was that of the Hijaz,
founded by Jurhum, the brother of Yaarub,
who left the Yemen and settled in the neigh-
borhood of Melclceh. The Arab lists of its
kings are inextricably confused ; but the name
of their leader and that of two of his successors
was Mudid (or El-Mudad), who probably rep-
resents Almodad [Almodad]. Ishmael, ac-
cording to the Arabs, married a daughter of
the first Mudad, whence sprang 'Adnan the
ancestor of Mohammad. This kingdom, situ-
ate in a less fertile district than the Yemen,
and engaged in conflict with aboriginal tribes,
never attained the importance of that of the
south. It merged, by intermarriage and con-
quests, into the tribes of Ishmael. An Arab
author identifies Jurhum with Hadoram [Ha-
dobam]. — 2. The Isumaelites appear to
have entered the peninsula from the north-
west. That they have spread over the whole
of it (with the exception of one or two districts
on the south coast which arc said to be still
inhabited by unmixed Joktanitc peoples), and
that the modern nation is predominantly Ish-
maelitc, is asserted by the Arabs. They d\> not,
however, carry up their genealogies higher than
'Adnan (as we have already said), and they
have lost the names of most of Ishmael's im-
mediate and near descendants. Such as have
licen identified with existing names will be
found under the several articles bearing their
names. [See also Hagarenes.] They extend-
ed northwards from the Hijaz into the Arabian
desert, where they mixed with Kcturahites and
other Abrahamic peoples : and westwards to
Idumrea, where they mixed with Edomites, Ac,
The tribes sprung from Ishmael have always
been governed by petty chiefs or heads of fami-
lies (shcykhs and cmeers) ; they have generally
followed a patriarchal life, and have not origi-
nated kingdoms, though they have in some
instances succeeded to those of Joktanites, the
principal one of these being that of El-Heereh.
With reference to the Ishmaclites generally,
we may observe, that although their first set
tlements in the Hijaz, and their spreading over
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a great part of the northern portions of the
peninsula, are sufficiently proved, there is
doubt as to the wide extension given to them
by Arab tradition. Mohammad derived from
the Jews whatever tradition be pleased, and
silenced any contrary, by the Kuran or his own
dicta. This religious element, which does not
directly affect the tribes of Joktan (whose set-
tlements are otherwise unquestionably identi-
fied), has a great influence over those of Ish-
raael. They therefore cannot be certainly
proved to have spread over the peninsula,
notwithstanding the almost universal adoption
of their language ( which is generally acknowl-
edged to hare been the Arabic commonly so
called), and the concurrent testimony of the
Arabs ; but from these and other considerations
it becomes at the same time highly probable
that they vw form the predominant element
of the Arab nation. — 3. Of the descendants of
Kjtckah the Arabs say little. They appear
to have settled chiefly north of the peninsula in
Desert Arabia, from Palestine to the Persian
Golf; and the passages in the Bible in which
mention is made of Dedan (except those relat-
ing to the Cushite Dedan, Gen. x. 7} refer
apparently to the tribe sprung from this race
(Is. xxi. 13 ; Jer. xxv. 33 ; Ex. xxvii. 20), per-
haps with an admixture of the Cushite Dedan,
who seems to have passed up the western
shores of the Persian Gulf. [Ketcrah.] — 4.
In Northern and Western Arabia arc other
peoples which, from their geographical position
sod mode of life, arc sometimes classed with
the Arabs. Of these are Amalbk, the descend-
ants of Esau, &c. — Rdigmn. The most an-
cient idolatry of the Arabs we must conclude
te have been fetichism, of which there are strik-
ing proofs in the sacred trees and stones of his-
torical times, and the worship of the heavenly
bodies, or Sabssism. To the worship of the
heavenly bodies we rind illusions in Job (xxxi.
26-28) and to the belief in the influence of the
•tan to give rain (xxxviii. 31 ), where the Pleia-
des give rain, and Orion withholds it ; and
again in Judges (v. 20) where the stars fight
against the host of Sisera. The names of the
objects of the earlier fetichism, the stone-wor-
ship, tree-worship, 4c., of various tribes, are
too numerous to mention. One, that of Ma-
nan, the goddess worshipped between Mekkch
and El-Medeeneh has been compared with
Meni (Is. lxv. 11), which is rendered in the
A . V. " number. Magianism, an importa-
tion from Chaldssa and Persia, must be reckoned
among the religions of the Pagan Arabs ; but
it never had very numerous followers. Chris-
tianity was introduced in southern Arabia to-
wards the close of the 2d century, and about a
century later it had made great progress. It
flourished chiefly in the Yemen, where many
churches were built. It also rapidly advanced
in other portions of Arabia, through the king-
dom of Heereh and the contiguous countries,
Ghassan, and other parts. The persecutions
of the Christians brought about the fall of the
Himyerite dynasty bv the invasion of the Chris-
tian ruler of Abyssinia. Judaism was propa-
gated in Arabia, principally by Karaites, at the
captivity, but it was introduced before that
time : it became very prevalent in the Yemen,
and in the Hijaz, especially at Kheybar and
El-Medeeneh, where there are said to be still
tribes of Jewish extraction. — Language. Ara-
bic, the language of Arabia, is the most devel-
oped and the richest of the Semitic languages,
and the only one of which we have an extensive
literature : it is, therefore, of great importance
to the study of Hebrew. Of its early phases
we know nothing ; while we have archaic mon-
uments of the Himycritic (the ancient language
of Southern Arabia), though we cannot fix their
precise ages. Of the existence of Hebrew and
Chaldee (or Aramaic) in the time of Jacob
there is evidence in Gen. xxxi. 47 ; and probably
Jacob and Laban understood each other, the
one speaking Hebrew and the other Chaldee.
It seems also (Judg. vii. 9-15) that Gideon, or
Phurah, or both, understood the conversation
of the " Midianites, and the Amalekites, and
all the children of the East." It is probable,
therefore, that in the 14th or 13th cent. B.C.
the Semitic languages differed much less than
in after times. But it appears from 2 K. xviii.
26, that in the 8th cent. B.C. only the educated
classes among the Jews understood Aramaic.
With these evidences before us, and making a
due distinction between the archaic and the
known phases of the Aramaic and the Arabic,
we think that the Himyeritic is to b» regarded
as a sister of the Hebrew, and the Arati.j (com-
monly so called) as a sister of the Hebrew and
Aramaic, or, in itt domical phatit, as a descend-
ant of a sister of these two, but that the Him-
yeritic is mixed with an African language, and
that the other dialects of Arabia are in like
manner, though in a much less degree, mixed
with an African language. — Respecting the
Himyeritic, until lately little was known , but
monuments bearing inscriptions in this lan-
guage have been discovered in the southern
parts of the peninsula, principally in Hadrsmiiwt
and the Yemen, and some of the inscriptions
have been published. — The manners and cuslwm
of the Arabs are of great value in illustrating
the Bible. No one can mix with this people
without being constantly and forcibly reminded
either of the early patriarchs or of the settled
Israelites. We may instance their pastoral life,
their hospitality, that most remarkable of d< s-
ert virtnes [Hospitality j, their universal re-
spect for age (comp. Lev. xxi. 32), their familiar
deference (comp. 2 K. v. 13), their superstitious
regard for the beard. On tho signet-ring,
which is worn on the little finger of the right
hand, is usually inscribed a sentence expressivs
of submission to God, or of His perfection, 4c.,
explaining Ex. xxxix. 30, " the engraving of a
signet, Holiness to the Lord," and the saving
of our Lord (John iii. 33), "He . . . hath set
to his seal that God is true." As a mark of
trust, this ring is given to another person (as
in Gen. xli. 42). The inkhorn worn in the gir-
dle is also very ancient (Ez. ix. 2, 3, 11), as
well as the veil. A man has a right to claim
his cousin in marriage, and he relinquishes this
right by taking off his shoe, as the kinsman of
Ruth did to Boaz (Ruth iv. 7,8). — References in
the Bible to the Arabs themselves arc still more
clearly illustrated by the manners of the modern
people, in their predatory expeditions, their
mode of warfare, their caravan journeys, 4c
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ARABIANS
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ARAM
To the interpretation of the book of Job, an
intimate knowledge of this people and their
language and literature is essential; for many
of the most obscure passages can only be ex-
plained by that knowledge. — Commerce. Di-
rect mention of the commerce of the south does
not appear to be made in the Bible, but it
seems to have passed to Palestine principally
through the northern tribes. Passages relating
to the fleets of Solomon and to the maritime
trade, however, bear on this subject, which is a
curious study for the historical inquirer. The
Joktanite people of Southern Arabia have always
been, in contradistinction to the Ishmaelite
tribes, addicted to a seafaring life. The latter
were caravan-merchants ; the former, the chief
traders of the Red Sea, carrying their com-
merce to the shores of India, as well as to the
nearer coasts of Africa. The classical writers
also make frequent mention of the commerce
of Southern Arabia. It was evidently carried
to Palestine by the two great caravan routes
from the head of the Red Sea and from that of
the Persian Gulf: the former especially taking
with it African produce; the latter, Indian. It
should be observed that the wandering propen-
sities of the Arabs, of whatever descent, do not
date from the promulgation of El-Islam. All
testimony goes to show that from the earliest
ages the peoples of Arabia formed colonies in
distant lands, and have not been actuated by
the desire of conquest or by religious impulse
alone in their foreign expeditions; but rather
by restlessness and commercial activity.
Arabians, the nomadic tribes inhabiting
the country to the east and south of Palestine,
who in the early times of Hebrew history were
known as Ishmaelites and descendants of Ketn-
rah. Their roving pastoral life in the desert is
alluded to in Is. xiii. 20 ; Jcr. iii. 2 ; 2 Mace. xii.
1 1 ; their country is associated with the country
of the Dedanim, the travelling merchants (Is.
xxi. 13), with Dedan, Tema, and Buz (Jer. xxv.
24), and with Dcdan and Kedar (Ex. xxvii.
21 ), all of which are supposed to have occupied
the northern part of the peninsula later known
as Arabia. During the prosperous reign of
Jehoshaphat, the Arabians, in conjunction
with the Philistines, were tributary to Judah
(2 Chr. xvii. 11), but in the reign of his suc-
cessor they revolted, ravaged the country, plun-
dered the royal palace, slew all the king's sons
with the exception of the youngest, and car-
ried off" the royal harem (2 Chr. xxi. 16, xxii.
1 ). The Arabians of Gur-baal were again sub-
dued by Uzziah (2 Chr. xxvi. 7). On the re-
turn from Babylon they were among the fore-
most in hindering Nehcmiah in his work of
restoration, and plotted with the Ammonites
and others for that end (Neh. iv. 7). Geshem,
or Gashmn, one of the leaders of the opposition,
was of this race (Neh. ii. 19, vii. 1). In later
times the Arabians served under Timotheus
in his struggle with Judas Macenlueus, but were
defeated (1 Mace. v. 39 ; 2 Mace. xii. 10). The
Zabadcans, an Arab tribe, were routed by Jon-
athan, the brother and successor of Judas (1
Mace. xii. 31). Zabdiel, the assassin of Alex-
ander Balas (1 Mace. xi. 17), and Simalcue,
who brought up Antiochus, the young son of
Alexander (1 Mace. xi. 39), afterwards Anti-
ochus VI., were both Arabians. In the turn
of the N. T. the term appears to have been re.
stricted in the same manner. [Arabia.]
A'rad, a Benjamite, son of Beriah, wh<
drove out the inhabitant* of Gath (1 Chr. viii.
15).
A'rad, a royal city of the Canaanitcs,
named with Hormah and Libnah (Josh. xii.
14). The wilderness of Judah was to "the
south of Arad" (Judg. i. 16). It is also un-
doubtedly named in Num. xxi. I (comp. Hor-
mah in ver. 3) and xxxiii. 40, " the Canaan ite
king of Arad," instead of the reading of the
A. v., " king And the Canaanitc." It is
mentioned in the Onomasticon (Arad) as a city
of the Amorites, near the desert of Kaddes, 4
miles from Malatha (Moladah), and 20 from
Hebron. It may be identified with a hill, TM
'Arad, an hour and a half N. E. bv E. from
Milh (Moladah), and 8 hours from iichron.
Ar'adus, (1 Mace. xv. 23), the same place
as Arvad. Ap.
A'rah. 1. An Asherite, of the sons of
Ulla (1 Chr. vii. 39). — 2. The sons of Arah
returned with Zerubbabel in number 775 ac-
cording to Ezr. ii. 5, but 652 according to Neh.
vii. 10. One of his descendants, Shcchaniah,
was the father-in-law of Tobiah the Ammonite
(Neh. vi. 10). The name is written as Ares
in 1 Esdr. v. 10.
A'ram (probably from a root signifying
height, and which is also the base of "Ra-
man "), the name by which the Hebrews desig-
nated, generally, the country lying to the north,
east of Palestine ; the great mass of that high
table-land which, rising with sudden abrupt-
ness from the Jordan and the very margin of
the lake of Gennesareth, stretches, at an eleva-
tion of no less than 2,000 feet above the level
of the sea, to the banks of the Euphrates itself,
contrasting strongly with the low land bor-
dering on the Mediterranean, the "land of
Canaan," or the low country (Gen. xxxi. 18,
xxxiii. 18, &c.). Throughout the A. V. the
word is, with only a very few exceptions, ren-
dered, as in the Vulgate and LXX., Stria ; a
name which, it must be remembered, includes
far more to our ears than did Aram to the He-
brews. [Syria.] Its earliest occurrence in the
hook of Genesis is in the form of Aram-naha-
raim, i.e. the " highland of or between the two
rivers" (Gen. xxiv. 10, A. V. "Mesopotamia"),
but in several succeeding chapters, and in other
parts of the Pentateuch, the word is used with-
out any addition, to designate a dweller in
Aram-naharaim — Laban or Bcthucl — "the
Aramite" (see Gen. xxv. 20, xxviii. 2, 5, xxxi.
20, 24 ; also Judg. iii. 10, compared with 8 ;
Deut. xxvi. 5, compared with xxxiii. 4, and
Ps. lx. title). Padan, or accurately Paddan,
Aram (" cultivated highland," from jxtddah to
plough) was another designation for the same
region (Gen. xxv. 20, xxviii. 2).
Later in the history we meet with a number
of small nations or kingdoms forming parts of
the general land of Aram: — 1. Aram-Zobah,
or simply Zobnh (1 Sam. xiv. 47; 2 Sam. viii.
3 ; I Chr. xviii., xix.). [Zohah.J 2. Aram
bcth-rehob (2 Sam. x. 6), or Rehob (x. 8).
[Rehob.] 3. Aram-maacbah (1 Chr. xix. 6),
or Maachah only (2 Sam. x. 6). [Maacbah.]
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4. Geahnr, " in Aram " (3 Sam, xr. 8), usually
named in connection with Maachah (Dent. iii.
14; Josh. xiii. 11, 13, &c.). [Giihdb.] S.
Aram-D*romesek (Damascus) (2 8am. viii. 5,6;
1 Chr. xviii. 5, 6). The whole of these petty
dates are spoken of collectively under the name
of " Aram (2 Sam. x. 13), bat as Damascus
nereased in importance it gradually absorbed
lae smaller powers (1 K. xx. 1), and the name
of Aram was at last applied to it alone (Is. vii.
»; also 1 K. xi. 24, 25, xr. 19, Ac). Accord-
ing to the genealogical table in Gen. x., Aram
was a son of Shem, and his brethren were Elam,
Ajshur, and Arphaxad. It will be observed
that these names occur in regular order from the
east, Aram closing the list on the borders of the
" western sea." In three passages Aram would
seem to denote Assyria (2 K. xviii. 26 ; Is.
xxxvi. 1 1 ; Jer. xxxv. 11). — 2. Another Aram
is named in Gen. xxii. 21, as a son of Kerauel,
and descendant of Nahor. From its mention
with Us and Box it is probably identical with
the tribe of Ram, to the " kindred " of which be-
longed " Elihu the son of Barachel the Buzite,"
wbo was visiting Job in the land of Uz (Job
xxxii. 2). — 3. An Asherite, one of the sons of
Sauner (1 Chr. vii. 34).— 4. Son of Esrom,
or Hezron, and the same as Ram (Matt. i. 3,
4; Lake iii. 33).
A'ram-nahara'im (Ps. U. title). [Abam
A'ram-so'bah (Ps. lx. tide). [Abam 1.]
Arami'teSS, a female inhabitant of Aram
(I Chr. vii. 14). In other passage* of the A. V.
the ethnic of Aram is rendered " Syrian."
Aran, a Horite, son of Dishan and brother
of Uz (Gen. xxxvi. 28 ; I Chr. i. 42).
Ar'arat, a mountainous district of Asia
mentioned in the Bible in connection with the
following events: — (1.) As the resting-place
of the Ark after the Deluge (Gen. viii. 4 7: (%)
« the asylum of the sons of Sennacherib (2 K.
xix. 37 ; Is. xxxvii. 38 ; A. V. has " the land
of Armenia") : (3.) as the ally, and probably
the neighbor, of Minni and Ashchenax (Jer. h.
47). JAiMCKfiA.] The name Ararat was un-
known to the geographers of Greece and Rome,
•sit soil is to the Armenians of the present day :
bat that it was an indigenous and an ancient
osme for a portion of Armenia, appears from
the statement of Moses of Chorene, who gives
Araratia as the designation of the central prov-
ince. In its Biblical sense it is descriptive
generally of the Armenian highlands — the
wfty plateau which overlooks the plain of the
Araxes on the N., and of Mesopotamia on
the S. Various opinions have been put forth
« to the spot where the Ark rested, as de-
scribed in Gen. viii. 4 ; but Bcrosus the Chal-
dasn, contemporary with Alexander the Great,
faes the spot on the mountains of Kurdistan.
Tradition still points to the Jebel Judi as the
«*ne of the event, and maintains the belief, as
feted by Berosos, that fragments of the ark
(xist on its summit. Josephns also quotes
Hieolaus Damascenus to the effect that a moun-
tain named Baris, beyond Miny as, was the spot.
That the scene of an event so deeply interesting
to mankind had even at that early age been
fmsferred, as was natural, to the loftiest and
■ott imposing mountain in the district, appears
from the statements of Josephus that the spot
where Noah left the ark had received a name
descriptive of that event, which he renders
Apobaterion, and which seems identical with
Nachdjevan, on the banks of the Araxes. To
this neighborhood all the associations connect-
ed with Noah are now assigned by the native
Armenians, and their opinion has been so far
indorsed by Europeans that they have given
the name Ararat exclusively to the mountain
which is called Maui* by the Armenians, Agri-
Dagh, i.e. Steep Mountain, by the Turks, and
Km-i-Nuh, i.e. ffoah's Mountain, by the Per-
sians. It rises immediately out of the plain
of the Araxes, and terminates in two conical
peaks, named the Great and Less Ararat, about
seven miles distant from each other ; the former
of which attains an elevation of 17,260 feet
above the level of the sea, and about 14,000
above the plain of the Araxes, while the lat-
ter is lower by 4,000 feet. The summit of
the higher is covered with eternal snow for
about 3,000 feet. It is of volcanic origin. The
summit of Ararat was long deemed inaccessible.
It was first ascended in 1829 by Parrot, who
approached it from the N.W. ; he describes a
secondary summit about 400 yards distant
from the highest point, and on the gentle de-
pression which connects the two eminences he
surmises that the ark rested. The region im-
mediately below the limits of perpetual snow
is barren and unvisited by beast or bird. Ar-
gun, the only village known to have been built
on its slopes, was the spot where, according to
tradition, Noah planted his vineyard. Lower
down, in the plain of Araxes, is Nackajevun,
where the patriarch is reputed to have been
buried. Returning to the broader signification
we have assigned to the term, " the mountains
of Ararat," as co-extensive with the Armenian
plateau from the base of Ararat in the N. to
the range of Kurdistan in the S., we notice the
following characteristics of that region as illus-
trating the Bible narrative : — ( 1 . ) Its elevation.
It rises to a height of from 6,000 to 7,000 feet
above the level of the sea, presenting a surface
of extensive plains, whence spring other lofty
mountain ranges, having a generally parallel
direction from E. to W., and connected with
each other by transverse ridges of moderate
height. (2.) Its geographical position. The
Armenian plateau stands equidistant from the
Euxine and the Caspian Seas on the N., and
between the Persian Gulf and the Mediterra-
nean on the S. Viewed with reference to the
dispersion of the nations, Armenia is the true
centre of the world : and it is a significant fact
that at the present day Ararat is the great
boundary-stone between the empires of Russia,
Turkey, and Persia. (3.) Its physical character.
The plains as well as the mountains supply evi-
dence of volcanic agency. Armenia, however,
differs materially from other regions of similar
geological formation, inasmuch as it does not
rise to a sharp well-defined central crest, but
expands into plains or steppes, separated by a
graduated scries of subordinate ranges. The
result of this expansion is that Armenia is far
more accessible, both from without, and within
its own limits, than other districts of similar
elevation. The fall of the ground in the centra
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of the plateau is not decided in any direction,
as is demonstrated by the early courses of the
rivers — the Araxes, which flows into the Cas-
pian, rising westward of either branch of the
Euphrates, and taking at first a northerly
direction — the Euphrates, which flows to the
S., rising northward of the Araxes, and taking
a westerly direction. (4.) The climate. Winter
lasts from October to May, and is succeeded by
a brief spring and summer of intense heat. In
April the Armenian plains are still covered with
snow ; and in the early part of September it
freezes keenly at night. (5.) The vegetation.
Grass grows luxuriantly on the plateau, and
furnishes abundant pasture during the summer
months to the flocks of the nomad Kurds.
Wheat, barley, and vines ripen at far higher
altitudes thin on the Alps and the Pyrenees ;
and th< harvest is brought to maturity with
wondcrfa. «ueed. The general result of these
observations would be to show that, while the
elevation of the Armenian plateau constituted
it the natural resting-place of the ark after the
Deluge, its geographical position and its physi-
cal character secured an impartial distribution
of the families of mankind to the various quar-
ters of the world. The climate furnished a
powerful inducement to seek the more tempting
regions on aS> sides of it. At the same time the
character of the vegetation was remarkably
adapted to the nomad state in which we may
conceive the early generations of Noah's de-
scendants to have* lived.
Ar'arath (Tob. i. 21). [Ararat.] Ap.
Arau'nah, a Jebusite who sold his thresh-
ing-floor on Mount Moriah to David as a site
for an altar to Jehovah, together with his oxen
(2 Sam. xxiv. 18-24; 1 Chr. xxi. 25). From
the expression (2 Sam. xxiv. 23) "these things
did Araunah, the king, give nnto the king," it
has been inferred that lie was one of the royal
race of the Jebusites. His name is variously
written in various places (2 Sam. xxiv. 16, 18,
1 Chr. xxi. ; 2 Chr. Hi.). [Ornan.]
Ar/ba, the progenitor of the Anakim. or
sons of Anak, from whom their chief city
Hebron received its name of Kirjath-Arba
(Josh. xiv. 15, xv. 13, xxi. II).
ArTjah. Hebron, or Kirjath-Arba, as "the
city of Arbah " is always rendered elsewhere
(Gen. xxxv. 27). [Hkbron.]
ArTjathite, the, i.e. a native of the Ara-
bah or Ghor. [Arabah.] Abialhon the A. was
one of David's mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 31 ;
1 Chr. xi. 32).
Arbat'tis, a district of Palestine named in
1 Mace. v. 23 only, perhaps a corruption of
Acrabattinc, the province or toparchv which
lay between Neapolis and Jericho. [Arabat-
tine.1 Ap.
Areola, mentioned in the Bible only in 1
Mace. ix. 2, and there only as defining the situ-
ation of Massaloth, a place besieged and taken
by Bacchides and Alcimus at the opening of
the campaign in which Judas Moccabasus was
killed. According to Joseplms this was at
Arbela of Galilee, a place which he elsewhere
states to be near Sepphoris, on the lake of
Gennesareth, and remarkable for certain im-
pregnable caves, the resort of robbers and insur-
gents, and the scene of more than one desperate
encounter. These topographical requirements
arc rally met by the existing Irbid, a site with a
few ruins, west of Mtdjd, on the south-east side
of the Wady Hamam, in a small plain at the
foot of the till of Kurun Hattin. The caverns
arc in the opposite face of the ravine, and bear
the name ofKula'at lbn Main. Arbela may be
the Bctharbcl of Hos. x. 14, but there ia noth-
ing to insure it. Ap.
Ar'bito, tho. Paarai the Arbite was one
of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 35). The word
signifies a native of Arab. In the parallel list
of Chronicles it is given as Ben-Ezbai. [Ez-
BAI.)
Arbona'i (Jud. ii. 24). [Abronas.] Ap.
Archela'us, son of Herod the Great, by a
Samaritan woman, Malthake', and, with his
brother Antipas, brought up at Rome. At
the death of Herod (B.C. 4) his kingdom was
divided between his three sons, Herod Antipas,
Archclans. and Philip. Archelaus received the
half, containing Idumsea, Judaea, Samaria, and
the cities on the coast, with 600 talents' income.
He never properly bore the title of king (Matt,
ii. 22), but only that of ethnarch, so that the
former word must be taken as loosely used. In
the tenth year of his reign, or the ninth, ac-
cording to Dion Cassius, t.e. a.d. 6, a complaint
was preferred against him by his brothers and
his subjects on the ground of his tyranny, in
consequence of which he was banished to Vienne
in Gaul, where he is generally said to have died.
But Jerome relates that he was shown the sepul-
chre of Archelaus near Bethlehem. He seems
to have been guilty of great cruelty and op-
pression (cotnp. Matt. ii. 22). Joseplms relates
that he put to death 3,000 Jews in ihe Temple
not long after his accession. Archelaus wedded
illegally Glaphyra, once the wife of his brother
Alexander, who had had children by her.
Archery. [Arms.]
Ar'chevites, perhaps the inhabitants of
Erkch, some of whom had l>cen placed as colo-
nists in Samaria (Ezr. iv. 9).
Ar'chi (Josh. xvi. 2). [Arciiite.]
Archip'pus, a Christian teacher in Colossag
(Col. iv. 17), called by St. Paul his "fellow-
soldier " ( Philem. 2). As the last-quoted epistle
is addressed to him jointly with Philemon and
Apphia, it seems necessary to infer that he waa
a member of Philemon's family. Jerome, Theo-
doret, and CEcumenius, suppose him to have
been overseer of the church at Colossse. Others
believe him to have been a teacher at Laodicea.
There is a legend that he was of the number of
the Seventy disciples, and suffered martyrdom
at Chonss, near Lnodiocea.
Ar'chite, the (as if from a place named
Ereeh), the usual designation of David's friend
Hushai (2 Sam. xv. 32, xvii. 5, 14; 1 Chr.
xxvii. 33). The word also appears in Josh,
xvi. 2, where "the borders of Archi" (i.e. "the
Archite") are named as somewhere in the
neighborhood of Bethel.
Architecture. The book of Genesis (iv.
17, 20, 22) appears to divide mankind into
great characteristic stvtions, viz., the "dwellers
in tents" and the "dwellers in cities." To the
race of Shem is attributed (Gen. x. 11, 12, 22,
xi. 2-9) the foundation of those cities in the
plain of Shinar, Babylon, Nineveh, and other*;
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•f one of which, Reaen, the epithet "great"
sufikientiy marks its importance in the time of
the writer. From the same book we learn the
account of the earliest recorded building, and
sf the materials employed in its construction
(Gen. xi. 3, 9) ; and though a donbt rests on
the precise spot of the tower of Belns, so long
identified with the Birs Nimroud, yet the nature
of the toil, and the bricks found there in such
abundance, though bearing mostly the name of
Nebuchadnezzar, agree perfectly with the sup-
position of a city previously existing on the
tame or a closely neighboring site. In Esth.
i 2 mention is made of the palace at Susa, the
raring residence of the kings of Persia (Esth.
m. IS); and in the books of Tobit and Judith,
of Ecbatana, to which they retired during the
heat of summer (Tob. iii. 7, xiv. 14 ; Jud. i. 14).
It is in connection with Egypt that the Israel-
ites appear first as builders of cities, compelled
to labor at the buildings of the Egyptian raon-
irehs. Fithom and Raamses are said to hare
been built by them (Ex. i. 11). The Israelites
were by occupation shepherds, and by habit
dwellers in tents (Gen. xlvii. 3). They had
therefore originally, speaking properly, no archi-
tecture. Even Hebron, a city of higher antiqnity
thin the Egyptian Zoan (Tanis), was called ori-
ginally from its founder, perhaps a Canaanite of
the race of Anak, Kirjath-Arba, the city of
Arba (Nnm. xiii. 22 ; Josh. xiv. 15). From the
time of the occupation of Canaan they became
dwellers in towns and in houses of stone (Lev.
xiv. 34, 45; I K. vii. 10); but these were not
«D, nor indeed in most cases, built by them-
kItts (Dent. wi. 10; Num. xiii. 19). The
peaceful reign and vast wealth of Solomon
fiTe great impulse to architecture ; for besides
the Temple and his other great works, he built
fortresses and cities in various places, among
which Baalath and Tadmor are in all proba-
bility represented by Baalbec and Palmyra (1
K. ix. 15, 24). Among the succeeding kings
of Israel and of Judab, more than one is re-
corded as a builder : Asa (1 K. xv. 23), Baasha
(xt. 17), Omri (xvi. 24), Ahab (xvi. 32, xxii.
89], Hezekiah (2 K. xx. 20; 2 Chr. xxxii. 27-
30), Jeboash, and Josiah (2 K. xii. 11,12, xxii.
I) ; and, lastly, Jeboiakim, whose winter palace
is mentioned ( jer. xxii. 14, xxxvi. 22 ; see also
Am. iii. 15). On the return from captivity the
chief care of the rulers was to rebuild the Tem-
ple and the walls of Jerusalem in a substantial
manner, with stone, and with timber from Leb-
anon (Ezr. iii. 8, v. 8; Neh. ii. 8, iii.). But
the reigns of Herod and his successors were
especially remarkable for their great architec-
tural works. Not only was the Temple re-
stored, but the fortifications and other public
buildings of Jerusalem were enlarged and em-
bellished (Luke xxi. 5). The town of Csesarea
wu built on the site of Strato's Tower; Sa-
maria was enlarged, and received the name of
8ebsste. Of the original splendor of these
great works no doubt can be entertained ; but
"their style and appearance we can only con-
Jtctore that they were formed on Greek and
Boman models. The connection of Solomon
*>th Egypt and with Tyre, and the influence
of the Captivity, must necessarily have affected
<he style of the palatial edifices of that mon-
9
arch, and of the first and second temples. The
enormous stones employed in the Assyrian,
Persepolitan, and Egyptian buildings, find a
parallel in the substructions of Baalbec and
in the huge blocks which still remain at Jeru-
salem, relics of the buildings either of Solomon
or of flcrod. But few monuments are known
to exist in Palestine by which we can form an
accurate idea of its buildings, and even of those
which do remain no trustworthy examination
has yet been made. It is probable, however, that
the reservoirs known under the names of the
Pools of Solomon and Hezekiah contain some
portions at least of the original fabrics. The
domestic architecture of the Jews, so far as it
can be understood, is treated under Housk.
Arotu'nv. The Hebrew words 'Ask and
'Aith, rendered " Arcturus" in the A. V. of Job
ix. 9, xxxviii. 32, in conformity with the Vulg.
of the former passage, are now generally be-
lieved to be identical, and to represent the con-
stellation Ursa Major, known commonly as
the Great Bear, or Charles's Wain. Niebuhr
(Desc. de I'Arab. p. 101) relates that he met
with a Jew at Sana, who identified the Hebrew
'Ash with the constellation known to the Arabs
by the name Om en-nash, or Nash simply, as a
Jew of Bagdad informed him. The four stars
in the body of the Bear are named En-nash in
the tables of Ulugh Beigh, those in the tail
being called d Benat, " the daughters " (comp.
Job xxxviii. 32). The ancient versions differ
greatly in their renderings. The LXX. render
Ash by the " Pleiades in Job ix. 9 (unless
the text which they had before them had the
words in a different order), and 'Aish by " Hes-
perus," the evening star, in Job xxxviii. 32.
In the former they are followed or supported
by the Chaldee, in the latter by the Vulgate.
R. David Kimchi and the Talmndists under-
stood by 'Ash the tail of the Ram or the head
of the Bull, by which they are supposed to
indicate the bright star Aldcbaran in the Bull's
eye. But the greatest difficulty exists in the
rendering of the Syriac translators, who give
as the equivalent of both 'Ash and 'Aish the
word 'Iyutho, which is interpreted to signify
the bright star Capella in the constellation
Auriga, and is so rendered in the Arabic trans-
lation of Job. On this point, however, great
difference of opinion exists. Bar AH conjec-
tured that 'Iyutho was either Capella or the
constellation Orion ; while Bar Bahlul hesitated
between Capella, Aldebaran, and a cluster of
three stars in the face of Orion. Following
the rendering of the Arabic, Hyde was induced
to consider 'Ash and 'Aish distinct; the former
being the Great Bear, and the latter the bright
star Capella, or the a of the constellation
Auriga.
Ard, the son of Bela and grandson of Ben-
jamin (Gen. xlvi. 21 ; Num. xxvi. 40), there
being no reason to suppose that in these pas-
sages two different persons are intended. In
1 Chr. viii. 3, he is called Addar.
Ar'dath— " the field called Ardath " — 2
Esdr. ix. 26. Ap.
Ard'ites, the descendants of Ard or Addar
the grandson of Benjamin (Num. xxvi. 40).
Ar'don, a son of Caleb, the son of Hezron,
by his wife Azubah (1 Chr. ii. 18).
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ARGOB
ARTMATILEA
Ar'eli, a son of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16 ; Num.
jxvi. 17). His descendants are called the
Abelites (Nam. xxvi. 17).
Areop'Udte, a member of the court of
Areopagus (Acts xvii. 34). (Maes' Hill.)
Areop'agus. [Maes' Hill.]
Ares (l Esdr. v. 10). [Akah 2.1 Ap.
Aretes, a common appellation of many of
the Arabian kings or chiefs. Two are men-
tioned — 1. A contemporary of An tiochus Epiph-
anes {b.c. 170) and Jason (2 Mace. v. 8). —
2. The Aretas alluded to by St Paul (3 Cor.
xi. 32) was father-in-law of Herod Antipas.
[Herod. ] There is a somewhat difficult chron-
ological question respecting the subordination
of Damascus to this Aretas. Under Augustus
and Tiberius the city was attached to the prov-
ince of Syria ; and it is probable that a change
in the rulerehip took place after the death of
Tiberius. There had been war for some time
between Aretas, king of Arabia Nabatasa, and
Antipas. A battle was fought, and the army
of Antipas entirely destroyed. Vitellius, gov-
ernor or Syria, was sent to his aid ; bnt while
an his march he heard of the death of Tiberius
(a.d. 37), and remained at Antioch. By this
change of affairs at Rome a complete reversal
took place in the situation of Antipas and his
enemy. The former was ere long (a.d. 39)
banished to Lyons, and his kingdom given to
Agrippa. It would be natural that Aretas
should be received into favor; and the more so
as Vitellius had an old grudge against Antipas.
Now in the year 38 Caligula made several
changes in the East ; and these facts, coupled
with that of no Damascene coins of Caligula or
Claudius existing, make it probable that about
this time Damascus, which belonged to the
predecessor of Aretas, was granted to him by
Caligula. The other hypotheses, that the eth-
narch was only visiting the city, or that Aretas
had seized Damascus on Vitellius giving up
the expedition against him, are very improb-
able.
Are'ufl, a king of the Lacedaemonians,
whose letter to the high-priest Onias is given in
1 Mace. xii. 20-23. There were two Spartan
kings of the name of Areus, of whom the first
reigned B.C. 309-265. The first high-priest of
the name of Onias held the office b.c. 323-300,
and mnst therefore have written the letter to
Areus I. in some interval between 309 and
300. [Oxias.] Ap.
Argot), a tract of country on the east of
the Jordan, in Bashan, the kingdom of Og, con-
taining 60 great and fortified cities. Argob
was in the portion allotted to the half-tribe of
Manasseh, and was taken possession of by Jair,
a chief man in that tribe. It afterwards formed
one of Solomon's commissariat districts, under
the charge of an officer whose residence was at
Ramoth-Gilead (Dent. iii. 4, 13, 14 ; 1 K. iv. 13).
In later times Argob was called Trachonitis,
apparently a mere translation of the older
name ; and it is now apparently identified with
the Lejah, a very remarkable district south of Da-
mascus, and east of the Sea of Galilee. This
extraordinary region — about 22 miles from N.
to 8. by 14 from W. to E. t and of a regular,
almost oval, shape — has been described as an
onean of basaltic rocks and bowlders, tossed
about in the wildest confusion, and intermlngtee)
with fissures and crevices in every direction.
Strange as it may seem, this forbidding region
is thickly studded with deserted cities and vil-
lages, all solidly built and of remote antiquity.
A strong presumption in favor of the identin*
cation of the Lejah with Argob arises from tbo
peculiar Hebrew word constantly attached to
Argob. This word is Chebd, literally " a rope,"
and it designates with charming accuracy the
remarkably defined boundary line of the district
of the Lejah, which is spoken of repeatedly by
its latest explorer as " a rocky shore ; " " sweep-
ing round in a circle clearly defined as a rocky
shore line; " "resembling a Cyclopean wall in
ruins."
Argot), perhaps a Gileadite officer, who
was governor of Argob. According to some
interpreters, an accomplice of Pekah in the
murder of Pekahiah. But Sebastian Schmid
explained that both Argob and Arieh were two
princes of Pekahiah, whose influence Pekah
reared, and whom he therefore slew with the
king. Jarchi understands by Argob the royal
palace, near which was the castle in which the
murder took place (2 K. xv. 25).
Ariara'thes, properly Mithridates IV.,
Philopator, king of Cappadocia B.C. 163-1SO.
He was educated at Rome, and his subservience
to the wishes of the Romans (b.c. 158) cost
him his kingdom; but he was shortly after-
wards restored to a share in the government ;
and on the capture of his rival Olophernes by
Demetrius Soter, regained the supreme power
He fell in B.C. 130, in the war of the Romans
against Aristonicus. Letters were addressed to
him from Rome in favor of the Jews (1 Mace
xv. 22), who, in after times, seem to have been
numerous in his kingdom (Acts ii. 9; comp.
1 Pet i. 11. Ap.
Arida i. ninth son of Haman (Esth. ix. 9).
Arid'atna, sixth son of Haman (Esth. ix.
8).
Ar*ieh, " the Lion," so called probably from
his daring as a warrior: either one of the
accomplices of Pekah in his conspiracy against
Pekahiah, king of Israel; or, as Sebastian
Schmid understands the passage, one of the
Erinces of Pekahiah, who was put to death with
im (2 K. xv. 25). Jarchi explains it literally
of a golden lion which stood in the castle.
Ariel. 1. One of the "chief men" who
under Ezra directed the caravan which he led
back from Babylon to Jerusalem (Ear. viii.
16). — The word occurs also in reference to two
Moabites slain by Benaiah (2 Sam. xxiii. SO;
1 Chr. xi. 22). Many regard the word as an
epithet, " lion-like ; " but it seems better to look
upon it as a proper name, and translate " two
[sons] of Ariel." — 2. A designation given by
Isaiah to the city of Jerusalem! Is. xxix. 1, 2,
7). Its meaning is obscure. We must under-
stand by it either " Lion of God," or " Hearth
of God." The latter meaning is suggested by
the use of the word in Ez. xliii. 15, 16, as a
svnonvme for die altar of burnt-offering. On
the whole it seems most probable that, as a
name given to Jerusalem, Ariel means " Lion
of God," whilst the word used by Ezekiel means
"Hearth of God."
Arimathae'a (Matt, xxvii. 57 ; Lake xxiii
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ARK
67
ARKITE
51 ; John xix. 381. St. Lake calls it " a city
of Judaea ; " bat this presents no objection to
its identification with the prophet Samuel's
birth-place, the Raman of 1 bam. i. 1, 19,
which is »""i in the LXX. Armathaim, and
by Joseph us, Annatha. The Bamatbem of the
Apocrypha is probably the same place. It is
identified by many with the modem Bamlah.
(Ramah.]
A'riocb. 1- The king of Ellassr, one of
the allies of Chedorlaomer in his expedition
■gainst his rebellions tributaries (Gen. xiv. 1).
The name according to Gesenius is Assyro-
Chaldaic, bat Font refers it to a Sanscrit
root — 3. The captain of Nebuchadnezzar's
body-guard (Dan. li. 14, 4c.). — 8. Properly
Einaek, or JSrioek, mentioned in Jud. i. 7 as
king of the Elymaeans. Junius and Tremel-
lius identify him with Deioces, king of part of
Media.
Arisj&'i, eighth son of Haman (Esth. ix.
»)■
AriStar'ohUB, aThessalonian (Acts xx. 4 ;
xxrii. 2), who accompanied St Paul on his
third missionary journey (Acts xix. 39). He
was with the apostle on his return to Asia (Acts
xx. 4) ; and again (xxrii. 2) on his voyage to
_ ... , --, Anl '•
We trace him afterwards as St
fellow-prisoner in Col. iv. 10, and Philcm. 24.
Tradition makes him bishop of Apamca.
AristobulOS. 1. A Jewish priest (8
Mace i. 10), who resided in Egypt in the
reign of Ptolenueus VI., Philometor. In a
letter of Judas Maccabeus he is addressed (165
b.c.) as the representative of the Egyptian
Jews, and is farther styled " the master (i\*.
counseller 1) of the king. There can be little
doubt that he is identical with the peripatetic
philosopher of that name, who dedicated to
PtoL Philometor his allegoric exposition of the
Pentateuch. Considerable fragments of this
work have been preserved by Clement and
Eusebius, but the authenticity of the quotations
has been vigorously contested. The object of
Aristoboius was to prove that the peripatetic
doctrine s were based on the Law and the
Prophets. — 2. A resident at Rome, some of
whose household are greeted in Rom. xvi. 10.
Tradition makes him one of the 70 disciples,
and reports that he preached the Gospel in Bri-
Ark, Hoah's. [Noah.]
Ark of the Covenant. The first piece
of the tabernacle's furniture, for which precise
directions were delivered (Ex. xxv.). — I. It
appears to have been an oblong chest of shit-
tun (acacia) wood, 24 cubits long, by 1} broad
and deep. Within and without gold was overlaid
on the wood, and on the upper side or lid, which
was edged round about with gold, the mercy seat
was placed. The ark was fitted with rings, one
at each of the four corners, and through these
were passed staves of the same wood similarly
overlaid, by which it was carried by the Koha-
ihites (Nam. vii. 9, x. 21). The ends of the
staves were visible without the veil in the holy
place of the temple of Solomon (1 K. viii. 8).
The ark, when transported, wns enveloped in the
" veil " of the dismantled tabernacle, in the cur-
tain of badgers' skins, and in a blue cloth over
aO, and was therefore not seen(Num.iv. 5, 90). —
IL Its purpose or object was to contain inviolate
the Divine autograph of the two tables, that
" covenant " from which it derived its title. It
was also probably a reliquary for the pot of
manna and the rod of Aaron. We read in 1 K.
viii. 9, that " there was nothing in the ark save
the two tables of stone which Moses put there
at Horeb." Yet in Heb. ix. 4, it is asserted
that, besides the two tables of stone, the " pot
of manna" and "Aaron's rod that budded"
were inside the ark; probably by Solomon's
time these relics had disappeared. The words
of the A. V. in 1 Chr. xiu. 3, seem to imply a
use of the ark for the purpose of an oracle;
but this is probably erroneous, and " we sought
it not " the meaning. — Occupying the most
holy spot of the sanctuary, it tended to exclude
any idol from the centre of worship. It was
also the support of the mercy seat, materially
symbolizing, perhaps, the "covenant" as that
on which " mercy rested. — III. The chief
facts in the earlier history of the ark (see Josh,
iii. and vi.) need not be recited. In the decline
of religion in a later period a superstitious se-
curity was attached to its presence in battle.
Tet — though this was rebuked by its permitted
capture — when captured, its sanctity was vindi-
cated by miracles, as seen in its avenging prog-
ress through the Philistine cities. From this
period till David's time its abode was frequently
shifted. It sojourned among several, probably
Levitical, families (1 Sam. vii. 1 ; 2 Sam. vi. 3,
11 ; 1 Chr. xiii. 13, xv. 24, 25) in the border
villages of Eastern Judah, and did not take its
place in the tabernacle, but dwelt in curtains,
i.e. in a separate tent pitched for it in Jerusalem
by David. Its bringing up by David thither
was a national festival. Subsequently the
Temple, when completed, received, in the instal-
lation of the ark in its shrine, the signal of its
inauguration by the effulgence of Divine glory
instantly manifested. Several of the Psalms con-
tain allusions to these events (e.g. xxiv., xlviL,
exxxii.), and Ps. cv. appears to have been com-
posed on the occasion of the first of them. —
When idolatry became more shameless in tha
kingdom of Judah, Manasseh placed a " carved
image " in the " house of God," and probablr
removed the ark to make way for it This
may account for the subsequent statement that
it was reinstated by Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiii. 7,
xxxv. 3). It was probably taken captive or
destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar (2 Esdr. x. 22).
Prideaux's argument that there mutt have
been an ark in the second temple is of no
weight against express testimony, such as that
of Josephus.
Arkrite, The, one of the families of the
Canaanitss (Gen. x. 17; 1 Chr. i. 15), and
from the context evidently located in the north
of Phoenicia. The name is found in Pliny and
Ptolemy, and from .ASlius Lampridius we learn
that the Urbt Areata contained a temple ded-
icated to Alexander the Great It was tha
birthplace of Alexander Sevens, and was
thence called Cawarea Libani. The site which
now bears the name of 'Arka lies on the coast,
2 to 24 hours from the shore, about 12 miles
north of Tripoli, and 5 miles south of the Nahr
el-Khttnr. A rocky tell rises to the height of
100 feet close above the Nakr Arka ; on the top
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ARMLET
OS
ASMS
of this is an area of about two acres, on which
and on a plateau to the north the ruins of the
former town are scattered.
Armageddon, "the hill, or city of
Megiddo (Rev. xvi. 16). The locality im-
plied in the Hebrew term here employed is the
great battle-field of the Old Testament. In a
similar passage in the book of Joel (iii. 2, 12),
the scene of the Divine judgments is spoken of
as the " valley of Jehoshaphat," the fact under-
lying the image being Jchoshaphat's great vic-
tory (2 Cbr. xx. 26). So here the scene of the
struggle of good and evil is suggested by that
battle-field, the plain of Esdraelon, which was
famous for two great victories, of Barak over
the Canaanites (judg. iv., v.], and of Gideon
over the Midianites (Judg. vii.) ; and for two
great disasters, the deaths of Saul (1 Sam.
xxxi. 8), and of Josiah (2 K. xxiii. 29, 30;
2 Chr. xxxv. 22). The same figurative lan-
guage is used by one of the Jewish prophets
(Zech. xii. 11).
Armenia is nowhere mentioned under
that name in the original Hebrew, though it
occurs in the English version (2 K. xix. 37) for
Ararat (comp. marginal reading). Armenia is
that lofty plateau whence the Rivers Euphrates,
Tigris, Araxes, and Acampsis, pour down their
waters in different directions ; the two first to
the Persian Gulf, the last two respectively to
the Caspian and Euxine Seas. It may be
termed the nucletu of the mountain system of
western Asia : from the centre of the plateau
rise two lofty chains of mountains, which run
from E. to W., converging towards the Caspian
Sea, but parallel to each other towards the W.
The climate is severe, varying with the altitude
of different localities, the valleys being suffi-
ciently warm to ripen the grape, while the high
lands are only adapted for pasture. The latter
supported vast numbers of mules and horses,
on which the wealth of the inhabitants chiefly
depends (comp. Ezek. xxvii. 14). The slight
acquaintance which the Hebrews had with this
country was probably derived from the Phoeni-
cians. There are signs of their knowledge hav-
ing been progressive. Isaiah, in his prophecies
regarding Babylon, speaks of the hosts as corn-
tag from the " mountains " (xiii. 4), while Jere-
miah employs the specific names Ararat and
Minni (li. 27). Ezekiel, apparently better
acquainted with the country, uses a name
which was familiar to its own inhabitants,
Togarmah. (1.) Ararat is mentioned as the
place whither the sons of Sennacherib fled (Is.
xxxvii. 38). It was the central district sur-
rounding the mountain of that name. (2.)
Minni only occurs in Jer. li. 27. It is probably
identical with the district Minyas, in tne upper
valley of the Murad-su branch of the Euphrates.
(3.) Too arm ah is noticed in two passages of
Ezekiel, both of which are in favor of its iden-
tity with Armenia. In xxvii. 14 he speaks of
Togarmah in connection with Meshech and
Tubal ; in xxxviii. 6, it is described as " of the
north quarters" in connection with Gomer.
Coupling with these particulars the relationship
between Togarmah, Ashkenaz, and Riphat
(Gen. x. 3), we cannot fail in coming to the
conclusion that Togarmah represents Armenia.
Armlet, an ornament universal in the
East, especially among women ; used by prince*
as one of the insignia of royalty, and by distin-
guished persons in general. The word is not
used in the A. V., as even in 2 Sam. L 10, they
render it " by the bracelet on his arm." Some-
times only one was worn, on the right arm
(Ecclus. xxi. 21). From Cant. viii. 6, it ap-
pears that the signet sometimes consisted of a
jewel on the armlet These ornaments were
worn by most ancient princes. They are fre-
quent on the sculptures of Persepolis and Nin-
eveh, and were worn by the kings of Persia.
In the Leyden Museum is an Egyptian armlet
bearing the name of the third Thothmes.
Finally, they are still worn among the most
splendid regalia of modern Oriental sovereigns,
and it is even said that those of the king of
Persia are worth a million sterling. Now, as
in ancient times, they are sometimes made
plain, sometimes enchased ; sometimes with the
ends not joined, and sometimes a complete cir-
cle. Their enormous weight may be conjec-
tured from Gen. xxiv. 22.
Armo'ni, son of Saul by Rizpah (2 Sam.
xxi. 8).
Arms, Armor. The subject naturally
divides itself into —
I. Offensive weapons: Anns.
II. Defensive weapons : Armor.
I. Offensive weapons. — 1. Apparently the
earliest known, and most widely used, was the
Chereb, or " Sword." Very little can be
gathered as to its shape, size, material, or mode
of use. Perhaps if any thing is to be inferred it
is that the Chereb was neither a heavy nor a
long weapon. That of Ehud was only a cubit,
i.«. 18 inches long, so as to have been concealed
under his garment, and a consideration of the
narratives in 2 Sam. ii. 16, an4 xx. 8-10, and
also of the ease with which David used tb>
Ancient Swwda.
sword of a man so much larger than himself aa
Goliath (I Sam. xvii. 51, xxi. 9), goes to show
that the Chereb was both a lighter and a shorter
weapon than the modern sword. It was car-
ried in a sheath (1 Sam. xvii. 51 ; 2 Sam. xx.8;
1 Chr. xxi. 27), slung by a girdle (1 Sam.
xxv. 13) and resting upon the thigh (Ps. xlr.3;
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ARMS
69
ARM8
Jodg. iii. 16), or upon the hips (2 Sam. xx. 8).
" Girding on the sword " wu a symbolical ex-
pression for commencing war; and a similar
ex pression occurs to denote those able to serve
(Jodg. TiiL 10 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 5). Swords with
^
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two edge* are occasionally referred to (Jndg.
ifi. 16; Ps. cxlix. 6), and allusions are found to
"whetting " the sword (Dent, xxxii. 41 ; Ps.
tor. 3; Eaek. xxi. 9). Doubtless it was of
metal, from the ailnsions to its brightness and
" glittering ; " bat from Josh. t. 2, 3, we ma;
perhaps infer that in early times the material
was flint. — 2. Next to the sword was the
Speak ; and of this weapon we meet with at
least three distinct kinds, a. The Chcudtk, a
" Spear," and that of the largest kind. It was
the weapon of Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 7, 45 ;
2 Sam. xxi. 19; 1 Chr. xx. S), and also of
other giants (S Sam. xxiii. 21 ; I Chr. xi. 29)
and mighty warriors (2 Sam. ii. 23, xxiii. 18 ;
I Chr. xi. 11,20). The Chtatth was the habit-
sal companion of King Saul, and it was this
heavy weapon and not the lighter "javelin"
■bat be cast at David (1 Sam. xriii. 10, 11,
xix. 9, 10), and at Jonathan (xx. 33). b. Ap-
parently lighter than the preceding was the
Ctsoa, or " Javelin." When not in action the
CUSh was carried on the back of the warrior
fl Sam. xrii 6, A. V. " target "). e. Another
end of spear was the JUmaA. In the histor-
ical books it occurs in Nam. xxv. 7, and I K.
irriii. S8, and frequently in the later books, as
in 1 Chr. xii. 8 ("buckler"), 2 Chr. xt 12.
d. The Shdach was probably a lighter missile
or "dart." See 2 Chr. xxiii. 10, xxxii. 5
(" darts ") ; Neh. iv. 17, 23 (see margin) ; Job
xxxiii. 18, xxxvi. 12; Joel, ii. 8. e. Shekel, a
rod or staff, is used once only to denote a
weapon (2 Sam. xriii. 14). — 3. Of missile
weapons of offence the chief was undoubtedly
the Bow, Kethtih ; it is met with in the earliest
stages of the history, in use both for the chase
iGen. xxi. 20, xxvii. 3) and war (xlviii. 22).
n later times archers accompanied the armies
of the Philistines ( 1 Sam. xxxi. 3 ; I Chr. x. 3)
and of the Syrians (1 K. xxii. 34). Among
the Hebrews, captains high in rank (2 K.
ix. 24), and even kings' sons (1 Sam. xviii. 4),
carried the bow, and were expert in its use
(2 Sam. i. 22). The tribe of Benjamin seem*
to have been especially addicted to archery
(1 Chr. viii. 40, xii. 2 ; 2 Cbr. xiv. 8, xvii. 17) ;
but there were also bowmen among Reuben,
Gad, Manasseh (I Chr. v. 18), and Ephraim
(Ps. lxxviii. 9). Of the form of the bow we
can gather almost nothing. It seems to have
been bent by the aid of the foot (1 Chr. v. 18,
viii. 40; 2 Chr. xiv. 8 ; Is. v. 28 ; Ps. vii. 12,
4c). Bows of steel, or rather brass, are men-
tioned as if specially strong (2 Sam. xxii. 35 ;
Job xx. 24). It is possible that in 1 Chr. xii. 2,
a kind of bow for shooting bullets or stones is
alluded to (Wisd. v. 22, " stone-bow "). The
Abbows, Chitzim, were carried in a quiver,
TheU (Gen. xxvii. 3), or Athp&l* (Is. xxii. 6,
xlix. 2; Ps. exxvii. 5). From an allusion in
Job vi. 4, they wonld seem to have been some-
times poisoned ; and Ps. cxx. 4, may point to a
practice of using arrows with some burning
material attached to them. 4. The Slino,
Keta, is first mentioned in Judg. xx. 16. This
simple weapon with which David killed the
giant Philistine was the natural attendant of a
shepherd, and therefore the bold metaphor of
HE
ZM
AnrUnt Bows and Arrow*.
Abigail has a natural propriety in the mouth
of the wife of a man whose possessions in flocks
were so great as those of Nabal (1 Sam.
xxv. 29). Later in the monarchy, slingers
formed part of the regular army (2 K. iii. 25).
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ARMS
70
ARMY
II. Armor. — 1. The Shirydn, or Breast-
plate, enumerated in the description of the
armi of Goliath, a " coat of mail," literally a
"breastplate of scales" (I Sam. xvii. 5), and
further (38), where Shirydn alone is rendered
" coat of mail." It mar be noticed in passing
that this passage contains the most complete
inventory of the furniture of a warrior to be
found in the whole of the sacred history.
Shirydn also occurs in 1 K. xxii. 34, and 2 Chr.
xvih. 33. The last passage is very obscure;
the real meaning is probably "between the
joints and the breastplate." This word has
furnished one of the names of Mount Hermon
(see Deut. iii. 9). — 2. The TacharA is men-
tioned but twice — in reference to the gown of
the high-priest (Ex. xxviii. 32, xxxix. 23).
Like the English " habergeon," it was proba-
bly a quilted shirt or doublet put on over the
head. — 3. The Cib'a, or Helmet, is referred
to in 1 Sam. xvii. 5 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 14 ; Ezek.
£*? V
xxvi!. 10. — 4. Mitzchih, Greaves, or defences
for the feet made of brass, are named in 1 Sam.
xvii. 6, only. Of the defensive arms borne by
the warrior the notices are hardly less scanty
than those just examined. — S. Two kinds of
Shield am distinguishable, a. The Tzinndh,
or large shield, encompassing (Ps. v. 12) the
Aodrat Bblalda.
whofo person. When not in actual conflict,
it vas carried before the warrior ( 1 Sam. xvii. 7,
41). b. Of smaller dimensions was the Magm,
a buckler or target, probably for use In hand,
to-hand fight. The difference in size between
this and the Tamnh is evident from 1 K. x. 16,
17 ; 2 Chr. ix. 15, 16, where twice as much
gold is named as being used for the latter as
for the former. — 6. What kind of arm was the
Shelet it is impossible to determine. By soma
translators it is rendered a " quiver," by some
"weapons" generally, by others a "shield."
It denoted certain special weapons of gold
taken by David from Hadadezer king of Zo-
bah (2 Sam. viii. 7 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 7), and dedi-
cated in the Temple (2 K. xi. 10; 2 Chr. xxiii.
9; Cant iv. 4). In Jer. li. 11, Ezek. xxvii.
1 1, the word has the force of a foreign arm.
Army. I. Jewish Army. — The military
organization of the Jews commenced with their
departure from the land of Egypt, and was
adapted to the nature of the expedition on
which they then entered. Every man above 20
years of age was a soldier (Num. i. 3) : each
tribe formed a regiment with its own banner
and its own leader (Num. ii. 2, x. 14) : their
positions in the camp or on the march were ac-
curately fixed (Num. ii.j : the whole army start-
ed and stopped at a given signal (Num. x. 5,
6): thus they came np out of Egypt ready for
the fight (Ex. xiii. 18). On the approach of
an enemy, a conscription was made from the
general body under the direction of a muster-
master (Deut. xx. 5 ; 2 K. xxv. 19), by whom
also the officers were appointed (Deut. xx. 9).
The army was then divided into thousands and
hundreds under their respective captains (Num.
xxxi. 14), and still further into families (Num
ii. 34; 2 Chr. xxv. S, xxvi. 12) — the family
being regarded as the unit in the Jewish polity.
From the time the Israelites entered the land
of Canaan until the establishment of the king-
dom, little progress was made in military affairs :
their wars resembled border firaut. No general
muster was made at this period ; but the com-
batants were summoned on the spur of the mo-
ment. — With the kings arose the custom of
maintaining a body-guard, which formed the
nucleus of a standing army. Thus Saul bad •
band of 3,000 select warriors ( I Sam. xiii. 2,
xiv. 52, xxiv. 2), and David, before his acces-
sion to the throne, 600 (1 Sam. xxiii. 13, xxv.
13). This band he retained after he became
king, and added the Ciierkthites and Pele-
thites (2 Sam. xv. 18, xx. 7), together with
another class Shalishim, officers of high rank,
the chief of whom (2 K. vii. 2; 1 Chr. xii. 18)
was immediately about the king's person. Da-
vid further organized a national militia, divided
into twelve regiments under their respective
officers, each of which was called out for one
month in the year (1 Chr. xxvii. 1); at the
head of the army when in active service he ap-
pointed a commander-in-chief (1 Sam. xiv. 50).
— Hitherto the army had consisted entirely
of infantry (1 Sam. iv. 10, xv. 4), the use of
horses having been restrained by divine com-
mand (Dent. xvii. 16) ; but we find that as the
foreign relations of the kingdoms extended,
much importance was attached to them. Da-
vid had reserved a hundred chariots from the
spoil of the Syrians (2 Sam. viii. 4) : these
probablv served as the foundation of the force
which Solomon afterwards enlarged through
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ARMY
71
AROEB
bis alliance with Egypt (1 K. z. 26, 28, 29).
It does not appear that the system established
by David was maintained by the kings of
Jodah ; but in Israel the proximity of the hos-
tile kingdom of Syria necessitated the mainte-
nance of a standing army. The militia was
occasionally called oat in time of peace (2 Chr.
xh\ 8, xxt. 5, xxvi. 11) ; bat such cases were
exceptional. On the other hand the body-
guard appears to have been regularly kept up
(1 K. xir. 28; 2 K. xi. 4, 11). Occasional ref-
erence is made to war-chariots (2 K. viii. 21 ),
but in Hezekiah's reign no force of the kind
could be maintained, and the Jews were obliged
to seek the aid of Egypt for horses and chariots
(x K. xviii. 23, 24 ; Is. xxxi. 1).— With regard
to the arrangement and manoeuvring of the
army in the field, we know bat little. A divi-
sion into three bodies is frequently mentioned
(Judg. vii. 16, ix. 43; 1 Sam. xi. 11 ; 2 Sam.
xviiL 2). Jehoahaphat divided his army into
five bodies, apparently retaining, however, the
threefold principle of division, the heavy-armed
troops of Judah being considered as the proper
•raj, and the two divisions of light-armed of
the tribe of Benjamin as an appendage (2 Chr.
xvil 14-13). The maintenance and equipment
of the soldiers at the public expense dates from
the establishment of a standing army. It is
doubtful whether the soldier ever received pay
mm under the kings (the only instance of pay
being mentioned applies to mercenaries, 2 Chr.
xxv. 6) : but that he was maintained, while on
scare service, and provided with arms, appears
from I K. iv. 27, x. 16, 17 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 14.
The numerical strength of the Jewish army
cannot be ascertained with any degree of accu-
racy : the numbers, as given in the text, are
manifestly incorrect, and the discrepancies in
the various statements irreconcilable. The
rrftem adopted by Judas Maccabeus was in
■tret conformity with the Mosaic law (1 Mace.
iii. 55) : and though he maintained a standing
tnny (I Mace. iv. 6 ; 2 Mace viii. 16), yet the
custom of paying the soldiers appears to have
been still unknown, and to have originated with
Simon (1 Mace. xiv. 32). The introduction of
mercenaries commenced with John Hyrcanus ;
the intestine commotions in the reign of Alex-
tnder Jannasus obliged him to increase the
Dumber to 6,200 men ; and the same policy was
followed by Alexandra and by Herod the Great,
who bad in his pay Thracian, German, and
Gallic troops. The discipline and arrangement
of the army was gradually assimilated to that
of the Romans, and the titles of the officers
borrowed from it.
11 Romas Abut. — The Roman army was
divided into legions, the number of which va-
ried considerably, each under six tribnni (" chief
captain," Acts xxi. 31), who commanded by
tons. The legion was subdivided into ten co-
horts (" band," Acts x. 1 ), the cohort into three
nsninleg, and the maniple into two centuries,
containing originally 100 men, as the name im-
pun. but subsequently from 50 to 100 men, ac-
cording to the strength of the legion. There
•ere thus 60 centuries in a legion, each under
the command of a centurion (Acts x. 1, 22;
{***• viii. 5, xxvii. 54). In addition to the
■cponary cohorts, independent cohorts of vol-
unteers served under the Roman standards.
One of these cohorts was named the Italian
iActs x. 1), as consisting of volunteers from
taly. The cohort named " Augustus' " (Acts
xxvii. 1 ) may have consisted of the volunteers
from Scbaste. Others, however, think that it
was a cohort Augusta, similar to the legia Augusta.
The headquarters of the Roman forces in Ju-
dsea were at Cassarea.
Ar'na, one of the forefathers of Ezra (2 Esd.
i. 2), occupying the place of Zerahiah or Zarai-
as in his genealogy. Ap.
Ar'nan. In the received Hebrew text " the
sons of Arnan " are mentioned in the genealo-
gy of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 21). But accord-
ing to the reading of the LXX., Vulgate, and
Syriac versions, which Houbigant adopts, Ar-
nan was the son of Rephaiah.
Ar'non, the river or torrent which formed
the boundary between Moab and the Amorites,
on die north of Moab (Num. xxi. 13, 14, 24,
26 ; Jodg. xi. 22), and afterwards between Moab
and Israel (Reuben} (Deut. ii. 24, 36, iii. 8, 12,
16, iv. 48 ; Josh. xii. 1, 2, xiii. 9, 16 ; Jodg. xi.
13, 26). From Jodg. xi. 18 it would seem to
have been also the out border of Moab. By
Josephus it is described as rising in the moun-
tains of Arabia and flowing through all the
wilderness till it falls into the Dead Sea. There
can be no doubt that the Wady d-Mojtb of the
present day is the Arnon. Its principal source
is near Katrane, on the Haj route. On the
south edge of the ravine through which it flows
are some ruins called Mehatet 3-ffaj, and on the
north edge, directly opposite, those still bearing
the name of 'Aririr. [Aroeb.] The width
across between these two spots seemed to Burck-
hardt to be about two miles : the descent on the
south side to the water is extremely steep and al-
most impassable. The stream runs through a
level strip of grass some 40 yards in width, with
a few oleanders and willows on the margin.
A'rod, a son of Gad (Num. xxvi. 17), called
Abodi in Gen. xlvi. 16.
A'rodi. [Arod.]
A'rodite8. [Arod.]
Ar'oer, the name of several towns of East-
ern and Western Palestine. L A city " by the
brink," or " on the bank of," or " by " the tor-
rent Amon, the southern point of the territory
of Sihon king of the Amorites, and afterwards
of the tribe of Reuben (Deut. ii. 36, iii. 12, iv.
48 ; Josh. xii. 2, xiii. 9, 16 ; Judg. xi. 26 ; 2 K.
x. 33 ; 1 Chr. v. 8), but later again in posses-
sion of Moab (Jer. xlriii. 19). Burckhardt
fonnd ruins with the name 'Ara'ir on the old
Roman road, upon the very edge of the precipi-
tous north bank of the Wady Mojeb. [ Arnon.]
—2. Aroer "that is 'facing' Rabbah" (Rab-
bah of Ammon), a town built by and belong-
ing to Gad (Num. xxxii. 34 ; Josh. xiii. 25 ;
2 Sam. xxiv. 5). This is probably the place
mentioned in Judg. xi. 33, which was shown in
Jerome's time. — 3. Aroer, in Is. xvii. 2, if a
place at all, must be still further north than
either of the two already named. Gesenius,
however, takes it to be Aroer of Gad. — 4. A
town in Judah, named only in I Sam. xxx. 28.
Robinson (ii. 199) believes that he has identi-
6ed its site in Wady 'Ar'drah, on the road
from Petra to Gasa,
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ARUMAH
ASA
Aro'erite. Uothan the Aroerite was the
father of two of David's captains (1 Chr. xi.
44).
A'rom, the " sons of Arom," to the num-
ber of 32, are enumerated in I Esd. v. 16
among those who returned with Zorobabel.
Unless it is a mistake for Asom and represents
Hashum in Ezr. ii. 19, it has no parallel in the
lists of Ezra and Xeheuiiah. Ap.
Ar'pad or Ar'phad (Is. xxxvi. 19,
xxxvii. 13), a city or district in Syria, appar-
ently dependent on Damascus (Jer. xlix. 23).
It is invariably named with Ilamath, but no
trace of its existence has yet been discovered,
nor has any mention of the place been found
except in the Bible (2 K. xviii. 34, xix. 13 ;
Is. x. 9).
Ar'phad. [Abpad.]
Arphax'ad, the son of Shem and ancestor
of Ebcr (Gen. x. 22, 24, xi. 10). Bochart sup-
posed that the name was preserved in that of
the province Arrapachitis in Northern Assyria.
Ewald interprets it tfu stronghold of the Chal-
dees. — 2. Arphaxad, a king "who reigned
over the Medes in Ecbatana, and strengthened
the city by vast fortifications " (Jud. i. 1-4).
He has been frequently identified with Deioces,
the founder of Ecbatana ; but it seems better
to look for the original of Arphaxad in his son
Phraortes, who fell in a battle with the Assyri-
ans, 633 B.C. Nicbuhr endeavors to identify
the name with Astyages.
Arrows. [Arms.]
Arsa'ces VI., a king of Parthia, who as-
fumed the royal title Arsaca in addition to his
proper name, Mithridates I. His general
defeated the great urmy of Demetrius Nicator,
and took the king prisoner, b.c. 138 (1 Mace,
xiv. 1-3). Mithridates treated his prisoner
with respect, but kept him in confinement till
his own death, cir. B.C. 130. Ap.
Ar'sareth, a region beyond Euphrates,
apparently of great extent (2 Esd. xiii. 45).
Artaxerx 68, the name probably of two
different kings of Persia mentioned in the
t). T. 1. The first Artaxerxes is mentioned in
Ezr. iv. 7, and appears identical with Smerdis,
the Magian impostor, and pretended brother
of Cambyses, who usurped the throne B.C. 522,
and reigned eight months. The name Arta-
xerxes may have been adopted or conferred on
him as a title. — 2. In Neh. ii. 1 we have another
Artaxerxes, who permits Nehemiah to spend
twelve years at Jerusalem, in order to settle the
affairs of the colony there, which had fallen into
great confusion. We may safely identify him
with Artaxerxes Macrocheir or Longimanus,
the son of Xerxes, who reigned B.C. 464-425.
And we believe that this is the same king who
had previously allowed Ezra to go to Jerusalem
for a similar purpose (Ezr. vii. 1 ).
Ar'temas, a companion of St. Panl (Tit.
iii. 12). According to tradition he was bishop
of Lystra.
Ax uboth, the third of Solomon's commis-
sariat districts (I K. iv. 10). It included So-
choh, and was therefore probably a name for
the rich corn-growing lowland country.
A'rumah, a place apparently in the neigh-
borhood of Shechem, at which Abimelech re-
sided (Judg. ix. 41 ). Arumah is possibly the
same place as Roma, under winch name it is
given l>y Eusebius and Jerome. According to
them it was then called Arimathaia (see also
Akima).
Ar'vad, a place in Phoenicia, the men of
which are named in close connection with those
of Zidon as the navigators and defenders of the
ships of Tyre in Ez. xxvii. 8, 11. In agree-
ment with this is the mention of " the Arva.
dite " in Gen. x. 18, and 1 Chr. i. 16, as a son
of Canaan, with Zidon, Hamath, and other
northern localities. There is thus no doubt
that Arvad is the island of Road, which lies off
Tortosa ( Tortus), 2 or 3 miles from the Phoe-
nician coast, some distance above the mouth of
the River Eleutherus, now the Nahr A-Kebir.
The island is high and rocky, but very small,
hardly a mile in circumference.
Ar'vadite. (Arvad.J
Ar'za, prefect of the palace at Tirzah to Elan
king of Israel, who was assassinated at a ban-
quet in his house by Zimri (1 K. xvi. 9). In
the Targum of Jonathan the word is taken aa
the name of an idol, and in the Arabic version
in the London Polyglot the last clause is ren-
dered "which belongs to the idol of Beth-
Arza."
A'sa, son of Abijah, and third king of Judab
(b.c. 956-916), was conspicuous for his earnest-
ness in supporting the worship of God. In
his zeal against heathenism he did not spare
his grandmother Maachah, who occupied the
special dignity of " King's Mother," to which
great importance was attached in the Jewish
court. Asa burnt the symbol of her religion (1
K. xv. 13), and threw its ashes into the brook
Kidron, and then deposed Maachah from her
dignity. He also placed in the Temple certain
gifts which his father had dedicated, and re-
newed the great altar which the idolatrous
priests apparently had desecrated (2 Chr. xv.
8). Besides this, he fortified cities on his
frontiers, and raised an army, amounting, ac-
cording to 2 Chr. xiv. 8, to 580,000 men, a
number probably exaggerated by an error of
the copyist Thus Ass/s reign marks the re-
turn of Judah to a consciousness of the high
destiny to which God had called her. The good
effects of this were visible in the enthusiastic
resistance offered by the people to Zerab, aa
invader, who is called a Cushite or Ethiopian.
[Zerah.] At the head of an enormous host
(a million of men, we read in 2 Chr. xiv. 9) he
attacked Mareshah or Marissa in the S. W. of
the country, near the later Eleutheropolis.
There he was utterly defeated, and driven back
with immense loss to Gerar. The peace which
followed this victory was broken by the attempt
of Baasha of Israel to fortify Ramah, " that he
might not suffer any to go out or to come in
unto Asa king of Judah." To stop this, Asa
purchased the help of Benhadad I. king of Day
mascus, by a large payment of treasure, forced
Baasha to abandon his purpose, and destroyed
the works which he had begun at Ramah. The
wells which he sunk at Mizpeh were famous in
Jeremiah's time (xli. 9). The means by which
he obtained this success were censured by the
prophet Hanani, who seems even to hare ex-
cited some discontent in Jerusalem, in conse-
quence of which he was imprisoned, and su£
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ASAPH
73
ASHBEA
fared other punishments (a Chr. zW. 10). In
his old age Asa suffered from the goat, and it
it mentioned that " he sought not to the Lord,
bat to the physicians." He died greatly loved
and honored in the 41st year of his reign. — 2.
Ancestor of Berechiah, a Levite who resided in
one of the villages of the Netophathites after
the return from Babylon (1 Chr. ix. 16).
Aaadi'as, son of Chelcias, or Hilkiah, and
one of the ancestors of Baruch (Bar. i. 1).
The name is probably the same as that else-
where represented by Hasadiah ( I Chr. iii. SO).
A'saeX an ancestor of Tobit (Tob. i. 1 ), and
perhaps the same as Jahzeel or Jabziel, one
of the four sons of Naphtali. Ap.
A'saheL, nephew of David, being the
youngest son of his sister Zeroiah. He was
celebrated for his swiftness of foot, a gift much
valued in ancient times. When fighting under
the command of his brother Joab against Ish-
bosheth's army at Gibeon, he pursued Abner,
who, after vainly warning him to desist, was
obliged to kill him in self-defence (8 Sam. ii. 18
£). [Ab5ek] — 2. One of the Levites in
the reign of Jehoshaphat, who went through-
oat the cities of Judah to instruct the people in
the knowledge of the law, at the time of the
revival of the true worship (2 Chr. xvii. 8). —
8. A Levite in the reign of Hesekiah, who had
charge of the tithes and dedicated things in the
Temple under Cononiah and Shiraei (8 Chr.
xxn. 13). — 4. A priest, {other of Jonathan in
the time of Esra (Ear. x. 15). He is called
Azael in 1 Esd. ix. 14.
As&bi'ah, a servant of king Josiah, sent by
him. together with others, to seek information
of Jehovah respecting the book of the law
winch HilUjtli found in the Temple (3 K. xxii.
12, 14; also called Aba i ah, 8 Chr. xxxiv.
»).
Aaai'alL. 1. A prince of one of the families
of the Simeonites in the reign of Hezekiah, who
drove out the Hamite shepherds from Gedor
(1 Chr. iv. 36). — 2. A Levite in the reign of
David, chief of the family of Merari (1 Chr.
vi.30). With ISO of his brethren he took part
in the solemn service of bringing the ark from
the house of Obed-edom to the city of David
(I Chr. xv. 6, 11 ). — 3. The firstborn of " the
ShBouite," according to 1 Chr. ix. 5, who with
Ins family dwelt in Jerusalem after the return
from Babylon. In Neh. xi. 5 be is called
Maasbiah, and his descent is there traced
from Shiloni, which is explained by the
Targum of R. Joseph on 1 Chr. as a patronym-
ic from Shelah the son of Judah, by others
as " the native or inhabitant of Shiloh." — 4.
8 Chr. xxxiv. 80. [Asahiah.]
A'sana, 1 Esd. v. 31. [Assam.] Ap.
Asaph. 1. A Levite, son of Berechiah,
one of the leaders of David's choir (1 Chr. vi.
39). Psalms 1. and lxxiii.-lxxxiii. are attrib-
uted to him ; and he was in after times cele-
brated as a seer as well as a musical composer
(8 Chr. xxix. 30 ; Neh. xii. 46). The office
appears to hare remained hereditary in his
■stDy, unless he was the founder of a school
of poets said musical composers, who were
called after him " the sons of Asaph," as the
Homeridss from Homer (1 Chr. xxv. I ; 3
Chr. xx. 14 ; Ext. it 41 ). — 2. The father or
10
ancestor of Joab, the recorder or chronicler to
the kingdom of Judah in the reign of Hezekiah
(2 K. xviii. 18, 37 ; Is. xxxvi. 3, 32). It is not
improbable that this Asaph is the same as the
preceding, and that Joab was one of his numer-
ous descendants known as the Bene-Asaph. —
3. The keeper of the royal forest or " para-
dise " of Artaxerxes (Neh. ii. 8). His name
would seem to indicate that he was a Jew, who
like Nehemiah was in high office at the court
of Persia. — 4. Ancestor of Mattaniah, the
conductor of the temple-choir after the return
from Babylon (1 Chr. ix. 15; Neh. xi. 17>
Most probably the same as 1 and 2.
Aaa'reel, a son of Jehaleleel, whose name
is abruptly introduced into the genealogies of
Judah (1 Chr. iv. 16).
Asarel&h, one of the sons of Asaph, set
apart by David to " prophesy with harps and
with psalteries and with cymbals " (1 Chr.
xxv. 3) ; called Jbsbabblah in ver. 14.
Aa'calon. [Ashkelon.J
Ase'aa, 1 Esd. ix. 32. [Isbi»ah.] Ap.
Aflebefoi'a, a Levite (1 Esd. viii. 47).
[Srerebiah.] Ap.
Asebi'S. 1 Esd. viii. 48. [Hasrabiah.]
As'enath, daughter of Potipherah, priest,
or possibly prince, of On [Potipbebab], wife
of Joseph (Gen. xli. 45), and mother of Ma-
nasseh and Ephraim (xli. 50, xlvi. 30). Her
name has been considered to be necessarily
Egyptian, and Egyptian etymologies have
therefore been proposed, but these must be
regarded as doubtful. If we are guided by the
custom of the Hebrews, and the only parallel
case, that of Bithiah [Bithiah], we must sup-
pose that his Egyptian wife received a Hebrew
name from Joseph. If Hebrew, Asenath mar
be compared to the male proper name Aanan
(Ezr. it. 50).
A'aer, Tob. i. 3 ; Luke ii. 36 ; Rev. vii. 6.
[AsHBB.j
A'serer — Siseba (1 Esd. v 33 ; comp.
Ear. ii. 53).
Ash (Heb. oral) occurs only in Is. xli v. 14,
as one of the trees out of the wood of which
idols were carved : " He heweth him down
cedars, and taketh the cypress and the oak,
which he strengtheneth for himself among the
trees of the forest ; he planteth an tuh, and the
rain doth nourish it.' It is impossible to de-
termine what is the tree denoted by the Hebrew
word oVoi; the LXX. and the Vulg. under-
stand some species of pine-tree. Perhaps the
larch (Laryx Evropaa) may be intended.
A'shan, a city in the low country of Judah
(Josh. xv. 42). In Josh xix. 7, and 1 Chr.
iv. 32, it is mentioned again as belonging to
Simeon ; and in I Chr. vi. 59, it is given as a
priests' city, occupying the same place as the
somewhat similar word Am in Josh. xxi. 16.
It has not yet been identified, unless it be the
same as Ain ; in which case Robinson found it
at Al Gkinrmr.
Ashbe'a. a proper name, but whether of a
person or place is uncertain (1 Chr. iv. 21).
Houbigant would understand it of die latter,
and would render " the house of Ashbea " by
Beth-axhbea. The whole clanw is obscure.
The Targum of R. Joseph pharaphrases it,
" and the family of the bouse of manufacture
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ASHER
74
A8HKEL0N
of the fine linen for the garments of the kings
and priests, delivered to the bouse of Eshba."
Aflh'b6l < 2d son of Benjamin and ancestor
of the Ashbei.itks (Gen. xfvi. 21 ; Nam. xxvi.
38; 1 Chr. viii. 1).
Ash'chenas (1 Chr. i. 6; Jer. li. 27).
[ASHKENAZ.]
Ash'dod, or Azo'tUS (Acts viii. 40), one
of the five confederate cities of the Philistines,
situated about 30 miles from the southern
frontier of Palestine, 3 from the Mediterranean
Sea, and nearly midway between Gaza and
Joppa. It was assigned to the tribe of Judah
(Josh. xv. 47), but was never subdued by the
Israelites ; and even down to Nehemiah's age
it preserved its distinctiveness of race and lan-
guage (Neh. xiii. 23, 24). But its chief impor-
tance arose from its position on the high-road
from Palestine to Egypt : it was on this ac-
count besieged by Tartan, the general of the
Assyrian king Sorgon, about B.C. 716, appar-
ently to frustrate the league formed between
Hezekiah and Egypt (Is. xx. 1 ). The effects
of its siege by Psammetichus (b.c. 630) are
incidentally referred to in Jer. xxv. 20. It
was destroyed by the Maccabees (1 Mace. v.
68, x. 84), "and lay in ruins until the Roman
conquest of Judaea, when it was restored by
Gabinius (b.c. 55). It is now an insignificant
village, with no memorials of its ancient im-
portance, but is still called Esdud.
Ash'dodites, the inhabitants of Ashdod
(Neh. ir. 7) ; called Ashdotuites in Josh,
xiii. 3.
Ash'doth Pis'gah, a curious and probably
a very ancient term, found only in Deut. iii.
17 ; Josh. xii. 3, xiii. 20 ; and in Dent. iv. 49,
A. V. " springs of Pisgah." In the two pas-
sages from Deuteronomy the words form part
of a formula, by which apparently the moun-
tains which enclose the Dead Sea on the cast
side are defined ; but whether it be the springs
poured forth at the base of the mountains of
Moab, or the roots or spurs of those mountains,
or the mountains themselves, it is useless at
present to conjecture.
Ash'dothltes, Josh. xiii. 3. [Ashdo-
B1TE8.J
A'sher, Apocr. and N. T. A'ser, the 8th
son of Jacob, by Zilpah, Leah's handmaid
(Gen. xxx. 13). Of the tribe descended from
Asher no action is recorded during the whole
course of the sacred history. The general posi-
tion of the tribe was on the sea-shore from Car-
mel northwards, with Manassch on the south,
Zebuiun and Issachar on the south-east, and
Naphtali on the north-east. The boundaries
ana towns are given in Josh. xix. 24-31, xvii.
10, 11 ; and Judg. i. 31, 32. The southern
boundary was probably one of the streams
which enter the Mediterranean south of that
place — either Nahr d-Defheh or Nahr Zurlca.
The tribe then possessed the maritime portion
of the rich plain of Esdraclon, probably for a
distance of 8 or 10 miles from the shore. The
boundary would then appear to have mn north-
wards, possibly bending to the east to embrace
Ahlab, and reaching Zidon by Kanah, whence
it turned and came down by Tyre to Achzib
'now et-Zib). This territory contained some
«f the richest soil in all Palestine ; and to this
fact, as well as to their proximity to the Phceni
dans, the degeneracy of the tribe may be attrib-
uted (Judg. i. 31, v. 17). At the numbering
of Israel at Sinai, Asher was more numerous
than either Ephraim, Manasseh, or Benjamin
(Num. i. 32-41 ) ; but in the reign of David, so
insignificant had the tribe become, that its name
is altogether omitted from the list of the chief
rulers (1 Chr. xxvii. 16-22). "One name
alone shines out of the general obscurity — the
aged widow ' Anna the daughter of Phanuel of
the tribe of Aser,' who in the very close of the
history departed not from the Temple, but
' served God with fastings and prayers night
and day ' " (Stanley, Sin. #■ Pal. 265).
A'sher, a place which formed one boundary
of the tribe of Manasseh on the south (Josh,
xvii. 7). It is placed by Eusebius on the road
from Shechem to Bethshan or Scythopolis,
about 1 5 miles from the former. Three quar-
ters of an hour from Tubit, the ancient Thebes,
is the hamlet of Ta/aur, which Mr. Porter
suggests may be the Asher of Manasseh (Handb.
p. 348).
Ash'erah, the name of a Phoenician god-
dess, or rather of the idol itself. Onr transla-
tors, following the rendering of the LXX. and
of the Vulg., translate the word by " grove."
Asherah is so closely connected with Ash-
toreth and her worship (Judg. iii. 7, comp.
ii. 3; Judg. vi. 25; 1 K. xviii. 19), that many-
critics have regarded them as identical. The
view maintained by Bertheau appears to be the
more correct one, that Ashtoreth is the proper
name of the goddess, whilst Asherah is the
name of her image or symbol. This symbol
seems in all cases to have been of wood (see
Judg. vi. 25-30; 2 K. xxiii. 14). [Ashto-
reth.]
Ash'erites, descendants of Asher, and
members of his tribe (Judg. i. 32).
Ashes. The ashes on the altar of burnt-
offering were gathered into a cavity in its sur-
face. On the days of the three solemn festivals
the ashes were not removed, but the accumula-
tion was taken away afterwards in the morning,
the priests casting lots for the office. The
ashes of a red heifer burnt entire, according to
regulations prescribed in Num. xix., had the
ceremonial efficacy of purifying the unclear
(Heb. ix. 13), but of polluting the clean. [Sac-
rifice.] Ashes about the person, especially
on the head, were used as a sign of sorrow.
[Mourning.]
Ash'ima, a god whose worship was intro-
duced into Samaria by the Hamathite colonists
whom Shalmanczcr settled in that land (2 K.
xvii. 30). Ashima has been regarded as iden-
tical with the Mendesian god of the Egyptians,
the Pan of the Greeks. It has also been iden-
tified with the Phoenician god Esmun, to whom
belong the characteristics both of Pan and of
jEsculapiiis.
Aalvkelon, As'kelon. Apocr. Ae'ca-
lon, one of the five cities of the lords of the
Philistines (Josh. xiii. 3; 1 Sam. vi. 17), but
less often mentioned and apparently less know*
to the Jews than the other four. The cite,
which retains its ancient name, fully bears out
this inference. 8,iir-M>n went down from Tim-
\ nath tc Ashkt>in> ,Jcig At. 19), as if to a re-
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A8HTEROTH
75
ASHURITE8
mute place whence his exploit was not likely to
be heard of; and the only other mention of it in
the historical books is in the formulistic pas-
sages. Josh. xiii. 3, and 1 Sam. ri. 17, and in
the casual notices of Jnd. ii. 28; 1 Mace. x.
86, xi- 60, xii. 33. In the poetical books it
occurs 2 Sam. i. 20 ; Jer. xxt. 20, xhrii. S, 7 ;
Am. i. 8 ; Zeph. ii. 4, 7 ; Zech. ix. 5. In the
post-biblical tunes Ashkelon rose to consider-
able importance. Near the town were the tem-
ple and sacred lake of Derceto, the Syrian
Venus. The soil around was remarkable for
its fertility. Ascalon played a memorable part
in the straggles of the Crusades, and within
the walls and towers now standing Richard
held his court. By the Mohammedan geog-
raphers it was called "the bride of Syria/'
Its position is naturally very strong, and a
small harbor towards the east advances a little
way into the town.
Asb.lr.enaz, one of the three sons of
Gomer, son of Japhet (Gen. x. 3), that is, one
of the peoples or tribes belonging to the great
Japhetic division of the human race, and
springing immediately from that part of it
which bears the name of Gomer. The original
seat of the people of Ashkenaz was undoubtedly
in the neighborhood of Armenia, since they
are mentioned by Jeremiah (Ii. 27) in connec-
tion with tbe kingdoms of Ararat and Minni.
We may probably recognize the tribe of Ash-
kenaz on the northern shore of Asia Minor, in
the name of Lake Ascanius, and in Europe in
the name Scand-it, &»w£inavia. Knobel con-
siders that Ashkenaz is to be identified with
the German race.
Ash'nah, the name of two cities, both in
the Lowland of Judah : (1) named between
Zoreah and Zanoah, and therefore probably
N.W. of Jerusalem (Josh xv. 33) ; and (2)
between Jiphtah and Nexib, and therefore to
the 8.W. of Jerusalem (Josh xv. 43). Each,
according to Robinson's Map (1857), would be
about 16 miles from Jerusalem.
Ash'penaz, the master of the eunuchs of
Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. i. 3).
Ash'riel, properly Is'riel ( l Chr. vii. u).
Ash'taroth, and once As'taroth, a city
on the E. of Jordan, in Bashan, in the kingdom
of Og, doubtless so called from being a seat of
tbe worship of the goddess of the same name.
[Ashtoreth.] It is generally mentioned as a
description or definition of Og (Deut. i. 4 ;
Josh. ix. 10, xii. 4, xiii. 12). It foil into pos-
session of the half tribe of Manasseh (Josh.
xiii. 31), and was given with its suburbs or
surrounding pasture-lands to the Gershonites
(I Chr. vi. 71 [561). Jerome states that in his
time it lay 6 miles from Adra, which again
was 25 from Bostra. The only trace of the
name vet recovered in these interesting districts
is TeU-Athterah, or Askeruh, and of this nothing
more than the name is known.
Aahte'rathite, a native or inhabitant of
Ashtaroth (1 Chr. xi. 44) beyond Jordan.
Uzziah the Ashterathite was one of David's
mighties.
Aah'teroth Karna'im = " Ashtaroth of
the two horns or peaks," a place of very great
antiquity, the abode of the Rephaim at the
time of tbe incursion of Cbedoriaomer (Gen.
xiv. 5), while the cities of the plain were still
standing in their oasis. The name re-appears
but once, and that in the later history of the
Jews, as Carnaim, or Camion (1 Mace. v. 26,
43, 44 ; 2 Mace xii. 21, 26), in " the land of
Galaad." It is usually assumed to be the same
place as the preceding [Ashtaroth], but the
few facts that can be ascertained are all against
such an identification. Et-Stmamein, by which
tbe word is rendered in the Arabic version of
Saadiah, can hardly be other than the still im-
portant place of the same name, on the Haj
route, about 25 miles S. of Damascus, and to
the N.W. of the -LnaA. There we are disposed
to fix the site of Ashtaroth-Karnaim in the
absence of farther evidence.
Ashto'reth, the principal female divinity
of the Phoenicians. From the connection of
this goddess with Baal or Bel we should
naturally conclude that she would be found in
the Assyrian pantheon, and in fact the name
Ishtar appears to be clearly identified in the
list of the great gods of Assyria. There is no
reason to doubt that this Assyrian goddess is
the Ashtoreth of the Old Testament and the
Astarte of the Greeks and Vlomans. The wor-
ship of Astarte seems to have extended wherever
Phoenician colonies were founded. But if we
seek to ascertain the character and attributes of
this goddess we find ourselves involved in con-
siderable perplexity. There can be no doubt
that the general notion symbolized is that of
productive power, as Baal symbolizes that of
generative power ; and it would be natural to
conclude that as the sun is the great symbol of
the latter, and therefore to be identified witi
Baal, so the moon is the symbol of the former,
and must be identified with Astarte. That
this goddess wss so typified can scarcely be
doubted. At any rate it is certain that she was
by some ancient writers identified with the
moon. On the other hand it appears to be
now ascertained that the Assyrian Ishtar was
not the moon-goddess, but the planet Venus ;
and it is certain that Astarte was by many
ancient writers identified with the goddess Ve-
nus (or Aphrodite) as well as also with the
planet of that name. The inquiry as to the
worship paid to the goddess is not less per-
plexed than that of the heavenly body in which
she was symbolized. It is certain that the
worship of Astarte became identified with that
of Venus, and that this worship was connected
with the most impure rights is apparent from
the close connection of this goddess with Ass-
brah (1 K. xi. 5, 33 ; 2 K. xxiii. 13).
Ash'ur, the posthumous son of Hezron by
his wife Abiah (1 Chr. ii. 24, iv. 5). He be-
came "father" or founder of the town of
Tekoa.
Aah'urites, the. This name occurs only
in the enumeration of those over whom Ish-
bosheth was made king (2 Sam. ii. 9). By
some of the old interpreters the name is taken
as meaning the Gcshurites, the members of a
small kingdom to the S. or S.E. of Damascus.
It would therefore be perhaps safer to follow
the Targum of Jonathan, which has Beth-
Asher, " the house of Asher," a reading sup-
ported by several MSS. of the original text
" The Asherites " will then denote the inhab
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A8NAH
76
A8RIEL
Hants of the whole of the country W. of the
Jordan above Jezreel.
Ash'vath, one of the sons of Japhlet, of
the tribe of Ashcr ( 1 Chr. vii. 33).
Asia. The passages in the N. T., where
this word occurs, are the following : Acts ii. 9,
vi. 9, xvi. 6, xix. 10, 22, 26, 27, xx. 4, 16, 18,
xxi. 27, xxvii. 2 ; Bom. xvi. 5 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 19 ;
2 Cor. i. 8 ; 2 Tim. i. IS ; 1 Pet. i. 1 ; Rev. i.
4, 11. [Chief op Asia: see Asiabcba.]
In all these passages it may be confidently
stated that the word is used, not for " the con-
tinent of Asia," nor for what we commonly
understand by " Asia Minor," but for a Roman
province which embraced the western part of
the peninsula of Asia Minor, and of which
Ephesus was the capital. This province origi-
nated in the bequest of Attalus, king of Per-
gamus, or king of Asia, who left by will to the
Roman Republic his hereditary dominions in
the west of the peninsula (b.c. 133). In
the division made by Augustus of senatorial
and imperial provinces, it was placed in the
former class, and was governed by a pro-
consul. It contained many important cities,
among which were the seven churches of the
Apocalypse, and was divided into assize dis-
tricts for judicial business (Acts xix 38). It
included the territory anciently subdivided into
JEolis, Ionia, and Doris, and afterwards into
Mysia, Lydia, and Caria. The title " King of
Asia " was nsed by the Seleucid monarchs of
Antioch, 1 Mace. xi. 13.
Asiar'ehee (chief of Asia, A. V. ; Acts xix.
31 ), officers chosen annually by the cities of
that part of the province of Asia, of which
Ephesus was, under Roman government, the
metropolis. They had charge of the public
games and religious theatrical spectacles, the
expenses of which they bore. Their office was
thus, in great measure at least, religious. The
office of Asiarch was annual, and subject to the
approval of the proconsul, bnt might be re-
newed ; and the title appears to have been con-
tinued to those who had at any time held the
office.
Asibi'as, one of the sons of Phoros or Pa-
rosh in 1 Esa. ix. 26, whose name occupies the
place of Malchijah in Ezr. x. 25. Ap.
A'siel. L A Simeonite whose descendant
Jehu lived in the reign of Hezckiah ( I Chr. iv.
35). — 2. One of the five swift writers whom
Esdras was commanded to take to write the
law and the history of the world (2 Esd. xiv.
24).
Aslpha, 1 Esd. v. 29. [Hasdpha.] Ap.
As'kelon. [Ashkelon.]
Asmode'ua (Tob. in. 8, 17), the same as
Abaddonor Apollyon (Rev. ix. 1 1 ; comp. Wisd.
xviii. 25). From the fact that the Talmud calls
him " king of the demons," some assume him
to be identical with Beelzebub, and others with
Azrael. In the book of Tobit this evil spirit is
represented as loving Sara, the daughter of
Raguel, and causing the death of seven hus-
bands. Ap.
Ae'nah. The children of Asnah were
among the Nethinim who returned with Zcrub-
babcl (Ezr. ii. 50}. In the parallel list of Neh.
vii. 52 the name is omitted, and in 1 Esd. v. 31
it is written Asana.
Asnap'por, mentioned in Ezr. iv. 10, with
the epithets " great and noble," as the person
who settled the Cuthaeans in the cities of Sa-
maria. He has been variously identified with
Shalmaneser, Sennacherib, and Esar-haddon,
but was more probably a general of the latter
king.
A'som, 1 Esd. ix. 33. [Hashum.] Ap.
Asp (pethen). The Hebrew word occurs in
the six following passages : — Deut. xxxii. 33 ;
Job xx. 14, 16; Ps. lviii. 5, xci. 13; Is. xi. 8.
It is expressed in the passages from the Psalms
by adder in the text of the A. V., and by asp
in the margin : elsewhere the text of the A. V .
has asp as the representative of ths original
word pethen. That some kind of poisonous
serpent is denoted by the Hebrew word is clear
from the passages quoted above. We further
learn from Ps. lviii. 5, that the pethen was a
snake upon which the serpent-charmers prac-
tised their art. In this passage the wicked are
compared to " the deaf adder that stoppeth her
ear, which will not hearken to the voice of
charmers, charming never so wisely ; " and
from Is. xi. 8, " the sucking child shall play on
the hole of the asp," it would appear that the
pethen was a dweller in holes of walls, &c.
The true explanation of Ps. lviii. 5, is that
there are some serpents which defy all the at-
tempts of the charmer: in the language of
Scripture such individuals may be termed deaf.
The point of the rebuke consists in the fact
that the pethen was capable of hearing the
charmer's song, but refused to do so. The
individual case in question was an exception
to the rule. Serpents, though comparatively
speaking deaf to ordinary sounds, are no doubt
capable of hearing the sharp, shrill sounds
which the charmer produces either by his voice
or by an instrument; and this comparative
deafness is, it appears to us, the very return why
such sounds as the charmer makes produce the
desired effect in the subject under treatment.
[Sebpent-charmixo.] As the Egyptian cobra
is more frequently than any other species the
subject upon which the serpent-charmers of
the Bible lands practise their science, and as it
is fond of concealing itself in walls and in
holes (Is. xi. 8), it appears to have the best
claim to represent the pethen.
AspaTathus, the name of some sweet per-
fume mentioned in Ecclus. xxiv. 15. Theo-
phrastus enumerates it with cinnamon, cassia,
and many other articles which were used for
ointments. The Lignum Rhodianum is by some
supposed to be the substance indicated "by the
aspatathus ; the plant which yields it is the Con-
volvulus scoparius of Linnasus.
Aspa'tna, third son of Hainan (Esth. ix.
As'phar, the pool in the "wilderness of
Thecoe " (Mace. ix. 33). Is it possible that
the name is a corruption of locus Asphaltites T
Aspha'rasus, l Esd. v. 8. [Mispekbth,
Mizpab.] Ap.
As'riel, the son of Gilead, and great-grand-
son of Manasseb (Num. xxvi. 31 ; Josh. xvii.
2). He was the founder of the family of the
Asbielites. The name is erroneously writ-
ten Ashriei. in the A. V. of 1 Chr. vii. 14.
According to the rendering of the latter pass-
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ASS
77
ASSOS
i by the LXX., Asriel was the aon of Ma-
eh by his Syrian concubine.
Af/rislites, Nam. xxvi. 31. [Abribl.]
AflS. Five Hebrew names of the genua
■ J ~-~* occur in the O. T. 1 . Cham&r denotes
the male domestic ass, though the word was
no doubt used in a general sense to express any
aas whether male or female. The ass is fre-
quently mentioned in the Bible : it was used
for carrying burdens, for riding, for ploughing,
for grinding at the mill, and for carrying bajj-
gage in wars. Tho ass in Eastern countries is
a very different animal from what he is in
we st e rn Europe. The most noble and honor-
able amongst the Jews were wont to be mount-
ed on asses : and in this manner oar Lord him-
self nude his triumphant entry into Jerusalem
(Matt. xxi. 2). He came indeed " meek and
lowly," but it is a mistake to suppose that the
fact of hw riding on the ass had aught to do
with his meekness; although thereby, doubt-
less, he meant to show the peaceable nature of
his kingdon, as horses were used only for war
purposes. In illustration of the passage in
Judg t. 10, " Speak ye that ride on white
asses,*' it may be mentioned that Buckingham
tells us that one of the peculiarities of Bagdad
is its rac-* of white asses, which are saddled and
bridled for the conveyance of passengers . . .
that they are large and spirited, and hare an
easy and steady pace. In Dent. xxii. 10
" ploughing with an ox and an ass together "
was forbidden by the law of Moses, probably
because they could not pull pleasantly together
on account of the a'ffrrence in size and
strength; perhaps also this prohibition may
have some reference to the law given in Lev.
xix. 19. The ass was not used for food. The
Mosaic law considered it unclean, as " not di-
viding the hoof and chewing the cud." In
extreme cases, however, as in the great famine
of Samaria, when " an ass's head was sold for
eighty pieces of silver " (2 K. vi. 25), the flesh
was eaten. — 2. Atkdn, the common domestic
she-ass. Balaam rode on a she-ass. The asses
of Kish which Saul sought were she-asses.
The Shunamite (2 K. iv. 22, 24) rode on one
when she went to seek Elisha. They were she-
asses which formed the special care of one of
David's officers (1 Chr. xxvii. 30).— 8. 'Air
the name of a young ass, which occurs Gen.
xxxii. 16, zlix. 11 ; Judg. x. 4, xii. 14 ; Job
xj. 12; Is. xxx. 6, 24; Zech. ix. 9. Some-
times the 'Air is spoken of as being old enough
for riding upon, for carrying burdens, and for
tilling the ground. — 4. Pert, a species of wild
ass mentioned Gen. xvi. 12 ; Ps. civ. 11 ; Job
vi. 5, xi. 12, xxiv. 5, xxxix. 5 ; Hos. viii. 9 ;
Jer. ii. 24, xiv. 6 ; Is. xxxii. 14. Hosea com-
pares Israel to a wild ass of the desert, and Job
(xxxix. 5) gives an animated description of this
animal, and one which is amply confirmed by
both ancient and modern writers. — 5. 'Arid
occurs only in Job xxxix. 5; but in what
respect it differs from the Pert is uncertain. —
The species known to the ancient Jews are
Annus hemippus, which inhabits the deserts of
Syria, Mesopotamia, and the northern parts of
Arabia ; the Annus vulgaris of the N.E. of Afri-
ca, the true onager or aboriginal wild ass,
whence the domesticated breed has sprung ;
and probably the Annus onager, the Koulan or
Ghorkhur, which is found in Western Asia
from 48° N. latitude southward to Persia, Bel-
uchistan, and Western India. Mr. Layard re-
marks that in fleetness the wild ass (Annus
Kemippus) equals the gazelle, and to overtake
them is a feat which only one or two of the
most celebrated mares have been known to ac-
complish.
AjBaabi'as, l Esd. i. 9. [Hashabiah 6.]
Assal'imoth, 1 Esd. viii. 36. [Shblo-
MITH.| Ap.
Assanias, i Esd. viii. 54. [Hashabiab
8.] An.
Assh'ur. [AssmiA.]
Assh'urim, a tribe descended from De-
dan, the grandson of Abraham (Gen. xxv. 3).
Like the other descendants of Kcturah, they
have not been identified with any degree of
certainty. Knobel considers them the same
with the Asshur of Ex. xxvii. 23, and connect-
ed with southern Arabia.
Assideans, i.e. the pious, "puritans," the
name assumed by a section of the orthodox
Jews (1 Mace. ii. 42, vii. 13; 2 Mace. xiv. 6)
as distinguished from the Hellenizing faction.
They appear to have existed as a party before
the Maccabaran rising, and were probably
bound by some peculiar vow to the external
observance of the Law. Ap.
As'sir. L Son of Korah (Ex. vi 24 ; I
Chr. vi. 22). — 2. Son of Kbiasaph, and a fore-
father of Samuel (1 Chr. vi. 23,37). — 8. Son
of Jeconiah (1 Chr. iii. 17), unless " Jeconiah
the captive " be the true rendering.
As bos or As'sus, a seaport of the Roman
Srovince of Asia, in the district anciently called
lysia. It was situated on the northern shore
of the gulf of Aoraxtttium, and was
only about seven miles from the opposite coast
of Lesbos, near Methymna. A good Roman
road, connecting the towns of the central parts
of the province with Alexandria Troas [Tboas],
passed: through Assos, the distance between the
two latter places being about 20 miles. These
geographical points illustrate St. Paul's rapid
passage through the town (Acts xx. 13, 14).
The ship in which he was to accomplish his
voyage from Troas to Cssarea went round
Cape Lectum, while he took the much shorter
journey by land. Thus he was able to join
the ship without difficulty, and in sufficient
time for her to anchor off Mitylene at the closa
of the day on which Troas had been left.
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ASSYRIA
78
ASSYRIA
Assue'rus, Tob. xhr. 15. [Ahasukkuh.]
As'SUT. 1. (Ezr. it. 2 ; Ps. lxxxiii. 8 ; 2
Esd. ii. 8 ; 5 Jud. ii. 14, v. 1, vi. 1, 17, rii. 20,
24, xiii. 16, xiv. % XT. 6, xvi. 4. [Asshcb ;
Assyria.] — 2. 1 Esd. t. 31. [Habhub.]
Assyria, Assh'ur. was a peat and pow-
erful country lying on the Tigris (Gen. ii. 14),
the capital of which was Nineveh (Gen. x. 11,
&c.). It derired its name apparently from
Asshur, the son of Shem (Gen. x. 22), who in
later times was worshipped by the Assyrians as
their chief god. The boundaries of Assyria
differed greatly at different periods. Probably
in the earliest times it was confined to a small
tract of low country, lying chiefly on the left
bank of the Tigris. Gradually its limits were
extended, until it came to be regarded as com-
prising the whole region between the Armenian
mountains (lat. 37° 3(V) upon the north, and
upon the south the country about Baghdad
(lat. 33° 3C). Eastward its boundary was the
high range of Zagros, or mountains of Kur-
distan; westward, it was, according to the
views of some, bounded by the Mesopotamian
desert, while, according to others, it reached
the Euphrates. — 1. General character of the
country. On the N. and E. the high mountain-
chains of Armenia and Kurdistan are succeed-
ed by low ranges of limestone-hills of a some-
what arid aspect, which detach themselves from
the principal ridges, running parallel to them,
and occasionally enclosing, between their nor-
thern or north-eastern flank and the main
mountain-line, rich plains and fertile valleys.
To these ridges there succeeds at first an undu-
lating zone of country, well watered and fairly
productive, which finally sinks down with some
suddenness upon the great Mesopotamian plain,
the modem district of El-Jezireh. This vast
flat, which extends in length for 250 miles, is
interrupted only by a single limestone-range.
Above and below this barrier is an immense
level tract, now for the most part a wilderness,
scantily watered on the right bank of the Ti-
gris, but abundantly supplied on the left, which
bears marks of having been in early times well
cultivated and thickly peopled throughout.
All over this vast flat, on both sides of the Ti-
gris, rise "grass-covered heaps, marking the
site of ancient habitations" which serve to
mark the extent of the real Assyrian dominion.
They are numerous on the left bank of the
Tigris, and on the right they thickly stud the
entire country. — 2. Provinces of Assyria. —
The classical geographers divided Assyria into
a number of regions, which appear to be chiefly
named from cities, as Arbelitis from Arbela;
Calacene (or Calachine) from Calah or Halah
(Gen! x. 11 ; 2 K. xvii. 6) ; Apolloniatis from
Apollonia ; Sittacene from Sittace, &c. Adia-
bene, however, the richest region of all, derived
its appellation from the Zab (Diab) river on
which it lay . — 3. Chief cities. — The chief cit-
ies of Assyria in the time of its greatness ap-
pear to have been the following: — Nineveh,
which is marked by the mounds opposite Mosul
(NeU-Yunus and Kouyunjik) ; Calah or Halah,
now Nimrud; Asshur, now Kileh Sherghat;
Sargina, or Dnr-Sargina, now Khorsabad ; Ar-
bela, still Arbil; Opis at the junction of die
Diyaleh with the Tigris ; and Sittace, a little
further down the latter river, if this place should
not rather be reckoned to Babylonia. — 4. Hi*,
ton of Assyria — original peopling. — Scripture
informs us that Assyria was peopled from
Babylon (Gen. x. 11), and both classical tradi-
tion and the monuments of the country agree
in this representation. In Herodotus (i. 7),
Ninus, the mythic founder of Nineveh, is the
son (descendant) of Belus, the mythic founder
of Babylon — a tradition in which the deriva-
tion of Assyria from Babylon, and the greater
antiquity and superior position of the latter in
early times, are shadowed forth sufficiently.
The researches recently carried on in the two
countries clearly show that Babylonian great-
ness and civilization was earlier than Assyrian,
and that while the former was of native growth,
the latter was derived from the neighboring
country. — 5. Date of the foundation of the king-
dom. — As a country, Assyria was evidently-
known to Moses (Gen. ii. 14, xxv. 18; Num.
xxiv. 22, 24) ; but it does not appear in Jewish,
history as a kingdom till the reign of Menahem
(about b.c. 770). Herodotus relates that the
Assyrians were " lords of Asia " for 520 years,
till the Median kingdom was formed, B.C. 708.
He would thus, it appears, have assigned to the
foundation of the Assyrian empire a date not
very greatly anterior to B.C. 1228. Berosua,
who made the empire last 526 years to the
reign of Put, must have agreed nearly with this
view; at least he would certainly have placed
the rise of the kingdom within tne 13th centu-
ry. This is, perhaps, the utmost that can be
determined with any approach to certainty. —
6. Early kings, from the foundation of the king-
dom to Put. — The Mesopotamian researches
have rendered it apparent that the original seal
of government was not at Nineveh. The old-
est Assyrian remains have been found at Kileh-
Sherghat, on the right bank of the Tigris, 60
miles south of the later capital ; and this place
the monuments show to have been the residence
of the earliest kings. The kings proved to have
reigned there are fourteen in number, divisible
into three groups; and their reigns are thought
to have covered a space of nearly 350 years,
from B.C. 1273 to B.C. 930. The most remark-
able monarch of the series was called Tiglath-
pileser. He appears to have been king towards
the close of the twelfth century, and thus to
have been contemporary with Samuel. The
other monarchs of the Kileh-Sherghat series,
both before and after Tiglath-pileser, are com-
paratively insignificant. The later kings of
the series are only known to us as the ances-
tors of two great monarchs. Sardanapalus tin
first, who appears to have been the warlike Sar-
danapalus of the Greeks, transferred the seat
of government from Kileh-Sherghat to Nimrud
(probably the Calah of Scripture), where he
built the first of those magnificent palaces
which hare recently been exhumed by our
countrymen. His son, Shalmaneser or Shal-
manubar, the monarch who set up the Black
Obelisk, now in the British Museum, to com-
memorate his victories, was a still greater con-
queror. His son and grandson followed in his
steps, but scarcely equalled his glory. The lat-
ter is thought to be identical with the Biblical
Pul, Phul, or Pbaloch [Pot.] — 7. The kings
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ASSYRIA
ftvm Pid to Etarkaddan. — The succession of
the Assyrian kings from Pol almost to the close
of the empire is rendered tolerably certain, not
merer/ by the inscriptions, but also by the
Jewish records. In the 3d book of Kings we
find the names of Pol, Tiglath-pileser, Shai-
maneser, Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon, follow-
ing one another in rapid succession (a K. xv.
19 and 29, xrii. 3, xviii. 13, xix. 37) ; and in
Isaiah we turn the name of " Sargon, king of
Assyria." (xx. 1), who is a contemporary of
the prophet, and who must evidently therefore
belong to the same series. The inscriptions,
by showing ns that Sargon was the father of
Sennacherib, fix his place in the list, and give
os for the monarch* of the last half of the 8th
and the first half of the 7th century B.C. the
(probably) complete list of Tiglath-pileser II.,
Shaimaneser II., Sargon, Sennacherib, and
Esarhaddon. — 8. Lower Dynasty. — It seems
to be certain that at, or near, the accession of
Pal, about b.c. 770, a great change of some
kind or other occurred in Assyria. It wat only
33 yean later, that the Babylonians considered
their independence to have commenced (B.C.
747). Tradition seems to show that about the
middle of the eighth century b.c. there must
have been a break in the line of Assyrian kings,
and probably the Pul or Phaloch of Scripture
was resilr the last king of the old monarchy,
sad Tiglath-pileser II., his successor, was the
founder of what has been called the " Lower
Empire." — 9. Supposed low of the empire at this
period. — Many writers of repute have been in-
dined to accept the statement of Herodotus
with respect to the breaking up of the whole
empire at this period. It is evident, however,
both from Scripture and from the monuments,
that the shock sustained through the domestic
revolution has been greatly exaggerated. It is
plain, from Scripture, that in the reigns of
Tiglatb-pileser, Shaimaneser, Sargon, Sennach-
erib, and Esarhaddon, Assyria was as great as
at any former era. These kings all warred
successfully in Palestine and its neighborhood ;
some attacked Egypt (Is. xx. 4) ; one appears
as master of Media (3 K. xvii. 6) ; while
another has authority over Babylon, Susiana,
and Elrmais (3 K. xvii. 34 ; Ezr. iv. 9). The
Assyrian annals for the period are in the most
complete accordance with these representations,
and the statements of the inscriptions are fully
borne oat by the indications of greatness to be
traced in the architectural monuments. On
every ground it seems necessary to conclude
mat the second Assyrian kingdom was really
greater and more glorious than the first ; that
ander it the limits of the empire reached their
fullest extent, and the internal prosperity was
at the highest. Even as regards Babylon, the
Assyrian loss was not permanent. Sargon,
Sennscberib, and Esarhaddon, all exercised full
authority over that country. — 10. Successors
tf Etarka&km. — By the end of the reign of
Esarhaddon the triumph of the arms of Assyria
had been so complete that scarcely an enemy
was left who could cause her serious anxiety.
In Scripture it is remarkable that we hear
nothing of Assyria after the reign of Esarhad-
don, and profane history is equally silent until
the attacks begin which brought about her
downfall. — 11. Fall of Attyria The fall af
Assyria, long previously prophesied by Isaiah
(x. 5-19), was effected by the growing strength
and boldness of the Medes. If we may trust
Herodotus, the first Median attack on Nineveh
took place about the year b.c. 633. For some
time their efforts were unsuccessful ; but after a
while, having won over the Babylonians to
their side, they became superior to the Assyri-
ans in the field, and about B.C. 625, or a little
earlier, laid final siege to the capital [Media].
Saracus, the last king — probably the grandson
of Esarhaddon — made a stout and prolonged
defence, but at length, finding resistance vain,
he collected his wives and his treasures in
his palace, and with his own hand setting fire
to the building, perished in the flames.—
12. Fulfilment of yrophecy. — The prophecies of
Nahura and Zephaniah (ii. 13-15) against As-
syria were probably delivered shortly before the
catastrophe. Ezekiel, writing about B.C. 584,
bears witness historically to the complete de-
struction which had como upon the Assyrians
(ch. xxxi.). In accordance with Nahnm's an-
nouncement (iii. 19) wc find that Assyria never
succeeded in maintaining a distinct nationality.
Once only was revolt attempted, about a centu-
ry after the Median conquest, but it failed sig-
nally, and appears never to havo been repeated,
the Assyrians remaining thenceforth submissive
subjects of the Persian empire. — 13. General
character of the empire. — Like all the early mon-
archies which attained to any great extent, it
was composed of a number of separate king-
doms. The Assyrian monarchs bore sway over
a number of petty kings through the entire ex-
tent of their dominions. These native prinoes
were feudatories of the Great Monarch, of
whom tbey held their crown by tho double
tenure of homage and tribute. Menahcm
(2 K. xv. 19), Hoshea (ibid. xvii. 4), Ahax
(ibid. xvi. 8), Hezekiah (ibid, xviii. 4), and
Manasseh (3 Chr. xxxiii. 11-13), were certain-
ly in this position, as were many native kings
of Babylon. It is not quite certain how far
Assyria required a religious conformity from
the subject people. Her religion wat a gross
and complex polytheism, comprising tho wor-
ship of thirteen principal and numcroas minor
divinities, at the Dead of all of whom stood the
chief god, Asshur, who seems to be tho deified
patriarch of the nation (Gen. x. 22). The in-
scriptions appear to state that in all countries
over which the Assyrians established their su-
premacy, they set up " the laws of Asshur,"
and " altars to the Great Gels." It was prob-
ably in connection with this Assyrian require-
ment that Ahas, on his return from Damascus,
where he had made his submission to Tiglath-
pileser, incurred the guilt of idolatry (t K. xvi.
10-16). — 14. Itt extent. — On the west, the
Mediterranean and the river Halys appear to
have been the boundaries ; on the north, a
fluctuating line, never reaching the Enxine nor
extending beyond the northern frontier of Ar-
menia ; on the east, the Caspian Sea and the
Great Salt Desert ; on the south, the Persian
Gulf and the Desert of Arabia. The coun-
tries included within these limits are the follow-
ing: — Susiana, Chaldasa, Babylonia, Media,
Matiene, Armenia, Assyria Proper, Mesopota-
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ATEREZIA8
mil, parts of Cappadocia and Cilioia, Syria,
Phoenicia, Palestine, and Idumiea. Cyprus
was also for a while a dependency of the As-
syrian kings, and they may perhaps have held
at one time certain portions of Lower Egypt. —
15. Civilization of the Assyrians. — The civiliza-
tion of the Assyrians, as has been already ob-
served, was derived originally from the Babylo-
nians. They were a Shcmitic race, originally
resident in Babylonia (which at that time was
Cushite), and thus acquainted with the Babylo-
nian inventions and discoveries, who ascended
the valley of the Tigris and established in the
tract immediately below the Armenian moun-
tains a separate and distinct nationality. Their
modes of writing and building, the form and
size of their bricks, their architectural orna-
mentation, their religion and worship, in a great
measure, were drawn from Babylon, which they
always regarded as a sacred land — the original
seat of their nation, and the true home of all
their gods, with the one exception of Asshur.
Still, as their civilization developed, it became
in many respects peculiar. Their art is of
home growth. Their pictures of war, and of
the chase, and even sometimes of the more
peaceful incidents of human life, have a fidelity,
a spirit, a boldness, and an appearance of life,
which place them high among realistic schools.
The advanced condition of the Assyrians in
various other respects is abundantly evidenced
alike by the representations on the sculptures
and by the remains discovered among their
buildings. They were still, however, in the
most important points barbarians. Their gov-
ernment was rude and inartificial ; their reli-
gion course and sensual ; their conduct of war
cruel ; even their art materialistic, and so de-
basing; they bail served their purpose when
they had prepared the East for centralized gov-
ernment, and been God's scourge to punish the
people of Israel (Is. x. 5-6) ; they were, there-
lore, swept away to allow the rise of that Aryan
race which, with less appreciation of art, was
to introduce into Western Asia a more spiritual
form of religion, a better treatment of captives,
and a superior governmental organization.
As'taroth, Dcut. i. 4. [Ashtakoth.]
As'tarte. [Asutobeth.1
As'tath, 1 Esd. viii. 38. [Azgad.] Ap.
Astronomy. [Star]
Asty'ages, the last king of the Mcdes, B.C.
595-560, or d.c. 592-558, who was conquered
by Cyrus (Bel and Dragon, 1). The name is
identified by Rawlinson and Niebuhr with
Deioces «= Ashdahax, the emblem of the Median
power.
Asup'pim, and House Of, 1 Chr. xxvi.
15, 17, literally "house of the gatherings."
Some understand it as a proper name of cham-
bers on the south side of the Temple. Gesenius
and Berthcau explain it of certain store-rooms,
and Furst, following the Vulgate, of the coun-
cil-chambers in the outer court of the Temple
in which the elders held their deliberations.
The same word in A. V. of Neh. xii. 25, is
rendered " thresholds," and is translated " lin-
tels " in the Targum of R. Joseph on 1 Chr.
AByn'oritus, a Christian at Rome, saluted
by St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 14).
A tad, the threshing-floor of, a spot
"beyond Jordan," at which Joseph and his
brethren, on their way from Egypt to Hebron,
made their seven days' " great and very sore
mourning " over the body of Jacob ; in conse-
quence of which we are told it acquired from
the Canaanitcs the new name of Abel-Mizraim
(Gen. 1. 10, II). According to Jerome it was
in his day. called Bethglu or Bethacla (Beth-
Hogla). Beth-Hogla is known to have lain
between the Jordan and Jericho, therefore on
the west side of Jordan. [Beth-Hogla]
Afarah, a wife of Jerahmeel, and mother
of Onam (1 Chr. ii. 26).
Atar'gatis, or Debceto, a Syrian goddess,
represented generally with the body of a woman
and the tail of a fish (comp. Dagox). Her
most famous temples were at Hierapolis (Ma-
bug) and Ascalon. Herodotus identified her
with Avhroditt Urania. Lucian compared her
with Here, though he allowed that she com-
bined traits of other deities. Plutarch says
that some regarded her as " Aphrodite, others
as Here, others as the canse and natural power
which provides the principles and seeds for all
things from moisture." This last view is prob-
ably an accurate description of the attributes
of the goddess, and explains her fish-like form
and popular identification with Aphrodite.
There was a temple of Atargatis (2 Mace. xii.
26) at Karnion, which was destroyed by Judas
Maccabseus (1 Mace. v. 44). The name is
rightly derived by Michaelis from Syr. Targeto,
an opening. Some have supposed* that Atar-
gatis was the tutelary goddess of the first
Assyrian dynasty, and that the name appears
in Tiijluth or Tiglath-pilestr. Ap.
Ataroth. 1. One of the towns in the
"land of Jazer and land of Gilead" (Num.
xxxii. 3), taken and built by the tribe of Gad
(xxxii. 34). From its mention with places
which have been identified on the N.E of the
Dead Sea near the mountain of Jebtl Attaris,
a connection has been assumed between A taroth
and that mountain. But some other identifi-
cation is necessary. — 2. A place on the
(south ?) boundary of Ephraim and Manaa-
seh (Josh. xvi. 2, 7). It is impossible to say
whether Ataroth is or is not the same place as,
3. Ataboth-adab, or -aodab on the west
border of Benjamin, " near the ' mountain '
that is on the south side of the nether Beth-
horon " (Josh. xvi. 5, xviii. 13). In the
Onomasticon mention is made of an Atharoth
in Ephraim, in the mountains, 4 miles N. of
Sebaste ; as well as two places of the name not
far from Jerusalem. — 4. "Ataboth, thk
house of Joab," a place (?) occurring in the
list of the descendants of Judali (1 Chr. ii. 54).
A'ter. 1. The children of Ater were
among the porters or gate-keepers of the
Temple who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr.
ii. 42; Nch. vii. 45). They are called in 1
Esd. v. 28, "the sons of Jatal." — 2. The
children of Ater of Hezekiah to the num-
ber of 98 returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 16 ;
Nch. vii. 21 ), and were among the heads of the
people who signed the covenant with Nchetniah
(x. 17). The name appears in 1 Esd. v. 15 as
Atebezias.
Ateresi'as, a corruption of Ater of H*k-
ekiah (1 Esd. v. 15). Ap.
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ATONEMENT
A'thach, one of the places in the tribe of
Jodah, which David and his men frequented
during the time of his residence at Ziklag (1
Sim. xxx. SO). As the name does not occur
elsewhere, it bias been suggested that it is an
error of the transcriber for Ether, a town in the
low country of Judah (Josh. xt. 42). In the
Vat LXX" it is written AW*.
Athai'ah, a descendant of Pharez, the son
of Jodah, who dwelt at Jerusalem after the re-
tun from Babylon (Neh. xi. 4), called Uthaj
ia 1 Chr. ix. 4.
Athaiiah, daughter of Ahab and Jesebel,
married Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat king
of Jodah, and introduced into the 8. kingdom
the worship of Baal. After the great revolu-
tion by which Jehn seated himself - on the
throne of Samaria, she killed all the members
vf the royal family of Judah who had escaped
his sword (2 K. xi. 1 ), availing herself prob-
ably of her position as King's Mother [Asa J to
perpetrate the crime. From the slaughter of
the royal boose, one infant named Joash, the
youngest son of Ahaxiah, was rescued by his
aunt Jehosheba, who had married Jehoiada (2
Chr. xxii. 11) the high-priest (2 Chr. xxiv. 6).
The child was brought up nnder Jehoiada's
tare, and concealed in the Temple for six years,
faring which period Athaiiah reigned over
Jodah. At length Jehoiada thought it time to
produce the lawful king to the people, trusting
to their zeal for the worship of God, and loyalty to
tin house of David, which had been so strenuous-
ly called out by Asa and Jehoshaphat. After
communicating his design to five " captains of
hundreds." whose names are given in 2 Chr.
xxiii. I, and securing the co-operation of the
Lehtes and chief men in the country-towns in
cue of necessity, he brought the young Joash
into the Temple to receive the allegiance of the
•oldiers of trie guard. It was customary on
the Sabbath for a third part of them to do duty
at the palace, while two-thirds restrained the
crowd of visitors and worshippers who thronged
the Temple. On the day fixed for the outbreak
there was to be no change in the arrangement
at the palace, lest Athaiiah, who did not wor-
Arp in the Temple, should form-any suspicions
from missing her usual guard. She was first
roused to a sense of her danger by the shouts
»nd music which accompanied the inauguration
of her grandson, and hurried into the Temple.
She arrived, however, too late, and was imme-
diately put to death by Jehoiada's commands,
without the precincts. The only other record-
ed victim of this happy and almost bloodless
revolution was Mattan the priest of Baal. — 2.
A Benjamite, one of the sons of Jeroham who
dwelt at Jerusalem (1 Chr. riii. 26). — 3. One
of the Bene-Elam, whose son Jeshaiah with 70
males returned with Ezra in the second caravan
from Babylon (Ear. riii. 7).
Athari'as, a corruption of the Tirbha-
tha|I Esd. v. 40). Ap.
AthfiniflJlR, natives of Athena (Acts xvii.
AthenoTjiuB, " the king's friend," an en-
wy sent by Antiochus VII., Sidetes, to Simon
»« Jewish high-priest (I Mace. xr. 28-36).
Athena, the capital of Attica, and the
«ief seat of Grecian learning and civilisation
11
during the golden period of the history of
Greece. An account of this city would be ont
of place in the present work. St. Paul visited
it in his journey from Macedonia, and appear*
to have remained there some time (Acts xvii.
14-34; comp. 1 Thess. iii. 1). During his
residence he delivered bis memorable discourse
on the Areopagus to the " men of Athens "
(Acts xvii. 22-31 ). The Agora or " market,"
where St. Paul disputed daily, was situated in
the valley between the Acropolis, the Areopa-
gus, the Pnyx and the Museum, being bounded
by the Acropolis on the N.E. and £., by the
Areopagus on the N., by the Pnyx on the
N.W. and W., and bv the Museum "on the 8.
The annexed plan shows the position of the
Agora. The remark of the sacred historian
respecting the inquisitive character of the Athe-
nians (xvii. 21 ) is attested by the unanimous
voice of antiquity. IJcmosthenes rebukes his
countrymen for their love of constantly going
about in the market, and asking one another,
What news ? The remark of St. Paul upon
the " superstitious " character of the Atheni-
ans (xvii. 22) is in like manner confirmed by
the ancient writers. Thus Pausanias says that
the Athenians surpassed all other states in the
attention which they paid to the worship of the
gods ; and hence the city was crowded in every
direction with temples, altars, and other sacred
buildings. Of the Christian church, founded
by St. Paul at Athens, according to ecclesias-
tical tradition, Dionysins the Areopagite was
the first bishop. IDioxysius.)
Athlai, one or the sons of Bcbai, who put
away his foreign wife at the exhortation of
Ezra (Ezr. x. 28). He is called Amathjrib in
1 Esd. ix. 29.
At ipha, 1 Esd. v. 32. [Hatipra.] Ap.
Atonement, the Day of, the great day
of national humiliation, and the only one com-
manded in the Mosaic law. [Fasts.] The
mode of its observance is described in Lev. xvi.,
and the conduct of the people is emphatically
enjoined in Lev. xxiii. 26-32. — II. It was
kept on the tenth day of Tisri, that is, from
the evening of the ninth to the evening of the
tenth of that month, five days before the Feast
of Tabernacles. [Festivals.) — III. Theob-
scrvances of the day, as described in the law,
were as follows. It was kept by the people as
a solemn sabbath. On this occasion only the
high-priest wits permitted to enter into the
Holy of Holies. Having bathed his person
and dressed himself entirely in the holy white
linen garments, he brought forward a young
bullock for a sin-offering and a ram for a burnt-
offering, purchased at bis own cost, on account
of himself and his family, and two young goats
for a sin-offering with a ram for a burnt-offer-
ing, which were paid for out of the public treas-
ury, on account of the people. He then pre-
sented the two goats before the Lord at the
door of the tabernacle and cast lots upon them.
On one lot " for Jehovah " was inscribed, and
on the other " for Ata&l." He next sacrificed
the young bullock as a sin-offering for himself
and his family. Taking with him some of the
blood of the bullock, he filled a censer with
burning coals from the brazen altar, took a
handful of incense, and entered into the most
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ATTAI
holy place. He then threw the incense upon
the coals and enveloped the mercy-seat in a
cloud of smoke. Then, dipping his finger into
the blood, he sprinkled it seven times before the
mercy-seat eastward. The goat upon which
the lot " for Jehovah " had fallen was then slain,
and the high-priest sprinkled its blood before
the mercy-seat in the same manner as he had
done that of the bullock. Going out from the
Holy of Holies he purified the holy place,
sprinkling some of the blood of both the vic-
tims on the altar of incense. At this time no
one besides the high-priest was suffered to be
present in the holy place. The purification of
the Holy of Holies, and of the holy place,
being thus completed, the high-priest laid his
hands upon the head of the goat on which the
lot "for Amzel " had fallen, and confessed over
it all the sins of the people. The goat was
then led, by a man choson for the purpose, into
the wilderness, into "a land not inhabited,"
and was there let loose. The high-priest after
this returned into the holy place, bathed him-
self again, put on his usual garments of office,
and offered the two rams as burnt-offerings,
one for himself and one for the people. He
also burnt upon the altar the fat of the two sin-
offerings, while their flesh was carried away
and burned outside the camp. They who took
•way the flesh and the man who had led away
the goat had to bathe their persons and wash
their clothes as soon as their service was per-
formed. The accessory burnt-offerings men-
tioned Num. xxix. 7-11, were a young bullock,
a ram, seven lambs, and a young goat. — IV.
There has been much discussion regarding the
meaning of the word Azazel. The opinions
which seem most worthy of notice are the fol-
lowing : — 1. It has been regarded as a desig-
nation of the goat itself. This view has been
most favored by the old interpreters. They in
general supposed it to mean the goat sent atcai/,
or let loose. But the application of Azazel to
the goat itself involves the Hebrew text in in-
superable difficulties. If one expression is to
be rendered for Jehovah, it would seem that the
other must be for Azaid, with the preposition
in the same sense. If this is admitted, taking
Azazel for the goat itself, it does not seem pos-
sible to make sense out of Lev. xvi. 10 and 26.
2. Some have token Azazel for the name of the
place to which the goat was sent. 3. Others
who have studied the subject most closely take
Azazel for a personal being to whom the goat
was sent, (a) Gesenius supposes it to be some
false deity who was to be appeased by such a
sacrifice as that of the goat, (b) But others, in
the spirit of a simpler faith, have regarded him
as an evil spirit, or the devil himself. Spencer
supposes that the goat was given up to the
devil. Hengstenbcrg affirms that Azazel can-
not possibly be any thing but another name for
Satan. He does not doubt that the goat was
sent away laden with the sins of God's people,
now forgiven, in order to mock their spiritual
enemy. Few, perhaps, will be satisfied with
Hcngstenbcrg's mode of meeting this difficulty.
4. An explanation of the word which seems
less objectionable, if it is not wholly satisfac-
tory, would render the designation of the lot
" for complete sending away." — V. As it might
be supposed, the Talmudists miserably degrad-
ed the meaning of the Day of .Atonement.
They looked upon it as an opportunity afforded
them of wiping off the score of their more
heavy offences. Philo regarded the day in a
far nobler light. He speaks of it as an occa-
sion for the discipline of self-restraint in regard
to bodily indulgence, and for bringing home to
our minds the truth that man does not live by
bread alone, but by whatever God is pleased to
appoint. It cannot be doubted that what es-
pecially distinguished the symbolical expiation
of this day from that of the other services of
the law, was its broad and national character,
with perhaps a deeper reference to the sin which
belongs to the nature of man. In considering
the meaning of the particular rites of the day,
three points appear to be of a very distinctive
character. 1 . The white garments of the high-
priest. 2. His entrance into the Holy of
Holies. 3. The scapegoat. The writer ot the
Epistle to the Hebrews (ix. 7-25) teaches us to
apply the first two particulars. The high-priest
himself, with his person cleansed and dressed
in white garments, was the best outward type
which a living man could present in his own
person of that pure and holy One who was to
purify His people and to cleanse them from
their sins. But respecting the meaning of the
scapegoat, we have no such light to guide ns,
and the subject is one of great doubt and diffi-
culty. Of those who take Azazel for the Evil
Spirit, some have supposed that the goat was
a sort of bribe, or retaining fee, for the accuser
of men. Spencer made it a symbol of the pun-
ishment of the wicked; while Hengstenberjr
considers it significant of the freedom of those
who had become reconciled to God. Some
few have supposed that the goat was taken into
the wilderness to suffer there vicariously for
the sins of the people. But it has been gener-
ally considered that it was dismissed to signify
the carrying away of their sins, as it were, out
of the sight of Jehovah. If we keep in view
that the two goats arc spoken of as parts of
one and the same sin-offering, we shall not have
much difficulty in seeing that they form togeth-
er but one symbolical expression. This is im-
plied in the reasoning of the author of the
Epistle to the Hebrews on the office and sacri-
fice of Christ (Heb. ix.). Hence some, regard-
ing each goat as a type of Christ, supposed
that the one which was slain represented his
death, and that the goat set free signified his
resurrection. But we shall take a simpler, and
perhaps a truer view, if we look upon the slain
goat as setting forth the act of sacrifice, in giv-
ing up its own life for others " to Jehovah, in
accordance with the requirements of the Divine
law ; and the goat which carried off its load of
sin " for complete removal," as signifying the
cleansing influence of faith in that sacrifice.
At roth, a city of Gad (Nam. xxxii. 85).
No doubt the name should be taken with that
following it, Shophan, to distinguish this place
from Ataroth in the same neighborhood.
At'tai. 1. Grandson of Sheshan the Jerah-
meelite through his daughter Ahlai, whom he
gave in marriage to Jarha, his Egyptian slave
( 1 Chr. ii. 35, 36). His grandson Zabad was
one of David's mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 41 ). —
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AVA
AXE
2. One of the lion-faced warriors of Gad, cap-
tains of the host, who forded the Jordan at the
tune of its overflow, and joined David in the
wilderness (1 Chr. xii. II). — 3. Second son
of King Rehoboam by Maachah the daughter
of Absalom (9 Chr. xi. 20).
Attali'a, a coast-town of Pamphylia, men-
tioned (Acts xiv. 25) as the place from which
Pan! and Barnabas sailed on their return to
Annech from their missionary journey into
the inland parts of Asia Minor. It was built
by Attains Philadelphia, king of Pergamus,
and named after the monarch. All its remains
are characteristic of the date of its foundation.
Leake fixes Attalia at Adalia, on the S. coast
of Asia Minor, N. of the Duden Su the ancient
Catarrhactes.
Af talus, the name of three kings of Per-
gamos who reigned respectively B.C. 241-197,
159-138 (Philadelphus), 138-133 (Philometor).
It a uncertain whether the letters sent from
Borne in favor of the Jews (1 Mace. xv. 22)
were addressed to Attains II. or Attains III., as
their date falls in B.C. 139-8 [Lucics], about
the time when the latter succeeded his uncle.
Atthara'tes, 1 Esd. ix. 49, a corruption
of " The Tirshatha." [Atharias.] Ap.
Aa'gia, the daughter of Berzelus, or Bar-
zfllai, according to 1 Esd. v. 38, whose descend-
ants by Addas were among the priests whose
genealogy conld not be substantiated after the
return from Babylon. The name does not
occur either in Ezra or Nehemiah. Ap.
Augustus CSB'SSX, the first Roman em-
peror. During his reign Christ was born (Luke
■Llff.). He was bom a. tr.c. 691, B.C. 63. His
father was Cains Octavius; his mother Atia,
daughter of Julia the sister of C. Julius Caesar.
He bore the same name as his father, Cains
Octavius. He was principally educated by his
great-uncle Julius Caesar, and was made his
heir. After his murder, the young Octavius,
then Cains Julius Caesar Octavianus, was
taken into the Triumvirate with Antony and
Lepidus, and, after the removal of the latter,
di ridel the empire with Antony. The struggle
for the supreme power was terminated in favor
of Octavianus by the battle of Actium, B.C. 31 .
On this victory, he was saluted Imperator by
the senate, who conferred on him the title Au-
gustus (b.c 27). The first link binding him
to N. T. history is his treatment of Herod after
die battle of Actium. That prince, who had
espoused Antony's side, found himself par-
doned, taken into favor and confirmed, nay
even increased in his power. After Herod s
death in a.d. 4, Augustus divided his dominions
almost exactly according to his dying directions,
among his sons. Augustus died at Nola in
Campania, Aug. 19, A.c.c. 767, a.d. 14, in his
76th year; but long before his death he had
associated Tiberins with him in the empire.
Augustus' Band (Acts xxvii. 1 ). [A>-
srr.J
Aura'nttS, leader of a not at Jerusalem
(2 Mace iv. 40). Ap.
Aute'as, name of a Levite (1 Esd ix. 48).
JHodwah.) Ap.
A'VS, • place in the Empire of Assyria,
apparently toe same as Ivah (2 K. xvii. 24).
Av'aran, the surname of Eleazar, brother
of Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace. ii. 5). Two dis-
tinct derivations from the Arabic have been
proposed for it ; both, however, tracing its
origin to the feat of killing the royal elephant
in the battle of Bethzacharias, by which Eleazar
met his death ( 1 Mace. vi. 43-46). In the latter
passage he is called 8a varan, which is appar-
ently an erroneous reading, as Joseuhus twice
calls him Auban (Ant. xii. 6 6 1, 9 § 4). Ap.
A'ven. 1. The "plain of Aven" is men-
tioned by Amos (i. 5) in his denunciation of
Syria and the country to the N. of Palestine.
It has not been identified with certainty. — 2.
In Hos. x. 8, " the high places of Aven," the
word is clearly an abbreviation of Beth-aven,
that is Bethel (cotnp. iv. 15, Ac.). — 8. In
this manner are pointed, in Ez. xxx. 17, the
letters of the name which is elsewhere given
as On, the sacred city of Heliopolis or On, in
Egypt. [On.J
A/vim, A'vims, or A'vites, Heb. the
Aveim. — 1. A people among the early inhab-
itants of Palestine, whom we meet with in the
S.W. corner of the sea-coast, whither they may
have made their way northwards from the
Desert. The only notice of them which hat
come down to us is contained in a remarkable
fragment of primeval history preserved in
j Deut. ii. 23. Here we see them dwelling in
the villages in the 8. part of the Shefelan, or
great western lowland, " as far as Gaza." In
these rich possessions they were attacked
by the invading Philistines, "the Caphtorim
which came forth out of Caphtor," and who
after " destroying " them " and dwelling in
their stead," appear to have pushed them
further north. Possibly a trace of their exist-
ence is to be found in the town " Avim " (or
" the Awiro "), which occurs among the cities
of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 23). It is a curious
fact that both the LXX. and Jerome identified
the Awim with the Hivites, and also that the
town of ha-Awim was in the actual district of
the Hivites (Josh. ix. 7, 17, compared with
xviii. 22-27). — 2. The people of Awa,
among the colonists who were sent by the
king of Assyria to re-inhabit the depopulated
cities of Israel (2 K. xvii. 31). Tlwy were
idolaters, worshipping gods colled Nibhaz and
Tartak. [Ava.J
A'vith, the city of Hadad ben-Bedad, one
of the kings of Edom before there were kings
in Israel (Gen. xxxvi. 35 ; 1 Chr. i. 46). The
name may be compared with eUGhowettheh, a
" chain of low hills, mentioned by Bnrckhardt
as lying to the E. of the district of KitJc in
Moab.
Awl, a tool of which we do not know the
ancient form. The only notice of it is in con-
nection with the custom of boring the ear of the
slave (Ex. xxi. 6; Deut. xv. 17).
Axe. 8cven Hebrew words are rendered
" ax " in the A. V. — 1. Garten, from a root
signifying " to cut or sever," as " hatchet,"
from " hack," corresponds to the Lat. teeurit.
It consisted of a head of iron (cf. Is. x. 34),
fastened, with thongs or otherwise, upon a
handle of wood, and so liable to slip off (Deut.
xix. 5 ; 2 K. vi. 5). It was used for felling
trees (Deut. xx. 19), and also for shapiT the
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AZARIAH
84
AZARIAH
wood when felled, perhaps like the modern
adze (1 K. vi. 7). — 2. Vnereb, which is usually
translated "sword," is used of other cutting
instruments, as a " knife " (Josh. v. 2) or
razor (Ez. v. I), or a tool for hewing or dress-
ing stones (Ex. xx. 25), and is once rendered
" axe " (Ez. xxvi. 9), evidently denoting a
weapon for destroying buildings, a pick-axe. —
3. CcuahU occurs but once (Ps. lxxiv. 6), and
is evidently a later word, denoting a large axe.
It is also found in the Targum of Jer. xlvi.
22. — 4. Mogztr&h (2 Sam. xii. 31), and, 5.
Megerah (1 Chr. xx. 3), are found in the
description of the punishments inflicted by
David upon the Ammonites of Rabbab. The
latter word is properly " a saw," and is ap-
nntly an error of the transcriber for the
ler. — 6. Ma'Sisad, rendered " ax " in the
margin of Is. xliv. 12, and Jer. x. 3, was an
instrument employed both by the iron-smith
and the carpenter, and is supposed to be a
curved knife or bill, smaller than, 7. Kardom,
which was a large axe used for felling trees
(Judg. ix. 48 ; 1 Sam. xiii. 20, 21 ; Ps. lxxiv.
5; Jer. xlvi. 22). The words 1, 5, and 7 have
an etymological affinity with each other, the
idea of cutting being that which is expressed
by their roots. — The "battle-ax" {mappelt,
Jer. li. 20) was probably, as its root indicates,
a heavy mace or maul, like that which gave his
aurname to Charles Martd.
Az'ael = Asahel 4 (1 Esd. ix. 14). Ap.
Azselus, an Israelite in the time of Esdras :
the name is probably merely a repetition of that
preceding it (1 Esd. ix. 34). Ap.
A'zal, a name only occurring in Zech. xiv.
\. It is mentioned as the limit to which the
ravine of the Mount of Olives will extend
when " Jehovah shall go forth to fight." Sev-
eral commentators agree with Jerome in taking
Azal as an appellative.
Azali'ah, the father of Shaphan the scribe
in the reign of Josiah (2 K. xxii. 3 ; 2 Chr.
xxxiv. 8).
Azani'ah, the father or immediate ancestor
of Jcshua the Levite in the time of Nehemiah
(Neh. x. 9).
Aza'phion, I Esd. v. 33. Possibly a cor-
ruption Of SOPHERETR. Ap.
Az'ara, one of the " servants of the Temple "
( 1 Esd . v. 3 1 ) . No corresponding name can be
traced in the parallel list in Ezra. Ap.
Aza'roel, a Levite-musician (Neh. xii. 36).
Aea'reel. 1. A Korhite who joined Da-
vid in his retreat at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 6). —
2. A Levite-musician of the family of Hcman
in the time of David, 1 Chr. xxv. 18: called
Uzziel in xxv. 4. — 3. Son of Jcrohnm, and
Erince of the tribe of Dan when David num-
ered the people (1 Chr. xxvii. 22). — 4. One
of the sons of Bani, who put away his foreign
wife on the remonstrance of Ezra (Ezr. x. 41 ) :
apparently the same as Esril in 1 Esd. ix. 34.
— 6. Father or ancestor of Maasiai, or Ama-
shai, a priest who dwelt in Jerusalem after the
return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 13, comp. I Chr.
ix. 12).
Azari'ah, a common name in Hebrew and
especially in the families of the priests of the
line of Eleazar, whose name has precisely the
same meaning as Azariah. It is nearly iden-
tical, and is often confounded with Ezra as well
as with Zerahiah and Seraiah. The principal
persons who bore this name were : — 1. Son of
Ahimaaz (1 Chr. vi. 9). He appears, from 1 K.
iv. 2, to have succeeded Zadok, his grandfather,
in the high-priesthood, in the reign of Solomon.
Ahimaaz having died before Zadok. [Aat-
maaz.J To him, it can scarcely be doubted,
instead of to his grandson, Azariah the son of
Johanan, belongs the notice in 1 Chr. vi. 10,
" He it is that executed the priest's office in the
temple that Solomon built at Jerusalem. Jo-
sephus merely mentions Azarias as the son and
successor of Ahimaaz. — 2. A chief officer o*'
Solomon's, the son of Nathan, perhaps David *
grandson (1 K. iv. 5). — 3. Tenth king of
Judah, more frequently called Uzziah (2 K.
xiv. 21, xv. 1, 6, 7, 8, 17, 23, 27 ; 1 Chr. iii. 12).
— 4. Son of Ethan, of the sons of Zorali,
where, perhaps, Zerahiah is the more probable
reading (1 Chr. ii. 8). — 5. Son of Jehu of the
family of the Jerahineelites, and descended from
Jarha the Egyptian slave of Sheshan ( 1 Chr. ii.
38, 39). He was probably one of the captains-
of hundreds in the time of Athaliah mentioned
in 2 Chr. xxiii. 1 ; and there called the son or
Obed. This fact assigns the compilation of the
genealogy in 1 Chr. ii. 36-41 to the reign of
Hezekiah. — 6. The son of Johanan (1 Chr. vi.
10). He must have been high-priest in the
reigns of Abijah and Asa, as we know his son
Amariah was in the days of Jehoshaphat, the
son of Asa. His name is almost lost in Jose-
phus's list of the high-priests. — 7. Another
Azariah is inserted between Hilkiah, in Josiah's
reign, and Seraiah, who was put to death by
Nebuchadnezzar, in 1 Chr. vi. 13, 14. It seems
likely that he may have been inserted to assimi-
late the genealogy to that of Ezra vii. 1. — 8.
Son of Zcphuniuli, a Kohathite, and ancestor
of Samuel the prophet (1 Chr. vi. 36). Ap-
parently the same as Uzziah in ver. 24. — 9.
Azariah, the son of Oded (2 Chr. xv. 1), called
simply Oded in ver. 8, was a remarkable pro-
phet in the days of king Asa, and a contempo-
rary of Azariah the son of Johanan the high-
Sricst, and of Hanani the seer. — 10. Son of
ehoshaphat king of Judah (2 Chr. xxi. 2). —
11. Another son of Jehoshaphat, and brother
of the preceding (2 Chr. xxi. 2). — 12. In 2
Chr. xxii. 6, Azariah is a clerical error for
Ahaziah. — 13. Son of Jeroham, one of the
captains of Jndab in the time of Athaliah (2-
Chr. xxiii. 1). — 14. The high-priest in the
reign of Uzziah, king of Judah, whose name,
perhaps from this circumstance, is often cor-
rupted into Azariah (2 K. xiv. 21, xv. 1, 6, 7,
8, 4c.). The most memorable event of his life
is that which is recorded in 2 Chr. xxvi. 17-20.
When king Uzziah, elated by his great pros-
perity and power, "transgressed against the
Lord his God, and went into the Temple of the
Lord to burn incense upon the altar of incense,"
Azariah the priest, accompanied by eighty of
his brethren, went in boldly after him, and with-
stood him. Azariah was* contemporary with
Isaiah the prophet, and with Amos and Joel,
and doubtless witnessed the great earthquake
in Uzziah 's reign (Am. i. 1 ; Zech. xiv. 5). —
15. Son of Johanan, one of the captains of
Ephraim in the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii.
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AZEKAH
85
AZNOTH-TABOR
12). who sent back the captives and spoil that
were taken in the invasion of Judah by rekah. —
16. A Kohathite, father of Joel in the reign of
Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). — 17. A Merarite,
»o of Jehalelel, in the time of Hezekiah, con-
traporary with the son of the preceding (2
Chr. xxix. 12). — 18. The high-priest in the
dart of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 10, 13). He
appears to have co-operated zealously with the
king in that thorough purification of the Tem-
ple and restoration of the temple-services which
was so conspicuous a feature in his reign. He
ucceeded Urijah, who was high-priest in the
reign of Ahaz. — 19. Son of Maaseiah, who
repaired part of the wall of Jerusalem in the
rime of Nehemiah (Nell. iii. 23, 24). — 20.
Ok of the leaders of the children of the prov-
ince who went up from Babylon with Zerub-
habel (Neh. vii. 7). Elsewhere called Seraiah
(Ezr. ii. 2) and Zaciiabias ( 1 Esd. v. 8). — 21.
One of the Levites who assisted Ezra in in-
s&ucting the people in the knowledge of the
law (Neh. viii. 7). Called Azabias in 1 Esd.
ix.43. — 22. One of the priests who sealed
the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 2), and
probably the same with the Azariah who as-
sisted in the dedication of the city wall (Neh.
xii. 33). — 23. Jer. xliii. 2 (Jbzamah). — 24.
The original name of Abed-nego (Dan. i. 6, 7,
11. 19). He appears to have been of the seed-
royal of Judah.
Azari'as. 1. (1 Esd. ix. 21] = Uzziah,
Etr. x. 21 . —2. Esd. ix. 43) = Urijah, Neh.
viii. 4. — 3. (1 Esd. ix. 48) = Azariah, Neh.
viii. 7. — 4. Priest in the line of Esdras (2
Esd. i. 1 ), elsewhere Azariah and Ezebias.
—5. Name assumed by the angel Raphael
(Tob. v. 12, vi. 6, 13, vii. 8, ix. 2). — 6. A cap-
tain in the army of Judas Maccabeus (1 Mace.
t 18, 56, 60).
A'Stt, a Rcubenite, father of Bela (1 Chr.
T.S).
Az&xd'ah. 1. A Levite-musician in the
reign of David, appointed to play the harp in
the service which attended the procession by
which the ark was brought up from the house
of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xv. 21). — 2. The father
of Hoshea, prince of the tribe of. Ephraim when
David numbered the people (1 Chr. xxvii. 20).
—3. One of the Levites in the reign of Heze-
kiah. who had charge of the tithes and dedi-
cated things in the Temple under Cononiah
and Shimei (2 Chr. xxxi. 13).
Azbaz'areth, king of the Assyrians, prob-
ably a corruption of Esarhaddon ( i Esd. v. 69 ;
romp. Ezr. iv. 2). Ap.
Az/buk, father or ancestor of Nehemiah the
prince of part of Bethzur (Neh. iii. 16).
As'ekah, a town of Judah, with dependent
rillasres, lying in the Shefelah or rich agricul-
tural plain. It is most clearly defined as being
near Shochoh [Shochoh] (1 Sum. xvii. 1).
Joshua's pursuit of the Canaanites after the
battle of Beth-boron extended to Azckah (Josh.
*• 10, 11). Between Azckah and Shochoh the
Philistines encamped before the battle in which
Goliath was killed (1 Sam. xvii. I). It was
fortified by Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 9), was still
standing at the time of the Babylonian inva-
«>n (Jer. xxxiv. 7), and is mentioned as one
of the places re-occupied by the Jews after their
return from captivity (Neh. xi. 30). The posi-
tion of Azckah has not yet been recognised!.
A'zel, a descendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 37,
38, ix. 43, 44).
A'zem, a city in the extreme south of Judah
(Josh. xv. 29), afterwards allotted to Simeon
(xix. 3). Elsewhere it is F.zkm.
Azephu'rith, or more properly Arsiphu-
bith, a name which in the LXX. of 1 Esd. v.
16 occupies the place of Jorah in Ezr. ii. 18,
and of Hariph in Neh. vii. 24. It is altogether
omitted in the Vulgate. Burrington conjec-
tures that it may have originated in a combi-
nation of these two names corrupted by the
mistakes of transcribers. The second syllable
in this case probably arose from a confusion of
the uncial i with E.
Aee'tas. The name of a family which
returned with Zorobabcl according to 1 Esd. v.
IS, but not mentioned in the catalogues of
Ezra and Nehemiah.
Az'gad. The children of Azgad, to the
number of 1,222 (2,322 according to Neh. vii.
17) were among the laymen who returned with
Zorobabel (Ezr. ii. 12). A second detachment
of 110, with Johanan at their head, accom-
panied Ezra in the second caravan (Ezr. viii.
12). With the other heads of the people they
joined in the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh.
x. 15). The name appears as Sadas in 1 Esd.
v. 13, and the number of the family is there
given 3,222. In 1 Esd. viii. .\H, it is written
Astath.
Azi'a, a "servant of the wuiple" (I Esd.
v. 31 ), elsewhere called Uzza. Ap.
An'ei (2 Esd. i. 2), one of the ancestors of
Esdras, elsewhere called Azariah and E'zias.
A'ziel, a Levite (1 Chr. xv. 20). The
name is a shortened form of Jaaziel in ver. 18.
As'iza, a layman of the family of Zattu,
who had married a foreign wife after the return
from Babylon (Ezr. x. 27) : called Sardeus
in I Esd. ix. 28.
Azma'veth. 1. One of David's mighty
men, a native of Bahurim (2 Sam. xxiii. 31 ;
1 Chr. xi. 33), and therefore probably a Bcnja-
mite. — 2. A descendant of Mephiboshcth, or
Merib-baal (1 Chr. viii. 36, ix. .12). — 3. The
father of Jeziel and Pclet, two of the skilled
Benjamitc slingers and archcts who joined
David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 3), perhaps iden-
tical with 1. It has been suggested that in
this passage " sons of Azmaveth " may denote
natives of the place of that name. — 4. Over-
seer of the roval treasures in the reign of
David (1 Chr. xxvii. 25).
Azmaveth, a place to all appearance in
Benjamin, being named with Anathoth, Kir-
jath-Jearim and other towns belonging to that
tribe. Forty-two of the Brne-Azmareth returned
from the captivity with Zorobalwl (Ezr. ii. 24).
The " sons of the singers " seemed to have
settled round it (Neh. xii. 29). The name
elsewhere occurs as Beth-Azmaveth.
Azfmon, a place named as being on the S.
boundary of the Holy Land, apparently near
the torrent of Egypt' ( Wadi el-Arish) '(Num.
xxxiv. 4, 5 ; Josh. xv. 4). It has not yet been
identified.
Az'nOth-ta'bor, the ears (i'.«. possibly the
summits) of Tabor, one of the landmarks of
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BAAL
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BAAL
the boundary of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 34). The
town, if town it be, has hitherto escaped recog-
nition.
A'zor, son of Eliakim, in the line of our
Lord (Matt. i. 13, 14).
AjSO'tUB. [ASHDOD.l
Azo'tus, Mount. In the fatal battle in
which Judas Maccatweus fell, he broke the right
wing of Bacchides' armv, and pursued them to
Mount Azotus (1 Mace. ix. 15). Josephus calls
it Aza, or Azara, according to many MSS.,
which Ewald finds in a mountain west of
Birzcit, under the form Atara, the Philistine
Ashdod being out of the question.
Az'riel. 1. The head of a house of the
half-tribe of Manasseh beyond Jordan, a man
of renown (1 Chr. v. 24)."— 2. A Naphtalite,
ancestor of Jerimoth the head of the tribe at
the time of David's census (1 Chr. xxvii. 19) :
called Uzzizl in two Heb. MSS., and appar-
ently in the LXX. — 3. The father of Seraiah,
an officer of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 36).
As'rikam. 1. AdescendantofZerubbabel,
and son of Neariah of the royal line of Judah
(1 Chr. iii. 23).— 2. Eldest son of Azel, and
descendant of Saul (1 Chr. ▼iii. 38, ix. 44).
— 3. A Levite, ancestor of Shemaiah who
lived in the time of Nehemiah (1 Chr. ix. 14 ;
Neh. xi. 15). — 4. Governor of the house, or
prefect of the palace to king Abaz, who was
slain by Zichri, an Ephraimite hero, in the suc-
cessful invasion of the southern kingdom by
Pekah king of Israel (2 Chr. xxviii. 7).
Ax'ubah. h Wife of Caleb, son of Hez-
ron (1 Chr. ii. 18, 19). — 2. Mother of king
Jehoshaphat (1 K. xxii. 42; 2 Chr. xx. 31).
A'sur, properly Az'zur. L A Benjamite
of Gibeon, and rather of Hananiah the false
prophet (Jer. xxviii. 1 ). Hitzig suggests that
he may have been a priest, as Gibeon was one
of the priestly cities. — 2. Father of Jaazaniah,
one of the princes of the people against whom
Ezekiel was commanded to prophesy ( Ez. xi. 1 ).
Azu'r&n, the sons of Azuran are enume-
rated in 1 Esd. v. 15 among those who returned
from Babylon with Zorobabel, but there is no
corresponding name in the catalogues of Ezra
and Nehemiah. Azuran may perhaps be iden-
tical with Azznr in Neh. x. 17. Ap.
Ax'zah. The more accurate rendering of
the name of the well-known Philistine city,
Gaza (Deut ii. 23 ; 1 K. iv. 24 ; Jer. xxv. 20).
[Gaza.]
Ax'zan, the father of Paltiel, prince of the
tribe of Issachar, who represented his tribe in
the division of the promised land (Num. xxxiv.
26).
Az'zur, one of the heads of the people who
signed the covenant with Nehemian (Neh. x.
17). The name is probably that of a family,
and in Hebrew is the same as is elsewhere
represented by Azcn.
B.
Ba'al. L A Reubenite, whose son or de-
scendant Beerah was carried off by the invading
army of Assyria under Tiglath-Pileser (1 Chr.
v. 5). — 2. The * "-" *'* 1 *-—.--
f he son of Jehiel, rather or founder
of Gibeon, by his wife Maachah ; brother of
Kish, and grandfather of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 30,
ix. 36).
Ba'al, the supreme male divinity of the
Phoenician and Canaanitish nations, as Ashto-
reth was their supreme female divinity. Both
names have the peculiarity of being used in the
Slural, and it seems certain that these plurals
esignate not statues of the divinities, but dif-
ferent modifications of the divinities them-
selves. The plural Baalim is found frequent-
ly alone (Judg. ii. 11, x. 10; 1 K. xviit. 18;
Jer. ix. 14 ; Hos. ii. 17), as well as in connec-
tion with Ashtoreth (Judg. x. 6 ; 1 Sam. vii. 4)
and with Asherah, or, as our version renders it,
" the groves " (Judg. iii. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxxiii. S).
The word is in Hebrew a common noun of fre-
quent occurrence, having the meaning lord,
not so much, however, in the sense of Ruler as
of Mooter, Owner, Possessor. There can be no
doubt of the very high antiquity of the worship
of Baal. We find it established amongst the
Moabites and their allies the Midianites in the
time of Moses (Num. xxii. 41), and through
these nations the Israelites were seduced to the
worship of this god under the particular form
of Baal-Peor (Num. xxv. 3-18; Dent. iv. 8 J.
Notwithstanding the fearful punishment which
their idolatry brought upon them in this in-
stance, the succeeding generation returned to
the worship of Baal (Judg. ii. 10-13), and, with
the exception of the period during which Gid-
eon was judge (Judg. vi. 25, &c., viii. 33), this
form of idolatry seems to have prevailed amongst
them up to the time of Samuel (Jndg. x. 10;
1 Sam. vii. 4), at whose rebuke the people re-
nounced the worship of Baalim. In the times
of the kings the worship of Baal spread greatly,
and together with that of Asherah became the
religion of the court and people of the ten
tribes (1 K. xvi. 31-33, xviii. 19, 22). And
though this idolatry was occasionally put down
(2 K. iii. 2, x. 28) it appears never to have been
permanently abolished among them (2 K. xvii.
161. In the kingdom of Judah also Baal-wor-
ship extensively prevailed. During the short
reign of Ahaziah and the subsequent usurpa-
tion of his mother Athaliah, the sister of Anab,
it appears to have been the religion of the
court (2 K. viii. 27; comp. xi. 18), as it was
subsequently under Ahaz (2 K. xvi. 3 ; 2 Chr.
xxviii. 2), and Manasseh (2 K. xxi. 3). The
worship of Baal amongst the Jews seems to
have been appointed with much pomp and cere-
monial. Temples were erected to nim (1 K.
xvi. 32 ; 2 K. xi. 18) ; his images were set op
i2 K. x. 26) ; his altars were very numerous
Jer. xi. 131, were erected particularly on lofty
eminences (1 K. xviii. 20), and on the roofs or
houses (Jer. xxxii. 29) ; there were priests in
great numbers (1 K. xviii. 19), and of various
classes (2 K. x. 19) ; the worshippers appear to
have been arrayed in appropriate robes (2 K. x.
22) ; the worship was performed by burning in-
cense (Jer. vii. 9), and offering burnt-sacrifices,
which occasionally consisted of human victims
(Jer. xix. 5). The officiating priests danced with
frantic shouts around the altar, and cut them-
selves with knives to excite the attention and
compassion of the god (1 K. xviii. 26-28).
Throughout all the Phoenician colonies we con-
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BAANA
tinoally And traces of the worship of this god ;
nor need we hesitate to regard the Babylonian
Bel (Is. xlvi. 1 ) or Bel us, as essentially identi-
cal with Baal, though perhaps under some
modified form. The same perplexity occurs
respecting the connection of this god with the
heavenly bodies, as we have already noticed in
regard to Ashtorcth. Creuzer and Movers de-
dans Baal to be the Son-cod ; on the other
hand, the Babylonian god is identified with
Zens, by Herodotus, and there seems to be no
doubt thai Bel-Merodach is the planet Jupiter.
It is quite likely that in the case of Baal, as
weO as at Ashtoreth, the symbol of the god
T&ried at different times and in different locali-
ties. Among; die compounds of Baal which
appear in the O. T. are : — L Ba'al-bb/bith.
This form of Baal was worshipped at Shechem
by the Israelites after the death of Gideon
(Judg. tUL 33, ix. 4). The name signifies the
CooBKutt-Baal, the god who comes into cov-
enant with the worshippers. —2. Ba'al-zb'-
icb, worshipped at Ekron (2 K. i. 2, 3, 16).
The meaning of the name is Baal or Lord of
oV flg. Similarly the Greeks g&re the epithet
Apomyios (from tmyia " a fly ) to Zens, and
Puny speaks of a Fir-god Myioda. The name
occurs in the N. T. in the well-known form
Bxslzbbdb. — 3. Ba'ai^-ha'nan. 1. The
name of one of the early kings of Edom
(Gen. xxxvi. 38, 39 ; 1 Chr. i. 49, 50). 2. The
name of one of David's officers, who had the su-
perintendence of his olive and sycamore planta-
tions (1 Chr. xxvii. 28). He was of the town
of Gedenh (Josh. xv. 36) or Beth-Gader (1 Chr.
u. J. |, and from his name we may conjecture
thai he was of Canaanitish origin. — 4. Ba'al-
k'ob. We have already referred to the worship
of this god. The narrative (Nnm. xxv.) seems
dearly to show that this form of Baal-worship
vat connected with licentious rites. Baal-
Peor was identified by the Rabbins and early
fathers with Priapus.
Ba'al, geographical. This word occurs as
the prefix or suffix to the names of several places
in Palestine. It never seems to have become
a naturalized Hebrew word ; and such places
called by this name or its compounds as can be
identified, were either near Phoenicia, or in
proximity to some other acknowledged seat
of heathen worship. The places in the names
of which Baal forms a part are as follows : —
L Ba'al, a town of Simeon, named only in
1 Chr. rv. 33, and which forms the parallel list
in Josh, xix., seems to have been identical with
Baalath - Bibb. — 2. Ba'alah. (a.) An-
other name for Kibjath-Jeabim, or Kirjath-
Baal, die well-known town, now Kuritt A-
Enab. It is mentioned in Josh. xv. 9, 10;
I Chr. xiii. 6. In Josh. xv. 11, it is called
Mount Baalah, and in xv. 60, and xviii. 14,
Kirjatb-Baal. It would seem as if Baalah were
the earlier or Canaanite appellation of the
place. In 2 Sam. vi. 2, the name occurs slightly
altered as " Basle of Judah." (6.) A town in
the south of Judah (Josh. xv. 29), which in xix.
1 is called Balah, and in the parallel list (1
Chr. if. 89) Bilhah. — S. Ba'alath, a town
of Dan named with Gibbethon, Gath-rimmon,
sodother Philistine places (Josh. xix. 44).— 4.
Ba'alath-bh'bM •» Baal 1 , a town among those
in the south part of Judah, given to Simeon,
which also bore the name of Ramath-Neobb,
or " the height of the South " (Josh. xix. 8). —
5. Ba'al-qad, used to denote the most northern
I Josh. xi. 17, xii. 7), or perhaps north-western
xiii. 5), point to which Joshua's victories ex-
tended. It was in all probability a Phoenician
or Canaanite sanctuary of Baal under the
aspect of Gad, or Fortune. [Gad J No trace of
its site has yet been discovered. The conjecture
of Schwarz is, that the modern representa-
tive of Baalgad is Banias. [Cbsarka Phi-
lippi.] — 6. Ba'al-ha'moh, a place at which
Solomon had a vineyard, evidently of great ex-
tent (Cant. viii. II). The only possible clew
to its situation is the mention in Judith viii. 3,
of a Belamdn or Balamon (A. V. Balamo)
near Dothaim ; and therefore in the mountains
of Ephraim, not far north of Samaria. — 7.
Ba'al-ha'zob, a place " ' by ' Ephraim," where
Absalom appears to have had a sheep-farm, and
where Amnon was murdered (2 Sam. xiii. 23).
— 8. MotntT Ba'al- heb'moh (Judg. iii. 31,
and simply Baal-hermon (1 Chr. v. 23). This
is usually considered as a distinct place from
Mount Hermon ; but we know that this moun-
tain had at least three names (Dent iii. 9), and
Baal-hermon may have been a fourth in use
among the Phoenician worshippers of Baal. —
9. Ba'al- me'ow, one of the towns which were
built by the Reubenites (Num. xxxii. 38), and
to which they " gave other names." It also
occurs in 1 Chr. v. 8, and on each occasion with
Nebo. In the time of Ezekiel it was Moabite,
one of the cities which were the " glory of the
country " (Ez. xxv. 9). In the days of Euse-
bius and Jerome it was still called Balmano, 9
miles distant from Hcsbbon, and reputed to be
the native place of Elisha. — 10. Ba'al-pkk'-
azim, the scene of a victory of David over the
Philistines, and of a great destruction of their
images (2 Sam. v. 20; 1 Chr. xiv. 11). The
place and the circumstance appear to be azain
alluded to in Is. xxviii. 21, where it is ailed
Mount P. — 11. Ba'al-shali'sha, a place
named only in 2 K. iv. 42 ; apparently not far
from Gilgal (comp. ver. 38). It was possibly
situated in the district, or " land," of the same
name. [Shalisha.1 — 12. Ba'al-ta'mab, a
place named only in Judg. xx. 33, as near
Gibeah of Benjamin. The palm-tree (tamar)
of Deborah (iv. 5) was situated somewhere in
the locality, and is possibly alluded to. — 13.
Ba'al-ze'phow, a place in Egypt near where
the Israelites crossed the Red Sea (Ex. xiv. 2,
9 ; Num. xxxiii. 7). From the position of
Goshen and the indications afforded by the nar-
rative of the route of the Israelites, we place
Baal-zephon on the western shore of the Gulf
of Suez, a little below its head, which at that
time was about 30 or 40 miles northward of toe
present bead.
Ba'alah. [Baal, No. 2.]
Ba'alath. [Baal, Nos. s, 4.1
~~ ' " " ~ " "" <>o
Baalim. [Baal.]
Ba'ale of Judah. [Baal, no. 9, a.)
Ba'alis, king of the Ammonites at the time
of the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchad-
nezzar (Jer. xl. 14).
Ba'ana. 1. The son of Ahilud, Solomon's
commissariat officer in Jezreal and the north of
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BABEL
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BABEL
the Jordan valley (I K. iv. 12). — 2. Father
of Zadok, who assisted in rebuilding the wall
of Jerusalem under Nohemiah (Neh. iii. 4). —
8. = Baanah, 4 (1 Esd. v. 8; see Ezr. ii. 2).
Ba'anah. 1. Son of Rimmon, a Benjam-
ite, who with his brother Rechab murdered
Ish-bosheth. , For this they were killed by
David, and their mutilated bodies hung up over
the pool at Hebron (2 Sam. iv. 2, 5, 6,9). — 2.
A Netophathitc, father of Ueleb or Heled, one
of David's mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 29 ;
1 Chr. xi. 30). — 3. Accurately Baana, son of
Hushai, Solomon's commissariat officer in
Asher (1 K. iv. 16). — 4. A man who accom-
panied Zorobabel on his return from the cap-
tivity (Ezr. ii. 2 ; Neh. vii. 7). Possibly the
same person is intended in Neh. x. 27. [Ba-
ana, 3.]
Ba'ara, one of the wives of Shaharaim, a
descendant of Benjamin ( 1 Chr. viii. 8).
Baasei ah, a Gershonite Levite, one of
the forefathers of Asaph the singer (I Chr. vi.
40(251).
Ba asha. B.C. 953-931, third sovereign of
the separate kingdom of Israel, and the founder
of its second dynasty. He was son of Ahijah
of the tribe of Issachar, and conspired against
King Nadab, son of Jeroboam, when he was
besieging the Philistine town of Gibbetbon ( 1
K. xv. 27), and killed him with his whole family.
He appears to have been of humble origin ( 1 K.
xvi. 2). It was probably in the 13th year of
his reign that he made war on Asa, and began
to fortify Ramah. He was defeated by the un-
expected alliance of Asa with Benhadad I. of
Damascus. Baasha died in the 24th year of
his reign, and was honorably buried in the
beautiful city of Tirzah (Cant. vi. 4), which he
had made his capital (I K. xvi. 6 ; 2 Chr. xvi.
\-f).
Barbel, Bab'ylOl, is properly the capital
ftity of the country, which is called in Genesis
Shinar, and in the later Scriptures Chaldaa,
or the land of the Chaldasans. The architect-
ural remains discovered in southern Babylonia,
taken in conjunction with the monumental
records, seem to indicate that it was not at first
the capital, nor, indeed, a town of very great
nnportance. Erech, Ur, and Eliasar, appear to
have been all more ancient than Babylon, and
were capital cities when Babil was a provincial
village. The first rise of the Chaldamn power
was in the region close upon the Persian Gulf;
thence the nation spread northwards up the
course of the rivers, and the seat of government
moved in the same direction, being finally fixed
\t Babylon, perhaps not earlier than B.C. 1700.
— I. Topography of Babylon — Ancient descrip-
tions of the city. — The descriptions of Babylon
which have come down to us in classical wri-
ters arc derived chiefly from two sources, the
works of Herodotus and of Ctcsias. According
to the former, the city, which was built on both
sides of the Euphrates, formed a vast square,
enclosed within a double line of high walls, the
extent of the outer circuit being 480 stades, or
about 56 miles. The entire area included would
thus have been about 200 square miles. The
houses, which were frequently three or four
stories high, were laid out in straight streets
crossing each other at right angles. In each
division of the town there was a fortress or
stronghold, consisting in the one case of the
royal palace, in the other of the great temple of
Belus. The two portions of the city were unit-
ed by a bridge, composed of a series of stone
piers with movable platforms of wood stretch-
ing from one pier to another. According to
Ctesias the circuit of the city was not 480 but
360 stades — which is a little under 42 miles.
It lay, he says, on both sides of the Euphrates,
and the two parts were connected together by a
stone bridge live stades (above 1,000 yards) long,
and 30 feet broad, of the kind described by
Herodotus. At either extremity of the bridge
was a royal palace, that in the eastern city
being the more magnificent of the two. The
two palaces were joined, not only by the bridge,
bnt by a tunnel under the river. Ctesias' ac-
count of the temple of Belus has not come down
to us. In examining the truth of these de-
scriptions, we shall most conveniently com-
mence from the outer circuit of the town. All
the ancient writers appear to agree in the
fact of a district of vast size, more or less
inhabited, having been enclosed within lofty
walls, and included under the name of Babylon.
With respect to the exact extent of the circuit
they differ. The estimate of Herodotus and of
Pliny is 480 stades, of Strabo 385, of Q. Cur-
tins 368, of Clitarchus 365, and of Ctesias 360
stades. It is evident that here we have merely
the moderate variations to be expected in inde-
pendent measurements, except in the first of
the numbers. Perhaps the true explanation is
that Herodotus spoke of the outer wall, which
could be traced in his time, while the later
writers, who never speak of an inner and an
outer barrier, give the measurement of Herod-
otus' inner wall, which may have alone re-
mained in their day. Taking the lowest esti-
mate of the extent of the circuit, wc shall have
for the space within the rampart an area of
above 100 square miles; nearly five times the
size of London 1 It is evident that this vast
space cannot have been entirely covered with
houses. Diodorus confesses that but a small
part of the enclosure was inhabited in his own
day, and Q. Curtius says that as much as nine-
tenths consisted, even in the most flourishing
times, of gardens, parks, paradises, fields, and
orchards. With regard to the height and
breadth of the walls there is nearly as much
difference of statement as with regard to their
extent. Herodotus makes the height 200 royal
cubits, or 337J feet; Ctesias 50 fathoms, or
300 feet ; Pliny and Solinus 200 royal feet ;
Strabo 50 cubits, or 75 feet. Wc are forced
to fall back on the earlier authorities, who
are also the only eye-witnesses ; and, sur-
prising as it seems, perhaps we must believe the
statement, that the vast enclosed space above
mentioned was surrounded by walls which have
well been termed " artificial mountains," being
nearly the height of the dome of St. Paul's !
The estimates for the thickness of the wall are
the following : — Herodotus, 50 royal cubits, or
nearly 85 feet ; Plinv and Solinus, 50 royal, or
about 60 common feet ; and Strabo, 32 feet.
The latter may belong properly to the inner
wall, which was of less thickness than the outer.
According to Ctesias the wall was strengthened
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BABEL
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BABKL
■with 250 towers, irregularly disposed, to gnnrd
the weakest parts ; and according to Herodotus
it was pierced with a hundred gates, which were
made of brass, with brazen lintels and side-
posts. The gates and walls are alike mentioned
in Scripture ; the height of the one and the
breadth of the other being specially noticed
(Jer. li. 58 ; comp. ). 15, and h. 53). Herodo-
tas and Ctesias both relate that the banks of
the river as it flowed through the city were on
each side ornamented with quays. Some re-
mains of a quay or embankment on the eastern
side of the stream still exist, upon the bricks of
which is read the name of the last king. Per-
haps a remarkable mound which interrupts the
long fiat ralley — evidently the ancient course
of the river — may be a trace of the bridge
which both these writers describe — II. Pres-
et Slate of the Ruins. — About five miles above
Uilah, on the opposite or left bank of the Eu-
phrates, occurs a series of artificial mounds of
enormous size. They consist chiefly of three
great masses of building — the high pile of un-
baked brick-work called by Rich " Mujcllibe,"
bat which is known to the Arabs as " Babil; "
the building denominated the "Kcur" or palace ;
and a lofty mound, upon which stands the
modern tomb of A.mrdm-ibn - 'Alb. Besides these
principal masses the most remarkable features
are two parallel lines of rampart bounding the
chief ruins on the east, some similar but infe-
rior remains on the north and west, an embank-
ment along the river-side, a remarkable isolated
heap in the middle of a long valley, which seems
to have been the ancient bed of the stream, and
two long lines of rampart, meeting at a right
angle, and with the river forming an irregular
triangle, within which all the ruins on this side
(except Babil) are enclosed. On the west, or
right bank, the remains are very slight and
scanty. Scattered over the country on both
tides of the Euphrates are a number of re-
markable mounds, usually standing single,
which are plainly of the same date with the
great mass of ruins upon the river bank. Of
these, by far the most striking is the vast rain
called the Bin-Simrud, which many regard as
the tower of Babel, situated about six miles to
the S.W. of Hillah. [Basil, tower of.] —
HL Identification of Site*. — On comparing
the existing ruins with the accounts of the an-
cient writers, the great difficulty which meets
us is the position of the remains almost exclu-
sively on the left bank of the river. All the old
accounts agree in representing the Euphrates
as running through the town, and the principal
buildings as placed on the opposite sides of the
stream. Perhaps the most probable solution is
to be found in the fact, that a large canal (called
Shfbil) intervened in ancient times between the
Kasr mound and the ruin now called Babil,
which may easily have been confounded by
Herodotus with the main stream. If this ex-
planation be accepted as probable, we may
identify the principal ruins as follows: — 1.
The great mound of Babil will be the ancient
temple of Betas. It formed the tower of the
temple, and was surmounted by a chapel, hut
foe main shrine, the altars, and no doubt the
leniences of the priests, were at the foot, in a
sacred precinct. 2. The mound of the Katr
12
will mark the site of the great Palace of Nebu-
chadnezzar. It is an irregular square of about
700 yards each way, and may be regarded as
chiefly formed of the old palace-platform. * No
plan of the palace is to be made out from the
existing remains, which are tossed in apparent
confusion on the highest point of the mound.
3. The mound of Amrdm is thought by M. Op-
pert to represent the "hanging gardens" of
Nebuchadnezzar ; but this conjecture does not
seem to be a very happy one. Most probably
it represents the ancient palace, coeval with
Babylon itself, of which Nebuchadnezzar speaks
in his inscriptions as adjoining his own more
magnificent residence. 4. The ruins on either
side of the Euphrates, together with all the other
remains on the right bank, may be considered
to represent the lesser Palace of Ctesias, which
is said to have been connected with the greater
by a bridge across the river, as well as by a
tunnel under the channel of the stream. 5.
The two long parallel lines of embankment on
the east may either be the lines of an outer
and inner enclosure, of which Nebuchadnezzar
speaks as defences of his palace ; or they may
represent the embankments of an enormous res-
ervoir, which is often mentioned by that mon-
arch as adjoining his palace towards the east
6. The embankment is composed of bricks
marked with the name of Labynctus or Nab-
unit, and is undoubtedly a portion of the work
which Berosns ascribes to the last king. The
most remarkable fact connected with the mag-
nificence of Babylon is the poorness of the ma-
terial with which such wonderful results were
produced. With bricks made from the soil of
the country, in many parts an excellent clay,
and at first only " slime for mortar" (Gen. xi.
3), were constructed edifices of so vs»st a size
that they still remain among the most enor-
mous ruins in the world. — IV. History of
Babylon. — Scripture represents the " beginning
of the kingdom " as belonging to the time of
Nimrod, the grandson of Ham (Gen. x. 6-10).
The most ancient inscriptions appear to show
that the primitive inhabitants of the country
were really Cnshite, t.«. identical in race with
the early inhabitants of Southern Arabia and of
Ethiopia. The seat of government at this early
time was, as has been stated, in Lower Baby-
lonia, Erech ( Warlca) and Ur (Muqlieir) being
the capitals. The conntrv was called Shin.ir,
and the people the Akhtdim (comp. Accad of
Gen. x. 10). Of the art of this period we have
specimens in the rains of Mugheir and Warlca,
the remains of which date from at least the 20th
century before our era. The early annals of
Babylon are filled by Berosns, the native his.
torian, with three dynasties ; one of 49 Chol-
dsean kings, who reigned 458 years ; another of
9 Arab kings, who reigned 245 years ; and a
third of 49 Assyrian monnrchs, who held do-
minion for 526 years. It would appear then as
if Babylon, after having had a native Chaldrcan
dynasty, fell wholly under Semitic influence,
becoming subject first to Arabia for two cen-
turies and a half, and then to Assyria for above
five centuries, and not regaining even a quali-
fied independence till the time marked by the
close of the Upper and the formation of the
Lower Assyrian empire. But the statement is
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BABEL
too broad to be exact ; and the monuments
dhow that Babylon was at no time absorbed
into Assyria, or even for very many years to-
gether a submissive vassal. The line of Baby-
lonian kings becomes exactly known to us
from the year B.C. 747. The " Canon of Ptol-
emy " gives us the succession of Babylonian
monarch*, with the exact length of the reign of
each, from die year B.C. 747, when Nabonassar
mounted die throne, to B.C. 331, when the last
Persian king was dethroned by Alexander.
Of the earlier kings of the Canon, the only one
worthy of notice is Mardoccmpalus (b.c. 721),
the M'krodach-Baladan of Scripture, but it is
not till we come to Nabopolassar, the father of
Nebuchadnezzar, that a new era in the history
of Babylon commences. He was appointed to
the government of Babylon by the last Assyrian
king, at the moment when the Medes were
about to make their final attack : whereupon,
betraying the trust reposed in him, he went
over to the enemy, arranged a marriage be-
tween his son Nebuchadnezzar and the daugh-
ter of the Median leader, and joined in the last
siege of the city. [Nineveh.] On the success
of the confederates (b.c. 625) Babylon became
not only an independent kingdom, but an em-
pire. At a later date hostilities broke out with
Egypt. Nechoh, the son of Psamatik I., about
the year B.C. 608, invaded the Babylonian do-
minions on the south-west (2 K. xxiii. 29, and
xxiv. 7). Nabopolassar was now advanced in
life; he therefore sentnis son, Nebuchadnezzar,
against the Egyptians, and the battle of Car-
chemish restored to Babylon the former limits
of her territory (corap. 2 K. xxiv. 7 with Jer.
xlvi. 2-12). Nebuchadnezzar upon his father's
death was acknowledged king (b.c. 604). A
complete account of the works and exploits of
this great monarch — by far the most remark-
able of all the Babylonian kings — is given
under Nebuchadnezzar. He died B.C. 561 ,
having reigned for 43 years, and was succeeded
by Evd-Merodach, his son, who is called in the
Canon Uloarudamus. This prince was mur-
dered, after having held the crown for two
years only, by Neriglissar, his brother-in-law.
[Evil-Mebodach.] Neriglissar — theNerigas-
solassar of the Canon — is (apparently) identical
with the " Nergal-shar-ezer, Bab-Mag " of Jere-
miah (xxxix. 3, 13). Neriglissar bnilt the
palace at Babylon, which seems to have been
placed originally on the right bank of the
river. He reigned but four years, and left
the crown to his son, Laborosoarchod. This
prince, when he had reigned nine months,
became the victim of a conspiracy. Nabo-
nidus (orLabynetus), one of the conspirators,
succeeded in the year B.C. 555, very shortly
before the war broke out between Cyrus and
Croesus. Having entered into alliance with
the latter of these monarchs against the for-
mer, he provoked the hostility of Cyrus, who,
in the year B.C. 539, advanced at the head
of his irresistible hordes, but wintered upon the
Diyaleh or Gyndes, making his final approaches
in the ensuing spring. Nahonidus took the
field in person at the head of his army, leaving
his son Belshazzar to command in the city. He
was defeated and forced to shut himself up in
Borsippa (marked now by the Birt-Nimrud) till
after the fall of Babylon. Belshazzar guarded
the city, but during a festival allowed the ene-
my to enter the town by the channel of the
river. Babylon was thus taken by a surprise,
as Jeremiah had prophesied (li. 31) — by an
army of Medes and Persians, as intimated 170
years earlier by Isaiah (xxi. 1-9), and, as Jere-
miah had also foreshown (li. 39). In the car-
nage which ensued upon the taking of the town,
Belshazzar was slain (Dan. v. 30). According
to the book of Daniel, it would seem as if Baby-
lon was taken, not by Cyrus, king of Persia,
but by a Median king, named Darius (▼. 31 ).
There is, however, sufficient indication that
" Darius the Mede " was not the real conqueror,
but a monarch with a certain delegated au-
thority (see Dan. v. 31, andix. 11. With the
conquest by Cyrus commenced the decay and
ruin of Babylon, though it continued a royal
residence through the entire period of the Per-
sian empire. The defences and public buildings
suffered grievously from neglect during the long
period of peace which followed the reign of
Xerxes. After the death of Alexander the
Great, the removal of the seat of empire to An-
tioch under the Seleucidse gave the finishing
blow to the prosperity of the place. Since then
Babylon has been a quarry from which all the
tribes in the vicinity have derived the bricks
with which they have built their cities. The
" great city," " the beauty of the Chaldees'
excellency, has thus emphatically " become
hoops " (Jer. li. 37). Her walls have altogether
disappeared — they have " fallen " (Jer. li. 44),
been " thrown down " (1. 15), been " utterly
broken" (li. 58). "A drought is upon her
waters" (1. 39) ; for the system of irrigation,
on which, in Babylonia, fertility altogether de-
pends, has long been laid aside; "her cities"
are everywhere " a desolation " (li. 43) ; her
" land a wilderness ; " " wild beasts of the
desert" (jackals) " lie there ; " and " owls dwell
there " (comp. Layard, Nin. and Bab. p. 484,
with Is. xiii. 21, 22, and Jer. 1. 39) : the na-
tives regard the whole site as haunted, and
neither will the "Arab pitch tent, nor the
shepherd fold sheep there" (Is. xiii. 20).
Bat>ol, Tower of. The " tower of Ba-
bel " is only mentioned once in Scripture (Gen.
xi. 4-5), and then as incomplete. It was built
of bricks, and the "slime" used for mortar was
probably bitumen. A Jewish tradition declared
that fire fell from heaven, and split the tower
through to its foundation ; while Alexander
Polyhistor and the other profane writers who-
noticed the tower said that it had been blown
down by the winds. Such authorities therefore
as we possess represent the building as de-
stroyed soon after its erection. When the
Jews, however, were carried captive into Baby-
lonia, they were struck with the vast magnitude
and peculiar character of certain of the Baby-
lonian temples, in one or other of which they
thought to recognize the very tower itself. The
predominant opinion was in favor of the great
temple of Nebo at Borsippa, the modern Bin-
Nimrud, although the distance of that place
from Babylon is an insuperable difficulty in the-
way of the identification. There are in reality
no real grounds either for identifying the tower
with the Temple of Belus, or for supposing
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BABYLON
91
BABYLONIANS
tuaj any remains of it long survived the check
wtuch the builders received (Gen. xi. 6). Bnt
the Birt-Nimrud, though it cannot be the tower
of Babel itself, may well be taken to show the
probable shape and character of the edifice.
This building appears to have been a sort of
oblique pyramid built in seven receding stages.
•• Upon a platform of crude brick, raised a few
feet above the level of the alluvial plain, was
built of burnt brick the first or basement stage
—an exact square, 272 feet each way, and 26
feet in perpendicular height Upon this stage
was erected a second, 230 feet each way, and
likewise 2f feet high ; which, however, was not
placed exactly in the middle of the first, bnt
considerably nearer to the south-western end,
which constituted the back of the building.
The other stages were arranged similarly — the
third being 188 feet, and again 26 feet high ;
the fourth 146 feet square, and 1 5 feet high ; the
fifth 101 feet square, and the same height as
the fourth ; the sixth 62 feet square, and again
the same height ; and the seventh 20 feet square,
ind once more the same height. On the
seventh stage there was probably placed the
irk or tabernacle, which seems to nave been
(gain 15 feet high, and must have nearly, if
not entirely, covered the top of the seventh
story. The entire original height, allowing
three feet for the platform, would thus have
been 156 feet, or, without the platform, 153
feet The whole formed a sort of oblique pyr-
amid, the gentler slope facing the N.K., and the
steeper inclining to the S.W. On the N.E.
sale was the grand entrance, and here stood the
Ttsribule, a separate building, the debris from
which having joined those from the temple
iwJf, fill up the intermediate space, and very
remarkably prolong the mound in this direc-
tion" (Rawlinson s Herodotus, vol. ii. pp.
Mi-3). The Birt temple, which was called
the " Temple of the Seven Spheres," was orna-
mented with the planetary colors, bat this was
nxat likely a peculiarity. It is not necessary
to suppose that any real idea of "scaling
haven ' was present to the minds of those
who raised either the Z wer of Babel or any
other of the Babylonian temple-towers. The
expression used in Genesis (xi. 4) is a mere
■jperbole for great height (comp. Deut i. 28 ;
Dan. tv. 11, ftc.), and should not be taken
iterally. Military defence was probably the
*imarr object of snch edifices in early tunes :
nt with the wish for this may have been
combined farther secondary motives, which
tmained when such defence was otherwise
provided for. Diodorus states that the great
>ower of the temple of Belus was used by the
Chikheans as an observatory (ii. 9), and the
tsrefnl emplacement of the Babylonian temples
with the angles facing the four cardinal points
would be a natural consequence, and may be
regarded as a strong confirmation of the reality
of this application.
BaYbi, 1 Esd. viii. 37. [Bbbai.]
Bab'ylon (Ba/3vA£v : Babylon). The oc-
currence of this name in 1 Pet. v. 13 has given
rise to a variety of conjectures, which may be
•>ranv enumerated. — 1. That Babylon tropi-
fsUr denotes Rome. In support of this opinion
ii brought forward a tradition recorded by
Busebius IB. E. ii. 15), on the authority of
Papias and Clement of Alexandria, to the effect
that 1 Peter was composed at Rome. CEcu-
menius and Jerome both assert that Rome was
figuratively denoted by Babylon. Although
this opinion is held by Grotius, Lardner, Cave,
Whitby, Macknight, Hales, and others, it may
be rejected as improbable. There is nothing
to indicate that the name is used figuratively,
and the subscription to an epistle is the last
place we should expect to find a mystical
appellation. — 2. Cappellus and others take
Babylon, with as little reason, to mean Jerusa-
lem. — 3. Bar-Hebneus understands by it the
house in Jerusalem where the Apostles were
assembled on the Day of Pentecost — 4.
Others place it on the Tigris, and identify it
with Seleucia or Ctesiphon, bnt for this there
is no evidence. The two theories which re-
main are worthy of more consideration. — 5.
That by Babylon is intended the small fort of
that name which formed the boundary between
Upper and Lower Egypt. Its site is marked
by the modern Balxnd in the Delta, a little
north of Fostat, or old Cairo. According to
Strabo it derived its name from some Babylo-
nian deserters who had settled there. In his
time it was the head-quarters of one of the
three legions which garrisoned Egypt Jo-
sephus (Ant. ii. 15 J 1 ) says it was built on the-
site of Letopolis, when Cambyses subdued
Egypt That this is the Babylon of 1 Pet is
the tradition of the Coptic Church, and is
maintained by Le Clerc, Mill, Pearson, and
others. There is, however, no proof that the
Apostle Peter was ever in Egypt, and a very
slight degree of probability S created by the
tradition that his companion Mark was bishop
of Alexandria. — 6. The most natural supiiosi-
tion of all is that by Babylon is intended the
old Babylon of Assyria, which was lar,;cly
inhabited by Jews at the time in question (Jos.
Ant. xv. 3 § 1 ; Philo, De Vbt. p. 1623, ed.
Turnebt, Franc. 1691). The only; argunvent
against this view is the negative evidence sup-
plied by the silence of historians as to St. Peters
having visited the Assyrian Babylon, but this
cannot be allowed to have much weiglit. Light-
foot's remarks are very suggestive. In a sermon
preached at St Mary's, Cambridge ( Works, ii
1 144, Eng. folio ed.), he maintained that Baby-
lon of Assyria is intended, because " it was one
of the greatest knots of Jews in the world,"
and St Peter was the minister of the circum-
cision. Again, he adds, "Bosor (2 Pet. ii. 15)
speaks Peter in Babylon," it being the Chaldee-
or Syriac pronunciation of Pethor in Num.
xxii. 5. This last argument has not, perhaps,,
much weight, as the same pronunciation may
have characterized the dialect of Jndaea.
Bab'ylon, in the Apocalypse, is the sym-
bolical name by which Rome is denoted (Rev.
xiv. 8, xvii., xviii.). The power of Rome was
regarded by the later Jews as that of Babylon
by their forefathers (comp. Jer. Ii. 7 with Rev.
xiv. 8), and hence, whatever the people of Israel
be understood to symbolize, Babylon represents
the antagonistic principle. [Revblatiok.1
Babylo'nians, the inhabitants of Babylon,
a race of Shemitic origin, who were among tha-
colonists planted in the cities of Samaria by the
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BADGER-SKINS
92
BAGOAS
conquering Assyrians (Ezr. iv. 9). At * later
period, when the warlike Chaldrons accquircd
the predominance in the 7th cent. B.C., the
names Chaldsean and Babylonian became al-
most synonymous (Ex. xxiii. 14, 15 ; comp. Is.
xlviii. 14, SO).
Babylonian Garment, literally " robe
of Shinar" (Josh. vii. 21). An ample robe,
probably made of the skin or fur of an animal
(comp. Gen. xxv. 25), and ornamented with
embroidery, or perhaps a variegated garment
with figures inwoven in the fashion for which
the Babylonians were celebrated.
Baca, the Valley of, a valley some-
where in Palestine, through which the exiled
Psalmist sees in vision the pilgrims passing in
their march towards the sanctuary of Jehovah
at Zion (Ps. lxxxiv. 6). That it was a real
locality is most probable, from the use of the
definite article before the name. A valley of
the same name still exists in the Sinaitic dis-
trict. The rendering of the Targum is Gehenna,
i.«. the Ge-Hinnom or ravine below Mount
Zion. This locality agrees well with the men-
tion of Becoim (A. V. " mulberry ") trees in
i Sam. v. 23.
Bao'cbides, a friend of Antiochus Epiph-
anes and governor of Mesopotamia (1 Mate,
vii. 8), who was commissioned by Demetrius
Soter to investigate the charges which Alciraus
preferred against Judas Maccabeus. After the
defeat and death of Nicanor, he led a second
expedition into Judea, defeated Judos Macca-
bauis at Laisa (b.c. 161), and re-established the
supremacy of the Syrian faction ( 1 Mace. ix. 25).
lie next attempted to surprise Jonathan, but he
escaped across the Jordan. Having completed
the pacification of the country, Bacchidcs re-
turned to Demetrius (b.c. 160). After two
years he came back at the request of the Syrian
faction, but, meeting with ill success, he turned
against those who had induced him to under-
take the expedition, and sought an honorable
retreat. When this was known by Jonathan,
he sent envoys to Bat-chides and concluded a
peace (b.c. 158) (1 Mace, vii., ix.). Ap.
Bacchu'rua, one of the " holy singers,"
who had taken a foreign wife (1 Esu. ix. 24).
Bacchus. [Dionysus.] Ap.
Bace'nor, apparently a captain of horse in
the army of Judas Maccabteus (2 Mace. xii.
35). Ap.
Bach'rites, the, the family of Becbbk,
son of Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 35).
Badger-skins. The Hebrew tachash,
which the A . V. renders badger, occurs in connec-
tion with '6r, 'oroth (" skin," " skins "), in Ex.
xxv. 5, xxvi. 14, xxxv. 7, 23, xxxvi. 19 ; Num. iv.
6, 8, 11, 12, 14, 25. In Ezek. xvi. 10 tachash oc-
curs without 'oroth, and is mentioned as the
substance out of which women's slices were
made ; in the former passages the tachash skins
arc named in relation to the tabernacle, ark, &c.,
and appear to have formed the exterior cover-
ing of these sacred articles. There is much
obscurity as to the meaning of the word tachash :
the ancient versions seem nearly all agreed that
it denoted not an animal, but a color, cither
black or sky-blue. Some versions, as the Ger-
man of Luther and the A. V., have supposed
that the badger is denoted, but this is clearly an
error, for the badger is not found in the Bible
lands. It is difficult to understand why the
ancient versions have interpreted the word ta-
chash to mean a color, an explanation which has
no ground either in its etymology or in the
cognate languages. Whatever is the substance
indicated by tachash, it is evident from Ex. xxxv.
23 that it was some material in frequent use
amongst the Israelites during the Exodus, and
the construction of the sentences where the
name occurs seems to imply that the skin of
some animal and not a color is denoted by it.
The Arabic duchash or tuchash denotes a dol-
phin, bnt in all probability is not restricted in
its application, bnt may refer to either a seal or
a cetacean. The skin of the IfaUcort from its
hardness would be well suited for making soles
for shoes, and it is worthy of remark that the
Arabs near Cape Mussendum employ the skins
of these animals for a similar purpose. The
Halicore TabernacuU is found in the Red Sea,
and was observed by Riippell, who gave the
animal the above name, on the coral banks of
the Abyssinian coast. Or perhaps tachash may
denote a seal, the skin of which animal would
suit all the demands of the Scriptural allusions.
Bag is the rendering of several words in
the Old and New Testaments. 1. ChSritim, the
" bags " in which Nnaman bound np the two
talents of silver for Gchazi (2 E. v. 23), proba-
bly so called, according to Gescnius, from their
long, cone-like shape. The word only occurs
besides in Is. iii. 22 (A. V. "crisping-pins"),
and there denotes the reticules carried by the
Hebrew ladies. 2. Ct», a bag for carrying weights
(Deut. xxv. 13; Prov. xvi. 11 ; Mic. vi. II),
also used as a purse (Prov. i. 14 ; Is. xlvi. 6).
3. Celi, translated " bag," in 1 Sam. xvii. 40,
49, is a word of most general meaning, and is
generally rendered "vessel " or " instrument."
In Gen. xlii. 25 it is the "sack" in which
Jacob's sons carried the com which they brought
from Egypt, and in 1 Sam. ix. 7, xxi. 5, it de-
notes a bag, or wallet, for carrying food (A. V.
" vessel ; " comp. Jud. x. 5, xiii. 10, 15). The
shepherd's " bag " which David had seems to
have been worn by him as necessary to his call-
ing, and was probably, from a comparison of
Zech. xi. 15, 16 (where A. V. " instruments " is
the same word), for the purpose of carrying the
lambs which were unable to walk or were lost,
and contained materials for healing such as
were sick and binding up those that were broken
(comp. Ez. xxxiv. 4, 16). 4. Tstrsor, prop-
erly a " bundle" (Gen. xlii. 35; 1 Sam. xxv.
29), appears to have been used by travellers for
carrying monev during a long journey (Prov.
vii. 20 ; Hag. l. 6 ; comp. Luke xii. 33 ; Tob.
ix. 5). In such " bundles " the priests bound
up the money which was contributed for the
restoration of the Temple under Jehoiada (2 K.
xii. 10, A. V. " put up in baps "). The " bag "
which Judas carried was probably a small box
or chest (John xii. 6, xiii. 29). The Greek
word is the same as that used in the LXX. for
" chest " in 2 Chr. xxiv. 8, 10, 11.
Ba'go, 1 Esd. viii. 40. [Bigvai.] Ap.
Bago'as. The eunuch in attendance upon
Holofernes, who had charge of all that he had,
and was the first to discover his master's assas-
sination. His name is said to signify eunuch in
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BALAAM
93
.SALDNKSS
Fenian (Jnd. xii. 11, 13, 15, xiii. 1, 3, xiv.
Ba'goi, 1 Esd. v. U. [Biotai.]
Bftharu'mite, the. [Bahdbim.]
Bahurim, a village, the slight notices re-
maining of which connect it almost exclusively
with the flight of David. It was apparently on
or dose to the road leading np from the Jordan
valley to Jerusalem. Shiraei the son of Gera
raided here (2 Sam. xvi. 5 ; 1 K. ii. 8). Here
is the court of a house was the well in which
Joasthan and Ahiroaaz eluded their pursuers
(xrii 18). Here Phaltiel, the husband of
kuchsl, bade farewell to his wife when on her
return to King David at Hebron (2 Sam. iii.
16). Bahurim must have been very near the
tonth boundary of Benjamin, and Dr. Barclay
conjectures that the place lay where some ruins
still exist close to a Wady Rmcaby, which runs
m a Knight course for 3 miles from Olivet
directly towards Jordan. Azmaveth "the
Bartuunite " (2 Sam. xxiii. 31 ), or " the Baha-
nmite" (1 Chr. xi. 33), one of the heroes of
Dsvid's guard, is the only native of Bahurim
that we hear of except Shimei.
Btfith ("the house"), referring to the
" temple " of the false gods of Moab, as opposed
to the " high places " in the same sentence ( Is.
xr. i, and compare xvi. 12).
Bakbakkar. a Levite, apparently a de-
Kwlantof Asaph (1 Chr. ix. 15).
Bakbuk. " Children of Bakbuk " were
imong the Nethinim who returned from cap-
tivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 51 ; Neh. vii. 53).
Bakbuki'ah. 1. A Levite in the time of
Nehemiah (Neh. xi. 17, xii. 9). — 2. A Levite
porter, apparently the same as the preceding
(Sen. xii 25). J V B
Baking. TBread.1
Balaam, the son of Beor, a man endowed
with the gift of prophecy (Num. xxii. 5). Ho
belonged to the Midianites, and perhaps as the
prophet of his people possessed the same au-
thority that Hoses did among the Israelites.
At any rate he is mentioned in conjunction with
the fire kings of Midian, apparently as a person
of the same rank (Num. xxxi. 8 ; cf. xxxi. 16).
He leems to have lived at Pethor, which is said
at Dent, xxiii. 4 to have been a city of Meso-
Cia. He himself speaks of being " brought
Aram out of the mountains of the East "
(Sura, xxiii. 7). Balaam is one of those in-
stances which meet us in Scripture of persons
dwelling among heathens, but possessing a cer-
tain knowledge of the one true God. At this
ume the Israelites were encamped in the plains
of Moab. Baiak, the king of Moab, having
witnessed the discomfiture of his neighbors, the
Aramtes, by this people, entered into a league
withthe Midianites against them, and despatched
"nesengers to Balaam with the rewards of
■"""to* in their hands. When the elders of
Moab and Midian told him their message, he
■wins to have had some misgivings as to the
awfolncas of their request, for be invited them
•"•"Ty the night with him that he might learn
■w the lord would regard it. These misgiv-
»jg» were confirmed by the express prohibition
of God upon his journey. Balaam reported
™ answer, and the messengers of Balak
^watd. The king of Moab, however, not
deterred by thlr failure, sent again more uni
more honorable princes to Balaam. The
prophet again refused, but notwithstanding in-
vited the embassy to tarry the night with him,
that he might know what the Lord would say
unto him further ; and thus by liis importunity
he extorted from God the permission he desired,
but was warned at the same time that bis actions
would be overruled according to the Divine
will. Balaam therefore proceeded on his jour-
ney with the messengers of Balak. But God's
anger was kindled at this manifestation of de-
termined self-will, and the angel of the Lord
stood in the way for an adversary against him.
"The dumb ass, speaking with man's voice,
forbade the madness of the prophet " (2 Pet. ii.
16). It is evident that Balaam, although ac-
quainted with God, was desirous of throwing
an air of mystery round his wisdom, from the
instructions he ga\t Balak to offer a bullock
and a ram on the seven altars he everywhere
prepared for him. His religion, therefore, was
probably such as would be the natural result of
a general acquaintance with God not confirmed
by any convenant. There is an allusion to Ba-
laam in the prophet Mv ah ( vi. 5), where Bishop
Butler thinks that a conversation is preserved
which occurred between him and the king of
Moab upon this occasion. But such an opinion
is hardly tenable. " The doctrine of Balaam "
is spoken of in Bev. ii. 14, where an allusion
has been supposed to Nicolaus, the founder of
the sect of the Nicolaitans, the two names being
probably similar in signification. Though the
utterance of Balaam was overruled so that be
could not curse the children of Israel, he never-
theless suggested to the Moabites the expedient
of seducing them to commit fornica.SoD . The
. effect of this is recorded in ch. xxv. A battle
1 was afterwards fought against the Midianites,
\n which Balaam sided with them, and was slain
by the sword of the people whom he had en-
deavored to curse (Num. xxxi. 8).
Balao, Rev. ii. 14. [Balak.]
Bal'adan. [Merodach-Baladak.]
Balah, Josh. xix. 3. [Baal, Geogr. No.
2, 6.]
Balak, son of Zippor, king of the Mcab-
ites at the time when the children of Israel
were bringing their journcyings in the wilder-
ness to a close. Balak entered into a league
with Midian and hired Balaam to curse the
Israelites ; but his designs were frustrated in
the manner recorded in Num. xxii.-xxiv. He
is mentioned also at Josh. xxiv. 9 ; Judg. xi.
25 ; Mic. vi. 5 ; Rev. ii. 14. [Balaam.]
Bal'amo. [Baal, Geogr. No. 6.]
Balas'amUS, in 1 Esd. ix. 43. The cow-
responding name in the list in Ezra is Maa-
seiah. Ap.
Baldness. There are two kinds of bald-
ness, viz. artificial and natural. The latter
seems to have been uncommon, since it ex posed
people to public derision, and is perpetually
alluded to as a mark of squalor and misery (2
K. ii. 23 ; Is. iii. 24, " instead of well-set hair,
baldness, and burning instead of beauty ; " Is.
xv. 2 ; Jer. xlvii. 5 ; Ez. vii. 18, &c.). For this
reason it seems to have been included under
the (Lev. xxi. 23, LXX.) disqualifications for
priesthood. In Lev. xiii. 29, &c., very careful
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BANI
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BANQUETS
directions are given to distinguish Bohak, " a
plague upon the head and heard," from mere
natural baldness which is pronounced to be
clean, ver. 40. Artificial baldness marked the
conclusion of a Nazarite's vow (Acts xviii. 18 ;
Num. vi. 9), and was a sign of mourning. It
is often alluded to in Scripture ; as in Mic. i. 16 ;
Am. viii. 10, &c. ; and in Deut. xiv. 1, the
reason for its being forbidden to tho Israelites
is their being "a holy and peculiar people."
(See Lev. xix. 27, and Jer. ix. 26, marg.) The
practices alluded to in the latter passages were
adopted by heathen nations in honor of various
gods.
Balm (Heb. txSri, (zAi) occurs in Gen.
xxxvii. 25 as one of the substances which the
Ishmaelitcs were bringing from Gilead to take
into Egypt; in Gen. xhii. 11, as one of the
presents which Jacob sent to Joseph; in Jer.
viii. 22, xlvi. 11, li. 8, where it appears that
the balm of Gilead had a medicinal value ; in
Ez. xxvii. 17 (margin, "rosin") as an article
of commerce imported by Judah into Tyre.
It is impossible to identify it with any certainty.
Perhaps it does not refer to an exudation from
any particular tree, but was intended to denote
any kind of resinous substance which had a
medicinal value. The UcBri, then, may repre-
sent the gum of the Pistacia lentixna, or that
of the Bahamodendron opobalmmum. [Spices ;
Mastic] Hasselquist has given a description
of the true balsam-tree of Mecca. He says
that the exudation from the plant " is of a yel-
low color, and pellucid. It has a most fragrant
smell, which is resinous,' balsamic, and very
agreeable. It is very tenacious or glutinous,
sticking to the fingers, and may be drawn into
long threads. ... I have seen it at a Turkish
surgeon's, who had it immediately from Mecca,
described it, and was informed of its virtues ;
which are, first, that it is the best stomachic
they know, if taken to three grains, to strengthen
a weak stomach; secondly, that it is a most
excellent and capital remedy for curing wounds,
for if a few drops are applied to the fresh wound,
it cures it in a very short time " {Travels, 293).
Balnu'us, 1 Esd. ix. 31. [Binnbi.] Ap.
BaTthasar, Bar. i. u, 12. [Belshaz-
ZAR.] Ap.
Ba'mah (lit. "high-place"). This word
appears in its Hebrew form only in one passage
(fez. xx. 29), very obscure, and full of the
paronomasia so dear to the Hebrew poets, so
difficult for us to appreciate : " What is the
Aw/i-place whereunto ye hie t and the name of
it is colled Bamah unto this day."
Ba'moth-Ba'al, a sanctuary of Baal in
the country of Moab (Josh. xiii. 17), which is
probably mentioned in Num. xxi. 19, under
the shorter form of Bamoth, or Bamoth-in-thc-
ravine (20), and again in the enumeration of
the towns of Moab in Is. xv. 2.
Ban, 1 Esd. v. 37 ; it stands for Tom ah in
theparallel lists in Ezra and Nchcmiah. Ap.
Banai'as, 1 Esd. ix. 35. jBenaiah.]
Bani. 1. A Gadite, one of David's mighty
men (2 Sam. xxiii. 36). — 2. A Levite of the
line of Merari, and forefather to Ethan (1 Chr.
vi. 46). — 3. A man of Judah of the line of
Pharez (1 Chr. ix. 41. —4. " Children of Bani "
returned from captivity with Zerubbabel (Ear.
ii. 10; Neh. x. 14; Ear. x. 29, 34; I Bad. r
12). [BiNNUi, Mahi, and Maani.1 — 6. An
Israelite " of the sons of Bani " (Ear. x. 38).
IBanhus.1 — 6. A Levite (Neh. iii. 17). —
7. A Levite (Neh. viii. 7 ; ix. 4, 5 ; x. 13).
[Ahus.J — 8. Another Levite, of the sons of
Asaph (Neh. xi. 22). Possibly 6 and 7 may
be the same, the name in each case being that
of a family.
Ba'nicL 1 Esd. viii. 36. This represents a
name which has apparently escaped from the
present Hebrew text (see Ezr. viii. 10). Ap.
Bannai'a, 1 Esd. ix. 33. [Zabad.] At*.
Ban'nuB, 1 Esd. ix. 34. [Baki, or Biir-
NUI.j
Banquets, among the Hebrews, were not
only a means of social enjoyment, but were a
part of the observance of religious festivity.
At the three solemn festivals, when all the
males appeared before the Lord, the family also
had its domestic feast (Deut. xvi. 11). Prob-
ably both males and females went up (1 Sam.
i. 9) together, to hold the festival. Sacrifices,
both ordinary and extraordinary, as amongst
heathen nations (Ex. xxxiv. 15; Judg. xvi.
23), included a banquet, and Eli's sons made
this latter the prominent part. Besides reli-
gious celebrations, such events as the weaning
a son and heir, a marriage, the separation or
re-union of friends, and sheep-shearing, were
customarily attended by a banquet or revel
(Gen. xxi. 8, xxix. 22, xxxi. 27,54; 1 Sam.
xxv. 2, 36 ; 2 Sam. xiii. 23). Birthday-ban-
quets are only mentioned in the cases of Pha-
raoh and Herod (Gen. xl. 20; Matt xiv. C).
The usual time of the banquet was the evening,
and to begin early was a mark of excess (Is. v.
1 1 ; Eccl. x. 16): The most essential materials
of the banqucting-room, next to the viands and
wine, which last was often drugged with spices
(Prov. ix. 2 ; Cant. viii. 2), were perfumed
ointments, garlands or loose flowers, white or
brilliant robes; after these, exhibitions of music,
singers, and dancers, riddles, jesting and merri-
ment (Is. xxviii. 1 ; Wisd. ii. 7 ; 2 Sam. xix.
35 ; Is. xxv. 6, v. 12 ; Judg. xiv. 12 ; Neh. viii.
10; Eccl. x. 19; Matt. xxii. 11 ; Am. vi. 5, 6;
Luke xv. 25). Seven days was a not uncom-
mon duration of a festival, especially for a
wedding, but sometimes fourteen (Tob. viii.
19 ; Gen. xxix. 27 ; Judg. xiv. 12) ; but if the
brido were a widow, three days formed the lim-
it. There seems no doubt that the Jews of the
0. T. period used a common table for all the
guests. In Joseph's entertainment a ceremo-
nial separation prevailed ; but the common
phrase to " sit at table," or " eat at any one's
table," shows the originality of the opposite
usage. The posture at table in early times
was sitting (1 Sam. xvi. 11, xx. 5, 18), and the
guests were ranged in order of dignity (Gen.
xliii. 33 ; 1 Sam. ix. 22) : the words which
imply the recumbent posture belong to the
N.T. The separation of the women's banquet
was not a Jewish custom (Esth. i. 9). In reli-
gious banquets the wine was mixed, by rabbin-
ical regulation, with three parts of water, and
four short forms of benediction were pro-
nounced over it. At the Passover four such
cups were mixed, blessed, and passed round hv
the master of the feast.
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Bail'aas. In 1 Esd. t. 86 Bannas and
Badiat answer to Hodaviah in the lists of Ezra
and Nehemi&h. Ap.
Baptism. L It is well known that ablu-
tion or bathing was common in most ancient
noons as a preparation for prayers and sacri-
fices or as expiatory of sin. There is a natural
connection in the mind between the thought
of physical and that of spiritual pollution. In
warm countries this connection is probably
era closer than in colder climates ; and hence
the frequency of ablution in the religious rites
throughout the East. — II. The history of Is-
rael and the Law of Moses abound with such
lustrations (Gen. xxxv. 2; Ex. xix. 10; Lev.xv.,
itu. IS, xxii. 4, 6, xvi. 36, 38 ; Num. xix. 10).
Before great religious observances such purifi-
canons were especially solemn (see John xi.
S5) ; and in the later times of the Jewish re-
pnbjic there appear to hare been public baths
and buildings set apart for this purpose, one of
which was probably the pool of Bethesda with
its fire porches mentioned in John ▼. 2. It was
natural that, of all people, the priests most
especially should be required to purify them-
selves in this manner. The consecration of
the high-priest deserves especial notice. It was
tint by baptism, then bv unction, and lastly by
sacrifice (Ex. xxix. 4, xl. 12 ; Lev. viii.). The
spiritual significance of all these ceremonial
wuhinzs was well known to the devout Israel-
ice "I will wash my hands in innocency,"
an the Psalmist, " and so will I compass thine
altar" (Ps. xxvi. 6). The prophets constantly
speak of pardon and conversion from sin under
she same figure (Is. i. 16, iv. 4 ; Jer. iv. 14 ;
Zech. xiii. 1 ). From the Gospel history we
kara that at that time ceremonial washings
had been greatly multiplied by traditions of the
doctors and elders (see Mark vii. 3, 4), and the
testimony of the Evangelist is fully borne out
by that of the later writings of the Jews. The
most important and probably one of the earliest
of these traditional customs was the baptizing of
proselytes. There is an universal agreement
among later Jewish writers that all the Israel-
ites were brought into covenant with God by
orouncUion, baptism, and sacrifice, and that
the same ceremonies were necessary in admit-
ting proselytes. — IIL The Baptism of John. —
These usages of the Jews will account for the
readiness with which all men flocked to the bap-
tism of John the Baptist Corresponding with
the custom of cleansing by water from legal im-
parity and with the baptism of proselytes from
neathenism to Judaism, it seemed to call upon
them to come out from the unbelieving and sin-
ful habits of their age, and to enlist themselves
into die company of those who were preparing
for the manifestation of the deliverance of
uneL There has been some uncertainty and
debate as to the nature of John's baptism and
j*»piritaal significance. It appears to have
been a kind of transition from the Jewish bap-
asm to the Christian. All ceremonial ablu-
tions nnder the Law pictured to the eye that
inward cleansing of the heart which can come
only from the grace of God, and which accom-
fojes forgiveness of sins. So John's baptism
^** » " baptism of repentance for remission of
■n» " (Mark i. 4) ; it was accompanied with
confession (Matt iii. 6) ; it was a call to repent-
ance ; it conveyed a promise of pardon ; and
the whole was knit up with faith in Him that
should come after, even Christ Jesus (Acts xix.
4). It was such that Jesus himself deigned to
be baptized with it, and perhaps some of His
disciples received no other baptism but John's
until they received the special baptism of the
Holy Ghost on the great day or Pentecost.
Yet John himself speaks of it as a mere bap-
tism with water unto repentance, pointing for-
ward to Him who should baptize with the Holy
Ghost and with fire (Matt. iii. 11). And the
distinction between John's baptism and Chris-
tian baptism appears in the case of Apollo*
iActs xviii. 26, 27), and of the disciples at
Sphesus, mentioned Acts xix. 1-6. We can-
not but draw from this history the inference
that there was a deeper spiritual significance in
Christian baptism than in John's baptism, and
that, as John was a greater prophet than any
that before him had been born of women, and
yet the least in the kingdom of heaven was
greater than he, so his baptism surpassed iu
spiritual import all Jewish ceremonv, but fell
equally short of the sacrament ordained by
Christ — IV. The Baptism of Jesus. — Plainly
the most important action of John as a baptist
was his baptism of Jesus. No doubt it was
the will of Christ in the first p!ace, by so sub-
mitting to iiaptism, to set His seal to the
teaching and ine ministry of John. Again, as
He was to be the Head of His Church and the
Captain of our salvation, He was pleased to
undergo that rite which He afterwards en-
joined on all His followers. And, once more,
His baptism consecrated the baptism of Chris-
tians forever ; even as afterwards His own par-
taking of the Eucharist gave still further sanc-
tion to His injunction that His disciples ever
after should continually partake of it. But,
beyond all this, His baptism was His formal
setting apart for His ministry, and was a most
important portion of His consecration to be the
High-Priest of God. Ho was just entering on
the age of thirty (Luke iii. 23), the age at
which the Levitts began their ministry and the
rabbis their teaching. It has already been men-
tioned that the consecration of Aaron to the
high-priesthood was by baptism, unction, and
sacrifice (see Lev. viii.). All these were under-
gone by Jesus. First He was baptized by John.
Then, just as the high-priest was anointed im-
mediately after his baptism, so, when Jesus had
gone up out of the water, the heavens were
opened unto Him, and the Spirit of God de-
scended upon Him (Matt. iii. 16) ; and thas, as
8t. Peter tells us, " God anointed Jesus of
Nazareth with the Holy Ghost and with power "
(Acts x. 38). The sacrifice indeed was not till
the end of His earthly ministry, when He offered
np the sacrifice of Himself; and then at His
resurrection and ascension He fully took upon
Him the office of priesthood, entering into the
presence of God for us, pleading the efficacy of
His sacrifice, and blessing those for whom that
sacrifice was offered. Baptism, therefore, was
the beginning of consecration ; unction was the
immediate consequent upon the baptism ; and
sacrifice was the completion of the initiation,
so that He was thenceforth perfected, or fully
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BAPTISM
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consecrated as a priest foreverroore (Heb. vii.
28). — V. Baptism of the Disciples of Christ. —
Whether oar Lord ever baptized has been
doubted. The only passage which may dis-
tinctly bear on the question is John iv. 1,2,
wlicre it is said " that Jesus made and baptized
more disciples than John, though Jesus Him-
self baptized not, but His disciples." We
necessarily infer from it, that as soon as our
Lord began His ministry, and gathered to Him
a company of disciples, He, like John the Bap-
tist, admitted into that company by the admin-
istration of baptism. The making disciples
and the baptizing them went together. After
the resurrection, when the Church was to be
spread and the Gospel preached, our Lord's
own commission conjoins the making of dis-
ciples with their baptism (Matt, xxviii. 19).
Baptism then was the initiatory rite of the
Christian Church, as circumcision was the ini-
tiatory rite of Judaism. As circumcision ad-
mitted to the Jewish covenant, — to the privi-
leges and the responsibility attaching to that
covenant, — so baptism, which succeeded it,
was the mode of admission to the Christian
covenant, to its graces and privileges, to its
duties and service. — VI. The Tapes of Bap-
tism. — 1 . St. Peter compares the deliverance of
Noah in the Deluge to the deliverance of Chris-
tians in baptism (1 Pet. iii. 21). The connec-
tion in this passage between baptism and " the
resurrection of Jesus Christ " may be compared
with Col. ii. 12. — 2. In 1 Cor. x. 1, 2, the
passage of the Red Sea and the shadowing of
the miraculous cloud are treated as types of
baptism. It is sufficiently apparent how this
may resemble the enlisting of a new convert
into the body of the Christian Church. — 3.
Another type of, or rather a rite analogous to,
baptism, was circumcision (Col. ii. It). The
obvious leason for the comparison of the two
rites is, that circumcision was the entrance to
the Jewish Church, and the ancient covenant,
baptism to the Christian Church and to the
new covenant. — 4. In more than one instance
death is called a baptism ( Matt. xx. 22 ; Mark
x. 39 ; Luke xii. 50). It is generally thought
that baptism here means an inundation of sor-
rows, and that our Lord meant to indicate that
He Himself had to pass through " the deep
waters of affliction." Is it not probable that
some deeper significance attaches to the com-
parison or death, especially of our Lord's death,
to baptism, when we consider too that the con-
nection of baptism with the death and resur-
rection of Christ is so much insisted on by St.
Paul ? — VII. Names of Baptism. — From the
types of baptism icfcrred to in the New Tes-
tament, we pass to the various names by
which baptism seems to be there designated. —
1. " Baptism" (jSuituoua : the word pairruj/ioc
occurs only four times, viz.. Mar. vii. 4, 8 ;
Heb. vi. 2, ix. 10). The verb /3airri&iv (from
Batrwv, to dip) is the rendering of the Hebrew
by the LXX. in 2 K. v. 14. The Latin Fa-
thers render jiaTrri&tv by tingere, merqere, and
mergitare. By the Greek Fathers, the word
fiawrilfiv is often used, frequently figuratively,
for to immerse or overwhelm with sleep, sor-
row, sin, &c. Hence /?uirn<r/za properly and
literally means immersion. — 2. " The Water "
is a name of baptism which occurs in Act*
x. 47. With this phrase, " the water," used of
baptism, compare " the breaking of bread " as
a title of the Eucharist, Acts ii. 42. — 3.
" Washing of Water " (lit. " the bath of the
water ") is another Scriptural term, by which
baptism is signified (Eph. v. 26). There ap-
pears clearly in these words a reference to the
bridal bath ; but the allusion to baptism is
clearcrstill. — 4. " The washing of regeneration "
(lit. " the bath of regeneration ") is a phrase
naturally connected with the foregoing. It
occurs Tit. iii. 5. All ancient and most mod-
ern commentators have interpreted it of bap-
tism. There is so much resemblance, both in
the phraseology and in the argument, between
this passage in Titus and 1 Cor. vi. 11, that
the latter ought by all means to be compared
with the former. Another passage containing
very similar thoughts, clothed in almost the
some words, is Acts axii. 16. — 5. "Illumina-
tion." It has been much questioned whether
" enlightened," in Heb. vi. 4, x. 32, be used of
baptism or not. Justin Martyr, Clement of
Alexandria, and almost all the Greek Fathers,
use ^urwpoi, as a synonyme for baptism. It will
be remembered that t/uroyuyia was a term for
admission into the ancient mysteries. Baptism
was without question the initiatory rite in
reference to the Christian faith. Now, that
Christian faith is more than once called by
St. Paul the Christian " mystery " (Eph. i. 9, iii.
4, vi. 19 ; Col. iv. 3). Hence, as baptism is the
initiatory Christian rite, admitting us to the
service of God and to the knowledge of Christ,
it may not improbably have been called
etuno/ioc, and afterwards Qvrayuyia, as havine
reference, and as admitting, to the mystery of
the Gospel, and to Christ Himself, who is the
Mystery of God (Col. i. 27, ii. 2).— VIH. From
the names of baptism we must now pass to a
few of the more prominent passages, not al-
ready considered, in which baptism is referred
to. — 1. The passage in John iii. 5 — "Except
a man be bom of water and of the Spirit, he
cannot enter into the kingdom of Bod — has
been a well-established oattle-field from the
time of Calvin. Stier quotes with entire ap-
probation the words of Meyer (on John iii.
5) : — " Jesus speaks here concerning a spirit-
ual baptism, as in chapter vi. concerning a
spiritual feeding ; in both places, however, with
reference to their visible auxiliary means." —
2. The prophecy of John the Baptist, that our
Lord should baptize with the Holy Ghost and
with fire (Matt. iii. 11), majr more" properly be
interpreted by a fv diu tivoiv. The water of
John s baptism could but wash the body ; the
Holy Ghost, with which Christ was to baptize,
should purify the soul as with fire. — 3. Gal. iii.
27 : " For as many as have been baptized into
Christ have put on Christ." The contrast is
between the Christian and the Jewish Church :
one bond, the other free ; one infant, the other
adult. And the transition-point is naturally
that at which by baptism the service of Christ
is undertaken ami the promises of the Gospel
are claimed. This is represented as putting on
Christ and in Him assuming the position of
full-grown men. In this more privileged con-
dition there is the power of obtaining justitica-
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BAPTISM
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BARABBAS
ttvu by faith, m justification which the Law had
not to oflfer. — 4. 1 Cor. xii. 13 : " For by one
Spirit (or, in one spirit) we were all baptized
into one body, whether Jews or Greeks, whether
bond or free, and were all made to drink of one
Spirit." The resemblance of this passage to
tke last is very clear. Possibly there is an al-
buioo to both sacraments. Both our baptism
sad oar partaking of the cnp in the communion
ue tokens and pledges of Christian unity. —
5. Bom. vi. 4 and Col. ii. 12 are so closely
parallel that we may notice them together.
Probably, as, in the former passages, St. Paul
kid brought forward baptism as the symbol of
Christian unity, so in these he refers to it as
lae token and pledge of the spiritual death to
an, sad resurrection to righteousness ; and of
the final victory over death in the last day,
through the power of the resurrection of
Christ. — IX. Recipients of Baptism. — The
commsnd to baptize was co-extensive with the
command to preach the Gospel. All nations
were to be evangelized ; and they were to be
aide disciples, admitted into the fellowship of
Christ's religion, by baptism (Matt xxviii. 19).
Every one who was convinced by the teaching
of the first preachers of the Gospel, and was will-
ing to enroll himself in the company of the dis-
eipies, appears to have been admitted to bap-
tism on a confession of his faith. There is no
totinet evidence in the New Testament that
then was in those early days a body of cate-
chumens gradually preparing for baptism, such
■ existed in the ages immediately succeeding
the Apostles. The great question has been,
whether the invitation extended, not to adults
only, but to infants also. The universality of
the invitation, Christ's declaration concerning
the blessedness of infants and their fitness for
His kingdom (Hark x. 14), the admission of in-
ane to circumcision and to the baptism of
fcwuh proselytes, the mention of whole house-
holds, sod the subsequent practice of the
Chorea, have been principally relied on by the
•dvocates of infant baptism. The silence of
the New Testament concerning the baptism of
infants, the constant mention of faith as a pre-
<Bjniate or condition of baptism, the great
■psitaal blessings which seem attached to a
nght reception of it, and the responsibility en-
abled on those who have taken its obligations
<x> themselves, seem the chief objections urged
■gainst pedc-baptism. But here, once more,
*t most leave ground which has been so ex-
•Jtsively occupied by controversialists. — X.
J*« »o« of Baptism. — The language of the
"ew Testament and of the primitive fathers
•xflfciently points to immersion as the common
node of baptism. But in the case of the family
of the jailer at Philippi (Acts xvi. 33), and of
the three thousand converted at Pentecost
(*? "•), it seems hardly likely that immersion
Monld have been possible. Moreover the an-
oent Church, which mostly adopted immersion,
"••satisfied with effusion in case of clinical
Jgtum— the baptism of the sick and dying. —
J****? and Answers. — In the earliest times of
Die Christian Church we find the catechumens
TJJj 1 * to renounce the Devil and to profess
•w frith in the Holy Trinity and in the prin-
■pal articles of the Creed, ft is generally sup-
posed that St. Peter (1 Pet. lis. 21 ) refers to •
custom of this kind as existing from the first. —
XL The Formula of Baptism. — It should seem
from our Lord's own direction (Matt, xxviii. 19)
that the words made use of in the adminis-
tration of baptism should be those which tbr
Church has generally retained. The expres-
sions in the book of Acts (ii. 38, viii. 16, x. 46,
xix. 51 mean only that those who were baptized
with Christian baptism were baptized into the
faith of Christ, not that the form of words was
different from that enjoined by our Lord in St.
Matthew. — Sponsors. — There is no mention
of sponsors in the N. T. In very early ages
of the Church, sponsors were in use both for
children and adults. — XII. Baptism for the
Dead. — 1 Cor. xv. 27 : " Else what shall they
do who are baptized for the dead, if the dead
rise not at all ? Why are they then baptized
for the dead !" 1 . TertuUian tells us of a cus-
tom of vicarious baptism as existing among
the Marcionites ; and St. Chrysostom relate*
of the same heretics, that, when one of their
catechnmens died without baptism, they used
to put a living person under the dead man's
bed, and asked whether he desired to be bap-
tised ; the living man answering that be did,
they then baptized him in place of the de-
parted (Chrys. Horn. xl. on 1 Cor. xv.). Epi-
phanius relates a similar custom among the
Cerinthians (Harts, xxviii.), which, he said,
prevailed from fear that in the resurrection
those should suffer punishment who had not
been baptized. The question naturally occurs.
Did St. Paul allude to a custom of this kind,
which even in his days had begun to prevail
among heretics and ignorant persons 1 If so,
he no doubt adduced it as an araumentum ad
hominem. " If the dead rise not at all, what
benefit do they expect who baptize vicariously
for the dead ? The greater number of modern
commentators have adopted this, as the simplest
and most rational sense of the Apostle's words.
It is, however, equally conceivable that the pas-
sage in St. Paul gave rise to the subsequent
practice among the Marcionites and Cerin-
thians. 2. Chrysostom believes the Apostle to
refer to the profession of faith in baptism, part
of which was " I believe in the resurrection of
the dead." The former of the two interpreta-
tions above mentioned commends itself to us
by its simplicity; the latter by its antiquity.
The following are some of the various other
explanations which have been given. — 3.
" What shall they do, who are baptized when
death is close at hand ? (Epiphan. Hares.
xxviii. 6.) — 4. " Over the graves of the mar-
tyrs." Vossius adopted this interpretation ;
but it is very unlikely that the custom should
have prevailed in the days of St. Paul. — 5.
" On account of a dead Saviour." — 6. " What
shall they gain, who are baptized for the sake
of the dead in Christ?" — 7. "What shall
they do, who are baptized in the place of the
dead 1 " it. who, as the ranks of the faithful
are thinned by death, come forward to be bap-
tized, that they may fill up the company of
believers.
Barab'bas. a robber (John xviii. 40), who
had committee murder in an insurrection
(Mark xv. 7 ; Luke xxiii. 19) in Jerusalem,
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BARLEY
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BARNABAS
and was lying in prison at the time of the trial
of Jesus before Pilate.
Bar'achel, " the Bnzite," father of Elihu
(Job xxxii. 2, 6). [Buz.]
Barachi'aa, Matt, xxiii. 35. [Zacha-
MIAS.J
Barak, son of Abinoam of Kedesh, a ref-
uge-city in Mount Napthali, was incited by
Deborah, a prophetess of Ephraim, to deliver
Israel from the yoke of Jabin. Accompanied,
at his own express desire, by Deborah, Barak
led his rudely-armed force of 10,000 men from
Napthali and Zebulon to an encampment on
the summit of Tabor, and utterly routed the
unwieldy host of the Canaanites in the plain
of Jezreel (Esdraelon), "the battle-field of
Palestine." The victory was decisive, Haro-
sheth taken (Judg. iv. 16), Sisera murdered,
and Jabin ruined. The victors composed a
splendid epinician ode in commemoration of
their deliverance (Judg. v.). Lord A. Hervey
supposes the narrative to be a repetition of Josh.
zi. 1-12. A great deal may he said for this
view, but it is fair to add that there are geo-
graphical difficulties in the way. [Deborah.]
Barbarian. " Every one not a Greek is
a barbarian " is the common Greek definition,
and in this strict sense the word is used in Rom.
i. 14, " I am debtor both to Greeks and bar-
barians." " Hellenes and barbarians " is the
constant division found in Greek literature, but
Thucydides (i. 3) points out that this distinc-
tion is subsequent to Homer. It often retains
this primitive meaning, as in 1 Cor. xiv. 1 1 (of
one using an unknown tongue), and Acts
xxviii. 2, 4 (of the Maltese, who spoke a Punic
dialect). The ancient Egyptians, like the mod-
ern Chinese, had an analogous word (Herod, ii.
158). So completely was the term "barba-
rian " accepted, that even Josephus and Philo
scruple as little to reckon the Jews among
them, as the early Romans did to apply the
term to themselves. Afterwards only the sav-
age nations were called barbarians.
Barhu'mito, the. [Bahcrim.]
Bari'ah, one of the sons of Shemaiah, a
descendant of the royal family of Judah (1 Chr.
Si. 22).
Bar-Je'sus. [Eltmas.]
Bar-Jo'na. [Peter.]
BarltOS. "Children of Barkos " were
among the Nethinim who returned from the
captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 53; Neh.
vii. 55).
Barley (Heb. aeor&h), the well-known ce-
real, which is mentioned in many passages of
the Bible. It was grown by the Hebrews (Lev.
xxvii. 16 ; Dent viii. 8 ; Ruth ii. 17, &c.), who
used it for baking into bread, chiefly amongst
the poor (Judg. vii. 13 ; 2 K. iv. 42 ; John vi.
9, 13) ; for making into bread by mixing it
with wheat, beans, lentils, millet, 4c. (Ez. iv.
9) ; for making into cakes (Ez. iv. 12) ; and
as fodder for horses (1 K. iv. 28). The barley
harvest is mentioned Ruth i. 22, ii. 23 ; 2 Sam.
xxi. 9, 1 0. It takes place in Palestine in March
and April, and in the hilly districts as late as
May ; but the period of course varies according
to the localities where the corn grows. The
barley harvest always precedes the wheat har-
vest, in Mine places by a week, in others by
fully three weeks (Robinson, Bib. Ass. ii. t*.
278). In Egypt the barley is about a month
earlier than the wheat; whence its total de-
struction by the hail-storm (Ex. ix. 31). Bar-
ley was sown at any time between November
and March, according to the season. Barley
bread is even to this day little esteemed in
Palestine. This fact is important, as serving
to elucidate some passages in Scripture. Why,
for instance, was barley meal, and not the ordi-
nary meal-offering of wheat flour, to be the jeal-
ousy-offering 1 (Num. v. 15.) Because thereby
is denoted the low reputation in which the im-
plicated parties were held. The homer and a
half of barley, as part of the purchase-money
of the adulteress (Hos. iii. 2), has doubtless a
similar typical meaning. With this circum-
stance in remembrance, now forcible is the ex-
pression in Ezekiel (xiii. 19), " Will ye pollute
me among my people for handfuls of barley t "
The knowledge of this fact aids to point oat
the connection between Gideon and the barley-
cake, in the dream which the " man told to hi*
fellow " (Judg. rii. 13). Gideon's " family waa
poor in Manasseh — and he was the least in his
father's house ; " and doubtless the Midianitea
knew it On this passage Dr. Thomson re-
marks, " If the Midianites were accustomed in
their extemporaneous songs to call Gideon and
his band ' cakes of barley bread,' as their success-
ors the haughty Bedawin often do to ridicule
their enemies, the application would be all the
more natural."
Bar'nabaa, a name signifying "son of
prophecy," or " exhortation " (or, T>ut not so
probably, " consolation," as A. V.), given by
the Apostles (Acts iv. 36) to Joseph (or Joscs),
a Levite of the island of Cyprus, who waa
early a disciple of Christ. In Acts ix. 27, we
find him introducing the newly-converted Saul
to the Apostles at Jerusalem, in a way which
seems to imply previous acquaintance between
the two. On tidings coming to the church at
Jerusalem that men of Cyprus and Cyrene had
been preaching to Gentiles at Antioch, Barna-
bas was sent thither (Acts xi. 19-26), and went
to Tarsus to seek Saul, as one specially raised
up to preach to the Gentiles (Acts xxvi. 17).
Having brought Saul to Antioch, he was sent
with him to Jerusalem with relief for the breth-
ren in Judaea (Acts xi. 30]. On their return
to Antioch, they (Acts xiii. 2) were ordained
by the church for the missionary work, and sent
forth (a.d. 45). From this time Barnabas and
Paul enjoy the title and dignity of Apostles.
Their first missionary journey is related in Acts
xiii., xiv. ; it was confined to Cyprus and Asia
Minor. Some time after their return to Antioch
(a.d. 47 or 48), they were sent (a.d. 60), with
some others, to Jerusalem, to determine with
the Apostles and Elders the difficult question
respecting the necessity of circumcision for the
Gentile converts (Acts xv. 1 ff.). On that
occasion Paul and Barnabas were recognized aa
the Apostles of the uncircumcision. After
another stay in Antioch on their return, a vari-
ance took place between Barnabas and Paul on
the question of taking with them, on a second
missionary journey, John Mark, sister's son to
Barnabas (Acts xv. 36 ff.). " The contention
was so sharp, that they parted asunder," and
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BAKUCH
S)'J
BARZILLAI
Barnabas look Mark, and sailed to Cyprus, his
Datire island. Here the Scripture notices of
him cease. As to his farther labors and death,
traditions diner. Some say that he went to
Milan, and became first bishop of the church
there. There is extant an apocryphal work,
probably of the fifth century, Acta et Panto
BonuAs in Cnm; and a still later encomium
of Barnabas, by a Cyprian monk Alexander.
We hare an Epistle in 21 chapters called by
the name of Barnabas. Its authenticity has
been defended by some great writers ; but it is
rerr generally siren up now, and the Epistle
■ believed to have been written early in the
second century.
Baro'dis, a name inserted in the list of
those "serrants of Solomon" who returned
with Zorobabel (1 Esd. v. 34).
Bar'aabas. [Joseph Baksabas; Judas
Baisaba*.]
Bartacos, the father of Apame, the con-
cabine of King Darius ( 1 Esd. it. 29). " The
admirable" was probably an official title be-
tonrrag to his rank.
Baarthol'ome'W, one of the Twelve A pot-
da of Christ (Matt. x. 3 ; Mark iii. 18 ; Lake
ri. 14; Acts i. 131. It has been not improb-
ably conjectured that he is identical with Na-
thaaael (John i. 45 If.). If this may be as-
nmed, be was born at Cana of Galilee ; and is
arid to have preached the Gospel in India, that
b, probably, Arabia Felix. Some allot Ar-
menia to him as his mission-field, and report
him to have been there flayed alive and then
crucified with his head downwards.
BartimSB'UB, a blind beggar of Jericho
*bo (Mark x. 46 ff.) sat by the wayside beg-
ging as oar Lord passed oat of Jericho on His
list journey to Jerusalem.
Ba'rncn. L, Son of Neriah, the friend (Jer.
rarii.12), amanuensis (Jer. xxxvi. 4-32), and
faithful attendant of Jeremiah (Jer. xxxvi.
10ff. ; b.c. 603), in the discharge of his prophetic
office. He was of a noble family (corap. Jer.
fi- 59; Bar. i. 1 ), and of distinguished acquire-
ments ; and his brother Seraiah held an honor-
able office in the court of Zedekiah (Jer. li. 59).
Hit enemies accused him of influencing Jere-
niah in favor of the Chaldasans (Jer. xliii. 3 ;
<£ xxxvii. 13) ; and he was thrown into prison
vita that prophet, where he remained tul the
eaptere of Jerusalem, B.C. 586. By the per-
■nrion of Nebuchadnezzar he remained with
Jeremiah at Mizpeh (Jos. Ant. x. 9, §1); but
»■ afterwards forced to go down to Egypt
(Jer. xliii. 6). Nothing is known certainly of
He close of his life. — 2. The son of Zabbai,
who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the walls
of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 20). — 8. A priest, or
■aily of priests, who signed the covenant with
Mbsniah (Neh. x. 6). —4. The son of Col-
awn, a descendant of Perez, or Pharcz, the
son of Jndah (Neh. xi. 5).
Baruch, the Book of. is remarkable as
I* only book in the Apocrypha which is formed
« <he model of the Prophets; and though
rt» wanting in originality, it presents a vivid
™"ttioo of the ancient prophetic fire. It mav
"divided into two main parts i.-iii. 8, and iii.
V™°^~ 1" The) book at present exists in
"R*k, and in several translations which were
made from the Greek. Of the two Old Latin
versions which remain, that which is incorpo-
rated in the Vulgate is generally literal ; the
other is more free. The vulgar Syriac and
Arabic follow the Greek text closely. — 2. The
assumed author is undoubtedly the companion
of Jeremiah, but the details of the book are in-
consistent with the assumption. It exhibits
not only historical inaccuracies, but also evident
traces of a later date than the beginning of the
captivity (iii. 9 ff., iv. 23 ff, i. 3ff. Comp. 2
K. xxv. 27). —8. The book was held in little
esteem among the Jews ; though it is stated in
the Greek text of the Apostolical Constitu-
tions that it was read, together with the Lam-
entations, " on the tenth day of the month Gor-
pissus " (i'.e. the Day of Atonement). From
the time of Irensens it was frequently quoted
both in the East and in the West, and gener-
ally as the work of Jeremiah. It was, however,
"obelized" throughout in the LXX. as defi-
cient in the Hebrew. At the Council of Trent,
Baruch was admitted into the Romish Canon ;
but the Protestant churches have unanimously
placed it among the Apocryphal books. — 4.
Considerable discussion has been raised as to
the original language of the book. Those who
advocated its authenticity generally supposed
that it was first written in Hebrew. Others
again have maintained that the Greek is the
original text. The truth appears to lie between
these two extremes. The two divisions of the
book are distinguished by marked peculiarities
of style and language. The Hebraic character
of the first part is such as to mark it as a trans-
lation, and not as the work of a Hebraizing
Greek. The second part, on the other hand,
closely approaches the Alexandrine type. — 5.
The most probable explanation of this contrast
is gained by supposing that some one thorough-
ly conversant with the Alexandrine translation
of Jeremiah found the Hebrew fragment which
forms the basis of the book already attached to
the writings of that prophet, and wrought it up
into its present form. — 6. There are no cer-
tain data by which to fix the time of the com-
position of Baruch. The present book must
be placed considerably later, probably about
the time of the war of liberation (b.c. 160), or
somewhat earlier. — 7. The Eputle of Jere-
miah, which, according to the authority of some
Greek MSS., stands in the English version as
the 6th chapter of Baruch, is the work of a
later period. It may be assigned with probabil-
ity to the first century B.C. — 8. A Syriac firsi
Epistle of Baruch " to the nine and a half
tribes " is found in the London and Paris Poly-
flots. Fritzsche considers it to be the pro-
uction of a Syrian monk. Ap.
Bansillai. L A wealthy Gileadite who
showed hospitality to David when he fled from
Absalom (2 Sam. xvii. 27). On the score of
his age, and probably from a feeling of inde-
pendence, he declined the king's offer of ending
his days at court (2 Sam. xix. 32-39). The
descendants of his daughter, who married into
a priestly family, were unable, after the cap-
tivity, to prove their genealogy (Ezr. ii. 61 ;
Neh. vii. 63). — 2. AMeholathite, whose son
Adriel married Michal, Saul's daughter (2 Sam.
xxi. 8).
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BASIN
100
BASTARD
Bas'aloth, I Esd. v. 31. [Bazmth.] Ap.
Bas'cama, a place in Gilead where Jon-
athan Maccauteus was killed by Trypho (1
Mace. xiii. 23). No trace of the name has yet
been discovered. Ap.
Ba'shan, a district on the east of Jordan.
It is not, like Argob and other districts of Pales-
tine, distinguished by one constant designation,
but is sometimes spoken of as the " land of Ba-
shan" (1 Chr. v. 11 ; and comp. Num. xxi. 33,
xxxii. 33), and sometimes as " all Bashan "
(Dent iii. 10, 13 ; Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 12, 30),
but most commonly without any addition. It
was taken by the children of Israel after their
conquest of the land of Sihon from Amon to
Jabbok. They " turned " from their road over
Jordan and " went up by the way of Bashan "
to Edrei on the western edge of the Lejah.
[Edbei.] Here they encountered Og king of
Bashan, who "came out" probably from the
natural fastnesses of Argob, only to meet the
entire destruction of himself, his sons, and all
his people (Num. xxi. 33-35 ; Deut. iii. 1-3).
The limits of Bashan are very strictly defined.
It extended from the " border of Gilead " on
the south to Mount Hcrmon on the north (Deut.
iii. 3, 10, 14; Josh. xii. 5; 1 Chr. v. 23), and
from the Arabah or Jordan valley on the west
to Salchah (Sulkhad) and the border of die
Geshurites, and the Maachathites on the east
(Josh. xii. 3-5 ; Deut. iii. 10). This important
district was bestowed on the half tribe of Ma-
nasseh (Josh. xiii. 29-31), together with "half
Gilead." It is just named in the list of Solo-
mon's commissariat districts (1 K. iv. 13).
And here, with the exception of one more pass-
ing glimpse, closes the history of Bashan as for
as the Bible is concerned. It vanishes from
our view until we meet with it as being devas-
tated by Hazael in the reign of Jehu (2 K. x.
33). After the captivity, Bashan is mentioned
as divided into four provinces — Gaulanitis
[Golan], Aurauitis [Hauean], Trachonitis
Argob], and Batansea, or Ard-d-Bathanyeh,
which lies on the east of the Lejah and the
north of the range of Jebtl Hauran ored Drvae.
Ba'shan-haVoth-ja'ir, a name given to
Argob after its conquest by Jair (Deut. iii. 14).
Bash'emath, daughter of Ishmael, the
last married of the three wives of Esau (Gen.
xxxvi. 3, 4, 13), from whose son, Reucl, four
tribes of the Edoniites were descended. When
first mentioned she is called Mahalath (Gen.
xxviii. 9) ; whilst, on the other hand, the name
Bashemath is in the narrative (Gen. xxvi. 34)
given to another of Esau's wives, the daughter
of Elon the Hittite. The Samaritan text seeks
to remove this difficulty by reading Mahalath
instead of Bashemath in the genealogy. We
might with more probability suppose that this
name (Bashemath) has been assigned to the
wrong person in one or other of the passages ;
bnt if so it is impossible to determine which is
erroneous.
Basin. Among the smaller vessels for the
Tabernacle or Temple service, many must have
been required to receive from the sacrificial
victims the blood to be sprinkled for purifica-
tion. Moses, on the occasion of the great cere-
mony of purification in tho wilderness, put half
the blood in " the basins " or bowls, and after-
wards sprinkled it on the people (Ex xxiv. *.
8). Among the vessels cast in metal, whether
gold, silver, or brass, by Hiram, for Solomon,
besides the laver and great sea, mention is made
of basins, bowls, and cups. Of the first (marg.
bowls) he is said to have made 100 (2 Chr. iv.
8 ; I K. vii. 45, 46 ; comp. Ex. xxr. 39 and 1
Chr. xxviii. 14, 17). The form and material
of these vessels can only be conjectured from
the analogy of ancient Assyrian and Egyptian
specimens of works of the same kind. The
" basin " from which our Lord washed the dis-
ciples' feet, viifriip, was probably deeper and
larger than the hand-basin for sprinkling.
Basket. The Hebrew terms used in the
description of this article are as follow* : ( I )
Sal, so called from the twigs of which it was
originally made, specially used for holding
bread (Gen. xl. 16 ft. ; Ex. xxix. 3, 23 ; Lev.
viii. 2, 26, 31 ; Num. vi. 15, 17, 19). The form
of the Egyptian bread-basket is delineated in
Wilkinson's Arte. Egypt, iii. 226, after the speci-
mens represented in the tomb of Rameses ILL
Wo must assume that the term tal passed from
its strict etymological meaning to any vessel
applied to the purpose. In Judg. vi. 19, meat
is served up in a sal, which could hardly have
been of wickerwork. (2) SalsilUth, a word of
kindred origin, applied to the basket used in
gathering grapes (Jer. vi. 9). (3) Tent, in
which the first-fruits of the harvest were pre-
sented (Deut. xxvi. 2, 4). From its being cou-
pled with the kneading-bowl (A. V. " store,"
Deut. xxviii. 5, 17), we may infer that it waa
also used for household purposes, perhaps to
bring the corn to the mill. (4) Cltub, so called
from its similarity to a bird-cage or trap, prob-
ably in regard to its having a lid : it was used
for carrying fruit (Am. viii. 1, 2). (5) Did,
used for carrying fruit (Jer. xxi v. 1, 2), as well
as on a larger scale for carrying clay to the
brickyard (Ps. lxxxi. 6 ipots, A. V.), or fot
holding bulky articles (2 K. x. 7). In the N. T.
baskets are described under the three follow-
ing terms, Koftvoc, ampif, aapyavti. The laal
occurs only in 2 Cor. xi. 33, in describing St.
Paul's escape from Damascus. With regard
to the two former words, it may be remarked
that the first is exclusively used in the descrip-
tion of the miracle of feeding the five thousand
(Matt. xiv. 20, xvi. 9 ; Mark vi. 43 ; Luke ix.
17 ; John vi. 13), and the second, in that of tba
four thousand (Matt. xv. 37 ; Mark viii. 8) :
the distinction is most definitely brought out m
Mark viii. 19, 20.
Bas math, a daughter of Solomon, mar-
ried to Ahimaaz, one of his commissariat offi-
cers (1 K. iv. 15).
Bassa, 1 Esd. v. 16. [Bezai.1 Ap.
Ba'stai, 1 Esd. v. 31. [Bbsai.] Ap.
Bastard. Among those who were ex-
cluded from entering the congregation, even t»
the tenth generation, was the nuxmzer (A. V.
bastard), who was classed in this respect with
the Ammonite and Moabite (Dent, xxiii. 2).
The term is not, however, applied to any ille-
gitimate offspring, born out of wedlock, but is
restricted by the Rabbins to the issue of any
connection within the degrees prohibited by
the Law. A mamxtr, according to the Mishna
( Yebamoth, iv. 13), is one, says R. Akiba, who
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BATH
101
BDELLIUM
ta born of relations between whom marriage is
forbidden. Simeon the Temanitc says, it is
every one whose parents are liable to the punish-
ment of " cutting off " by the hands of Heaven ;
R. Joshua, every one whose parents are liable
to death by the honse of judgment, as, for
instance, the offspring of adultery. The an-
cient versions (LXX-, Vnlg., Syr.), add another
dan, the children of a harlot, and in this sense
the term manner or manser survived in Pontifi-
cal law (Selden, de Succ. in ban. defunct., c. iii.) :
"Hauerflms seortum, sed moecha nothls dedlt
The child of a got, or non-Israelite, and a
i also reckoned by the Talmndists
is was the issue of a slave and a
, and of a maimer and female proselyte.
The term also occurs in Zech. ix. 6, " a has-
tard shall dwell in Ashdod," where it seems to
denote a foreign race of mixed and spurious
birth. Or. Geiger infers from this passage that
aaasrr specially signifies the issue of such
marriages between the Jews and the women of
AshdoS as are alluded to in Neh. xiii. 23, 24,
and applies it exclusively to the Philistine bas-
tard.
Bat ('atatteph). There is no doubt what-
ever that the A. V. is correct in its rendering
of this word. It is true that in the A. V. of
lev. xL 19, and Deut. xiv. 18, the 'atalleph
doses the lists of ' 'fowU that shall not be eaten ; "
but it most be remembered that the ancients
considered the bat to partake of the nature of
a bird, and die Hebrew 6ph, " fowls," which
bat-ally means " a wing," might be applied to
anT winged creature. Besides the passages cited
above, mention of the bat occurs in Is. ii. 20 :
"la that day a man shall cast his idols of silver
and hU idols of gold .... to the moles and
to die tats ; " and in Baruch vi. 22, in the pas-
sage that so graphically sets forth the vanity of
the Babylonish idols : " Their faces are blacked
through the smoke that cometh out of the tem-
ple; upon their bodies and heads sit bait, swal-
lows, and birds, and the cats also." Many
travellers have noticed the immense numbers of
bats that are found in caverns in the East, and
Lavard says that on the occasion of a visit to a
carera these noisome beasts compelled him to
retreat.
Bath, Bathing. This was a prescribed
partof the Jewish ntual of purification in cases
of accidental, leprous, or ordinary uncleanness
(lev. xv., xvi. 28, xxii. 6; Num. xix. 7, 19;
i Sam. xi. 2, 4 ; 2 K. v. 10) ; as also after
moaming, which always implied defilement
(Roth iii. 3 ; 2 Sam. xii. 20). The high-priest
at bis inauguration (Lev. xiii. 6) and on the
day of atonement, once before each solemn act
of propitiation (xvi. 4, 24), was also to bathe.
A bathing-chamber was probably included in
booses even of no great rank in cities from
oarlv times (2 Sam. xi. 2) ; much more in those
•f the wealthy in later times ; often in gardens
(Susan. 15). With bathing, anointing was
customarily joined ; the climate making both
fase essential alike to health and pleasure, to
which luxury added the nse of perfumes
<8nann. 17; Jud x. 3; Esth. ii. 12). The
" pools," such as that of Siloam, and Hezekiah
(Neh. iii. 15, 16; 2 K. xx. 20; Is. xxii. 11;
John ix. 7), often sheltered by porticos (John
v. 2), are the first indications we have of public
bathing accommodation.
Bath. [Measures.]
Bath-raVbim, the gate of, one of the
gates of the ancient citv of Heshbon ( Cant. vii. 4
[5] ). The " Gate of Bathrabbim " at Heshbon
would, according to the Oriental custom, be the
gate pointing to a town of that name. The only
place in this neighborhood at all resembling
Bathrabbim in sound is Rabbah. Future inves-
tigations may settle this point.
Bathnhe'ba (2 Sam. xi. 3, &c. ; also called
Bathshua in 1 Chr. iii. 5), the daughter of
Eliam (2 Sam. xi. 3), or Ammiel (1 Chr. iii. 5),
the son of Ahithophel (2 Sam. xxiii. 34), and
wife of Uriah the Hittite. The child which
was the fruit of her adulterous intercourse with
David died ; but after marriage she became the
mother of four sons, Solomon (Matt. i. 6),
Shimea, Shobab, and Nathan. When Adonijah
attempted to set aside in his own favor the suc-
cession promised to Solomon, Bathsheba was
employed by Nathan to inform the king of the
conspiracy (l K. i. 1 1 , 1 5, 23). After the acces-
sion of Solomon, she, as queen-mother, requested
permission of her son for Adonijah to take in
marriage Abishag the Shunamite (I K. ii. 21-
25).
Bath-ehu'a. [Bathsheba.]
Bath-zachari as, a place, named only
1 Mace. vi. 32, 33, to which Judas Maccabrcus
marched from Jerusalem, and where he en-
camped for the relief of Bethsura. The two
places were seventy stadia apart, and the
approaches to Bathzacharias were intricate and
confined. This description is met in every
respect by the modern Beit Sakarieh, nine
miles north of Beit sir. [Bethzur.] Ap.
Battle-axe, Jer. Ii. 20 [Maul].
Bav'ai, son of Henadnd, ruler of the dis-
trict of Keilah in the time of Nehemiah (Neh.
iii. 18).
Bay-tree (ezrach). It is difficult to see
upon what grounds the translators of the A. V.
have understood the Hebrew word of Pa.
xxxvii. 35 to signify a " bay-tree." Most of
the Jewish doctors understand by the term
ezrach "a tree which grows in its own soil " —
one that has never been transplanted ; which
is the interpretation given in the margin of the
A. V. The word ezr/ich literally signifies a
"native," in contradistinction to "a stranger,"
or " a foreigner."
Bazlith, " Children of B." were amongst
the Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel
(Neh. vii. 54). In E/.r. ii. 52, the name is
given as Bazluth, and in 1 Esd. v. 31 as
Babaloth.
Bazluth [Bazlith].
Bde llium (bedolach), a precious substance,
the name of which occurs in Gen. ii. 12, with
" gold " and " onyx stone," as one of the pro-
ductions of the land of Havilah, and in Num.
xi. 7, where manna is in color compared to
bdellium. It is quite impossible to say whether
brdSlnch denotes a mineral or an animal pro-
duction, or a vegetable exudation. Bdellium
is an odoriferous exudation from a tree which
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BEARD
102
BEARD
b perhaps the Banana flabeUiformu, Lin., of
Arabia Felix.
Beali'ah, a Benjamite, who went over to
David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5).
Bo'aloth, a town in the extreme sooth of
Jndah (Josh. xv. 24).
Bean, Children of, a tribe, apparently
of predatory Bedouin habits, who were de-
stroyed by Judas Maccabeus (1 Mace. v. 4).
The name has been supposed to be identical
with Beon. Ap-
Beans (2 Sam. xvii. 28 ; Ez. iv. 9). Beans
are cultivated in Palestine, which produces
many of the leguminous order of plants, such
as lentils, kidney-beans, vetches, &c. Beans
are in blossom in January; they have been
noticed in flower at Lydda on the 23d, and at
Sidon and Acre even earlier ; they continue in
flower till March. In Egypt beans are sown
in November and reaped in the middle of Feb-
ruary, but in Syria the harvest is later.
Bear. The Syrian bear ( Urmu Syriaaa),
which is without doubt the animal mentioned
in the Bible, is still found on the higher moun-
tains of Palestine. During the summer months
these bears keep to the snowy parts of Lebanon,
but descend in winter to the villages and gar-
dens. It is probable also that at this period in
former davs they extended their visits to other
parts of Palestine. We read in Scripture of
bears being found in a wood between Jericho
and Bethel (2 K. ii. 24) ; it is not improbable
therefore that the destruction of the forty-two
children who mocked Elisha took place some
time in the winter, when these animals inhab-
ited the lowlands of Palestine. The ferocity
of the bear when deprived of its young is
alluded to in 2 Sam. xvii. 8 ; Prov. xvii. 12;
Hos. xiii. 8 ; its attacking flocks in 1 Sam.
xvii. 34, 4c. ; its craftiness in ambush in Lam.
iii. 10, and that it was a dangerous enemy to
man we learn from Am. v. 19. The passage
in Is. lix. 11 would be better translated "we
groan like bears," in allusion to the animal's
plaintive groaning noise. The bear is men-
tioned also in Rev. xiii. 2; in Dan. vii. 5;
Wisd. xi. 17 ; Ecclus. xlrii. 3.
Boards. Egyptian, from Wilklnion (top row). Of other na-
tion*, from RooelUni and Layard.
Beard. Western Asiatics have always
cherished the beard as the badge of the dig-
nity of manhood, and attached to it the im-
portance of a feature. The Egyptians on the
contrary, sedulously, for the most part, shaved
the hair of the face and heart, ana compelled
their slaves to do the like. The enemies of the
Egyptians, including probably many of the
nations of Canaan, Syria, and Armenia, 4c,
are represented nearly always bearded. In the
Ninevite monuments is a series of battle-views
from the capture of Lachish by Sennacherib, in
which the captives have beards very like some
of those in the Egyptian monuments. There
is, however, an appearance of conventionalism
both in Egyptian and Assyrian treatment of
the hair and beard on monuments, which pre-
vents our accepting it as characteristic. Nor
is it possible to decide with certainty the mean-
ing of the precept (Lev. xix. 27, xxi. 5) re-
garding the " comers of the beard." Probably
the Jews retained the hair on the sides of the
face between the ear and the eye, which the
Arabs and others shaved away. Size and
fulness of beard are said to be regarded, at the
present day, as a mark of respectability and
trustworthiness. The beard is the object of an
Beard.
oath, and that on which blessings or shame are
spoken of as resting. The custom was and is
to shave or pluck it and the hair out in mourn-
ing (Is. 1. 6, xv. 2 ; Jer. xli. 5, xlviii. 37 ; Ear.
ix. 3 ; Bar. vi. 31 ) ; to neglect it in seasons of
permanent affliction (2 Sam. xix. 24), and to
regard any insult to it as the last outrage which
enmity can inflict (2 Sam. x. 4). The beard
was the object of salutation (2 Sam. xx. 9).
The dressing, trimming, anointing, Ac., of the
beard, was performed with much ceremony by
persons of wealth and rank (Ps. exxxiii. 2).
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BECHER
103
BED
The removal of the beard was a nut of the
ceremonial treatment proper to a leper (Lev.
xiv.9).
Beast. The representative iu tht. A. V. of
the fallowing Hebrew words: — L Bekemak,
which is the general name for " domestic cat-
tle " of any kind, is used also to denote " any
lege quadruped," as opposed to fowls aud
creeping things (Gen. vi. 7, 20, vii. 2 ; Ex. ix.
15; Ler. xi. 2 ; 1 K. it. 33; Prov. xxx. 30,
4*.) ; or for " beasts of burden," horses, mules,
4t, u m 1 K. xriii. 5 ; Neh. ii. IS, 14, 4c ; or
the word may denote "wild beasts," as in
De»t xxxii. 24 ; Hab. it 17 ; 1 Sain. xvii. 44. —
2. BCir is used either collectively of " all kinds
of cattle," like the Latin pecus (Ex. xxii. 5 [4l ;
Num. xx. 4, 8, 11; Pi. lxxviii. 43), or specially
of" beasts of burden" (Gen. xlv. 17). This
word has a more limited sense than the pre-
ceding. — 3. CAaggdh. is used to denote any
■aimaL It is, however, very frequently used
iwcially of " wild beast," when the meaning is
often more fully expressed by the addition of
the word fcuarida* (wild beast) " of the field "
(Ex-xiiiL 11 ; Lev. xxvi 32; Dent. vii. 22;
Him. it 12 [U|, xiii. 8; Jer. xii. 9, Ac.).
Bebai. L " Sons of Bebai," 623 (Neh.
618) in number, returned from Babylon with
Zerubbebel (Ear. ii. 11 ; Neh. vii. 16; 1 Esd.
r. 13), and at a later period twenty-eight
Dure, under Zechariah the son of Bebai, re-
tamed with Exra ( Ear. viii. 1 1 ) . Four of this
fsmily had taken foreign wives (Ezr. x. 28 ;
I Eai ix. 29). The name occurs also among
those who sealed the covenant (Neh. x. 15). —
2. Father of Zechariah, who was the leader of
the twenty-eight men of his tribe mentioned
sboTe (Ezr. vui. 11).
Baba'i, a place named only in Jud. xv. 4.
Be'cher. L. The second son of Benjamin,
tecording to the list both in Gen. xlvi. 21, anil
1 Chr. vii. 6; but omitted in 1 Chr. viii. 1.
So one, however, can look at tho Hebrew text
of 1 Chr. viii. 1, without at least suspecting
that oeeoVtS, his Jirst-born, is a corruption of
Better, so that the genuine reading would be,
llajamin begat Bda, Docker, and AMd, in ex-
act agreement with Gen. xlvi. 21. There is,
however, another view which may be taken,
*u-, that 1 Chr. viii. 1 is right, and that in
Gen. xlvi. 21, and I Chr. vii. 8, Becher, as
• proper name, is a corruption of Becdr, first-
born, to that Benjamin had no son Becher.
Notwithstanding all the arguments in favor
of this, the first supposition is, it can scarcely
>c doubted, substantially the true one. Becher
was one of Benjamin's three sons, Bela, Becher,
Ashbel, and came down to Egypt with Ja-
cob, being one of the fourteen descendants
of Rachel who settled in Egypt As regards
the posterity of Becher, we have to notice the
singular fact of there being no family named
•fter him at the numbering of the Israelites in
the plains of Moab, as related in Num. xxvi.
Bat the no less singular circumstance of there
bang a Becker, and a family of Baekrites,
"aong the sons of Ephraim (ver. 35), seems
to (apply the true explanation. The slaughter
of the tons of Ephraim by the men of Gath,
who came to steal their cattle ont of the land
•f G"*hen in that border affray related in 1
Chr. vii. 21, had sadly thinned the house of
Ephraim of its males. The daughters of Ephra-
im must therefore have sought husbands in
other tribes, and in many cases must have
been heiresses. It is therefore highly probable
that Becher, or his heir and head of his house,
married an Epliraimitish heiress, a daughter of
Shuthelah ( 1 Chr. vii. 20, 21 ), and so that his
house was reckoned in the tribe of Ephraim,
just as Jair, the son of Segub, was reckoned in
the tribe of Manassch (1 Chr. ii. 22; Num.
xxxii. 40, 41). The time when Becher first
appears among the Ephrairaites, viz., just
before the entering into the promised land,
when the people were numbered by genealogies
for the express purpose of dividing the inher-
itance equitably among the tribes, is evidently
highly favorable to this view. (See Num.
xxvi. 52-56, xxvi.) The junior branches of
Becker's family would of course continue in
the tribe of Benjamin. — 2. Son of Ephraim,
Num. xxvi. 35, called Bebed 1 Chr. vii. 20.
Same as the preceding.
Becho'rath, son of Aphiah, or Abiah, and
grandson of Becher, according to 1 Sam. ix. 1 ;
1 Chr. vii. 8.
Beo'tileth, the plain of, mentioned in
Jud. ii. 21, as lying between Nineveh and Cili-
cia. The name has been compared with Box-
TaXaMa, a town of Syria named by Ptolemy,
Bactiali in the Peutinger Tables, which place it
21 miles from Antioch. Ap.
Bed and Bed-chamber. We may dis-
tinguish in the Jewish bed five principal parts :
— 1. the mattress; 2. tho covering; 3. the
pillow; 4. the bedstead or support for 1 ; 5.
the ornamental portions. — 1 . This portion of
the bed was limited to a mcro mat, or one or
more quilts. — 2. A quilt finer than those used
in 1. In summer a thin blanket or the outer
garment worn by day (1 Sam. xix. 13) sufficed.
Hence the law provided that it should not be
kept in pledge after sunset, that the poor man
might not lack his needful covering (Dcut.
xxiv. 13). — 3. The only material mentioned for
this is that which occurs 1 Sum. xix. 13, and
the word used is of doubtful meaning, but
seems to signify tome fabric woven or plaited
of goat's hair. It is clear, however, that it was
something hastily adopted to serve an n pillow,
and is not decisive of tho ordinary use. In Ei.
xiii. 18 occurs the word cetctli, which seems to
be tho proper term. Such pillows are common
to this day in the East, formed of sheep's fleece
or goat's skin, with a stuffing of cotton, &c. —
4. The bedstead was not always necessary, the
divan, or platform along the side or end of an
Oriental room, sufficing as a support for tho
bedding. Yet some slight and portable frame
seems implied among the senses of the word,
which is used for a "bier" (2 Sam. iii. 31),
and for the ordinary bed (2 K. iv. 10), for the
litter on which a sick person might be carried
(1 Sam. xix. 15), for Jacob's bed of sickness
(Gen. xlvii. 31), ami for the couch on which
guests reclined at a banquet (Ksth. i. 6). — 5.
The ornamental portions were pillars and a
canopy (Jud. xiii. 9), ivory carvings, gold and
silver, and probably mosaic work, purple and
fine linen (Ksth. i. 6; Cant iii. 9, 10). The
ordinary furniture of a bed-chamber in private-
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BEE
104
BEELZEBCL
life i i given in 2 K. iv. 10. The " bed-chum -
bcr " in the temple where Joash was hidden,
was, probably, a store-chamber for keeping beds
(2 K. xi. 2; 2 Chr. xxii. 11). The position
BtA uid Hnd-rnt (Wllklnwn. Ancient Egyptian*.)
of the bed-chamber in the most remote and
secret parts of the palace seems marked in the
passages, Ex. viii. 3 ; 2 K. vi. 12.
Be'dad, the father of Hadad king of Edom
(Gen. xxxvi. 35 ; 1 Chr. i. 46).
Be'd&n. 1. Mentioned 1 Sam. xii. 1 1 , as a
Judge of Israel between Jerubbnal (Gideon)
and Jephthah. Some maintain him to be the
Jair mentioned in Judg. x. 3. The Chaldee
Paraphrast reads Samson for Bedan ; the
LXX., Syr., and Arab., all have Barak, a
very probable correction except for the order
of the names. Ewald suggests that it may be
a false reading for Abclon. — 2. Son of Ulam,
the son of Gilead (1 Chr. vii. 17).
Bodoi'ah, one of the sons of Bani, in the
time of Ezra, who had taken a foreign wife
fEzr. x. 35).
Bee (debarah), Deut. i. 44; Judg. xiv. 8;
Ps. cxviii. 12; Is. vii. 18. That Palestine
abounded in bees is evident from the descrip-
tion of that land by Moses, for it was a land
" flowing with milk and honey ; " nor is there
any reason for supposing that this expression
is to be understood otherwise than in its literal
sense. Modern travellers occasionally allude
to the bees of Palestine. Dr. Thomson ( The
Land and the Book, p. 299) speaks of immense
xwarms of bees which made their home in a
gigantic cliff of Wady Kurn. " The people
of M'alia, several years ago," he says, " let a
man down the face of the rocks by ropes.
He was entirely protected from the assaults of
the bees, and extracted a large amount of
honey ; but he was so terrified bv the prodi-
gious swarms of bees that he could not he in-
duced to repeat the exploit" This forcibly
illustrates Deut. xxxii. 13, and Ps. lxxxi. 16,
as to " honey out of the stonv rock," and the
two passages out of the Psalms and Judges
quoted above, as to the fearful nature of the
attacks of these insects when irritated. Eng-
lish naturalists know little of the species of bees
that are found in Palestine. Mr. F. Smith,
our best authority on the Ilymenoptcra, is
inclined to believe that the honey-bee of Pales-
tine is distinct from the honey-bee (A. mellifica)
of this country. There can be no doubt that
the attacks of bees in Eastern countries are
more to be dreaded than they are in more tem-
perate climates. Swarms in the East are far
larger than they are with us, and, on account
of the heat of the climate, one can readily
imagine that their stings must give rise to
very dangerous symptoms. We can well, there-
fore, understand the full force of the Psalmist's
complaint, " They came about me like bees."
The passage about the swarm of bees and honey
in the lion's carcass (Judg. xiv. 8) admits of
easy explanation. The lion which Samson
slew had been dead some little time before the
bees had taken up their abode in the carcass,
for it is expressly stated that " after a time "
Samson returned and saw the bees and honey-
in the lion's carcass, so that, as has been well
observed, " if any one here represents to him-
self a corrupt and putrid carcass, the occur-
rence ceases to have any true similitude, for it
is well known that in these countries, at certain
seasons of the year, the heat will in the course
of twenty-four hours so completely dry up the
moisture of dead camels, and that without their
undergoing decomposition, that their bodies
long remain, like mummies, unaltered and en-
tirely free from offensive odor." The passage
in Is. vii. 18, " the Lord shall hiss for the bee
that is in the land of Assyria," has been under-
stood by some to refer to the practice of " call-
ing out the bees from their hives by a hissing
or whistling sound to their labor in the fields,
and summoning them again to return " in the
evening. In all probability, however, the ex-
pression in Isaiah has reference, as Mr. Dcnham
says, " to the custom of the people in the East
of calling the attention of any one by a signifi-
cant hiss or rather hist."
Beeli'ada, one of David's sons, born in
Jerusalem (1 Chr. xiv. 7). In the lists in
Samuel the name is Eliada.
Beel'sarus, l Esd. v. 8. [Bilshak.]
Beelteth'mus, an officer of Artaxerxes
residing in Palestine (1 Esd. ii. 16, 25). The
name is a corruption of the title of Rehum,
A. V. " chancellor," the name immediately
before it (Eur. iv. 8). Ap.
Beel'zebul, the title of a heathen deity, to
whom the Jews ascribed the sovereignty of the
evil spirits (Matt. x. 25, xii. 24 ; Mark iii. 22 ;
Luke xi. 15 ff.). The correct reading is with-
out doubt Beazebul, and not Beelzebub as given
in the Svriac, the Vulg., and some other ver-
sions. — 1. The explanations offered in reference
to the change of the name may be ranged into
two classes, according as they are based on the
sound, or the meaning of the word. We should
prefer the assumption, in connection with the
former view, that the change was purely of an
accidental nature. The second class of expla-
nations carries the greatest weight of authority
with it : these proceed on the ground that the
Jews intentionally changed the pronunciation
of the word, so as either to give a significance
to it adapted to their own ideas, or to cast ridi-
cule upon the idolatry of the neighboring
nations, in which case we might compare the
adoption of Sychar for Sychem, Beth-aven for
Bethel. Some connect the term with zebul, habi-
tation, thus making Beclzebul = ol«xJ«rir6rijc
(Matt. x. 25), the lord of the dwelling, whether
as the " prince of the power of the air" (Eph.
ii. 2), or as the prince of the lower world, or as
inhabiting human bodies, or as occupying a
munsion in the seventh heaven, like Saturn in
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BEEROTH
105
BEERS HEBA
Oriental mythology. Others derive it from «W,
d*ag, thus making Beelzebul, literally, the lordof
d«7, or the dtmghiU ; and in a secondary sense,
as asW was used by the Talmudical writers
a* = idol or idolatry, the lord of idols, prince of
faint gods. It is generally held that the former
of these two senses is more particularly referred
to in the N. T. : the latter, however, is adopted
by Lightfbot and Schleosner. We have lastly
to notice the ingenious conjecture of Hug that
the fly, under which Baalzeoub was represented,
was the Satrabaais piUularius or dunghill beetle, in
which case Baalzebub and Beelzebul might be
used indifferently. — 2. The reference in Matt.
x. 25 may hare originated in a fancied resem-
blance between the application of Ahaziah to
Baabebub, and that of the Jews to our Lord for
the ejection of the unclean spirits. The title,
" prince of the devils," may have special refer-
ence to the nature of the disease in question, or
it may have been educed from the name itself by
a fancied or real etymology. It is worthy of
special observation that the notices of Beelze-
bul are exclusively connected with the subject
of demoniacal possession, a circumstance which
may account for the subsequent disappearance
of the name.
Bo'er. 1. One of the latest halting-places
of the Israelites, lying beyond the Anion, and
so called because of the well which was there
dog by the " princes " and " nobles " of the
people, and is perpetuated in a fragment of
poetry (Num. xxi. 16-18). This is possibly
the Bbkh-kli m referred to in Is. xv. 8. — 2. A
place to which Jotham, the son of Gideon, fled
for fear of his brother Abimelech ( Judg. ix. 31 ).
There is nothing to indicate its position.
Be'era, son of Zophah, of the tribe of Asher
(1 Ohr. vii. 37).
Be'er&h, prince of the Reubenites, carried
any by Tiglath-pileser (1 Chr. v. 6).
Beer-e'Em, a spot named in Is. xv. 8 ar
oa the" border of Moab," apparently the south,
Eglaim being at the north end of the Dead Sea.
The name points to the well dug by the chiefs
•f Israel on their approach to the promised
land, close by the "border of Moab'' (Num.
xxL 16 ; comp. 13).
Bo'eri. L The father of Judith, one of
the wives of Esau (Gen. xx vi. 34). [Anah.] —
2. Father of the prophet Hosea (Hos. i. 1 ).
Beer-lah&'i-roi, a well, or rather a living
spring ( A.V. fountain, comp. Jer. vi. 7), between
h&desh and Bered, in the wilderness, " in the
way to Shor," and therefore in the " south coun-
try" (Gen. xxiv. 62), which, according to the
explanation of the text, was so named by Ha-
fir, because God saw her there (Gen. xvi. 14).
y this well Isaac dwelt both before and after
the death of his father (Gen. xxiv. 62, xxv. 1 1 ).
In both these passages the name is given in the
A.T. as " the well Lahai-roi." Mr. Rowland
•nominees the discovery of the well Lahai-roi
tlMode or Mailahi, a station on the road to
Beersoeba, 10 hours south of Ruheibeh; near
which is a hole or cavern bearing the name of
Bat Hagar (Hitter, Sinai, 1086, 7) ; but this
requires confirmation.
Be'eroth, one of the four cities of the Hi-
vttes who deluded Joshua into a treaty of peace
witl them; the other three being Giheon,
14
I Chephirah, and Kirjath-Jearim (Josh. ix. 17).
Beeroth was with the rest of these towns allotted
to Benjamin (xviii. 25), in whose possession it
continued at the time of David, the murderers
of Ish-bosheth being named as belonging to it
(2 Sam. iv. 2). It is once more named with
Chephirah and K. Jcarim in the list of those
who returned from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 25 ; Neh.
vii. 29 ; 1 Esdr. v. 19). [Beroth.] Beeroth
was known in the times of Eusebius, and his
description of its position agrees perfectly with
that of the modern el-Birth, which stands at about
10 miles north of Jerusalem by the great road
to Nablus, just below a ridge which bounds the
prospect northwards from the Holy City. Na-
hari "the Beerothite" (2 Sam. xxiii. 37),
or "the Berothite" (I Chr. xl 39), was
one of the " mighty men " of David's guard.
Be'eroth of the Children of Jaakan,
the wells of the tribe of Bene-Jaakan, which
formed one of the halting-places of the Israelites
in the desert (Deut. x. 6). In Num. xxxiii.,
the name is given as Bene Jaakan only.
Beer-she Tsa, the name of one of the oldest
J daces in Palestine, which formed the southern
imit of the country. There are two accounts
of the origin of the name. — 1. According to
the first, the well was dug by Abraham, and the
name given, because there he and Abimelech
the king of the Philistines " sware " both of
them (Gen. xxi. 31). But the compact was
ratified by the setting apart of " seven ewe
lambs ; " and as the Hebrew word for " seven "
is Sheba, it is equally possible that this is the
meaning of the name. Here, and in subsequent
early notices of the place, it is spelt Beershala.
— 2. The other narrative ascribes the origin of
the name to an occunv.ico almost precisely sim-
ilar, in which both Abimelech the king of the
Philistines, and Phichol, his chief captain, are
again concerned, with the difference that the
person on the Hebrew side of the transaction
:< Isaac instead of Abraaam (Gen. xxvi. 31-33).
Here there is no reference to the " seven " lambs,
and we are left to infer the derivation of Shibah
(not " Shebah," as in the A. V.) from the men-
tion of the " swearing " in ver. 31 . If we ac-
cept the statement of ver. 18 as referring to
the same well as the former account, we shall
be spared the necessity of inquiring whether
these two narratives relate two separate occur-
rences, or refer to one and the same event, at
one time ascribed to one, at another time
to another, of the early heroes and founders
of the nation. There are at present on the
spot two principal wells, and five smaller ones.
The two principal wells arc on or close to
the northern bank of the Wady es-Seba'. They
lie just a hundred yards apart, and are so
placed as to be visible from a considerable dis-
tance. The larger of the two, which lies to the
east, is, according to the careful measurements
of Dr. Robinson, 124 feet diam., and at the
time of his visit (Apr. 12) was 444 feet to the
surface of the water: the masonry which en-
closes the well reaches downwards for 284 feet.
The other well is 5 feet diam., and was 42 feet
to the water. The curb-stones round the
mouth of both wells are worn into deep grooves
by the action of the ropes of so many centuries,
and "look as if frilled or Anted nil round."
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BEHEMOTH
106
BELIAL
The five leaner wells are in a group in the bed
of the wady. On some low hills north of the
large wells are scattered the foundations and
rains of a town of moderate size. There are
no trees or shrubs near the spot. — From the
time of Jacob (Gen. xlvi. 1) till the conquest
of the country we only catch a momentary
glimpse of Beersheba in the lists of the cities
in the extreme south of Judah (Josh. xv. 28)
given to the tribe of Simeon (xix. 2 ; 1 Cbr. iv.
28). Samuel's sons were judges there (1 Sam.
viii. 2). From Dan to Beersheba (Judg. xx. 1,
4c.), or from Beersheba to Dan ( 1 Chr. xxi. 2 ;
comp. 2 Sam. xxi v. 2), became the established
formula for the whole of the promised land ;
just as " from Geba to B." (2 K. xxiii. 8), or
"from B. to Mount Ephraim" (2 Chr. xix. 4),
was that for the southern kingdom after the dis-
ruption. After the return from the Captivity
the formula is narrowed still more, and becomes
"from B. to the Valley of Hinnom" (Nell. xi.
30). From the incidental references of Amos,
we find that, like Bethel and Gilgal, the place
was in his time the seat of an idolatrous wor-
ship, apparently connected in some intimate
manner with the northern kingdom (Am. v. 5,
viii. 14). After this, with the mere mention
that Beersheba and the villages round it were
re-inhabited after the Captivity (Neh. xi. 30),
the name dies entirely out of the Bible records.
In the time of Jerome it was still a consider-
able place; and later it is mentioned as an
episcopal city under the Bishop of Jerusalem.
It only remains to notice that it retains its
ancient name as nearly similar in sound as an
Arabic signification will permit — Bir es-Seba
— the " well of the lion," or " of seven."
Beesh'terah, one of the two cities allotted
to the sons of Gcrshoin, out of the tribe of Ma-
nasseh beyond Jordan (Josh. xxi. 27). It ap-
pears to be identical with Ashtaroth (1 Chr.
Ti. 71).
Beetle. [Locust.]
Beheading. [Punishments.]
BeTiemotn. There cau be little or no
4onbt, that by this word (Job xl. 15-24) the
hippopotamus is intended, since all the details
descriptive of the behemoth accord entirely with
the ascertained habits of that animal. Since
in the first part of Jehovah's discourse (Job
Behemoth.
xxxviii., xxxix.) land animals and birds are
mentioned, it suits the general purpose of that
discourse better to suppose thnt aquatic or am-
phibious creatures are spoken of in the last half
of it ; and since the leviathan, by almost uni-
versal consent, denotes the crocodile, the behe-
moth seems clearly to point to the hippopota,
mus, his associate in the Nile. The description
of the animal's lying under " the shady trees,"
amongst the " reeds and willows, is peculiarly
applicable to the hippopotamus. It has been
argued that such a description is equally appli-
cable to the elephant ; but this is hardly the
case, for though the elephant is fond of frequent
ablutions, ana is frequently seen near water,
yet the constant habit of the hippopotamus, as
implied in verses 21 , 22, seems to be especially
made the subject to which the attention is di-
rected.
BeTtah. [Weights and Mxasckzs.1
Bel. [Baal.] Ap.
Bel and Dragon. [Daniel, Afocky-
PHAL ADDITIONS TO.]
Bela. L One of the five cities of the plain
which was spared at the intercession of Lot,
and received the name of Zoar (Gen. xiv. 2,
xix. 22). It lay on the southern extremity of
the Dead Sea, on the frontier of Moab and Pal-
estine (Jerome on Is. xv.), and on the route to
Egypt ; the connection in which it is found, Is.
xv. 5 ; Jer. xlviii. 34 ; Gen. xiii. 10. We first
read of Bela in Gen. xiv. 2, 8. The king of
Bela is the only one of the five confederates
whose name is not given, and this suggests the
probability of Bela having been his own name,
as well as the name of his city, which may have
been so called from him. — 2. Son of Beor,
who reigned over Edom in the city of Dinha-
bah, eight generations before Saul, king of Is-
rael, or about the time of the Exodus. Bernard
Hyde, following some Jewish commentators
(Simon. Onomast. 1-.2, note), identifies this Be-
la with Balaam the son of Beor ; but the evi-
dence from the name does not seem to prove
more than identity of family and race. There
is nothing whatever to guide us as to the age
of Beor, or Bosor, the founder of the house
from which Bela and Balaam sprung. The
name of Bcla's ancestor Beor is of a decidedly
Chaldce or Aramean form ; and we are ex-
pressly told that Balaam the son of Beor dwelt
in Pethor, which is by the river of the land of
the children of his people, i\e. the river Eu-
phrates ; and he himself describes his home aa
being in Aram (Num. xxii. 5, xxiii. 7). Hence
it is not improbable that Bela the son of Beor,
who reigned over Edom, was a Chaldean by
birth, and reigned in Edom by conquest He
may have been contemporary with Moses and
Balaam. The passage Gen. xxxvi. 31-39, is
given in duplicate 1 Chr. i. 43-51. — 3. Eldest
son of Benjamin, according to Gen. xlvi. 21
(A. V. "Belah "), Num. xxvi. 38, 40 ; 1 Chr.
vii. 6, viii. 1 ; and head of the family of the
Bblaitbs. — 4. Son of Ahaz, a Reubcnite
(1 Chr. v. 8).
Belah. [Bela, 3.]
Belaites, the. Num. xxvi. 38. [Bela, 3.]
Belemus, l Esd. ii. ig. [Bishlam.]
Belial. The translators of our A. V.,
following the Vulgate, have frequently treated
this word as a proper name, and given it in the
form Belial, in accordance with 2 Cor. _vi. 15.
This is particularly the case where it is con.
nected with the expressions man of, or son of: in
other instances it is translated nicked or some
equivalent term (Dent. xv. 9 ; Ps. xli. 8, ci. 3 ;
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BELLS
107
BELSHAZZAR
Prov. vi. 19, xri.27, xix. 88; Nah. i. 11, 15).
There tan be no question, however, that the
word is not to be regarded as a proper name
in the O. T. ; its meaning is worthlemeu, and
brace rtcklatxest, lawiatnat. The expression
■a or sua of Belial most be understood as
meaning simply a worthless, lawless fellow : it
occurs frequently in this sense in the historical
books (Judg. xix. 22, xx. 13 ; 1 Sam. i. 16, ii. 12,
1. 17, xxt. 17, 25, xxx. 22 ; 2 Sam. xvi. 7, xx.
1 ; 1 K. xxi. 10 ; 2 Chr. xiii. 7), and only once
in the earlier books (Deutxiii. 13). In 2 Sam.
rxiii. 6, and Job. xxxiv. 18, Belial stands by
itself, as a term of reproach. In the N. T. the
term appears in the form BeXiap and not Be-
Uri, as given in the A. V. The term as used
in 1 Cor. vi. 1 5 is generally understood as an
appellative of Satan, as the personification of
su that was bad : Bengel explains it of Anti-
christ, as more strictly the opposite of Christ.
Bellows. The word occurs only in Jer.
tL 29, " The bellows are burned ; " where their
use is to beat a smelting furnace. A picture
of two different kinds of bellows, both of nigh-
ty ingenious construction, may be found in
Wilkinson, Aite. Egypt. Ui. 338. " They con-
sated," he says, " ofa leather, secured and fitted
into a frame, from which a long pipe extended
br carrying the wind to the fire. They were
sorked by the feet, the operator standing upon
them, with one under each foot, and pressing
them alternately while he pulled up each ex-
hausted skin with a string he held in his hand.
Is one instance we observe from the painting,
mat, when the man left the bellows, they were
raised as if inflated with air ; and this would
imply a knowledge of the valve. The pipes
even in the time of Thothmes II., [supposed
to be] the contemporary of Moses, appear to
ban been simply of reed, tipped with a metal
point to resist the action of the fire."
(F. CaUUard, RecAercha «r la ArU da
Ajteiam Snptiaw.)
, Bella. There are two words thus translated
m the A. V., vis. pa'imdn, Ex. xxviii. 33, and
■sbffl&A, Zech. xiv. 20 ; A. V. marg. " bridles."
In Ex. xxviii. 33 the bells alluded to were the
golden ones, according to the Rabbis 72 in num-
ber, which alternated with the three-colored
pomegranates round the hem of the high-
priest's ephod. The object of them was " Mat
bis sound might be heard when he went in un-
to the holy place, and when he came out, that
« die not* (Ex. xxviii. 34; Ecclns. xlv. 9).
"0 donbt they answered the same purpose as
•be bells used by the Brahmins in the Hindoo
■remonies, and by the Roman Catholics during
the celebration of mass. To this day, bells are
frequently attached, for the sake of their pleas-
ant sound, to the anklets of women. [Ajtx-
ust.] The little girls of Cairo wear strings of
them round their feet In Zech. xiv. 20 " bell*.
of the horses " is probably a wrong rendering.
It is more probable that they are not bells, but
concave or flat pieces of brass, which were
sometimes attached to horses for the sake of
ornament
Bel'maim, * place which, from the terms
of the passage, would appear to have been south
of Dothaim (Jud. vii. 3). Possibly it is the
same as Bbuseh.
Bel/men, a place named amongst the towns
of Samaria, as lying between Beth-horon and
Jericho (Jud. iv. 4).
BelshWzar, the last king of Babylon.
According to the well-known narrative in Dan.
v., he was slain during a splendid feast in his
palace. Similarly Xenopnon tells us that
Babylon was taken by Cyrus in the night,
while the inhabitants were engaged in feasting
and revelry, and that the king was killed. On
the other hand the narratives of Berosus in
Josephus and of Herodotus differ from the
above account in some important particulars.
Berosus calls the last king of Babylon Nabon-
nedus or Nabonadius, and says that in the 17th
year of his reign Cyrus took Babylon, the king
having retired to the neighboring city of Bor-
sippus or Borsippa. Being blockaded in that
city Nabonnedus surrendered, his life was
spared, and a principality or estate given to
him in Carmania, where he died. According-
to Herodotus the last king was called Labynetus,
a name easy to reconcile with the Nabonnedus
of Berosus, and the Nabannidochus of Megos-
thenes. Cyrus, after defeating Labynetus in
the open field, appeared before Babylon, within
which the besieged defied attack and even
blockade. But he took the city by drawing;
off for a time the waters of the Euphrates, ana
then marching in with his whole army along its
bed during a great Babylonian festival. These
discrepancies have lately been cleared up by the
discoveries of Sir Henry Rawlinson. From the
inscriptions on some cylinders found at Ura-
Qeer, it appears that the eldest son of Nsbon-
nedus was called Bcl-shar-czar, contracted into
Belshaziar, and admitted by his father to a
share in the government. In a communication
to the Athenasum, No. 1377, Sir Henry Raw-
linson says, " We can now understand how Bel-
shazzar, as joint king with his father, may have
been governor of Babylon, when the city was
attacked by the combined forces of the Medea
and Persians, and may have perished in the as-
sault which followed ; while Nabonnedus lead-
ing a force to the relief of the place was
defeated, and obliged to take refuge in Borsip-
pa, capitulating after a short resistance, and
being subsequently assigned, according to Bero-
sus, an honorable retirement in Carmania." In
Dan. v. 2, Nebuchadnezzar is called the father
of Belshazzar. This, of course, need only mean
grandfather or ancestor. Rawlinson connects
Belshazzar with Nebuchadnezzar through his
mother, thinking it probable that Nabu-nahit
would strengthen his position by marrying the
daughter of that king, who would thus be Bel-
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BENEJAAKAN
108
BENHADAD
shazzar's maternal grandfather. A totally dif-
ferent view is taken by Marcus Niebuhr, who
considers Belshazzar to be another name for
Evilmerodach, the son of Nebuchadnezzar. On
Rawlinson's view, Belshazzar died B.C. 538 ; on
Niebuhr's, B.C. 559.
Belteshaz'zar. [Daniel.]
Ben, a Levite " of the second degree," one
of the porters appointed by David for the ark
(1 Chr. xv. 18).
Bena'iah. 1. The son of Jehoiada the chief
priest (I Chr. xxvii. 5), and therefore of the
tribe of Levi, though a native of Kabzeel (2
Sam. xxiii. 20 ; 1 Chr. xi. 22), in the south of
Juilnh; set by David (1 Chr. xi. 25) over his
body-guard of Cherethites and Pelethites (2
Sam. viii. 18; I K. i. 38; 1 Chr. xviii. 17; 2
Sam. xx. 23), and occupying a middle rank
between the first three of the " mighty men,"
and the thirty " valiant men of the armies " (2
Sam. xxiii. 22, 23; 1 Chr. xi. 25, xxvii. 6).
The exploits which gave him this rank are
narrated in 2 Sam. xxiii. 20, 21 ; 1 Chr. xi.
22. He was captain of the host for the third
month (1 Chr. xxvii. 5). Benaiah remained
faithful to Solomon during Adonijah's attempt
on the crown (1 K. i. 8, 10, 32, 36, 44), and
was raised into the place of Joab as com-
mander-in-chief of the whole army (ii. 35, iv.
4). He appears to have had a son, called after
his grandfather, Jehoiada, who succeeded Ahith-
ophel about the person of the king (1 Chr.
xxvii. 34). But this is possibly a copyist's
mistake for " Benaiah the son of Jehoiada." —
2. Benaiah the Pirathonite ; an Ephraimite,
one of David's thirty mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii.
30 ; 1 Chr. xi. 31 ), and the captain of the eleventh
monthly course (1 Chr. xxvii. 14). — 3. A Le-
vite in the time of David, who " played with a
psaltery on Alamoth " (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20, xvi.
5). — 4. A priest in the time of David, ap-
pointed to blow the trumpet before the ark (1
Chr. xv. 24, xvi. 6). — 6. A Levite of the sons
of Asaph (2 Chr. xx. 14). — 6. A Levite in
the time of Hezekiah, one of the " overseers of
offerings'* (2 Chr. xxxi. 13). — 7. One of the
" princes " of the families of Simeon ( 1 Chr.
iv. 36). — 8. Four laymen in the time of Ezra
who had taken strange wives. — 1 (Ezr. x. 25).
(Baanias.I — 2 (Ezr. x. 30). [Naidcs.] — 3
(x. 35) and 4 (x. 43). [Banaias.] — 0. The
father of Pelatiah, " a prince of the people " in
the time of Ezekiel (xi. 1, 13).
Ben-am'mi, the son of the younger daugh-
ter of Lot, mill progenitor of the Ammonites
(Gen. xix. 38).
Bene'-berak, one of the cities of the tribe
of Dan, mentioned only in Josh. xix. 45. It
is impossible to say whether the " sons of Bo-
rak " who gave their name to this place be-
longed to Dan, or were earlier settlers dispos-
sessed by the tribe. No trace has been found
of it.
Bene-ja'akail, a tribe who gave their name
to certain wells in the desert which formed one
of the luiltintr-places of the Israelites on their
journey to Canaan. [Beeroth Beke-ja ak an. |
In Num. xxxiii. 31, 32, the name is given in
the shortened form of Bene-jaakan. The
tribe doubtless derived its nmnc from Jnnk:in,
the son of Ezer, son of Seir the Horite (1 Chr.
i. 42), whose name is also given in Genesis
(xxxvi. 27) as Axan.
Bene-ke'dem, " the children of the East,"
an appellation given to a people, or to peoples,
dwelling to the east of Palestine. It occurs in
Gen. xxix. 1 ; Job i. 3 ; Judg. vi. 3, 33, vii. 12,
viii. 10. In the first three passages the Bene-
kedem are mentioned together with the Midian-
ites and the Amalekites; and in the fourth the
latter peoples seem to be included in this com-
mon name. From Judg. vii. 11-15, it is to be
inferred that they spoke a dialect intelligible to
an Israelite ; an inference bearing on an affini-
ty of race, and thence on the growth of the
Semitic languages. From 1 K. iv. 30 it is dif-
ficult to deduce an argument ; but Is. xi. 1 4,
Jer. xlix. 28, Ez. xxv. 4, 10, refer, apparently,
to the habits of the wandering Arabs. From
a consideration of these passages and of Gen.
xxv. 6, we think that the term Bcne-kcdcro
primarily signified the peoples of the Arabian
deserts, and chiefly the tribes of Ishmael and
of Kcturah, extending perhaps to Mesopotamia
and Babylonia ; and that it was sometimes ap-
plied to the Arabs and their country generally
(Gen. x. 30).
Benha'dad, the name of three kings of
Damascus. — Benhadad I. was cither son or
grandson to Rczon, and in his time Damascus
was supreme in Syria. His alliance was court-
ed both by Baasha of Israel and Asa of Judah.
He finally closed with the latter on receiving a
large amount of treasure, and conquered a great
part of the N. of Israel, thereby enabling Asa
to pursue his victorious operations in the S.
From 1 K. xx. 34, it would appear that he con-
tinued to make war upon Israel in Omri's time,
and forced him to make " streets " in Samaria
for Syrian residents. (Ahab.) This date is
B.C. 950. — Benhadad H., son of the preced-
ing, and also king of Damascus. Long wars
with Israel characterized his reign, of which the
earlier campaigns are described under Ahab.
His power and the extent of his dominion are
proved by the thirty-two vassal kings who ac-
companied him to his first siege of Samaria.
Some time after the death of Ahab, Benhadad
renewed the war with Israel, attacked Samaria
a second time, and pressed the siege so closely
that there was a terrible famine in the city.
But the Syrians broke up in the night in con-
sequence of a sudden panic. Soon after Ben-
hadad-fcll sick, and sent Hazael to consult Eli-
sha as to the issue of his malady. On the day
after Hazael's return Benhadad was murdered,
but not, as is commonly thought from a curso-
ry reading of 2 K. viii. 15, by Hazael. Ewald
thinks that one or more of Benhadad's own
servants were the murderers. Benhadad's
death was about B.C. 890, and he must have
reigned some 30 years. — Benhadad in., son
of Hazael, and his successor on the throne of
Syria. His reign was disastrous for Damascus,
and the vast power wielded by his father sank
into insignificance. When he succeeded to the
throne, Jehoash recovered the cities which Je-
hoahaz hail lost to the Syrians, and beat him in
Aphck (2 K. xiii. 17, 25). Jehoash gained
two more victories, but did not restore the do-
minion of Israel on the E. of Jordan. Thb
glory was reserved for his successor. The date
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BENJAMIN
109
BENJAMIN
of Benbadad III is B.C. 840. His misfortunes
in war are noticed by Amos i. 4.
Ben-h&'il, one of the princes whom king
Jehcohaphat sent to teach in the cities of Ju-
dah (2 Chr. xvii. 7).
Ben-ha'nail, son of Shimon, in the line
of Jndah (1 Chr. iv. 30).
Beni'nu, a Levite ; one of those who sealed
the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 13 [14]).
Benjamin. 1. The youngest of the chil-
dren of Jacob, and the only one of the thirteen
who was born in Palestine. His birth took
place on the road between Bethel and Bethle-
hem, a short distance from the Utter, and his
mother Rachel died in the act of giving
him birth, naming him with her last breath
Ben-oni, " son of my sorrow." This was by
Jacob changed into Benjamin (Gen xxxv. 16-
18). The name is worthy some attention. It
has been interpreted to mean " Son of the right
hand," tVe. fortunate, dexterous. On the other
hand the Samaritan Codex gives the name in
an altered form as oia" , 3a. *> n of day»» i\e.
•on of my old age (comp. Gen. xliv. 20), which
is adopted by Ptulo, Aben-ezra, and others. In
the adjectival forms of the word the first sylla-
ble is generally suppressed, as " sons of Yemini,"
for sons of Benjamin ; " man of Yemini," for
man of Benjamin (1 Sam. ix. 21 ; xxii. 7) ;
"land of Yemini, for land of Benjamin
(1 Sam. ix. 4) ; as if the patriarch's name had
been originally Yaznin (comp. Gen. xlvi. 10),
and that of the tribe Yeminites. Until the
journeys of Jacob's sons and of Jacob himself
into Egypt we hear nothing of Benjamin ; and
as fax as he is concerned, those well-known nar-
ratives disclose nothing beyond the very strong
affection entertained towards him by his father
and his whole-brother Joseph, and the relation
in which he stood, as if a mere darling child, to
the whole of his family. Even the harsh na-
tures of the elder patriarchs relaxed towards
him. But Benjamin can hardly have been the
" lad " which we commonly imagine him to be,
for at the time that the patriarchs went do wn to re-
side in Egypt, when "every man with his house
went with Jacob," ten sons are ascribed to Ben-
jamin, — a larger number than to any of his
brothers, — and two of these, from the plural
formation of their names, were themselves ap-
parently families (Gen. xlvi. 21). Hencefor-
ward the history of Benjamin is the history of
the tribe. And up to the time of the entrance
on the Promised Land that history is as meagre
as it is afterwards full and interesting. The
proximity of Benjamin to Ephraim during the
march to the Promised Land was maintained
in the territories allotted to each. Benjamin
lay immediately to the south of Ephraim and
between him and Jndah. The situation of this
territory was highly favorable. It formed al-
taort a parallelogram, of about 26 miles in
length by 12 in breadth. Its eastern boundary
was the Jordan, and from thence it extended to
the wooded district of Kirjath-jearim, a point
about eight miles west of Jerusalem, while in
the other direction it stretched from the valley
of Hinnom, under the " Shoulder of the Jebu-
nte " on the south, to Bethel on the north.
Thus Dan intervened between Benjamin and
the Philistines, while the communications with
the valley of the Jordan were in their own pow-
er. On the south the territory ended abruptly
with the steep slopes of the hill of Jerusalem,
— on the north it melted imperceptibly into
the possessions of the friendly Ephraim. The
smallness of this district, hardly larger than the
county of Middlesex, was, according to the tes-
timony of Josephus, compensated for by the ex-
cellence of the land. — (1.) The general level
of this part of Palestine is very high, not lass
than 2,000 feet above the maritime plain of the
Mediterranean on the one side, or than 3,000
feet above the deep valley of the Jordan on
the other, besides which this general level or
Slateau is surmounted, in the district now un-
er consideration, by a large number of emi-
nences, almost every one of which has borne
some part in the history of the tribe. — (2.) No
less important than these eminences are the
torrent-beds and ravines by which the upper
country breaks down into the deep tracts
on each side of it. They formed then, as
they do still, the only mode of access from
either the plains of Philistia and of Sharon
on the west, or the deep valley of the Jor-
dan on the east. — The passes on the east-
ern side are of a much more difficult and intri-
cate character than those on the western. The
Srincipal one, which, now unfrequented, was
oubtless in ancient times the main ascent into
the interior, leaves the Arabah behind the site
of Jericho, and, breaking through the barren
hills with many a wild bend and steep slope, ex-
tends to and indeed beyond the very central
ridge of the table-land of Benjamin, to the foot
of the eminence on which stand the ruins of
Birth, the ancient Beeroth. Another of these
passes is that which, since the time ot our Sa-
viour, has been the regular road between Jeri-
cho and Jerusalem, the scene of the parable of
the Good Samaritan. — Such were the limits
and such the character of the possession of
Benjamin as fixed by those who originally di-
vided the land. But it could not nave been
long before they extended their limits, since in
the early lists of I Chr. viii. we And mention
made of Benjamites who built Lod and Ono,
and of others who were founders of Aijalon
(12, 13), all which towns were beyond the spot
named above as the westernmost point in their
boundary. These places too were in theii pos-
session after the return from the Captivity (Neh.
xi. 36). — The contrast between the warlike
character of the tribe and the peaceful image
of its progenitor comes ont in many scattered
notices. Benjamin was the only tribe which
seems to have pursued archery to any purpose,
and their skill in the bow (1 Sam. xx. 20, 36 ;
2 Sam. i. 22 ; 1 Chr. viii. 40, xii. 2 ; 2 Chr.
xvii. 17) and the sling (Judg. xx. 16) are cele-
brated. Ehud, the son of Gera, accomplished
his purpose on Eglon with less risk, owing to
his proficiency in using his left hand, a practice
apparently confined to Benjamites (Judg. iii. 1 5,
and see xx. 16; 1 Chr. xii. 2). Baanah and
Rechab, " the sons of Rimmon the Beerothite
of the children of Benjamin," are the only Is-
raelites west of the Jordan named in the whole
history as captains of marauding predatory
bands. The dreadful deed recorded in Judg.
xix., though repelled by the whole country.
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BEOB
110
BERIAH
was unhesitatingly adopted and defended by
Benjamin with an obstinacy and spirit truly ex-
traordinary. That frightful transaction was
indeed a crisis in the history of the tribe : the
six hundred who took refuge in the cliff Rim-
mon were the only snrrivors. A long interval
must have elapsed between so abject a condi-
tion and the culminating point at which we
next meet with the tribe. Several circumstan-
ces may have conduced to its restoration to that
place which it was now to assume. The Taber-
nacle was at Shiloh in Ephraim during the time
of the last Judge ; but the Ark was in Benja-
min at Kirjath-jearim. Ramah, the official res-
idence of Samuel, and containing a sanctuary
greatly frequented (1 Sam. ix. 12, &c.), — Miz-
peh, where the great assemblies of " all Israel "
were held (1 Sam. vii. 5), — Bethel, perhaps
the most ancient of all the sanctuaries of Pal-
estine, and Oibeon, specially noted as " the
great high place" (1 K. iii. 4), were all in the
land of Benjamin. The people who resorted to
these various places must gradually have been
accustomed to associate the tribe with power
and sanctity. The struggles and contests which
followed the death of Saul arose from the nat-
ural unwillingness of the tribe to relinquish its
position at the head of the nation, especially in
favor of Judah. Had it been Ephraim, the
case might have been different, but Judah had
as vet no connection with the house of Joseph,
and was besides the tribe of David, whom Saul
had pursued with such unrelenting enmity.
The tact and sound sense of Abner, however,
succeeded in overcoming these difficulties. Still
the insults of Shimei and the insurrection of
Sheba are indications that the soreness still ex-
isted, and we do not hear of any cordial co-op-
eration or firm union between tbe two tribes
until the disruption of the kingdoms. The al-
liance was further strengthened by a covenant
solemnly undertaken (2 Chr. xv. 9), and by
the employment of Benjamites in high posi-
tions in the army of Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 17).
But what above all must have contributed to
strengthen the alliance was the fact that the
Temple was the common property of both
tribes. Henceforward the history of Benjamin
becomes merged in that of the southern king-
dom. — 2. A man of the tribe of Benjamin,
son of Bilhan, and the head of a family of
warriors (1 Chr. vii. 10). — 3. One of the
" sons of Harim ; " an Israelite in the time of
Ezra, who had married a foreign wife (Ear.
X. 32).
Ben'jamin, high gate, or gate, of,
Jer. xx. 2, xxxvii. 13, xxxviii. 7 ; Zcch. xiv.
10. [Jerusalem.]
Bono', a Levite of the sons of Merari
(1 Chr. xxiv. 26, 27).
Ben-O'ni, the name which the dying Ra-
chel gave to her newly-born son, but which
by his father was changed into Benjamin
(Gen. xxxv. 18).
Ben-SO'heth, a name occurring among the
descendants of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20).
Be'on, a place on the east of Jordan (Num.
xxxii. 3), doubtless a contraction of Baal-
meon (corap. ver. 38).
Be'or. L Tbe father of Bela, one of the
early Edomite kings (Gen. xxxvi. 32; 1 Chr.
i. 43). — 2. Father of Balaam (Num. xxii a,
xxiv. 3, 15, xxxi. 8; Deut. xxiii. 4; Josh.
xiii. 22, xxiv. 9 ; Mic. vi. 5). He is called Bo-
son in the N. T.
Be'ra, king of Sodom at the time of tbe
invasion of the five kings under Chedorlaomer
(Gen. xiv. 2; also 17 and 21).
Ber'aohah, a Benjamite, who attached
himself to David at Zildag (1 Chr. xii. 3).
Ber'aohah, Valley of, a valley in which
Jehoshaphat and his people assembled to
" bless Jehovah, after the overthrow of the
hosts of Moabites, Ammonites, and Mehunim,
who had come against them, and which front
that fact acquired its name of " the valley of
blessing" (2 Chr. xx. 26). The name of
BtrtUatt still survives, attached to ruins in m
valley of the same name lying; between Tekua
and the main road from Bethlehem to Hebron.
Beraohi'ah, a Gershonite Levite, father
of Asaph tho singer (1 Chr. vi. 39). [Bekb-
chiah.J
Berai'ah, son of Shimhi, a chief man of
Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 21).
Bere'a. 1. A city of Macedonia, to which
St. Paul retired with Silas and Timotheus, in
the course of his first visit to Europe, on be-
ing persecuted in Thessalonica (Acts xvii. 10),
and from which, on being again persecuted by
emissaries from Thessalonica, he withdrew to
tbe sea for tho purpose of proceeding to Athens
[ib. 14, 15). The community of Jews must
have been considerable in Berea, and their
character is described in very favorable terms
(ib. II). Sopater, one of St. Paul's missiona-
ry companions, was from this place (Acts xx,
4). Berea, now called Verria, or Karra-Varia,
is situated on the eastern slope of the Olympi-
an mountain-range, commanding an extensive
view of the plain of the Axius and Haliasmon,
and has now 15,000 or 20,000 inhabitants. A
few ancient remains, Greek, Roman, and By-
zantine, still exist here. — 2. The modern Alep-
po, mentioned in 2 Mace. xiii. 4. — 3. A place
in Judasa, apparently not very far from Jerusa-
lem (1 Mace. ix. 4).
Berechi'ah. 1. One of the sons of Zoro-
babel, and a descendant of the royal family of
Judah (1 Chr. iii. 20). — 2. A man mentioned
as the father of Meshullam who assisted in re-
building the walls of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 4,
30, vi. 18). — 3. A Levite of the line of Elka-
nah (1 Chr. ix. 16). — 4. A doorkeeper for the
ark ( 1 Chr. xv. 23). — 5. One of the chief men
of the tribe of Ephraim in time of king Ahax
(2 Chr. xxviii. 12). — 0. Father of Asaph the
singer (1 Chr. xv. 17). [Bbkachiah.J — 7.
Father of Zcchariah the prophet (Zcch. i. 1, 7).
Be'red. 1. A place in the south of Pales-
tine, between which and Cadesh lay tbe well
Lahai-roi (Gen. xvi. 14). — 2. A son or de-
scendant of Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 20), possibly
identical with Becher in Nam. xxvi. 35, by •
mere change of letters.
Berenice. [Bebmcb.]
Be'ri, son of Zophah, of the tribe of Aaher
(1 Chr. vii. 36).
Beri'ah. L A son of Asher (Gen. xlvt
17 ; Num. xxvi. 44, 45), from whom descended
the " family of the Beriites " (Num. xxvi. 44).
— 2. A son of Ephraim, to named on account
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BEBTL
111
BETH
or the state of his father's home when he was
born (1 Chr. -ra. 80-23). This short notice is
of ao slight historical importance ; especially
as it refers to * period of Hebrew history re-
specting which the Bible affords us no other
like information. The event most be assigned
to the time between Jacob's death and the be-
ginning of the oppression. The indications
that guide us are, that some of Ephraim's sons
mast hare attained to manhood, and that the
Hebrews were still free. There can be no
doubt mat the land in which the men of Oath
were born is the eastern part of Lower Egypt,
if not Goshen itself. At this time very many
foreigners most have been settled in Egypt.
Or else these men of Gath may hare been mer-
cenaries like the Cheretbim (in Egyptian Sltay-
rutaw) who were in the Egyptian serrice at a
later time, as in David's, ana to whom lands
were probably allotted as to the native army. —
3. A Benjamite. He and his brother Shema
were ancestors of the inhabitants of Ajalon,
tad expelled the inhabitants of Gath (1 Chr.
vm. 13, 16). — A. A Levite (1 Chr. xxiii. 10,
Berii'tes. [Bam ah, i.]
Be'rites» the, a tribe or people who are
named with Abel and Beth-maacnah — and who
were therefore doubtless situated in the north
of Palestine — mentioned only as having been
visited by Joab in bis pursuit after Sheba the
son of Bichri (8 Sam. xx. 14).
Be'rith, the god, Judg. ix. 46. [Baal-
BHtrrn.J
Bemi'eo and Bereni'oe, the eldest
daughter of Herod Agrippa I. (Acts xii. 1, 4c.)
She was first married to her uncle Herod, king
of Chalets, and after his death (a.d. 48) she
lived under circumstances of great suspicion
with her own brother Agrippa IL, in connec-
tion with whom she is mentioned Acts xxv. 13,
S3, xxvi. 30, as having visited Fettns on his
appointment as procurator of Judan. She was
a second time married, to Polemon, king of
Glicia, bat soon left him, and returned to her
brother. She afterwards became the mistress
of Vespasian, and of his son Titus.
Berodaotar-Bal'adan. a Kings xx. 13.
[Mkkodach-Bauldas.]
Be'roth, l Esd. v. 19. rBnEKOTR.1
Be'rothah, Be'rothaL The first of
these two names, each of which occurs once
•nly, is given by Eaekiel (xlvii. 16) in connec-
tion with Hamath and Damascus as forming
put of the northern boundary of the promised
land. The second is mentioned (8 Sam. viii. 8)
ss the name of a citj; of Zobah taken by David,
ibo in connection with Hamath and Damascus.
The well-known city Beirit (Berytus) natural-
ly suggests itself as identical with ono at least
of the names ; but in each instance the circum-
stances of the case seem to require a position
farther east. Font regards Berothah and Be-
rNbai as distinct places, and identifies the first
with Berytus.
Be'rothite, the (i Chr. xL 39). [Beb-
■OTB.]
Beryl (tarthltk), occurs in Ex. xxviii. 80,
axxix. 13 ; Cant v. 14 ; Es. i. 16, x. 9, xxviii.
13; Dan. x. 6. It if generally supposed that
las fcmafaa derives its name from the place so
called. There Is little or nothing in the pas-
sages where the tan/ash is mentioned to lead us
to any thing like a satisfactory conclusion as to
its identity, excepting in Cant. v. 14, where we
do seem to catch a gummer of the stone denot-
ed : " His hands are orbs of gold adorned with
the tarshish stone." The orbs or rings of gold
refer not to rings on the fingers, but to the fin-
gers themselves, as they gently press upon the
thumb, and thus form the figure of an orb or a
ring. The latter part of the verse is the causal
expletive of the former. It is not only said in
this passage that the hands are called orbs of
gold, but the reason why they are thus called
is immediately added — specially on account of
the beautiful chrysolites with which the hands
were adorned. Pliny says of the ckryaolithot,
" It is a transparent stone with a refulgence like
that oi* gold. Since then the golden stone, as
the name imports, is admirably suited to the
above passage in Canticles, the ancient ckryto-
lie or the modern yellow topaz appears to have
a better claim than any other gem to represent
the tarthish of the Hebrew Bible, certainly a
better claim than the beryl of the A. V., a ren-
dering which appears tone unsupported by any
kind of evidence.
Berzelus, l Esd. v. 38. [Bakzillai.]
Be sad. " Children of Besai" were among
the Nethinim i»bo returned to Judssa with
Zerubbabel (Ear. ii. 49; Neb, vii. 52). [Ba*.
TAI.]
Besodei'ah. father of Meshnllam, one of
the repairers of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh.
iii. 6).
Be'sor, the brook, a torrent-bed or wady
in the extreme south of Judah, of which men-
tion occurs only in I 8am. xxx. 9, 10, 81. It
must have been south of Ziklag, but hitherto
the situation of neither town nor wady has
been identified.
Be'tah, a city belonging to Hadadexer, king
of Zobah, mentioned with Bcrothai (8 Sam.
viii. 8). In the parallel account 1 Ch. xviii. 8,
the name is called, by an inversion of letters,
Tibchath. Ewald pronounces the » itter to be
the correct reading, and compares it with
Tebach (Gen. xxii. 24).
Bef ane, a place apparently south at Jeru-
salem [Jud. i. 9), and possibly identical with
fitthanin of Eusebius, two miles from the Tere-
binth of Abraham, and four from Hebron.
This has been variously identified with Betha-
rath, Bethainnn, and Betaneh or Ecbatana in
Syria, placed by Pliny on Camel.
Bd'ten, one of the cities on the border of
the tribe of Asher (Josh. xix. 25). By Euse-
bius it is said to have been then called Bobeten,
and to have lain eight miles east of Ptolemais.
Beth, tho most general word for a house or
habitation. Strictly speaking it has die force
of a settled dwelling, as in Gen. xxxiii. 17,
where the building of a "house" marks the
termination of a stage of Jacob's wanderings ;
but it is also employed for a dwelling of any
kind, even for a tent, as in Gen. xxiv. 38 ;
Judg. xviii 31 ; 1 Sam. i. 7. From this general
force the transition was natural to a house in
the sense of a family. Like sEda in Latin and
Dom in German, Beth has the special meaning
of a temple or house of worship. — Beth is
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BETHARAM
112
BETHDAGON
more frequently employed in combination with
other words to form the names of places than
any other word. Beth-eked, the " shearing-
house" (2 K. x. 12). It lay between Jezreel
and Samaria, according to Jerome 1 5 miles from
the town of Legio, and in the plain of Esdra-
elon. Beth-haggan, the " garden-house " (2
K. ix. 27). It is doubtless the same place as
ENOAXXur, " spring of gardens," the modern
,/tnin.
Beth-ab'ara, a place beyond Jordan, in
which, according to the received text of the
N. T., John was baptizing (John i. 28), appar-
ently at the time that he baptized Christ
(comp ver. 29, 35). If this reading be cor-
rect, Bethabara may be identical with Bethba-
rah, the ancient ford of Jordan, of which the
men of Ephraim took possession after Gideon's
defeat nf the Midianites [Beth-barah] ; or,
which seems more likely, with Beth-mmrah,
on the east of the river, nearly opposite Jeri-
cho. [Beth-nimrah.] But the oldest MSS.
(A B) and the Vulgate have not Bethabara,
bat Bethany.
Beth'-anath, one of the " fenced cities "
of Naphlili, named with Bethshemesh (Josh.
xix. 38) , from neither of them were the Ca-
naanites expelled (Judg. i. 33). By Eusebius
and Jerovce it is spoken of as a village called
Batansea, lo miles eastward of Csasarea.
Beth'-anoth, a town in the mountainous
district of Judah, named with Halhul, Bethzur,
and others, in Josh xv. 59 only. It is very
probably the modern Bata-'ainun.
Beth any, a village which, scanty as are
the notices of it contained in Scripture, is more
intimately associated in our minds than per-
haps any other place with the most familiar
acts and scenes of the last days of the life of
Christ. It was situated " at " (Vpof ) the Mount
of Olives (Mark xi. 1 ; Luke xix. 29), about
fifteen stadia from Jerusalem (John xi. 18), on
or near the usual road from Jericho to the city
(Luke xix. 29, comp. 1 ; Mark xi. 1 ; comp. x.
46), and close by and west (?) of another vil-
lage called Bethphaqe, the two being several
times mentioned together. — There never ap-
pears to have been any doubt as to the site of
Bethany, which is now known by a name
derived from Lazarus — d-'Atariyek or Laaa-
rieh. It lies on the eastern slope of the Mount
of Olives, fully a mile beyond the summit, and
not very far from the point at which the road
to Jericho begins its more sudden descent to-
ward the Jordan valley. El-'Amriyeh is a ruin-
ous and wretched village, a wild mountain
hamlet of some twenty families. In the village
are shown the traditional sites of the house and
tomb of Lazarus. The house of Simon the
leper is also exhibited.
Beth-ar'abah, one of the six cities of
Judnh which were situated down in the Ara-
bali, the sunk valley of the Jordan and Dead
Sea (Josh. xv. 61 ), on the north border of the
tribe, and apparently between Beth-hoglah and
the high land on the west of the Jordan valley
(xv. 6). It is also included in the list of the
towns of Benjamin (xviii. 22).
Beth-a'ram, accurately Beth-haram, one
of the towns of Gad on the esst of Jordan,
described as in " the valley," Josh. xiii. 27,
and no doubt the same place as tb*t ""i^M
Beth-haran in Num. xxxii. 36. Eusebius
and Jerome report that in their day its appella-
tion was Bethramphtha, and that, in honor of
Augustus, Herod had named it Libia*. Joae-
phus's account is that Herod (Antipas), on
taking possession of his tetrarchy, fortified Sep-
phoris and the city of Betharamptha, building
a wall ro;<nd the latter, and calling it Julias in
honor of £e wife of the emperor. Ptolemy
gives the lowuity of Libias as 31° 26' lat. and
67° IV long.
Beth-ar/bel, named only in Hos. x. 14, as
the scene of a sack and massacre by Shalman.
No clew is given to its position; it may be the
ancient stronghold of Arbela in Galilee, or
another place of the same name near Fella.
Beth-a'ven, a place on the mountains of
Benjamin, east of Bethel (Josh. vii. 2, xviii.
12), and lying between that place and Mich-
mash (1 Sam. xiii. 5, xiv. 2:1). In Hos. iv. 15,
v. 8, x. 5, the nai.ie is transferred, with a play
on the word very characteristic of this prophet,
to the neighboring Bethels— once the " house
of God," but then the bouse of idols, of
" naught."
Beth-auma'veth. Under this name is
mentioned, in Neh. vii. 28 only, the town of
Benjamin which is elsewhere called Azm a vetm,
and Beth-samos. Mr. Finn proposes to iden-
tify Azmaveth with Hizmeh, a village on the
hills of Benjamin to the S. E. of Jeba.
Beth-baal-me'on, a place in the posses-
sions of Reuben, on the downs ( A. V. " plain " )
east of Jordan (Josh. xiii. 17). At the Israel-
ites' first approach its name was Baal-meow
(Num. xxxn. 38, or in its contracted form,
Beon, xxxii. 3), to which the Beth was possi-
bly a Hebrew addition. Later it would seem
to have come into possession of Moab, and to
be known either as Beth-meon (Jer. xlviii. 23)
or Baal-meon (Ez. xxv. 9). The name is still
attached to a ruined place of considerable size,
a short distance to the S. W. of Haban, and
bearing the name of " the fortress of ili'm,"
or Matin, which appears to give its appellation
to the Wady Zerka Matin.
Beth-ba'rah, named only in Judg. Til. 24,
as a point apparently south of the scene of Gid-
eon's victory. Beth-barah derives its chief in-
terest from the possibility that its more modern
representative may have been Beth-abara where
John baptized. It was probably the chuf ford
of the district.
Beth-ba'si, a town in which Jonathan and
Simon Maccabteus took refuge from Bacchides
( 1 Mace. ix. 62, 64) It was, probably, in the
Jordan valley, not far from Jericho.
Beth-bir ei, a town of Simeon (1 Chr. iv.
31 ), which by comparison with the parallel list
in Josh. xix. appears to have bad also the name
of Bktu-lebaoth. It lay to the extreme
south.
Beth-car', a place named as the point to
which the Israelites pursued the Philistines
(1 Sam. vii. 11 ), and therefore west of Mizpeh.
From the expression "under Beth-car it
would seem that the place itself was on a height.
Josephus says that the stone Ebenezer was set
up here.
Beth-da'gOIl. 1. A city in the low coun-
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BETHEL
113
BETHESDA
try of Judah (Josh. xv. 41), and therefore not
far from the Philistine territory, with which its
name implies a connection. Caphardagon ex-
isted as a very large village between Diospolis
(Lydda) and Jamnia in the time of Jerome.
— 2. A town apparently near the coast, named
as one of the landmarks of the boundary of
Ajher (Josh. xix. 27). The name, and the
proximity to the coast, point to its being a
Philistine colony.
Both-diblatha'im, a town of Moab ( Jer.
xlvhi. 22), apparently the place elsewhere called
AlMOS limi.ATUAIM.
Beth'-el. L. A well-known city and holy
place of Central Palestine. Of the origin of
the name of Bethel there are two accounts ex-
tant. 1 . It was bestowed on the spot by Jacob
under the awe inspired by the nocturnal vision
of God, when on his journey from his father's
boose at Beersheba to seek his wife in Haran
(Gen. xx-riii. 19). The expression in the last
paragraph of this account indicates a distinc-
tion between the early Canaanite " city " Luz,
and the " place," as yet a mere undistin-
guished spot, marked only by the " stone," or
the heap erected by Jacob to commemorate his
vision. — 2. But according to the other account,
Bethel received its name on the occasion of a
blessing bestowed by God upon Jacob after his
return from Paclan-ararn ; at which time also
(according to this narrative) the name of Israel
was given him (Gen. xxxv. 14, 15). — Early
as is the date involved in these narratives, vet,
if we are to accept the precise definition of Gen.
xii. 9, the name of Bethel would appear to have
existed at this spot even before the arrival of
Abram in Canaan : he removed from the oaks
of Morch to " ' the ' mountain on the east of
Bethel," with " Bethel on the west and Hai on
the east." Here he built an altar ; and hither
be returned from Egypt with Lot before their
separation (xiii. 3, 4). — In one thing, however,
the above narratives all agree, — in omitting
any mention of town or buildings at Bethel at
that early period, and in drawing a marked
distinction between the "city" of Luz and
the consecrated "place" in its neighborhood
(corop. Gen. xxxv. 7). Even in the ancient
chronicles of the conquest the two are still dis-
tinguished (Josh. xvi. 1, 2); and the appro-
priation of the name of Bethel to the city ap-
pears not to have been made till still later, when
it was taken by the tribe of Ephraim ; after
which the name of Luz occurs no more (Judg.
L 22-26). — After the conquest Bethel is fre-
quently beard of. In the troubled times when
there was no king in Israel, it was to Bethel
that the people went up in their distress to ask
counsel of God (Judg. xx. 18, 26, 31, xxi. 2 ;
A. V. " house of God*'). Here was the ark of
the covenant under the charge of Phinchas the
grandson of Aaron (xx. 26-28, xxi. 4) ; and
the mention of a regular road or causeway
between it and the great town of Shechem is
doubtless an indication that it was already
in much repute. Later we find it named as
one of the holy cities to which Samuel went in
circuit (1 Sam. vii. 16). Here Jeroboam placed
one of the two calves of gold, and built a
* house of high places " and an altar of in-
tense, by which he himself stood to burn ; as
15
w« see him in the familiar picture of 1 K. xih.
Towards the end of Jeroboam's life Bethel fell
into the hands of Judah (2 Chr. xiii. 19).
Elijah visited Bethel, and we hear of " sons of
the prophets" as resident there (2 K. ii. 2, 3),
two facts apparently incompatible with the ac-
tive existence of the calf-worship. The mention
of the bears so close to the town (iii. 23, 25),
looks too as if the neighborhood were not much
frequented at that time. But, after the destruc-
tion of the Baal worship by Jehu, Bethel comes
once more into view (2 K. x. 29). Under the de-
scendants of this king the place and the worship
must have greatly flourished, for by the time
of Jeroboam H. the rude village was again a
royal residence with a "king's house" (Am.
vii. 13). — How this prosperity came to its
doom we are not told. After the desolation of
the northern kingdom by the king of Assyria,
Bethel still remained an abode of priests, who
taught the wretched colonists " how to fear
Jehovah," "the God of the land" (2 K. xvii.
27,28). In the account of Josiah's iconoclasm
we catch one more glimpse of the altar of Jero-
boam, with its last loathsome fire of "dead
men's bones " burning upon it. It is curious
that men of Bethel and Ai returned with Ze-
rubbabel (Ezr. ii. 28 ; Neh. vii. 32) ; and that
they returned to their native place whilst con-
tinuing their relations with Nchemiah and the
restored worship (Neb. xi. 31). In the Book
of Esdras the name appears as Bbtolius. In
later times Bethel is only named once, amongst
the strong cities in Jiulica which were repaired
by Bacchidcs during the struggles of the times
of the Maccabees ( 1 Mace. ix. 50). — Bethel re-
ceives a bare mention from Eusebius and Je-
rome in the Onotnasticon, as 12 miles from
Jerusalem on the right hand of the road to
Sichem ; and here its ruins still lie under the
scarcely altered name of Britin. They cover a
space of three or four acres, upon the front of
a low hill between the heads of two hollow
wadys which unite and run off into the main
valley et-Suweinit. The round mount S. E. of
Bethel must be the " mountain " on which
Abram built the altar (Gen. xii. 8). — 2. A
town in the south part of Judah, named in
Josh. xii. 16, and 1 Sam. xxx. 27. By com-
parison of the lists of the towns of Judah and
Simeon (Josh. xv. 30, xix. 4 ; 1 Chr. iv. 29,
30), the place appears under the name* ot
Oiiesil, Betiiul, and Bethuel. — Hiel, the
Betiielite, is recorded as the rebuilder of
Jericho (1 K. xvi. 34).
Beth-e'mek, a place on or near the bor-
der of Aslter, on the north side of which was
the rcvine of Jiphthah-el (Josh. xix. 27).
Robinson has discovered an 'Amhth about 8
miles to the N. E. of Akka ; but if his identifi-
cation of Jefut with Jiphthah-el bo tenable, the
site of Betn-cmck must be sought for farther
south than 'Amkah.
Beth'er, the mountains of, Cant. it.
17. There is no clew to guide us to what
mountains are intended here.
Bethes'da, the Hebrew name of a reser-
voir or tank, with five " porches," close upon
the sheep-gate or " market in Jerusalem ( Joha
v. 2). The porches — i>. cloisters or colon-
nades — were extensive enough to accommo-
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BETHHORON
114
BETHLEHEM
date a large number of sick and infirm people,
whose custom it was to wait there tor the
" troubling of the water." Eusebius describes
it as existing in his time as two pools, the one
supplied by the periodical rains, while the wa-
ter of the other was of a reddish color, doe, as
the tradition then ran, to the fact that the flesh
of the sacrifices was anciently washed there
before offering. See, however, the comments
of Lightfoot on this view, in his Exercit. on St.
John v. 2. Eusebius's statement is partly con-
firmed by the Bourdeaux Pilgrim (a.d. 333).
The large reservoir called the Birlcet Israil,
within the walls of the city, close by the St.
Stephen's Gate, and under the north-east wall
of the Haram area, is generally considered to
be the modern representative of Bcthesda.
The little that can be said on the subject goes
rather to confirm than to invalidate this tradi-
tion. One other proposed identification must
be noticed, viz. that of Dr. Robinson (i. 342-3),
who suggests the " fountain of the virgin," in
the valley of the Kedron, a short distance
above the Pool of Siloam.
Bethe'zel, a place named only in Mic. i.
11. From the context it was doubtless situ-
ated in the plain of Philistia.
Beth-ga'der, doubtless a place, though it
occurs in the genealogies of Judah as if a
Stsou (1 Chr. li. 51). Possibly the same as
bdeb (Josh. xii. 13).
Beth'-gamul, a town of Moab, in the
downs east of Jordan (Jer. xlviii. 23, comp.
21) ; apparently a place of late date, since
there is no trace of it in the earlier lists of
Num. xxxii. 34-38, and Josh. xiii. 16-20. It
has not been identified.
Beth-haoce'rem (Neh. Hi. 14). From
Jer. vi. 1, we find that it was used as a beacon-
station, and that it was near Tekoa. In the
time of Nchcmiah (iii. 14) it had a ruler or
prince. By Jerome a village named Bethachar-
ma is said to have been on a mountain between
Tekoa and Jerusalem, a position in which the
•minence known as the Frank mountain (Hero-
dium) stands conspicuous ; and this has accord-
ingly been suggested as Beth-haccerem.
Beth-ha'ran, one of the fenced cities on
the east of Jordan, built by the Gadites (Num.
xxxii. 36). It is no doubt the same place as
Beth aram, Josh. xiii. 27.
Beth-hogla, and hoglah, a place on the
border of Judah (Josh. xv. 6) and of Benjamin
(xviii. 19), to which latter tribe it was reckoned
to belong (xviii. 21). A magnificent spring
and a ruin between Jericho and the Jordan stiU
bear the names of Ain-hajla and KOsr Hajla,
and are doubtless on or near the old site.
Beth-ho'roil, the name of two towns or
villages, an " upper " and a " nether " (Josh,
xvi. 3, 5; 1 Chr. vii. 24), on the road from
Gibeon to Azekah (Josh. x. 10, 11) and the
Philistine plain (1 Mace. iii. 24). Beth-horon
lay on the boundary-lino between Benjamin
and Ephraim (Josh. xvi. 3, 5, and xviii. 13,
141, was counted to Ephraim (Josh. xxi. 22;
1 Chr. vii. 24), and given to the Kohathites
(Josh. xxi. 22; 1 Chr. vi. 68 [53]). There is
no room for doubt that the two Beth-horons
still survive in the modern villages of Beit-'wr,
* lahta and d-folca, which were first noticed by
Dr. Clarke. Besides the similarity of the name,
and the fact that the two places are still desig-
nated as " upper " and " lower," all the require-
ments of the narrative are fulfilled in this
identification. The importance of the road on
which the two Beth-horons are situated, the
main approach to the interior of the country
from the hostile districts on both sides of
Palestine, at once explains and justifies the
frequent fortification of these towns at different
periods of the history (1 K. ix. 17 ; 2 Chr. viii.
5 ; 1 Mace. ix. 50 ; Jud. iv. 4, 5). From Gib-
eon to the Upper Beth-horon is a distance of
about 4 miles of broken ascent and descent.
The ascent, however, predominates, and this
therefore appears to be the " going up " to
Beth-horon which formed the first stage of
Joshua's pursuit. With the upper village the
descent commences ; the road rough and diffi-
cult even for the mountain-paths of Palestine.
This rough descent from the upper to the
lower Batur is the " going down to Beth-boron "
of the Bible narrative.
Beth-j esh'imoth, or -j es'imoth, • town
or place east of Jordan, on the lower level at
the south end of the Jordan valley (Num.
xxxiii. 49) ; and named with Ashdoth-pisgah
and Beth-peor. It was one of the limits of
the encampment of Israel before crossing the
Jordan. Later it was allotted to Reuben (Josh,
xii. 3, xiii. 20), but came at last into the hands
of Moab, and formed one of the cities which
were " the glory of the country " (Ex. xxv.
9). Schwarz (228) quotes "a Beth-jisinudk as
still known at the north-easternmost point of
the Dead Sea, half a mile from the Jordan ; "*
but this requires confirmation.
Beth-leb'aoth, a town in the lot of Sim-
eon (Josh. xix. 6), and therefore in the ex-
treme south of Judah (xv. 32, Lebaoth). In
the parallel list in 1 Chr. iv. 31 the name is
given Betr-bibei.
Bethlehem. 1. One o, the oldest towns
in Palestine, already in existence at the time
of Jacob's return to the country. Its earliest
name was Ephbath or Ephratah (see Gen.
xxxv. 16, 19, xlviii. 7 ; Josh. xv. 59, LXX.),
and it is not till long after the occupation of
the country by the Israelites that we meet with
it under its new name of Bethlehem. The
ancient name lingered in the mouths of the
inhabitants of the place (Ruth i. 2, iv. 11;
1 Sam. xvii. 12), and in the poetry of the
Psalmists and Prophets (Ps. exxxii. 6 ; Mic
v. 2) to a late period. After the conquest
Bethlehem appears under its own name Beth-
lehem-judah (Judg. xvii. 7 ; I Sam. xvii. IS ;
Ruth l. 1,2), possibly, though hardly probably,
to distinguish it from the small ana remote
place of the same name in Zebulun. Though
not named as a Levitical city, it was apparently
a residence of Levites, for from it came the
young man Jonathan, the son of Gershom,
who became the first priest of the Danites at
their new northern settlement (Judg. xvii. 7,
xviii. 30), and from it also came the concubine
of the other Levite whose death at Gibeah
caused the destruction of the tribe of Benjamin
(xix. 1-9). The Book of Ruth is a page from
the domestic history of Bethlehem : the names,
almost the very persons, of the Bethlebemitea
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BETHLEHEM
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BETHPHAGK
are there brought before us : we are allowed to
assist at their moat peculiar customs, and to
witness the very springs of those events which
have conferred immortality on the name of the
place. The elevation of David to the kingdom
does not appear to have affected the fortunes
of his native town. — The residence of Saul
acquired a new title specially from him (2
Sam. xxi. 6), but David did nothing to dignify
Bethlehem, or connect it with himself. The
only touch of recollection which he manifests
for it is that recorded in the well-known story
of his sadden longing for the water of the well
by the gate of his childhood (2 Sam. xxiii. 15).
— The few remaining casual notices of Beth-
lehem in the Old Testament may be quickly
enumerated. It was fortified by Rehoboam (2
Chr. xi. 6). By the time of the captivity, the
Inn of Chimham by Bethlehem appears to have
become the recognized point of departure for
travellers to Egypt (Jer. xli. 17) — a caravan-
serai or khan, perhaps the identical one which
existed there at the time of our Lord, like
those which still exist all over the East at the
stations of travellers. Lastly, " Children of
Bethlehem," to the number of 123, returned
with Zerubbabel from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 21 ;
Neh. vii. 26). — In the New Testament Beth-
lehem retains its distinctive title of Bethlehem-
jadah (Matt. ii. 1, 5), and once, in the an-
nouncement of the Angels, the " city of David "
(Luke ii. 4 ; comp. John vii. 42). The pas-
sages just quoted, and the few which follow,
exhaust the references to it in the N. T. (Matt
ii 6, 8, 16 ; Luke ii. 15). After this nothing
is heard of it till near the middle of the 2d
century, when Justin Martyr speaks of our
Lord's birth as having taken place " in a
certain cave very close to the village " There
is nothing in itself improbable in the supposi-
tion that the place in which Joseph and Mary
took shelter, and where was the manger " or
" stall," was a cave in the limestone rock of
which the eminence of Bethlehem is composed.
But the step from the belief that the Nativity
may have taken place in a cavern, to the belief
that the present subterraneous vault or crypt is
that cavern, is a very wide one. The emperor
Hadrian, amongst other desecrations, had ac-
tually planted a grove of Adonis at the spot.
The grove remained at Bethlehem for no less
than ISO years; viz., from a.d. 135 till 315.
After this the place was purged of its abomi-
nations by Constantine, who, about a.d. 330,
erected the present church. The modern town
of Bat-iakm lies to the £. of the main road
from Jerusalem to Hebron, 6 miles from the
former. It covers the E. and N.E. parts of the
ridse of a long gray hill of Jura limestone,
which stands nearly due E. and W., and is
about a mile in length. The hill has a deep
valley on the N. and another on the S. On
me top lies the village in a kind of irregular
triangle, at about 150 yards from the apex of
which, and separated from it by a vacant space
en the extreme eastern part of the ridge,
spreads the noble Basilica of St. Helena,
"half church, half fort," now embraced by
its three convents, Greek, Latin, and Armenian.
One tact, of great interest, is associated with
a portion of the crypt of this cnurch, namely,
that here, " beside what he believed to be the
cradle of the Christian faith," St. Jerome lived
for more than 30 years, leaving a lasting mon-
ument of his sojourn in the Vulgate translation
of the Bible. — The population of Btit-laJm is
about 3,000 souls, entirely Christians. All
travellers remark the good looks of the women,
the substantial clean appearance of the houses,
and the general air of comfort (for an Eastern
town) which prevails. — 2. A town in the
portion of Zebnlun named nowhere but in
Josh. xix. 15. It has been recovered by Dr.
Robinson at Bat-iahm, about six miles west
of Nazareth, and lying between that town and
the main road from Akka to Gaza.
Bothlo'mon, l Esd. v. 1 7. [Bethlehem,
Betn-ma achah, a place named only in
2 Sam. xx. 14, 15, and there occurring more as
a definition of the position of Abel than for
itself. In the absence of more information,
we can only conclude that it is identical with
Maachah, or Abam-maacrah, one of the
petty Syrian kingdoms in the north of Pales-
tine (comp. 2 K. xv. 29).
Beth-mar'caboth, " house of the char-
iots," one of the towns of Simeon, situated to
the extreme south of Judah, with Ziklag and
Hormah (Josh. xix. 5 ; 1 Chr. iv. 31 ). In the
parallel list. Josh. xv. 30, 31, Madmannah
occurs in place of Beth-maicaboth ; possibly
the latter was substituted for the former after
the town had become the resort of chariots.
Beth-me'on, Jer. xlviii. 33. A contracted
form of the name elsewhere given as Beth-
BAAL-XEOH.
Beth-nim'rah, one of the fenced cities on
the East of the Jordan taken and built by the
tribe of Gad (Num. xxxii. 36) and described
as lying in the valley beside Beth-haran (Josh,
xiii. 27). In Num. xxxii. 3 it is called simply
Nimrah. The name still survives in the Nakr
Nimrin, the Arab appellation of the lower end
of the Wadif Shaaib, where the waters of that
valley discharge themselves into the Jordan
close to one of the regular fords a few miles
above Jericho.
Beth'oron, i\e. Beth-boron (Jud. iv. 4).
Beth-pa'let, a town among those in the
extreme south of Judah, named in Josh. xr.
27, and Neh. xi. 26, with Moladah and Beer-
sheba. In the latter place it is Bethphklet.
Its remains have not yet been discovered.
Betb-pas / zeXj a town of Issachar named
with En-haddah (Josh. xix. 21 ), and of which
nothing is known.
Beth'-peor, a place, no doubt dedicated to
the god Baal-peor, on the east of Jordan, oppo-
site Jericho, and six miles above Libias or Beth-
haran. It was in the possession of the tribe
of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 20). One of the last
halting-places of the children of Israel is desig-
nated — "the ravine over against Beth-peor
(Deut. iii. 29, iv. 46).
Beth'-phage, the name of a place on the
Mount of Olives, on the road between Jericho
and Jerusalem. From the two being twice men-
tioned together, it was apparently close to Beth-
ant (Matt. xxi. 1 ; Mark xi. 1 ; Luko xix. 29),
and from its being named first of the two in the
narrative of a journey from east to west, it may
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BETHSHEAN
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BETHUEL
be presumed that it lay, if any thine, to the
eastward of Bethany. No remains however
which could answer to this position have been
found, and the traditional site is above Beth-
any, half way between that village and the top
of the mount. Schwarz (263, 4), and Barclay,
in his map, appear to agree in placing Beth-
phage on the southern shoulder of the " Mount
of Offence," above the village of Siloam, and
therefore west of Bethany.
Beth-phel'et, Neh. xi. 26. JBeth-palet.]
Beth'-rapha, a name which occurs in the
genealogy or Judah as the son of Esh-ton ( 1
Chr. iv. 12).
Beth'-rehob, a place mentioned as having
near it the valley in which lay the town of
Laish or Dan (Judg. xviii. 28). It was one of
the little kingdoms of Aram or Syria (2 Sam.
x. 6). In ver. 8 the name occurs in the short-
er form of Rehob, in which form it is doubtless
again mentioned in Num. xiii. 21. The con-
jecture of Robinson (iii. 371 ) id that this an-
cient place is represented by the modern H&nin,
a fortress commanding the plain of the Iltileh,
in which the city of Dan ( Tdl el-Kady) lay.
Beth-sa'ida. 1. " Bethsaida of Galilee "
(John xii. 21 ), a city which was the native
place of Andrew, 1'eter, and Philip (John i. 44,
xii. 21), in the land of Gennesareth (Mark vi.
45 ; corap. S3), and therefore on the west side
of the lake. It was evidently near to Caper-
naum and Chorazin (Matt. xi. 21 ; Luke x.
13 ; and comp. Mark vi. 45 with John vi. 16),
and, if the interpretation of the name is to be
trusted, close to the water's edge. Dr. Robin-
son places Bethsaida at 'Ain et-Tabigah, a
short distance north of Khan Minych, which
he identifies with Capernaum (iii. 359). — 2.
By comparing the narratives in Mark vi. 31 -53,
and Luke ix. 10-17, in the latter of which
Bethsaida is named as the spot at which the
miracle took place, while in the former the dis-
ciples are said to have crossed the water from
the sceno of the event " to Bethsaida in the land
of Gcnnesareth," it appears certain that the
Bethsaida at which the 5,000 were fed must
have been a second place of the same name on
the cast of the lake. Such a place there was at
the north-eastern extremity, formerly a village,
but rebuilt and adorned by Philip the Tetrarch,
and raised to the dignity of a town under the
name of Julias, after the daughter of the em-
peror. Here in a magnificent tomb Philip was
buried. Of this Bethsaida we have certainly
one and probably two mentions in the Gospels :
— 1 . That named above, of the feeding of the
5,000 (Luke ix. 10). — 2. The other, most
probably, in Mark viii. 22.
Beth'-samos, 1 Esd. v. 18. [Beth-azma-
VETII.]
Beth'san (I Mace. v. 52; xii. 40, 41).
[Bethshean.]
Beth'shan (1 Sam. xxxi. 10, 12; 2 Sam.
xxi. 12). [Betiishean.]
Beth'-snean, or in Samuel, Betbshan, a
city, which, with its "daughter" towns, be-
longed to Manassch (1 Chr. vii. 29), though
within the limits of Issachar (Josh. xvii. 1 1 ),
and therefore on the west of Jordan (comp. 1
Mace. v. 52) — but not mentioned in the lists
of the latter tribe. The Canaanites were not
driven ont from the town (Judg. i. 27). Ia>
Solomon's time it seems to have given its name
to a district extending from the town itself to
Abel-meholah ; and " all Bethshean " was under
charge of one of his commissariat officers ( 1 K.
iv. 12). The corpses of Saul and his sons were
fastened up to the wall of Bethshean by the
Philistines (I Sam. xxxi. 10, 12) in the open
"street" or space, which — then as now —
fronted the gate of an eastern town (2 Sam.
xxi. 12). In connection with the exploits of
the Maccabees it is mentioned more than once
in a cursory manner (1 Mace. v. 52; comp. 1
Mace. xii. 40, 41). The name of Scythopolis
appears for the first time in 2 Mace. xii. 29.
[Scythopolis.] This name has not survived
to the present day ; and the place is still called
Boson. It lies in the Gh6r or Jordan valley,
about twelve miles south of the sea of Galilee,
and four miles west of the Jordan.
Beth-shem'esh. 1. One of the towns
which marked the north boundary of Judah
(Josh. xv. 10), but not named in the lists of the
cities of that tribe. It was in the neighborhood
of Kirjath-jcarim and Timnah, and therefore in
close proximity to the low-country of Philistia.
Bcth-shemcsh was allotted to the priests (Josh,
xxi. 16 ; 1 Chr. vi. 59) ; and it is named in one
of Solomon's commissariat districts (1 K. iv.
9). By comparison of the lists in Josh. xv. 10,
xix. 41, 43, and 1 K. iv. 9, it will be seen that
Ik-Shemksh, "city of the sun," must have
been identical with Beth - shemesh, Ir being
probably the older form of the name. Beth-
shemesh is now 'Ain-Shemt, about two miles
from the great Philistine plain, and seven from
Lkron. — 2. A city on the border of Issachar
(Josh. xix. 22). — 8. One of the "fenced cit-
ies " of Naphtali, twice named (Josh. xix. 38 ;
Judg. i. 33), and on both occasions with Beth-
anath. — 4. By this name is once mentioned
( Jer. xliii. 1 3) an idolatrous temple or place in
Egypt. In the middle ages Hcliopolis was still
called by the Arabs Ain }>hems.
Beth'-shittah, one of the spots to which
the flight of the host of the Midianites extend-
ed after their discomfiture by Gideon (Judg.
vii. 22). Both the narrative and the name re-
quire its situation to be somewhere near the
river.
Beth-BU'ra, 1 Mace. iv. 29, 61 ; vi. 7, 26,
31,49,50; ix. 52; x. 14 ; xi. 65 ; xiv. 7 ; 2
Mace. xi. 5 ; xiii. 19, 22. [Beth-zcr.]
Beth-tappu'ah, one of the towns of Ju-
dah, in the mountainous district, and near He-
bron (Josh. xv. 53 ; comp. 1 Chr. ii. 43). Here
it has actually been discovered by Robinson un-
der the modem name of Teffun, 1 1 hour, or
say 5 miles, W. of Hebron, on a ridge of high
table-land.
Beth'uel, the son of Nabor by Milcah;
nephew of Abraham, and father of Rebekah
(Gen. xxii. 22, 23; xxiv. 15, 24, 47; xxviii.
2). In xxv. 20, and xxviii. 5, he is called
" Bethncl the Syrian." Though often referred
to us above in the narrative, Bethuel only ap-
pears in person once (xxiv. 50). Upon this an
ingenious conjecture is raised by Prof. Blunt
( Coincidence*, I. § iv.) that he was the subject of
some imbecility or other incapacity.
Beth'uel, 1 Chr. iv. 30. [Bethci-J
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BEZALEEL
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BIBLE
Beth' ul, a town of Simeon in the south,
named with £l-tohvd and Hornuh (Josh. xix.
4). In the parallel lists in Josh. xv. 30, and
1 Chr. ir. 29, the name appears under the forms
of Chesil and Bethuel ; and probably also
antler that of Bethel in Josh. xii. 16; since,
for the reasons urged under Bethel, and also
on account of the positiou of the name in this
lUt, the northern Bethel can hardly be intended.
Bethu'lia, the city which was the scene of
the chief events of the Book of Judith, in which
book only the name occurs. Its position is
there described with very minute detail. It was
near to Dothaim (ir. 6), on a hill which over-
looked the plain of Esdraelon (vi. 1 1, 13, 14,
vii. 7, 10, xiii. 10), and commanded the passes
from that plain to the hill country of Manasseh
(ir. 7, vii. 1 ), In a position so strong that Holo
feroes abandoned the idea of taking it by attack,
and determined to reduce it by possessing
himself of the two springs or wells which were
" under the city," in the valley at the foot of
the eminence on which it was built, and from
which the inhabitants derived their chief sup-
ply of water) vi. 11, vii. 7, 13, 21). Notwith-
standing this detail, however, the identification
of [he site of Bethulia has hitherto defied all at-
tempts, and is one of the greatest puzzles of
sacred geography. Von Raumer ( Pal. 135, 6)
•uggests Santa; which is perhaps the nearest to
probability. It is about three miles from Do-
lion, and some six or seven from Jenin (En-
gannim), which stand on the very edge of the
great plain of Esdraelon. Ap.
Beth-zachari'as. [Bath-ZacrariasJ
Beth'-zur, a town in the mountains of Ju-
dio, named between Ilalhul and Gcdor (Josh.
xt. 58). Bethzur would appear from 1 Chr. ii.
45 to have been founded by the people of Maon,
and was probably fortiSad by Rehoboam (2
Chr. xi. 7). After the captivity tho people of
Beth-zur assisted Nehemiah in tho rebuilding of
the wall of Jerusalem (Nch. iii. 16). In the
Tin of the Maccabees, Bethzur, or Bethsura,
played an important part. The recovery of the
»;te of Bethzur, under the almost identical name
of Beit-sir, explains its impregnability, and
also the reason for the choice of its position,
since it commands ths road from Bcersneba and
Hebron, which has always been the main ap-
proach to Jerusalem from the south.
Betolins. 1 Esd. r. 21. [Bethel.]
Betomes tham and Betomas'them, a
town " over against Esdraelon, facing the plain
that is near Dothaim " ( Jud. iv. 6, xv. 4). No
attempt to identify it has been hitherto suc-
cessful.
Bef onim, a town in the inheritance of the
children of Gad, apparently on their northern
boundary (Josh. xin. 26).
Betrothing. [Marriage.]
Beulah, ''married," the name which the
fend of Israel is to bear, when " the land shall
be married " (Is. lxii. 4).
Be'sai, " Children of Bezai," to the number
of 323, returned from captivity with Zerubbabel
(Est. ii. 17 ; Neh. vii. 23). The name occurs
again among those who sealed the covenant
(Sen. x. 18).
Bes'aleeL L The artificer to whom was
sounded by Jehovah the design and execution
of the works of art required for the tabernacle
in the wilderness (Ex. xxxi. 1-6). His charge
was chiefly in all works of metal, wood, and
stone. Bezaleel was of the tribe of Judah, the
son of Uri the son of Hur. — 2. One of the sons
of Pahath-nioab who had taken a foreign wife
(Ezr. x. 30) ; called Sestiiel in 1 Esd.
Be'zek. 1. The residence of Adoni-bezek,
ijt. the " lord of Bezek " (Judg. i. 5) ; in the
lot of Judah (verse 3), and inhabited by Ca-
naanites and Pcrizzites (verse 4). This must
have been a distinct place from — 2. Where
Saul numbered the forces of Israel and Judah
before going to the relief of Jabcsh-Gilead (1
Sam. xi. 8). This cannot have been more than
a day's march from Jabcsh ; and was therefore
doubtless somewhere in the centre of the conn-
try, near the Jordan valley. No identification
oi cither place has been made in modern times.
Be'zer in the wilderness, a city of the
Reubenites, with suburbs, set apart by Moses
as one of the three cities of refuge in tho downs
on the east of the Jordan, and allotted to the
Mcrarites (Deut. iv. 43; Josh. xx. 8, xxi. 36;
1 Chr. vi. 78).
Be'zer, son of Zophah, one of the heads of
the houses of Asher (I Chr. vii. S7).
Be'zeth, a place at which Bacchides en-
camped after leaving Jerusalem (1 Mace, vii
19). By Joscphus the name is given as " the
village Bcthzotho." The name may thus refer
either to the main body of the Mount of Olives,
or to that branch of it, to the north of Jerusa-
lem, which at a later period was called Bezetha.
Bi'atas, 1 Esdr. ix. 48. JPelaiah.]
Bible. — I. The application of this word
to the collected books of the Old and New Tes-
tament is not to be traced further back than
the 5th century. Greek writers enumtrato tu
PtjJ}Jia of the Old and New Testament; and as
these were contrasted with the apotTyphal
books circulated by heretics, there was a natural
tendency to the appropriation of tho word at
limited by tho article to the whole collection
of the canonical Scriptures. The liturgical
use of the Scriptures, as the worship of the
Church become organized, would naturally fa-
vor this application. The MSS. from which
they were read would be emphatically the books
of each church or monastery. And when this
use of the word was established in tho East, it
was natural that it should pass gradually to the
Western Church. It is however worthy of note,
as bearing on the history of the word in our
own language, and on that of its reception in
the Western Church, that " Bible " is not found
in Anglo-Saxon literature. In R. Brunne
(p. 290), Piers Ploughman (1916, 4271), and
Chaucer [Prol. 437), it appears in its distinc-
tive sense. From that time the higher use pre-
vailed to the exclusion of any lower ; and the
choice of it, rather than of any of its synonymes,
by the great translators of the Scriptures,
Wyklyf, Xuther, Coverdale, fixed it beyond all
possibility of a change. — II. It falls within the
scope of the present article to indicate in what
way and by what steps the collections known as
the Old and New Testament respectively, came
to be looked on as of co-ordinate authority, and
therefore as parts of one whole — how, i.e., the
idea of a completed Bible, even before the word
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BTHT.1t
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BIBLE
cum into use, presented itself to the minds
of men. As regards a Urge portion of the
writings of the New Testament it is not
too much to say that they claim an autho-
rity not lower, nay, even higher, than the
Old. That which had not been revealed to
the "prophets" of the Old dispensation is
revealed to the prophets pf the New (Eph.
iii 5). The Apostles write as having the
Spirit of Christ (1 Cor. vii. 40), as teaching
and being taught " by the revelation of Jesus
Christ " (Gal. i. 12). The writing of a man
who spoke as inspired, could not fail to be re-
garded as participating in the inspiration. It
fa part of the development of the same feeling
that the earliest records of the worship of the
Christian Church indicate the liturgical use of
some at least of the writings of the New, as well
as of the Old Testament. Theophilus of An-
tioch, Irenaaus, Clement of Alexandria, Ter-
tullian, all speak of the New Testament writings
as making upwith the Old the whole of Scrip-
ture. — ill. The existence of a collection of
sacred books recognized as authoritative, leads
naturally to a more or less systematic arrange-
ment. The Prologue to Ecclcsiasticus men-
tions " the iaw and the prophets and the other
Books." In the N. T. there is the same kind
of recognition. " The Law and the Prophets "
is the shorter (Matt. xi. 13, xxii. 40 ; Acts xiii.
15, &c.) , " the Law, the Prophets, and the
Psalms ' (Luke xxiv. 44), the roller statement
of the division popularly recognized. The ar-
rangement of the books of the Heb. text under
these three heads, requires however a further
notice. — 1. The Tomh, vouor, naturally con-
tinued to occupy the position which it must
have held from the first as the most ancient and
authoritative portion. The marked distinct-
ness of the five portions which make up the
Torah shows that they must have been designed
as separate books, and when the Canon was
completed, and the books in their present form
made the object of study, names for each book
were wanted and were found. In the Hebrew
classification the titles were taken from the ini-
tial words, or prominent words in the initial
verse ; in that of the LXX. they were intended
to be significant of the subject of each book.
— 2. The next group presents a more singular
combination. The arrangement stands as fol-
lows:—
Joabu.
( Joabu.
' ] lalSuaat
(.latKlafa.
Onatar..
IIl
.{Jaranlah.
(EaaUal.
{TIM twain
.€ mlaor
It
— the Hebrew titles of these books correspond-
ing to those of the English Bibles. The
grounds on which books simply historical
were classed under the same name as those
which contained the teaching of Prophets, in the
stricter sense of the word, are not at first sight
obvious, but the 0. T. presents some facts which
may suggest an explanation. The Sons of
the Prophets (1 Sam. x. 5; 2 K. v. 22, vi. 1)
living together as a society, almost as a caste
(Am. vii. 14), trained to a religious life, culti-
vating sacred minstrelsy, must have occupied a
position as instructors of die people, even in
the absence of the special calling which sent
them as God's messengers to the people. A
body of men so placed, become naturally, unless
intellectual activity is absorbed in asceticism,
historians and annalists. The references in the
historical books of the 0. T. show that they
actually were so. Nathan the prophet, Gad,
the seer of David (1 Chr. xxix. 29), Ahijah
and Iddo (2 Chr. ix. 29), Isaiah (2 Chr. xxvi.
22, xxxii. 32), are cited as chroniclers. — 3.
Last in order came the group known as Cediu-
bim, ■yfxfyda iyioypa^a, including the remaining
books of the Hebrew Canon, arranged in the
following order, and with subordinate divis-
ions: (a) Psalms, Proverbs, Job. (6) The
Song of Songs, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesi-
astes, Esther — the five rolls, (c) Daniel,
Ezra, Nehemiah, 1 and 2 Chronicles. — The
history of the arrangement of the books of the
New Testament presents some variations, not
without interest, as indicating differences of
feeling or modes of thought. The four Gos-
pels and the Acts of the Apostles uniformly
stand first They are so far to the New what
the Pentateuch was to the Old Testament
The position of the Acts as an intermediate
book, the sequel to the Gospels, the prelude to
the Epistles, was obviously a natural one.
After this we meet with some striking differ-
ences. The order in the Alexandrian, Vatican
and Ephraem MSS. (A B C) gives precedence to
the Catholic Epistles, and this would appear
to have been characteristic of the Eastern
Churches. The Western Church on the other
hand, as represented by Jerome, Augustine,
and their successors, gave priority of position
to the Pauline Epistles. The Apocalypse, as
might be expected from the peculiar character
of its contents, occupied a position by itself.
Its comparatively late recognition mag hare de-
termined the position which it has uniformly
held as the last of the Sacred Books. — IV.
Division into Chapter* and Vena. — The He-
brew of the Old Testament It is hardly pos-
sible to conceive of the liturgical use of the
books of the Old Testament, without some
kinds of recognized division. The references
however in Mark xii. 26 and Luke xx. 37,
Bom. xi. 2 and Acts viii. 32, indicate a division
which had become familiar, and show that some
at least of the sections were known popularly
by titles taken from their subjects. In like
manner the existence of a cycle of lessons is
indicated by Luke iv. 17 ; Acts xiii. 15, xv. 21 ;
2 Cor. iii. 14. The Talmudic division is on the
following plan. The law was in the first in-
stance divided into fifty-four Parthioth, or sec-
tions, so as to provide a lesson for each Sabbath
in the Jewish intercalary year. Co-existing with
this there was a subdivision into lesser Parshi-
oth. The lesser Parshioth themselves were
classed under two heads — the open (Pe&uckotA)
which served to indicate a change of subject
analogous to that between two paragraphs in
modern writing, and began accordingly a fresh
line in the MSS., and the that (Stthumotk),
which corresponded to minor divisions, and
were marked only by a space within tut Una-
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BIBLE
119
BILHAH
A different terminology was employed for
the Prophets Prions and Posteriores, and the
division was less uniform. The name of the
sections in this case watt Haphtamth. They
were intended to correspond with the larger
Parshioth of the law, bat the traditions of the
German and the Spanish Jews present a con-
siderable diversity in the length of the divisions.
Of the traditional divisions of the Hebrew
Bible, how e ve r , that which has exercised most
influence in the received arrangement of the
text was the subdivision of the larger sections
into verses (Petuldm). These do not appear to
have been used till the post-Talmudic recension
of the text by the Masoretes of the 9th century.
The chief facts that remain to be stated as to
the verse divisions of the Old Testament are,
that it was adopted by Stephens in his edition of
the Vulgate, 1555, and by Frellon in that of 1556-
that it appeared for the first time in an Eng.
fish translation, in the Geneva Bible of 1560,
and was thence transferred to the Bishops'
Bible of 1568, and the authorized version of
161 1 . In Coverdale's Bible we meet with the
older notation, which was in familiar use for
other books, and retained, in some instances
Ug. in references to Plato), to the present times.
The letters A B C D are placed at equal dis-
tances in the margin of each page, and the
reference is made to the page (or, in the case of
Scripture, to the chapter) and the letter accord-
ingly. As regards the Old Testament, the
■reseat arrangement grows out of the union of
Cardinal Hugo's capitular division and the
Masoretic verses. The Apocryphal books, to
which of course no Masoretic division was appli-
cable, did not receive a versicular division till
the Latin edition of Pagninus in 1528, nor the
division now in use till Stephens's edition of the
Vulgate in 1545. The history of the New
Testament presents some additional facts of
interest- Here, as in the case of the Old, the
system of notation grew out of the necessities
of tod j. The comparison of the Gospel narra-
tives gave rise to attempts to exhibit die har-
mony b e tw een them. Of these, the' first of
which we have any record, was the Diataaaron
of Tatian in the 3d century. This was followed
by a work of like character from Ammonias of
Alexandria in the 3d. The system adopted by
Ammonias, however, was practically inconve-
nient. The search after a more convenient meth-
od of exhibiting the parallelisms of the Gospels
led Eusebios orCossarea to form the ten Canons
which bear his name, and in which the sections
of the Gospels are classed according as the fact
oarrated is found in one Evangelist only, or in
two or more. The Epistles of St. Paul were
fast divided in a similar manner by the un-
known Bishop to whom Enthalius assigns the
credit of it (arc. 396), and he himself; at the
instigation of Athanasins, applied the method
of division to the Acts and the Catholic Epis-
tles. Andrew, bishop of Cawarea in Cappado-
eja, completed the work by dividing the Apoca-
lypse (eanc 500). With theNew Testament, how-
ever, as with the Old, the division into chapters
adopted by Hugh de St. Cher superseded those
mat had been in use previously, appeared in the
esrlr editions of the Vulgate, was transferred to
the English Bible by Coverdale, and so became
universal. The notation of the verses in each
chapter naturally followed on the use of the
Masoretic verses for the Old Testament. In
the Preface to the Concordance, published by
Henry Stephens, 1594, he gives an account of
the origin of this division. The whole work
was accomplished " inter equitandum " on his
journey from Paris to Lyons. While it was in
progress, nn.n doubted of its success. No sooner
was it known than it met with universal accept-
ance. The edition in which this division was
first adopted was published in 1551 ; another
came from the same press in 1555. It was
used for the Vulgate in the Antwerp edition of
Hentenius in 1559, for the English version pub-
lished in Geneva in 1 560, and from that time,
with slight variations in detail, has been uni-
versally recognized.
Bion'ri, ancestor of Sheba (8 Sam. xx. 1.
AcA
BirTkar, Jehu's "captain," originally his
fellow-officer (3 K. ix. 35) ; who completed the
sentence on Jehoram son of Ahab.
Bier. [Bdkial, p. 124 6.]
Big'tha, one of the seven chamberlains or
eunuchs of the harem of Ahasuerus (Estb. i.
10).
Big'than and Big'thana, a eunuch
(chamberlain, A. V. ) In the court of Ahasnerus,
one of those "who Vept the door" and con-
spired with Teresh against the king's life
(Esth. ii. SO. The conspiracy was detected
by Mordecai, uid the eunuchs hung. Prideaux
supposes that these officers had been partially
superseded by the degradation of Vashti, and
sought revenge by the murder of Ahasuerus.
Big'vai. L "Children >f Bigvai," 3,056
(Neh. 2,067) in number, retailed from the cap-
tivity with Zerubbabe! (Err. ii. 14; Neh. vii.
19), and 72 of Jiem at a later date with Ezra
(Ezr. viii. 14). [Baooi; Baoo.J— 2. Ap-
parently one of the chiefs of Zerubbabel's ex-
pedition (Ezr. ii. 8: Neh. vii. 7), whose family
afterwards signed the covenant (Neh. x. 16).
Blk ath-A'ven, Amos i. 5 marg. [Avxw
Bil'dad, the second of Job's Juee friends.
He is called " the Shuhite," which implies both
his family and nation (Job ii. 1 1 ).
BU'eam, a town in the western half of the
tribe of Manasseh, named only in 1 Chr. vi. 70,
as being given to the Kohathites. In the lists
in Josh. xvii. and xxi. this name does not ap-
pear, and Ibleam and Gath-rimmon are sub-
stituted for it.
Bil'gah. 1. A priest in the time of David ;
the head of the fifteenth course for the temple
service (1 Chr. xxiv. 14). — 2. A priest or
priestly family who returned from Babylon
with Zerubbabel and Jeshua (Neh. xii. 5, 18) ;
probably the same who, under the slightly al-
tered namo Biloai, sealed the covenant (Neh.
x. 8).
Bil'gai, Neh. x. 8. [Biloab, 3.1
Biliiah. 1. Handmaid of Rachel (Gen.
xxix. 29), and concubine of Jacob, to whom
she bore Dan and Naphtall (Gen. xxx. 3-8,
xxxv. 85, xlvi. 35; 1 Chr. vu. 13). Reuben
afterwards lay with her (Gen. xxxr. 32). — 2.
A town of the Simeonites (1 Chr. iv. 39) ; also
called Baalah and Balah.
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BISHOP
120
BISHOP
BiThan. 1. A Horite chief, son of Ezer,
■on of Seir, dwelling in Mount Seir, in the
land of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 27 ; I Chr. i. 42).
— 2. A Benjamite, son of Jediael (1 Chr. vii.
10), and probably descended from Bela.
Bil'sban, one of Zerubbabel's companions
on his expedition from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 2;
Neh. vii. 7).
BimTial, one of the sons of Japhlet in the
line of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 33).
Bin'ea, the son of Moza ; one of the de-
scendants of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 37 ; ix. 43).
Bin'nui. 1. A Levitc, father of Noadiah,
in Ezra's time (Ezr. viii. 33). — 2. One of the
sons of Pahath-moab, who had taken a foreign
wife (Ezr. x. 30). [Balxcus.] — 8. Another
Israelite, of the sons of Bani, who had also
taken a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 38]. — 4. Altered
from Bani in the corresponding list in Ezra
(Neh. vii. 15). — 5. A Levite, son of Henadad,
who assisted at the reparation of the wall of
Jerusalem, under Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 24, x. 9).
He is possibly also the Binnui in xii. 8.
Birds. [Fowls.]
Bir'sha, King of Gomorrha at the time of
the invasion of Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 2).
Birth-days. The custom of observing
birthdays is very ancient (Gen. xl. 20; Jer. xx.
15); and in Job i. 4, &c., we read that Job's
sons " feasted every one his day." In Persia
they were celebrated with peculiar honors and
banquets, and in Egypt the kings' birthdays
were kept with great pomp. It is very probable
that in Matt. xiv. 6, the feast to commemorate
Herod's accession is intended, for we know that
such feasts were common, and were called " the
day of the king" (Hos. vii. 5).
Birthright. The advantages accruing to
the eldest son were not definitely fixed in
eatriarchal times. Great respect was paid to
im in the household, and, as the family
widened into a tribe, this grew into a sustained
authority, undefined save by custom, in all mat-
ters of common interest Thus the " princes "
of the congregation had probably rights of pri-
mogeniture (Num. vii. 2, xxi. 18, xxv. 14). A
" double portion " of the paternal property was
allotted by the Mosaic law (Deut. xxi. 15-17).
This seems to explain the request of Elisha for
a "double portion " of Elijah's spirit (2 K. ii.
9 ) . The first-born of the king was his successor
by law (2 Chr. xxi. 3) ; David, however, by
divine appointment, excluded Adonijah in favor
of Solomon. The Jews attached a sacred im-
port to the title, and thus " first-born " and
" first-begotten " seem applied to the Messiah
(Bom. viii. 29 ; Hob. i. 6).
Bir'zavith, a name occurring in the gene-
alogies of Asher (I Chr. vii. 31 j, and appar-
ently, from the mode of its mention, the name
of a place.
Bishlam, apparently an officer or com-
missioner (1 Esd. ii. 16) of Artaxerxes in
Palestine at the time of the return of Zerub-
babel from captivity (Ezr. iv. 7) ; called Bkle-
uva in I Esd. Ap.
Bishop. This word, applied in the N. T. to
the officers of the Church who were charged
with certain functions of superintendence, had
been in use before as a title of office. The in-
spectors or commissioners sent by Athens to
her subject-states were bt'toiwm* (Aristoph. X*.
1022). The title was still current and begin.
nine to be used by the Romans in the later days
of the republic (Cic. ad Att. vii. 11). The
Hellenistic Jews found it employed in theLXX.,
though with no very definite value, for officers
charged with certain functions (Num. iv. 16,
xxxi. 14; Ps. cix. 8; Is. Ix. 17). When the
organization of the Christian churches in Gen-
tile cities involved the assignment of the work
of pastoral superintendence to a distinct order,
the title tirioncmoc presented itself as at once
convenient and familiar, and was therefore
adopted as readily as the word elder (vpeopv-
Ttpoc) had been in the mother church of Jeru-
salem. That the two titles were originally
equivalent is clear from the following facts. -—
1 . Bishops and elders are nowhere named to-
gether as being orders distinct from each other.
— 2. Bishops and deacons are named as appar-
ently an exhaustive division of the officers of
churches addressed by St. Paul as an apostle
(Phil. i. 1; 1 Tim. iii. 1, 8).— 3. The same
persons are described by both names (Acts xx.
17, 18; Tit. i. 5, 8). — 4. Elders discharge
functions which are essentially episcopal, »'.«.,
involving pastoral superintendence ( 1 Tim. v.
17 ; 1 Pet. v. 1, 2). — Assuming as proved the
identity of the bishops and elders of the N. T.
we have to inquire into — 1 . The relation which
existed between the two titles. 2. The func-
tions and mode of appointment of the men to
whom both titles were applied. 3. Their rela-
tions to the general government and discipline
of the Church. — I. There can be no doubt
that elders had the priority in order of time.
The order itself is recognized in Acts xi. 30,
and in Acts xv. 2. It is transferred by Paul
and Barnabas to the Gentile churches in their
first missionary journey (Acts xiv. 23). The
earliest use of "bishops, on the other hand, u
in the address of St. Paul to the elders of Mile-
tus (Acts xx. 28), and there it is rather descrip-
tive of functions than given as a title. The
earliest epistle in which it is formally used as
equivalent to " elders " is that to the Philip-
pians, as late as the time of his first imprison-
ment at Rome. — H. Of the order in which
the first elders were appointed, as of the occa-
sion which led to the institution of the office,
we have no record. Arguing from the analogy
of the Seven in Acts vi. 5, 6, it would seem
probable that they were chosen by the members
of the Church collectively, and then set apart
to their office by the laying on of the apostles'
hands. In the case of Timothy (I Tim. iv.
14 ; 2 Tim. i. 6), the " presbyters," probably
the body of the elders at Lystra, had taken
part with the apostle in this act of ordination.
The conditions which were to be observed in
choosing these officers, as stated in the pastoral
epistles, are, blameless life and reputation among
those " that are without " as well as within the
Church, fitness for the work of teaching, the
wide kindliness of temper which shows itself
in hospitality, the being " the husband of one
wife " (i.«. according to the most probable inter-
pretation, not divorced and then married to
another), showing powers of government in his
own household as well as in self-control, not
being a recent, and therefore an untried con-
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B1THR0N
121
B1ZJOTHJAH
Ten. When appointed, the duties of the bishop-
elders appear to hare been as follows : — 1 .
General superintendence over the spiritual well-
being of the flock (1 Pet. v. 2). 2. The work
of teaching, both publicly and privately (1
Theas. v. 12 ; Tit. i. 9 ; 1 Tim. v. 17). 3. The
work of visiting the sick appears in Jam. v. 14,
at assigned to the elders of the Church. 4.
Among other acts of charity, that of receiving
strangers occupied a conspicuous place ( 1 Tim.
ni 2 ; Tit. i. 8 ) . The mode in which these
officers of the Church were supported or re-
munerated varied probably in different cities.
At Miletus, St. Paul exhorts the elders of the
Church to follow his example, and work for
their own livelihood (Acts xx. 34). In 1 Cor.
ix. 14, and Gal. vi. 6, he asserts the right of
the ministers of the Church to be supported by
it. In 1 Tim. v. 17, he gives a special applica-
tion of the principle in the assignment of a
doable allowance to those who have been con-
spicuous for their activity. Collectively at Jeru-
salem, and probably in other churches, the body
of bishop-elders took part in deliberations (Acts
xv. 6-22, xxi. 18), addressed other churches
(Hid. xv. 23), were joined with the apostles in
the work of ordaining by the laying on of hands
(2 Tim. L 6). It lay in the necessities of any
organized society that such a body of men
should be subject to a power higher than their
own, whether vested in one chosen by them-
selves or deriving its authority from some ex-
ternal source ; and we find accordingly that it
belonged to the delegate of an apostle, and a
fortiori to the apostle himself, to receive accu-
sations against them, to hear evidence, to ad-
monish where there was the hope of amend-
ment, to depose where this proved unavailing
(1 Tim. v. 19, iv. 1 ; Tit. iii. 10). — III. It is
dear from what has been said that episcopal
functions in the modern sense of the words, as
implying a special superintendence over the
ministers of the Church, belonged only to the
apostles and those whom they invested with
their authority. In the letters of Ignatius the
name of apostle is looked on as belonging to
the past, a title of honor which their successors
could not claim. That of bishop rises in its
■rnincance, and takes the place left vacant.
Toe dangers by which the Church was threat-
ened made the exercise of the authority which
was thus transmitted more necessary. The
permanent superintendence of the bishop over
s given district, as contrasted with the less set-
tled rule of the travelling apostle, would tend
to its development. In this, or in some simi-
lar way, the constitution of the Church as-
sumed its later form ; the bishops, presbyters,
and deacons of the Ignatian Epistles, took the
place of the apostles, bishops, elders, and dea-
cons of the New Testament
Bithi'ah, daughter of a Pharaoh, and wife
of Mered, a descendant of Judah (1 Chr. iv.
19). The Scriptures, as well as the Egyptian
monuments, show that the Pharaohs intermar-
ried with foreigners ; but such alliances seem to
have been contracted with royal families alone.
It may be ■apposed that Bithiah was taken cap-
tive.
Bith'ron (more accurately " theBithron "),
a place — from the form of the expression,
1<
"all the Bithron," doubtless a district — in the
Arabah or Jordan valley, on the east side of
the river (2 Sam. ii. 29).
Bithyn'ia. This province of Asia Minor
is mentioned only in Acts xvi. 7, and iu 1 Pet.
i. 1. Bithynia, considered as a Roman prov-
ince, was on the west, contiguous to Asia. On
the east its limits underwent great modifica-
tions. The province was originally inherited
by the Roman republic (b.c. 74) as a legacy
from Nicomedcs III., the last of an independ-
ent line of monarclis. one of whom had invited
into Asia Minor those Gauls who gave the name
of Galatia to the central district of the pen-
insula. On the death of Mithridates, king of
Pontus, B.C. 63, the western part of the Pontic
kingdom was added to the province of Bithynia,
which again received further accessions on this
side under Augustus, a.d. 7. The chief town
of Bithynia was Nicasa, celebrated for the gen-
eral Council of the Church held there in a.d. 325
against the Arian heresy.
Bitter herbs. The Israelites were com-
manded to eat the Paschal lamb " with unleav-
ened bread and with .Mtter herbs," Heb. merdrim
(Ex. xii. 8). According to Aben Ezra the an-
cient Egyptians always used to place different
kinds of herbs upon the table with mustard,
and dipped morsels of bread into this salad.
That the Jews derived this custom of eating
herbs with their meat from the Egyptians is
extremely probable. The merorim may well be
understood to denote various sorts of bitter
plants, such particularly as belong to the cruet-
/era, as some of the bitter cresses, or to the
chiccory group of the composite, the hawkweeds,
and sow-thistles, and wild lettuces which grow
abundantly in the Peninsula of Sinai, (a Pales-
tine, and in Egypt.
Bittern. The Hebrew word has bo, n the
subject of various interpretations, the old ver-
sions generally sanctioning the "hedgehog"
or " porcupine ; " the" tortoise," the " bearer,"
the " otter," the " owl," have also all been con-
jectured, but without the slightest show of
reason. Philological arguments appear to be
rather in favor of the " hedgehog " or " jx>rcu-
pine," for the Hebrew word kipptd appears to
be identical with kunfud, the Arabic woid for
the hedgehog ; but zoologically, the hedgehog
or porcupine is quite out of the question. The
word occurs in Is. xiv. 23, xxxiv. 1 1 ; Zeph. ii.
14. The former passage would seem to point
to some solitude-loving aquatic bird, which
might well be represented by the bittern, as the
A. V. has it; and we are inclined to believe
that the A. V. is correct. Col. H. Smith
( Kitto's Cyclop, art. Kipptd) says, " Though not
building like the stork on the tops of houses, it
resorts Tike the heron to ruined structures, and
we have been informed that it has been seen on
the summit of Tank Kisra at Ctesiphon." The
bittern (Botauna stdlaris) belongs to the Arde-
ida, the heron family of birds ; it has a wide
range, being found in Russia and Siberia as far
north as the river Lena, in Europe generally, in
Barbary, S. Africa, Trebizond, and in the coun-
tries between the Black and Caspian Seas, &c
Bix\joth'jah, a town in the south of Judah
named with Beeosheba and Baalah (Josh,
xv. 38).
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BLOOD
122
BOAB
Biz'tha, the second of the seven eunuchs
of King Ahasuerus' harem (Esth. i. 10).
Black. (Colobs.J
Blainfl, violent ulcerous inflammations. It
was the sixth plague of Egypt (Ex. ix. 9, 10),
and hence is called in Dcut. xxviii. 27, 35,
" the botch of Egypt." It seems to have been
the black leprosy, a fearful kind of elephantiasis.
Blasphemy, in its technical English sense,
signifies the speaking evil of God, and in this
tense it is found Ps. Ixxiv. 18; Is. Iii. 5 ; Rom.
ii. 24, Ac. But according to its derivation it
may mean any species of calumny and abuse
(or even an unlucky word, Eurip. Ion. 1 187) :
see 1 E. xxi. 10; Acts xviii. 6; Jude 9, Ac.
Blasphemy was punished with stoning, which
was inflicted on the son of Shelomith (Lev.
xxiv. 11). On this charge both our Lord and
St. Stephen were condemned to death by the
Jews. When a person heard blasphemy he
laid his hand on the head of the offender, to
symbolize his sole responsibility for the guilt,
and, rising on his feet, tore his robe, which
might never again be mended. It only remains
to speak of "the blasphemy against the Holy
Ghost," which has been so fruitful a theme for
•peculation and controversy (Matt. xii. 32;
Mark iii. 28). It consisted in attributing to
the power of Satan those unquestionable mira-
cles which Jesus performed by " the finger of
God," and the power of the Holy Spirit ; nor
Vave we any safe ground for extending it to in-
clude all sorts of willing (as distinguished from
wilful) offences, besides this one limited and
special sin.
Blas'tUS, the chamberlain of Herod Agrip-
pa I., mentioned Acts xii. 20, as having been
made by the people of Tyre and Sidon a medi-
ator between them and the king's anger.
Blinding. [Punishments.]
Blindness is extremely common in the
East from many causes. One traveller men-
tions 4,000 blind men in Cairo, and Volney
reckons that 1 in every 5 was blind, besides
others with sore eyes. Jaffa is said to contain
500 blind out of a population of 5,000 at most.
Blind beggars figure repeatedly in the N. T.
(Matt. xii. 22), and "opening the eyes of the
blind " is mentioned in prophecy as a peculiar
attribute of the Messiah (Is. xxix. 18, Ac.).
The Jews were specially charged to treat the
blind with compassion and care (Lev. xix. 14 ;
Dent, xxvii. 18). Penal and miraculous blind-
ness is several times mentioned in the Bible
iGen. xix. 11; 2 K. vi. 18-22; Acts ix. 9).
tlindness wilfully inflicted for political or
other purposes was common in the East, and is
alluded to in Scripture (1 Sam. xi. 2; Jer.
xxxix. 7).
Blood. To blood is ascribed in Scripture
the mysterious sacredness which belongs to life,
and God reserves it to Himself when allowing
man the dominion over and the use of the low-
er animals for food. Thus reserved, it acquires
a donble power: 1. that of sacrificial atone-
ment; and 2. that of becoming a curse when
wantonly shed, unless duly expiated (Gen.
be. 4 ; Lev. vii. 26, xvil. 1 1-13). As regards 1.
the blood of sacrifices was caught by the Jew-
ish priest from the neck of the victim in a basin,
then sprinkled seven times (in case of birds at
once squeezed out on the altar, but that of the
passover on the lintel and door-posts, Exod.
xii. ; Lev. iv. 5-7, xvi. 14-19). In regard to
2. it sufficed to pour the animal's blood on the
earth, or to bury it, as a solemn rendering of
the life to God ; in case of human bloodshed a
mysterious connection is observable between
the curse of blood and the earth or land on
which it is shed (Gen. iv. 10, ix. 4-6 ; Num.
xxxv. 33 ; Ps. cvi. 38).
Blood, Issue Of. The menstruotu dis-
charge or the JhavM uteri (Lev. xv. 19-30 ;
Matt. ix. 20 ; Mark v. 25, and Luke viii. 43).
The latter caused a permanent legal unclcan-
ness, the former a temporary one, mostly for
seven days ; after which the woman was to be
purified by the customary offering.
Blood, Revenger Of. It was, and even
still is, a common practice among nations of
patriarchal habits, that the nearest of kin should,
as a matter of duty, avenge the death of a mur-
dered relative. Compensation for murder is
allowed by the Koran. Among the Bedouins,
and other Arab tribes, should the offer of blood-
money be refused, the " Thar," or law of blood,
comes into operation, and any person within
the fifth degree of blood from the homicide may
be legally lolled by any one within the same de-
nof consanguinity to the victim. Frequent-
ly homicide will wander from tent to tent
over the Desert, or even rove through the towns
and villages on its borders with a chain round
his neck and in rags, begging contributions
from the charitable to pay the apportioned
blood-money. Three days and four hours are
allowed to the persons included within the
" Thar," for escape. The right to blood-revenge
is never lost, except as annulled by compensa-
tion : it descends to the latest generation. Sim-
ilar customs with local distinctions are found in
Persia, Abyssinia, and among the Druses and
Circassians. The law of Moses was very pre-
cise in its directions on the subject of Retalia-
tion. — 1. The wilful murderer was to be put
to death without permission of compensation.
The nearest relative of the deceased became
the authorized avenger of blood {gtH, Num.
xxxv. 19), and was bound to execute retaliation
himself if it lay in his power. The king, how-
ever, in later times appears to have had the
power of restraining this license. The sbedder
of blood was thus regarded as impious and pol-
luted (Num. xxxv. 16-31 ; Dent xix. 11 ; 2 Sam.
xiv. 7, 11, xvi. 8, and iii. 29, with 1 K. ii. 31,
33; 1 Chr. xxiv. 22-25). — 2. The law of re-
taliation was not to extend beyond the imme-
diate offender (Dent xxiv. 16 ; 2 K. xiv. 6 ;
2 Chr. xxv. 4; Jer. xxxi. 29, 30; Ezek.
xviii. 20). — 3. The involuntary shedder of
blood was permitted to take flight to one of six
Leritieal cities, specially appointed ont of the
48 as cities of refuge, three on each tide of the
Jordan (Num. xxxv. 22, 23 ; Dent xix. 4-6).
Blue. [Colors.]
Boanerges, a name signifying " sons of
thunder," given by our Lord to the two son*
of Zebedee, James and John. Probably the
name had respect to the fiery zeal of the
brothers, signs of which we may see in Luke
ix. 54 ; Mark ix. 38 ; comp. Matt. xx. 80, Ac
Boar. [Swim.]
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BOSOR
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BOTTLE
Bo'ax. L A wealthy Bethlehemite, kins-
man to Elimelech, the husband of Naomi.
Finding that the kinsman of Rath, who stood
in s still nearer relation than himself, was un-
willing to perform the office of gdil, he had
those obligations publicly transferred with the
ism] ceremonies to his own discharge ; and
hence it became his duty by the " levirate law "
to many Ruth, and to redeem the estates of
In deceased husband Mahlon (iv. 1 ff.). He
gladly undertook these responsibilities, and
their happy union was blessed by the birth of
Obed, from whom in a direct line our Lord was
descended. Boaz is mentioned in the geneal-
ogy (Matt i. 5), but there i« ?rwvt difficulty in
essigniog his date. If Boaz be identical with
the judge Ibzan [ Ibzak], as is stated with some
shadow of probability by the Jerusalem Talmud
mdTsrious Rail >-, several senerattasi must 1)C
inserted. Even if we shorten the period of the
Judges to 340 rears, we must suppose that
Boat was the youngest son of Salmon, ami
tint he did not' marry till the age of 65. — 2.
Bon, the name of one of Solomon's brazen
pillars erected ia the temple porch. [Jachin.]
It stood on thv left, ami was 18 cubits high
(1 K. rij. 15, 21 ; 2 Chr. iii. 15 ; Jer. Hi. 21 ).
Boc'caa, 1 Esd. viii. 2. [Ui-kki ; Borith.]
Boch'eril, -on of Azel, according to the
present Heb. text of I Chr. viii. 38.
Bffchim, '■ the weepers," a place on the
sestof Jordan above Gilgal (Judg. ii. 1, 5).
Bo/han, a Reubenitc, after whom a stone
yu named. Its position was on the border of
the territories of Benjamin and Judah between
Beth-srabah and Beth-hogla on the E., and
Adamnum and Enshemesh on the W. (Josh,
rr. 6, xviii. 17).
BoiL [Medicine]
Bolster. [Pillow.]
Bondage. [Slavery.]
Bonnet. JIIead-Dress.]
Book. [Writing.]
Booths. [Sooooth; TAauaxAOi^a,i'BAin
Booty consisted of captives of both sexes,
ettae, and whatever a e.ptured city might con-
ttin, especially metallic treasures. Within the
limits of Canaan no captives were to be made
(Drat xx. 14 and 16) ; beyond those limits, in
cae of warlike resistance, all the women and
children were to be made captives, and the men
pit to death. The law of booty was that it
famld be divided equally between the army
»ho won it and the people of Israel, but of the
former half one bead in every 500 was re-
mved to God, and appropriated to the priests,
nd of the latter one in every 50 was similarly
raerred and appropriated to the Levites (Num.
mi. 36-47). As regarded the army, David
*Ued a regulation that the baggage-guard
•hoald share equally with the troops engaged
(1 Sam. xxx. 24, 25).
Boot Matt i. 5; Luke iii. 32. [Boas.]
Bo'rith, 2 Esd. i. 2. [Bura.] Ap.
Borrowing. [Loah.]
Bos'c&th, 2 K. xxii. 1 . [Bozkath.]
Bo/sor. L A city both large and fortified,
•» the east of Jordan in the land of Gilead
(1 Msec v. 26, 86). It is probably Bezeb.—
a. The Aramaic mode of pronouncing the
name of Bbor, the lather of Balaam ,2 Pet
ii. 15).
BoVora, a strong city in Gilead taken by
Judas Maccabseus (1 Mace. v. 26, 28), doubtless
the same as Bozkah.
Botch. [Blaik.]
Bottle. 1. The skin bottle: 2. the bottle
of earthen or glass-ware, both of them capable
of being closed from the air. — 1. The Arabs,
and all those that lead a wandering Ufe, keep
their water, milk, and other liquors, in leathern
bottles. These are made of goatskins. When
the animal is killed, they cut off its feet and
its head, and they draw it in this manner out
nf the skin, without nnrniin? it* belly. In
Arabia they are tanned with acacia-baik, and
the hairy part left outside. They afterwards
sew up the places where the legs were cut off
and the tail, and when it is filled they tie it
about the neck. The great leathern bottles
are uuula of tlit) xkiu of a Uo-gu.il, Mid the
small ones, that serve instead of a bottle of
water on the rood, are made of a kid's skin.
Betdt*.
Bruce gives a description of a vessel of tne
same kind, but larger. Wine-bottles of skin
are mentioned as used by Greeks, Romans, and
Egyptians, by Homer (Go*, vi. 78 ; //. iii. 247) ;
by Herodotus, as used in Egypt (ii. 121) ; and
by Virgil ( Gtarg. ii. 884). Skins for wine or
other liquids are in use to this day in Spain,
where they are called borrachas. The effect
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BOZRAH
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BREAD
of external heat upon a skin-bottle is indicated
in IV cxix. 83, " a bottle in the smoke," and
of expansion produced by fermentation in
Matt. ix. 17, "new wine in old bottles." — 2.
Vessels of metal, earthen, or glass ware for
liquids were in use among the Greeks, Egyp-
tians, Etruscans, and Assyrians, and also no
doubt among the Jews, especially in later times.
Thus Jer. xix. 1, "a potter's earthen bottle."
The Jews probably borrowed their manufac-
tures in this particular from Egypt, which was
celebrated for glass work, as remains and illus-
trations of Egyptian workmanship are extant
at least as early as the 1 5th century B.C.
(Wilkinson, ii. 59, 60).
Bow. [Arms.]
Bowl. A like uncertainty prevails as to
the precise form and material of these vessels
as is noticed under Basin. Bowls would
probably be used at meals for liquids, or broth,
or pottage (2 K. iv. 40). Modern Arabs are
content with a few wooden bowls. In the
Brit. .Mus. are deposited several terra-cotta
bowls with Chaldssan inscriptions of a super-
stitious character, expressing charms against
sickness and evil spirits, which may possibly
explain the "divining cup" of Joseph (Gen.
xliv. 5). The bowl was filled with some liquid
which was drank off as a charm against evil.
Box-tree. The Heb. teasshur occurs in Is.
xli. 19, lx. 13. The Talmudical and Jewish
writers generally are of opinion that the box-
tree is intended. The Syriac and the Arabic
version of Saadias understand by it a species
of cedar called sherbin, which is distinguished
by the small size of the cones and the upright
growth of the branches. Although the claim
which the box-tree has to represent the teasshur
of Isaiah and Ezekiel is far from being satis-
factorily established, yet the evidence rests on
a better foundation than that which supports
the claims of the sherbin. Box-wood writing
tablets are alluded to in 2 Esdr. xiv. 24.
Bo'zez, one of the two " sharp rocks "
(Heb. "teeth of the cliff") "between the pas-
sages " by which Jonathan entered the Philis-
tine garrison. It seems to have been that on
the north (1 Sam. xiv. 4, 5).
Boz'kath, a city of Judah in the lowlands
{Josh. xv. 39). It is mentioned once again (2
K. xxii 1, A. V. "Boscath") as the native
place of the mother of King Josiah.
Boz'raJi. 1. InEdom — the city of Jobah
the son of Zerah, one of the early kings of
that nation (Gen. xxxvi. 33; 1 Chr. i. 44).
This is doubtless the place mentioned in later
times by Isaiah (xxxiv. 6, Ixiii. 1) in connec-
tion with Edom, and by Jeremiah (xlix. 13,
22), Amos (i. 12), and Micah (ii. 12). There
is no reason to doubt that the modern repre-
sentative of Bozrah is el-Busaireh, which was
first visited by Burckhardt, and lies on the
mountain district to the S. E. of the Dead Sea,
between Tufileh and Fetrn, about half way
between the latter and the Dead Sea. — 2. In
his catalogue of the cities of the land of Moab,
Jeremiah (xlviii. 24) mentions a Bozrah as in
"the plain country" (ver. 21, i.e. the high
level clowns on the east of the Dead Sea).
Here lay Heshbon, Nebo, Kirjathaim, Dibla-
thaim, and the other towns named in this pas-
sage, and it is here that we presume Bozra.
should be sought, and not, as has been lately
suggested, at Bostra, the Roman city in Bashan
full sixty miles from Heshbon.
Bracelet. Under Armlet an account is
given of these ornaments, the materials of
which they were generally made, the manner
in which they were worn, &c. Bracelets of
fine twisted Venetian gold are still common in
Egypt. In Gen. xxxviii. 18, 25, the word ren-
dered " bracelet " means probably " a string
by which a seal-ring was suspended." Men as
well as women wore bracelets, as we see from
Cant. v. 14. Layard says of the Assyrian
kings : " The arms were encircled by armlets,
and the wrists by bracelets."
Bramble. [Thornb.1
Brass. The word nechosheth is improperly
translated by " brass," since the Hebrews were
not acquainted with the compound of copper
and zinc known by that name. In most places
of the O. T. the correct translation would be
copper, although it may sometimes possibly
mean bronze, a compound of copper and tin.
Indeed a simple metal was obviously intended,
as we see from Deut. viii. 9, xxxiii. 25, and
Job xxviii. 2. Copper was known at a Terr
early period, and the invention of working it u
attributed to Tubal-cain (Gen. iv. 22). Its ex-
treme ductility made its application almost uni-
versal among the ancients. The same word is
used for money in both Testaments ( Ezek. xvi.
36; Matt. x. 9, Ac.). It often occurs in meta-
Shors, e.g. Lev. xxvi. 19; Deut xxviii. S3;
ob vi. 12 ; Jer. vi. 28. It is often used as an
emblem of strength, Zech. vi. 1 ; Jer. i. 18.
The word xaAxaXi/favov in Rev. i. 15, ii. 18
(A. V. " fine brass "), has excited much differ-
ence of opinion. Some suppose it to hare
been orichalcum, which was so rare as to be
more valuable than gold. It may perhaps be
deep-colored frankincense.
Brazen-serpent. [Serpent.]
Bread. The preparation of bread as an
article of food dates from a very early period :
it must not, however, be inferred from the use
of the word ledum in Gen. iii. 19 (" bread,"
A. V.) that it was known at the time of the
fall, the word there occurring in its general
sense of food: the earliest undoubted instance
of its use is found in Gen. xviii. 6. The corn
or grain employed was of various sorts : the
best bread was made of wheat, which after be-
ing ground produced the "flour" or "meal "
(Judg. vi. 19 ; 1 Sam. i. 24 ; 1 K. iv. 22, xvii.
12, 14), and when sifted the "fine flour" (Ex.
xxix. 2 ; Gen. xviii. 6) usually employed in the
sacred offerings (Ex. xxix. 40; Lev. ii. 1 ; Ex.
xlvi. 14), and in the meals of the wealthy (1 K.
iv. 22 ; 2 K. vii. 1 ; Ez. xvi. 13, 19 ; Rev. xviii.
13). " Barley " was used only by the very
poor (John vi. 9, 13), or in times of scarcity
(Ruth iii. 15, compared with i. 1 ; 2 K. iv. 38,
42; Rev. vi. 6). "Spelt" (rye, fitches, spit,
A. V.) was also used both in Egypt (Ex ix.
32) and Palestine (Is. xxviii. 25; Ez. iv. 9;
1 K. xix. 6). Occasionally the grains above
mentioned were mixed, and other ingredients,
such as beans, lentils, and millet, were added
(Ei. iv. 9 ; cf. 2 Sam. xvii. 88) ; the bread so
produced is called " barley cakes " (Ex. iv. It,
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BREAD
125
BRICK
'at barley cakes," A. V.), inasmuch as barley
was the main ingredient. The baking was
done in primitive times by the mistress of the
house (Gen. xviii. 6) or one of the daughters
(2 Sam. xiii. 8) : female servants were however
employed in large households (1 Sam. viii. 13).
Baking as a profession was carried on by men
(Hos. vii. 4, 6). In Jerusalem the bakers con-
gregated in one quarter of the town, as we
buj infer from the names " bakers' street "
(Jer. xxxvii. 21), and " tower of the ovens "
(Neh-iii. 11, xii. 38, "furnaces," A. V.). The
bread taken by persons on a journey (Gen. xlv.
S3; Josh. ix. 12) was probably a kind of bis-
cait. The process of making bread was as fol-
low* : — the flour was first mixed with water,
or perhaps milk ; it was then kneaded with the
hands (in Egypt with the feet also) in a small
wooden bowl or " kneading-trough " until it
became dough (Ex. xii. 34, 39 ; 2 Sam. xiii. 8 ;
Jer. vii. 18; Hos. vii. 4). When the kneading
was completed, leaven was generally added
[Lsavbs] : but when die time for preparation
was short, it was omitted, and unleavened
cakes, hastily baked, were eaten, as is still the
(tTBAana beading doa«h with their handa. (Wilkbunn,
*■ • aaiatlng la Die Tomb of Remeeee III. at Thebte.)
nrevalent custom among the Bedouins (Gen.
xviii. 6, xix. 3 ; Ex. xii. 39 ; Judg. vi. 19 ;
1 Sam. xxviii. 24). The leavened mass was
allowed to stand for some time (Matt. xiii. 33 ;
Luke xiii. 21 ). The dough was then divided
into round cakes (Ex. xxix. 23; Judg. vii.
13, viii. 5 ; 1 Sam. x. 3 ; Prov. vi. 26), not
unlike flat stones in shape and appear-
ance (Matt. vii. 9 ; comp. iv. 3), about a
man in diameter and a finger's breadth in
thickness. The cakes were sometimes
pmetmd, and hence called chailah (Ex.
xxix. 2, 23 ; Lev. ii. 4, viii. 26, xxiv. 5 ;
Num. xv. 20 ; 2 Sam. vi. 19), and mixed
with oil. Sometimes they were rolled out
into wafers (Ex. xxix. 2, 23; Lev. ii. 4 ;
Stun. vi. 15-19), and merely coated with
oil. The cokes were now taken to the
oven ; having been first, according to the
practice in Egypt, gathered into "white k'-
ntskets" (Gen. xl. 16), a doubtful expres-
sion. The baskets were placed on a tray
and carried on the baker's head (Gen. xl.
16). In the towns, where professional bakers
resided, there were no doubt fixed ovens, in
shape and size resembling those in use among
ourselves : but more usually each household
possessed a portable oven, consisting of a stone
or metal jar about three feet high, which was
heated inwardly with wood (1 E. xvil. 12;
Is. xliv. 15; Jer. vii. 18) or dried grass and
flower-stalks (Matt. vi. 30). Uthcr modes of
baking were specially adapted to the migra-
tory habits of the pastoral Jews, as of the
modern Bedouins ; the cakes were cither spread
upon heated stones, or they were thrown into
the heated embers of the fire itself; or lastly,
they were roasted by being placed between
layers of dung, which burns slowly, and is
therefore specially adapted for the purpose
(Ez. iv. 12, 15). The cakes required to be
carefully turned during the process (Hos. vii.
8). Other methods were used for other kind*
of bread ; some were baked on a pan ; such
cakes appeared to have been chiefly used as
sacred offerings (Lev. ii. 5, vi. 15, vii. 9 ; 1 Chr.
xxiii. 29). A similar cooking utensil was used
by Tamar (2 Sam. xiii. 9). A different kind
of bread, probably resembling the ftita of the
Bedouins, a pasty substance, was prepared in a
sauce-pan (frying-pan, A. V.|; this was also
reserved for sacred offerings (Lev. ii. 7 ; vii. 9).
Breastplate. [Arms, p. in.]
Brethren of Jesus. [Jambs.]
Brick. Herodotus (i. 179), describing the
mode of building the walls of Babylon, says
that the clay dug out of the ditch was made
into bricks as soon as it was carried up, and
burnt in kilns. The bricks were cemented with
hot bitoxuen, and at every thirtieth row crates
of reeds were stuffed in. This account agrees
with the history of the building of the Tower
of Confusion, in which the builders used brick
instead of stone, and slime for mortar (Gen.
xi. 3). The Babylonian bricks were more com-
monly burnt in kilns than those used at Nine-
veh, which are chiefly sun-dried like the Egyp-
tian. They are usually from 12 to 13 in.
square, and 34 in. thick, and most of them
bear the name, inscribed in cuneiform charac-
ter, of Nebuchadnezzar, whose buildings, no
doubt, replaced those of an earlier age. They
thus possess more of the character of tiles (Ez.
iv. 1 ). They were sometimes glazed and enam-
elled with patterns of various colors. The
Israelites, in common with other captives, were
Foreign npttraa making brlcka at Tbobee. (Wilkinson.)
employed by the Egyptian monarchs in making
bricks and in building (Ex. i. 14, v. 7). Egyp-
tian bricks were not generally dried in kilns,
hut in the sun, and even without, straw are as
firm as when first put up in the reigns of the
Amunophs and Thothmes whose names they
bear. When made of the Nile mud, they re-
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BROTHER
126
BURIAL
qnired straw to prevent cracking ; and crude
brick walls had frequently the additional secu-
rity of a layer of reeds and sticks, placed at in-
tervals to act as binders. A brick kiln is men-
tioned as in Egypt by the prophet Jeremiah
(xliii. 9). A brick pyramid is mentioned by
Herodotus (ii. 136) as the work of King Asy-
chis. The Jews learned the art of brick-mak-
ing in Egypt, and we find the nse of the brick-
kiln in David's time (2 Sam. xii. 31), and a
complaint made by Isaiah that tho people built
altars of brick instead of unhewn stone as tbc
law directed (Is. lxv. 3 ; Ex. xx. 25). [Pot-
terv.J
Bride, Bridegroom. [Markiaok.1
Bridge. The only mention of a bridge in
the Canonical Scriptures is indirectly in the
proper name Geshur, a district in Bashan, N.E.
of the Sea of Galilee. At this place a bridge
still exists, called the bridge of the sons of Ja-
cob. Judas Maccabffius is said to have intend-
ed to make a bridge in order to besiege the town
of Casphor or Caspis, situate near a lake (2
Mace. xii. 13). Though the arch was known
and used in Egypt as early as the 15th century
B.C., the Romans were the first constructors of
arched 1 ridges. They made bridges over the
Jordan and other rivers of Syria, of which re-
mains still exist. A stone bndge over the Jor-
dan, called the bridge of the daughters of Ja-
cob, is mentioned by B. de la Brocquiere, a.d.
1432, and a portion of one by Arculf, a.d. 700.
The bridge connecting the Temple with the
upper city, of which Josephus speaks, seems to
nave been an arched viaduct.
Brier. [Thorns.]
Brigandine, Jer. xlvi. 4 ; elsewhere " ha-
bergeon," or " coat of mail." [Arms, p. 70,
«•] .
Brimstone. The Hebrew word is con-
nected with g6pher, " gopher-wood," A. V. Gen.
vi. 14, and probably signified in the first in-
stance the gum or resin that exuded from that
tree ; hence it was transferred to all inflammable
substances, and especially to sulphur, which is
found in considerable quantities on the shores
of the Dead Sea (Gen. xix. 24).
Brother. The Hebrew word is used in va-
rious senses in the O. T. as 1. Any kinsman,
and not a mere brother; e.g. nephew (Gen.
xiv. 16, xiii. 8), husband (Cant. iv. 9). 2.
One of the same tribe (2 Sam. xix. 13). 3.
Of the same people (Ex. ii. 11), or even of a
connate people (Num. xx. 14). 4. An ally
(Am. i. 9). 5. Any friend (Job v. 15). 6.
One of the same office (1 K. ix. 13). 7. A
fellow-man (Lev. xix. 17). 8. Metaphorically
of any similarity. It is a very favorite Orien-
tal metaphor, as in Job xxx. 19, "I am be-
come a brother to the jackals." The word
udcA^of has a similar range of meanings in the
N. T., and is also used for a disciple (Matt,
xxv. 40, &c.) ; a fellow- worker, and especially
a Christian. Indeed, we see from the Acts
that it was by this name that Christians usual-
ly spoke of each other. The Jewish schools
distinguish between "brother" and "neigh-
bor ; " " brother " meant an Israelite by blood,
"neighbor" a proselyte. They allowed nei-
ther title to the Gentiles; but Christ and the
Apostles extended the name "brother" to all
Christians, and " neighbor " to all the world
(1 Cor. v. 11 ; Luke x. 29, 30). The question
as to who were " the brethren of the Lord "
is discussed under Jambs.
Bubas'tis. [Pibeseth.I
Buk"ki. L Son of Abishua and father of
Uzzi, fifth from Aaron in the line of tbc high-
priests in 1 Chr. v. 31, vi. 36 (vi. 5, 51, A. V .),
and in the genealogy of Ezra, Ear. vii. 4, and
1 Esdr. viii. 2, where he is called Boccas,
which is corrupted to Bosith, 2 Esdr. i. 2.
Whether Bukki ever filled the office of high-
Sriest, we are not informed in Scripture.
osephus mentions bim as the first of those
who lived a private life, while the pontifical
dignity was in the house of Ithamar. — 2.
Son of Jogli, prince of the tribe of Dan, one
of the ten men chosen to apportion the land of
Canaan between the tribes (Num. xxxiv. 22).
Bukki'ah, a Kohatbite Levite, of the sons
of Hcman, one of the musicians in the Temple
(1 Chr. xxv. 4, 13).
Bul. [Months.]
Bull, Bullock, terms used synonymously
with ox, oxen, in the A. V., as the representa-
tives of several Hebrew words. Bakar is prop-
erly a generic name for horned cattle when
of full age and fit for the plough. Accordingly
it is variously rendered bullock (Is. lxv. 25), cotr
(Ez. iv. 15), oxen (Gen. xii. 16). It is derived
from an unused root, bakar, to cleave, hence to
plough, as in Latin omentum is aratnentuni.
Shdr almost always signifies one Ittad of horned
tattle, without distinction of age or sex. It is
very seldom used collectively. The Chaldee
form of the word, tor, occurs in Ear. vi. 9, 1 7,
vii. 17; Dan. iv. 25, &e. Egd, eg/ah, a calf
male or female, properly of the Jirtt year. The
word is used of a trained heifer (Hos. x. 11),
of one giving milk (Is. vii. 21, 22), of one used
in ploughing (Judg. xiv. 18), and of one three
years old (Gen. xv. 9). Par signifies generally
a young bull of two years old, though in one
instance (Judg. vi. 25) possibly a bull of seven
years old. There are four or five passages in
which the word abUrim is used for built (lit.
" strong ones "). See Ps. xxii. 12, 1. 13, lxviii.
30; Is. xxxiv. 7 ; Jer. 1. II. In Is. Ii. 20, the
word ti occurs, and is rendered " wild bull,"
but " wild ox " in Dcut. xiv. 5. It was possibly
one of the larger species of antelope, and took
its name from its swiftness. Dr. Robinson
mentions large herds of black and almost
hairless buffaloes as still existing in Palestine,
and these may be the animal indicated (iii.
396).
Bulrush. [Rush.]
Bu'nah, a son of Jerahmeel, of the family
of Pharei in Judah (1 Chr. ii. 25).
Bun'ni. 1. One of the Levites in the time
of Nehemiah (Neh. ix. 4) ; possibly the same
person is mentioned in x. 15. — 2. Another
Levite, but of earlier date than the preceding
(Nch. xi. 15).
Burial, Sepulchres, Tombs. The
Jews uniformly disposed of the corpse by
entombment where possible, and, failing that,
by interment ; extending this respect to the
remains even of the slain enemy and male-
factor (1 K. xi. 15; Dent. xxi. 23), in the
latter case by express provision of law. On
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BURIAL
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BURIAL
thif mbject we have to notice : 1. the place of
burial, it* site and shape; S. the mode of
bsrial; 3. the prevalent notions regarding this
duty. — 1. A natural cave enlarged and adapted
bjr excavation, or an artificial imitation of one,
as that of Rachel, or by pyramids, as those of
the Asmoneans at Moain, and had places
of higher and lower honor. Such as were
not otherwise noticeable were scrupulously
" whited" (Matt, xxiii. 2") once a year, after
the rains before the passover, to warn passers
by of defilement. — 2. With regard to the
I*
Modern Syrian Tomb*.
™ the standard type of sepulchre. This was
That the structure of the Jewish soil supplied
or raggested. Sepulchres, when the owner's
■esns permitted it, were commonly prepared
befcehind, and stood often in gardens, by
■ w d aV dri , or even Adjoining houses. Kings
Domod Sapnlehra.
•4 prophets alone were probably buried within
«*M (1 K. ii. 10, xvi. 6, 28; 2 K. x. 85, xiii.
»; J Chr. xvi. 14, xxviii. 27 ; 1 Sam. xxv. 1,
oriii 3). Sarah's tomb and Rachel's seem to
j«»e been chosen merely from the accident of
« place of death ; but the successive inter-
■Mtt at the former (Gen. xlix. 31) are a
ttrauele of the strong family feeling among
™e Jews. Cities soon became populous and
WMaded cemeteries (Ea. xxxix. 15), which
«re placed without the walls; such a one
«"ns intended by the expression in 2 K. xxiii.
«, Moated in the valley of the Kedron or of
Jwoshaphat. Jeremiah (vii. 32, xix. 11) threat-
■J ™» the eastern valley called Tophet, the
wonte haunt of idolatry, should be polluted
"J bnrying there (comp. 2 K. xxiii. 16). Such
»» also the " Potter's Field " (Matt, xxvii. 7),
J*** had perhaps been wrought by digging
j*| day into holes serviceable for graves,
"pwhrea were marked sometimes by pillars.
Modern Sj,jtu Tombf.
mode of burial, w« should remember that our
impressions, as derived from the O. T., are
those of the burial of persons of rank or public
eminence, whilst those gatherca from the H. T.
regard a private station. But in both eases
" the manner of the Jews " included the use ot
spices, where they could command the means.
Thus Asa lay in a " bed of spices " (2 Chr.
xvi. 14). A portion of these were burnt in
honor of the deceased, and to this use was
probably destined part of the 100 pounds weight
of " myrrh and aloes " in our Lord's case. On
high state occasions the vessels, bed, and fur-
niture used by the deceased were burnt also.
Such was probably the " great burning " made
for Asa. If a king was unpopular or died dis-
graced (2 Chr. xxxi. 19), this was not observed.
In no case, save that of Saul and his sons, were
the bodies burned ; and even then the bones
were interred, and re-exhumed for solemn en-
tombment It was the office of the next of kin
to perform and preside over the whole funereal
office ; but a company of public buriers, origi-
nating in an exceptional necessity (Kz. xxxix.
12-14), had become, it seems, customary in the
timet of the N. T. (Acts v. 6, 10.) Coffins
Ancient Sanopharl In Fokatta*.
were but seldom used, and if used were open j
but fixed stone sarcophagi were common la
tombs of rank. The bier, the word for which
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BURNT-OFFERING
128
BUZ
in the T. is the same as that rendered " bed,"
was borne by the nearest relatives, and fol-
lowed by any who wished to do honor to the
dead. The grave-clothes were probably of the
fashion worn in life, but swathed and fastened
with bandages, and the head covered separately.
Previously to this, spices were applied to the
corpse in the form of ointment, or between the
folds of the linen ; hence our Lord's remark,
that the woman had anointed his body, " with
a view to dressing it in these grave-clothes." —
3. The precedent of Jacob's and Joseph's re-
mains being returned to the land of Canaan
was followed, in wish at least, by every pious
Jew. Following a similar notion, some of the
Rabbins taught that only in that land could
those who were buried obtain a share in the
resurrection which was to usher in Messiah's
reign on earth. Tombs were, in popular be-
lief; led by the same teaching, invested with
traditions. The neighborhood of Jerusalem is
thickly studded with tombs, many of them of
great antiquity. The celebrated " Tombs of
the Kings have received this name on account
of their remarkable character; but they are
supposed by Robinson and Porter to be the
tomb of Helena, the widowed queen of Mono-
bazus king of Adiabene. They are excavated
out of the rock.
Interior Tomb of King>.
Burnt-offering. The word is applied to
the offering, which was wholly consumed by
fire on the altar, and the whole of which, ex-
cept the refuse ashes, " ascended " in >he smoke
to God. Every sacrifiec was in part ' a burnt-
offering," because, since fire was l'ie chosen
manifestation of God's presence, the portion of
each sacrifice especially dedicated to Him was
consumed by fire. But the term is generally
restricted to that which is properly u " whole,
burnt-offering," the whole of which was so of-
fered and so consumed. The burnt-offering is
first named in Gen. viii. 20, as offered after the
Flood. Throughout the whole of the Book of
Genesis (sec xv. 9, 17, xxii. 2, 7, 8, 13) it ap-
pears to be the only sacrifice referred to ; after-
wards it became distinguished as one of the
regular classes of sacrifice under the Mosaic
law. Now all sacrifices are divided (see Heb.
v. 1 ) into " gifts " and " saerificcs-for-sin " {i.e.
eucharistic and propitiatory sacrifices), and of
the former of these the burnt-offering was
the choicest specimen. The meaning of the
whole burnt-offering was that which is the
original idea of all sacrifice, the offering by
the sacrificer, of himself, soul and tody, to
God, the submission of his will to the Will of
the Lord. It typified (see Heb. v. 1, 3, 7, 8)
our Lord's offering (as especially in the tempta-
tion and the agony), the perfect sacrifice of
His own human will to the Will of His Father.
In accordance with this principle it was enacted
that with the burnt-offering a " meat-offering "
(of flour and oil) and " drink-offering " of
wine should be offered, as showing that, with
themselves, men dedicated also to God the chief
earthly gifts with which He had blessed them
(Lev. vui. 18, 22, 26, ix. 16, 17, xiv. 20; Ex.
xxix. 40 ; Num. xxviii. 4, 5). The ceremonial
of the burnt-offering is given in detail in tbe
Book of Leviticus. There were, as public
burnt-offerings — 1st. The daily burnt-offering
(Ex. xxix. 38-42; Num. xxvui. 3-8). 2dly.
The Skbbath burnt-offering (Num. xxviii. 9, 10).
3dly. The offering at the new moon, at the three great
festivals, the great Day of Atonement, and fetut of
trumpets. (See Num. xxviii. 11-xxix. 39.) Pri-
vate burnt-offerings were appointed at the conse-
cration of priests (Ex. xxix. 15; Lev. viii. 18, ix.
1 2), at the purification of women (Lev. xii. 6, 8),
at the cleansing of the lepers (Lev. xiv. 19), and
removal of other ceremonial uncleanness (xv.
15, 30), on any accidental breach of the Naza-
ritic vow, or at its conclusion (Num. vi. ; comp.
Acts xxi. 26), &c. Hut freewill burnt-offerings
were offered and accepted by God on any sol-
emn occasions, as, for example, at the dedica-
tion of the tabernacle (Num. vii.) and of the
temple (1 K. viii. 64), when they were offered
in extraordinary abundance.
Bush. The Hebrew word sfneh occurs only
in those passages which refer to Jehovah's
appearance to Moses " in the flame of fire in
the bush " (Ex. iii. 2, 3, 4; Deut. xxxiii. 16).
The Greek word is J3utoc both in tbe LXX.
and in the N. T. (Luke xx. 37 ; Acts vii. 35 ;
see also Luke vi. 44, where it is correctly ren-
dered " bramble bush " by the A. V). C elsius
(Hiemb. ii. 58) has argued in favor of the Ru-
bus vulgaris, i.e. R. fruticosus, the bramble or
blackberry bush, representing the sfneh, and
traces the etymology of Mt. " Sinai " to this
name. Sprengel identifies the seneh with what
he terms the Rubus sanctus, and says it grows
abundantly near Sinai. It is quite impossible
to say what kind of thorn bush is intended by
sineh ; but Sinai is almost beyond the range of
the genus rubus.
Bushel. [Measures.]
Butter, curdled milk (Gen. xviii. 8; Dent.
xxxii. 14 ; Judg. v. 25 ; Job xx. 17). Milk is
generally offered to travellers in Palestine in a
curdled or sour state, " lebben," thick, almost
like butter. Hassclquist ( Trav. p. 159, Eng.
tr. ) describes the method of making butter em-
ployed by the Arab women : " They made but-
ter in a leather bag, hung on three poles erected
for the purpose, in the form of a cone, and
drawn to and fro by two women." Burckhardt
( TrareJs in Arabia, i. p. 52) mentions the differ-
ent uses of butter lir the Arabs of the Hediaz.
Buz, the second son of Milcah and Nahor
(Gen. xxii. 21 ). l'.lihu is called " the Buzite"
of the kindred of Ram, i.e. Aram. Elihu was
therefore probably a descendant of Buz, whose
family seems to have settled in Arabia Deserts
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GSSAREA
129
CAIN
arFetnea (Jer. xxv. 83). — 2. A name occur-
ring in the genealogies of the tribe of Gad
II Chr. t. HI.
Bu'vj, father of Eaekiel the prophet (Es. i.
n
BjaVOS. [LlKEN.]
c.
Cab. [Measures.]
Cabtxm, a town in the low country of Ju-
dih (Joeh. xt. 40).
CaTml, a place named as one of the land-
marks on the boundary of Asher (Josh. six.
!7). It mar fairly be considered as still existing
in the modern Kabul, which was found by Dr.
Smith and by Robinson 8 or 9 miles east of
AHa, and about the same distance from Jefat.
Bang that on the very borders of Galilee, it is
bor than probable that there is some connec-
tion between this place and the district contain-
ing twenty cities, which was presented by
Solomon to Hiram king of Tyre (1 K. ix.
11-14).
Cad'dis, the surname of Joaottan, the
eldett brother of Judas Maccabeus (1 Mace
B.*). Ap.
Ca'dea, 1 Mace xi. 63, 73. [Kbdzsh.]
Ca dee-bar ne, Jud. t. 1 4. Kadksh-bab-
w».) Ap.
Cad'mieL, l Esd. v. 26, 58. [Kadmiel.]
Csyaar, always in the N. T. the Roman
•aperor, the sovereign of Jndasa (John xix.
1J, IS ; Acts xvii. 7).
Casare'a (Acts viii. 40, ix. 30, x 1, 84,
ri. 11, xii. 19, xriii. 22, xxi. 8, 16 ; xxiii. 83,
S3; xxt. I, 4, 6, 13). The passages just
numerated show how important a place this
«t occupies in the Acts of the Apostles.
Castrea was situated on the coast of Palestine,
m the line of the great road from Tyre to
Egypt, and about half way between Joppa and
JATa. The journey of St. Peter from Joppa
(Acts x. 84) occupied rather more than a day.
Ob the other hand St Paul's journey from
nofemais (Acts xxi. 8) was accomplished with-
B<he day. The distance from Jerusalem was
•out 70 miles ; Josephus states it in round
J"™]*™ as 600 stadia. It has been ascertained,
jBwerer, that there was a shorter road by An-
*ptns than that which is given in the Itinera-
Ti— a point of some importance in reference
to the night-journey of Acts xxiii. [Antipa-
n }>] In Strabo s time, there was on this
P*>tof the coast merely a town called " Stra-
*>« tower" with a landing-place, whereas, in
* time of Tacitus, Csssarea is spoken of as
■Bug the head of Jndasa. It was in this in-
Jj"»I that the city was built by Herod the
j™t The work was in fact accomplished in
~* ?<an. The utmost care and expense were
»^«ed on the building of Csssarea. It was
"official residence of the Herodian kings,
*» of Festns, Felix, and the other Roman
P*wator» of Jndasa. Here also were the
.""nqiitrterj of the military forces of the prov-
**• Caaarea continued to be a city of some
gportance even in the time of the Crusades.
***. though an Arabic corruption of the name
17
still lingers on the site (Kaisarigeh), it is uv
terly desolate ; and its ruins have for a long
period been a quarry, from which other towns
in this part of Syria have been built.
CSMture'a Philip pi is mentioned only
in the two first Gospels (Matt. xvi. 13 ; Mark
viii. 87) and in accounts of the same transac-
tions. Cawarea Philippi was the northernmost
point of our Lord's joumeyings ; and the pas-
sage in his life, which was connected with the
place, was otherwise a very marked one. The
place itself too is remarkable in its physical
and picturesque characteristics, and also in its
historical associations. It was at the eastern-
most and most important of the two recog-
nized sources of the Jordan, the other being at
TH-d-Kadi. The spring rises, and the city
was built, on a limestone terrace in a valley at
the base of Mount Hermon. Csssarea Philip-
pi has no O. T. history, though it has been not
unreasonably identified with Baal-Gad. Its an-
nals run hack direct from Herod's time into
heathenism. There is no difficulty in identi-
fying it with the Panium of Josephus ; and the
inscriptions are not yet obliterated which show
that the god Pan had once a sanctuary at this
?>ot. Panium became part of the territory of
hilip, tetrarch of Trachonitis, who enlarged
and embellished the town, and called it Cossarea
Philippi, partly after his own name, and partly
after that of the emperor. Agrippa IL fol-
lowed in the same course of flattery, and called
the place Neronias. Coins of Ca$area Pannts
continued through the reigns of many emperors.
It is still call Banias, the first name noving
here, as in other cases, survived the second.
The vast castle above the site of the city, built
in Syro-Greek or even Phoenician times, is still
the most remarkable fortress in the Holy Land,
Cage. The term so rendered in Jer. v. 87
is more properly a trap, in which decoy birds
were placed (comp. Ecclus. xi 30). In Rev.
xviii. 8 the Greek term means a prison.
Cai'aphas, in full, Joseph Caiaphas,
high-priest of the Jews under Tiberius during
the years of our Lord's public ministry, and at
the time of his condemnation and crucifixion
(Matt. xxvi. 3, 57 ; John xi. 49, xriii. 13, 14,
24, 28 ; Acts iv. 6). The Procurator Valerius
Gratus appointed him to the dignity. He held
it during the whole procuratorship of Pontius
Pilate, but was deposed by the Proconsul Vitel-
lius (a.d. 86). He was son-in-law of Annas.
[Annas.]
Cain. The historical facts in the life of
Cain, as recorded in Gen. iv., are briefly these:
— He was the eldest son of Adam and Eve; he
followed the business of agriculture ; in a fit of
jealousy, roused by the rejection of his own
sacrifice and the acceptance of Abel's, he com-
mitted the crime of murder, for which he was
expelled from Eden, and led the life of an exile ;
he settled in the land of Nod, and built a city
which he named after his son Enoch ; his de-
scendants are enumerated, together with the
inventions for which they were remarkable.
Occasional references to Cain are made in the
N. T. (Heb. xi. 4; 1 John Hi. 12; Jude 11.)
The following points deserve notice in con-
nection with the Biblical narrative: — 1. The
position of the land of Nod, which it seems
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CALAMOLALUS
130
CALEB
vain to attempt to identify with any special
locality. 2. The " mark set upon Cain " prob-
ably means that Jehovah gave a sign to Cain,
very much as signs were afterwards given to
Noah (Gen.ix. 13), Moses (Ex. iii. 2, 12), Elijah
(1 K. xix. 11), and Hezekiah (Is. xxxviii. 7, 8).
3. The narrative implies the existence of a
considerable population in Cain's time (iv. 14).
4. The descendants of Cain are enumerated to
the sixth generation. Some commentators
(Knobel, von Bohlen) have traced an artificial
structure in this genealogy, by which it is ren-
dered parallel to that of the Sethites. It must
be observed, however, that the differences far
exceed the points of similarity. S. The social
condition of the Cainites is prominently brought
forward in the history. Coin founded the first
city ; Lamech instituted polygamy ; Jabal intro-
duced the nomadic life ; Jubal invented musical
instruments; Tubal-cain was the first smith;
Lantech's language takes the stately tone of
Sietry ; and even the names of the women,
aamah {pleasant), Zillah {shadow), Adah {orna-
mental), seem to bespeak an advanced state of
civilization. But along with this, there was
violence and godlessness; Cain and Lamech
furnish proof of the former, while the concluding
words of Gen. iv. 26 imply the latter. 6. The
contrast established between the Cainites and
the Sethjtes appears to have reference solely to
the social and religious condition of the two
races.
Cain, one of the cities in the low country
if Judan, named with Zanoah and Gibeah
{Josh. xv. 57).
Cai nail. 1. Son of Enos, aged 70 years
when he begat Mahalaleel his son. He lived
840 years afterwards, and died aged 910 (Gen. v.
9-14). The rabbincal tradition was that he
first introduced idol-worship and astrology —
a tradition which the Hellenists transferred to
the post-diluvian Cainan. 2. Son of Arphaxad,
and father of Sala, according to Luke Hi. 35, 36,
and usually called the second Cainan. He is
also found in the present copies of the LXX.
in the genealogy of Shorn, Gen. x. 24, xi. 12,
and 1 Chr. i. 18, bnt is nowhere named in the
Hebrew MSS., nor in any of the versions made
from the Hebrew. It seems certain that his
name was introduced into the genealogies of
the Greek O. T. in order to bring them into
harmony with the genealogy of Christ in St.
Luke's Gospel, where Cainan was found in die
time of Jerome. Probably Cainan was not in-
serted by St Luke himself, but was afterwards
added, either by accident, or to make up the
number of generations to 17, or from some
other cause which cannot now be discovered.
Cakes. [Bread.]
Calah, one of the most ancient cities of
Assyria. Its foundation is ascribed to the
patriarch Asshur (Gen. x. 11). According to
the opinions of the best Oriental antiquaries,
the site of Calah is marked by the Nimrid
rains, which have furnished so large a propor-
tion of the Assyrian remains at present in
England. If this be regarded as ascertained,
Calah must be considered to have been at one
time (about B.C. 930-720) the capital of the
empire.
Calamolalus, 1 Esdr. v. 22, a corrupt
name, apparently agglomerated of Elam, Loav
and Had id. Ap.
Calamus. [Reed.]
Cal'col. a man of Judah, son or descendant
of Zerah (1 Chr. ii. 6). Probably identical
with Chaixol.
Caldron, a vessel for boiling flesh, either
for ceremonial or domestic use J2 Chr. :
13 ; 1 Sam. ii. 14 ; Mic. iii. 3 ; Job xlL 20).
Broun caldron from Egyptian Thebca. (Brit Una.)
Caleb. 1. According to 1 Chr. ii. 9, 18.
19, 42, 50, the son of Hezron, the son of Pharea,
the son of Judah, and the father of Hur by
Ephrath or Ephratah, and consequently grand-
father of Caleb the spy. His brothers, according
to the same authority, were Jerabmeel and Ram ;
his wives Azubah, Jerioth, and Ephrath ; and
his concubines Ephah and Maachan (ver.9, 18,
19, 46, 48). 2. Son of Jephunneh, by which
patronymic the illustrious spy is usually desig-
nated (Num. xiii. 6, and ten other places), with
the addition of that of " the Kenezite," or " son
of Kenaz," in Num. xxxii. 12 ; Josh. xiv. 6, 14.
Caleb is first mentioned in the list of the rulers
or princes who were sent to search the land of
Canaan in the second year of the Exodus.
Caleb was a prince or chief in the tribe of
Judah, perhaps as chief of the family of the
Hezronites. He and Oshea or Joshua the son
of Nnn were the only two of the whole number
who, on their return from Canaan to Kadesh-
Barnea, encouraged the people to enter in boldly
to the land, and take possession of it; for
which act of faithfulness they narrowly escaped
stoning at the hands of the infuriated people.
In the plague that ensued, while the other ten
spies perished, Caleb and Joshua alone were
sparer! Forty-five years afterwards, when
some progress bad been made in the conquest
of the land, Caleb came to Joshua and claimed
possession of the land of the Anakims, Kirjatb-
Arba, or Hebron, and the neighboring hill
country (Josh. xiv.). This was immediately
granted to him, and the following chaptei
relates how he took possession of Hebron,
driving 1 out the three sons of Anak ; and how
he offered Achsah his daughter in marriage ta
whoever would take Kirjath-Sepher, i\e. Debir;
and how when Othniel, his younger brother,
had performed the feat, he not only gave hint
his daughter to wife, but with her the upper an<*
nether springs of water which she asked for.
After this wo hear no more of Caleb, nor is the
time of his death recorded. But a very inter-
esting question arises as to the birth and
parentage of Caleb. He is, as we have seen,
styled " the son of Jephunneh the Kenesite,"
and his younger brother Othniel, afterwards
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CALF
131
CAMEL
the firatJodge, is also called " the son of Kenas
(Josh. xt. 17; Jndg. i. 13, iu. 9, 11). On the
other hand the genealogy in 1 Chr. ii. makes
so mention whatever of either Jephanneh or
Kenat, bat represents Caleb, though obscurely,
■> being t descendant of Hezron and a son of
Hv (see too ch. it.). Again in Josh. xv. IS
we hare this singular expression, " Unto Caleb
the ion of Jephunneh he gave a part among the
obfefroi of Judah ; " and in xiv. 14, the no less
sziifkant one, " Hebron became the inheritance
a Caleb the sod of Jephnnneh the Kenexite,
bectue that he wholly followed Jehovah God
tfhnd." It becomes therefore quite possible
dot Caleb was a foreigner by birth ; a proselyte,
incorporated into the tribe of Judah. 8. Calbb-
EreaiTAa, according to the present text of
1 Chr. it 24, the name of a place where Hezron
diet But no such place was ever heard of.
The present text must therefore be corrupt, and
the reading which Jerome's Hebrew Bible had,
tad which is preserved in the LXX., is prob-
ahiy the true one, " Caleb came in unto
Ephraub."
Calf. In Ex. xxxii. 4, we are told that
Aaron, constrained by the people in the ab-
sence of Hoses, made a molten calf of the
golden ear-rings of the people, to represent the
Bohim which brought Israel out of Egypt. It
foes not seem likely that the ear-rings would
hue provided the enormous quantity of gold
"quired for a solid figure. More probably it
*» a wooden figure laminated with gold, a
process which is known to have existed in
»(rrpt "A gilded ox covered with a pall"
wai an emblem of Osiris (Wilkinson, iv. 335).
Broua (fan at* Apia. (WUklmoo.)
lo punish the apostasy, Moses burnt the calf,
•>■ then grinding it to powder scattered it over
■he water, where, according to some, it pro-
ceed in the drinkers effects similar to the water
Jf jealousy (Num. v.). He probably adopted
fta course as the deadliest and most irreparable
ww to their superstition, or as an allegorical
■* (Job xv. 16), or with reference to an Eeyp-
ijffl custom (Herod. U. 41 ; Poli Sgn. ad be.).
\»» process which he used is difficult of ex-
P*atkm. Bochart and Bosenmuller think
-°*> he merely cut, ground, and filed the gold
10 powder. It has always been a great dispute
j*Petiag this calf and those of Jeroboam,
•■ether, L the Jews intended them for some
jfyptian God, or H. for a mere cherubic sym-
bol of Jehovah. Of the various sacred cows
of Egypt, those of Isis, ot Athor, and of the
three kinds of sacred bulls, Apis, Basis, and
Mnevis, Sir O. Wilkinson fixes on the latter as
the prototype of the golden calf ; " the offerings,
dancings, and rejoicings practised on that occa-
sion were doubtless in imitation of a ceremony
they had witnessed in honor of Mnevis" (Anc.
Egypt., v. 197). It seems to us more likely
that in this calf-worship the Jews merely
" Likened their Maker to the graved ox ; »
or in other words, adopted a well-understood
cherubic emblem. The prophet Hosea is fall
of denunciations against the calf-worship of Is-
rael (Hos. viii. S, 6, x. 6), and mentions the
curious custom of kissing them (xiii. 3). His
change of Bethel into Bethaven possibly arose
from contempt of this idolatry. The calf at
Dan was carried away by Tiglath-Pileser, and
that of Bethel ten years after by his son Shal-
maneser (Prideaux, Conn. i. 151. In the ex-
pression " the calves of our lips (Hos. xiv. 8),
the word " calves " is used metaphorically for
victims or sacrifices, and the passage signifies
either " we will render to thee sacrifices of our
lips," that is, " the tribute of thanksgiving and
praise," or " we will offer to thee the sacrifices
which our lips have vowed."
Calltas, 1 Esdr. ix. 83, 48. [Kxlita.]
Ap.
Callis'thenes, a partisan of Nicanor, who
was burnt by the Jews on the defeat of that
general in revenge for his guilt in setting fire
to "the sacred portals" (2 Mace. viii. 33).
Ap.
Cal'neh, or Cal'no, appears in Genesis
(x. 10) among the cities of Nimrod. Probably
the site is the modern Niffer, which was cer-
tainly one of the early capitals, and which, un-
der the name of Nopker, the Talmud identifies
with Calneh. We may gather from Scrip-
ture that in the 8th century B.C. Calneh was
taken by one of the Assyrian kings, and
never recovered its prosperity (Is. x. 9 ; Am.
vi. 8).
Cal'no, Is. x. 9. [Calmbb.]
Cal'phi, father of Judas, one of the two
captains of Jonathan's army who remained
firm at the battle of Gennesar (1 Mace. xi.
70).
Cal'vary, a word occurring in the AV.
only in Luke xxiii. 33, and there no proper
name, bnt arising from the translators having
literally adopted the word calvarui, i.e. a bare
skull, the Vnlgate rendering of xoaviov, which
again is nothing but the Greek for Golgotha.
Prof. Stanley has not omitted (5. $• P. 460,
note) to call attention to the fact that the popu-
lar expression " Mount Calvary " is not war-
ranted by any statement in the accounts of the
place of our Lord's crucifixion.
Camel. Under this head we shall consider
the Hebrew words g&mal, becher, or bichrah, and
circdr&h. As to the achathteranim in Esth. viii
10, erroneously translated "camels" by the
A. V., see Mcjle (note). — 1. Gamal is the com-
mon Hebrew term to express the genus " camel,"
irrespective of any difference of species, age, or
breed. It is clear from Gen. xii. 16 that camels
were early known to the Egyptians, though no
representation of this animal has yet been di»
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CAMEL
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CAMEL
covered in the paintings or hieroglyphics. The
Ethiopians hod " camels in abundance " (2 Chr.
xiv. 15) ; the queen of Sheba came to Jerusalem
" with camels that bare spices and gold and pre-
cious stones " ( I K. x. 2) ; the men of Kedar and
of llaior possessed camels (Jer. xlix. 29, 32) ;
David took away the camels from the Geshurites
and the Amalekites (1 Sam. xxvii. 9, xxx. 17) ;
forty camels' burden of good things were sent to
Elisha by Benhadad king of Syria from Damas-
cus (2 K. viii. 9) ; the Ishmaelites trafficked with
Egypt in the precious gums of Gilead, carried
on the backs of camels (Gen. xxxvii. 25) ; the
Midianites and the Amalekites possessed camels
"as the sand by the sea-side for multitude"
(Judg. vii. 12) ; Job had three thousand camels
before his affliction (Job i. 3), and six thousand
afterwards (xlii. 12). The camel was used for
riding (Gen. xxiv. 64 ; 1 Sam. xxx. 17) ; as a
beast of burden generally (Gen. xxxvii. 25; 2
K. viii. 9 ; 1 K. x. 2, &c.) ; and for draught
purposes (Is. xxi. 7). From 1 Sam. xxx. 17
we learn that camels were used in war. John
the Baptist wore a garment made of camel's
hair (Matt. iii. 4; Mark i. 6), and some have
supposed that Elijah "was clad in a dress of the
same stuff." Chardin (in Harmer s Obtero. ii.
487) says the people in the East make vest-
ments of camel s hair, which they pull off the
animal at the time it is changing its coat.
Camel's milk was much esteemed by Orientals,
and was in all probability used by the Hebrews,
though no distinct reference to it is made in
the Bible. Camel's flesh, although much es-
teemed by the Arabs, was forbidden as food to
the Israelites (Lev. xi. 4 ; Deut. xiv. 7 ), because,
though the camel " cheweth the cud, it divideth
not the hoof." Dr. Kitto (PAy«. H. of Pale*.
p. 391) says "the Arabs adorn the necks of
their camels with a band of cloth or leather.
Boca-ion or two-humped ComoU on Ajeyrlon monument*. (Luyord.)
apon which are strung small shells called cow-
ries in the form of half-moons : " this very aptly
illustrates Judg. viii. 21, 26, with reference to
the moon-shaped ornaments that were on the
necks of the camels which Gideon took from
Zebah and Zalmunna. From the temperate
habits of the camel with regard to it* "wniw.
ments of food and water, and from its wonder-
ful adaptation, both structurally and physio-
logically, to traverse the arid regions which for
miles afford but a scanty herbage, we can readily
give credence to the immense numbers which
Scripture speaks of as the property either of
tribes or individuals. The three thousand
camels of Job may be illustrated to the very
letter by a passage in Aristotle (H. A. ix. 37,
{ 5) : "Now some men in upper Asia i » >ssea as
many as three thousand camels." — 2. Becher,
bidirdh (Is. Ix. 6; Jer. ii. 23). The Hebrew
words occur only in two passages above named,
where the A. V. reads " dromedary."
Bochort (Hiertu. i. 15, sq.) contends that the
Hebrew word is indicative only of a difference
in age, and adduces the authority of the Arabic
beam in support of his opinion that a young
camel is signified by the term. Etymologically
the Hebrew word is more in ravor of the
" dromedary." So too are the old versions. —
3. As to the cinar&h of Is. lxvi. 20 (A. V.
"swift beasts") there is some difference of
•pinion. The explanation is not satisfactory
wnich is given by Bochart (Hieroz. i. 25), fol-
lowing some of the Rabbis, and adopted by
Rosenmuller, Gesenius, Lee, and others, that
"dromedaries" are meant. We prefer, with
Michaelis and Parkhurst, to understand the
"panniers " or " baskets " carried on the backs
of camels or mules, and to refer the word to its
unreduplicated form in Gen. xxxi. 34. The
species of camel which was in common use
amongst the Jews and the heathen nations of
Arabian Camel.
Palestine was the Arabian or one-humped
camel (Camelus Aralrictis). The dromedary is
a swifter animal than the baggage-camel, and
is used chiefly for riding purposes ; it is merelv
a finer breed than the other: the Arabs call
it me Heme. The speed of Uio dromedary has
been greatly exaggerated, the Arabs asserting
that it is swifter than the horse ; eight or nine
miles an hour is the utmost it is able to per-
form ; this pace, however, it is able to keep up
for hours together. The camel, as may be
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CANA OF GALILEE
133
CANAANITE
readily conceived, is the subject amongst Ori-
entals of many proverbial expression* ; see
man/ cited by Bochart (Hieroz. i. 30), and
comp. Matt, xxiii. 24, and xix. 24, where there
can be no doubt of the correctness of the A. V.,
notwithstanding the attempts which are made
from time to time to explain away the expres-
sion; the very magnitude of the hyperbole is
evidence in its favor : with the Talmuds " an
elephant passing through a needle's eye " was a
common figure to denote any thing impossible.
The camel belongs to toe family Camelidat,
order Rwminantia.
Ca'mon, the place in which Jai b the Judge
was buried (Judg. x. 5). Josephus says that it
was a city of Gilead. In modern times, how-
ever, the name has not been recovered on the
£. of Jordan.
Camp. [EscmPMBMTS.l
Camphire (Heb. edpher). There can be
so doubt that " camphire " is an incorrect ren-
dering of the Hebrew term, which occurs in the
tense of some aromatic substance only in Cant,
i. 14, ir. ] 3 : the margin in both passages has
"cypress," giving the form but not the signifi-
cation of the Greek word. Camphire, or, as it
'» now generally written, camphor, is the prod-
act of a tree largely cultivated in the island
of Formosa, the Campkora officinarum, of the
Sat. order Lauracea. From the expression
"duster of edpher in the vineyards of Engedi,"
in Cant. i. 14, the Chaldee version reads
"bunches of grapes." Several versions retain
the Hebrew word. The substance really de-
lated by edpher is the Lawaonia alba of bota-
nists, the henna of Arabian naturalists. The in-
■abitants of Nubia call the henna-plant A'Ao-
M. Hasselquist (Trav. 246, Lond. 1766),
■peaking of this plant, says " the leaves are
pelrerizod and made into a paste with water ;
the Egyptians bind this paste on the nails of
dor hands and feet, and keep it on all night :
this gives them a deep yellow, which is greatly
admired by Eastern nations. The color lasts
for three or four weeks before there is occasion
t> renew it. The custom is so ancient in Egypt
(bat I have seen the nails of the mnmmies dyed
in shis manner." Sonnini (Voyage, i. p. 297)
Mrs the women are fond of decorating them-
selves with the Bowers of the henna-plant ;
tbat they take them in their hand and perfume
their bosoms with them. Compare with this
Cut. i. 13. — The Law$onia alba when young
is without thorns, and when older is spinous,
*hence Linnsus's names, L. inermu and L.
tpima ; be regarding his specimens as two
•istmct species. The henna-plant grows in
Egypt, Syria, Arabia, and N. India. The
Sowers are white, and grow in clusters, and are
wry fragrant. The whole shrub is from four
to six feet high. The Lawaonia alba, the only
known species, belongs to the natural order
Lgtkracea.
Carta of Galilee, once Carta in Gali-
lee, a village or town not far from Caper-
naum, memorable as the scene of Christ's first
miracle (John ii 1, II, iv. 46) as well as of a
subsequent one (iv. 46, 54), and also as the
nanre place of the Apostle Nathanael (xxi. 2).
The traditional site is at Kefr Kenna, a small
village about 4| miles north-west of Naza-
reth. It now contains only the ruins of a
church said to stand over the house in which
the miracle was performed, and — doubtless
much older — the fountain from which tho
water for the miracle was brought. The tra-
dition identifying Kefr Kenna with Cana is cer-
tainly of considerable age. It existed in tho
time of Willibald (the Tatter half of the 8th
cent.), who visited it in passing from Nazareth
to Tabor, and again in that of Phocos (12th
cent.). But the claims of another site have
been lately brought forward by Dr. Robinson
with much force. The rival site is a village
situated further north, about 5 miles north of
Seffurieh (Sepphoris) and 9 of Nazareth, near
the present Jefat, the Jotnpata of the Jewish
wars. This village still bears the name of
Kana-d-jelit. The Gospel history will not be
affected whichever site may be discovered to be
the real one.
Ca'naan. L The fourth son of Ham (Gen.
x. 6 ; 1 Chr. i. 8) ; the progenitor of the Phoe-
nicians (" Zidon "), and of the various nations
who before the Israelite conquest peopled the
sea-coast of Palestine, and generally the whole
of the country westward of the Jordan (Gen.
x. 13; 1 Chr. i. 13).— 2. The name "Ca-
naan " is sometimes employed for the country
itself — more generally styfed " the land of C.
It is so in Zeph. ii. 5 ; and we also find " Lan-
guage of C/' (Is. xix. 18) : " Wars of C."
(Judg. iii. 1 ) : " Inhabitants of C." (Ex. XT.
15) : " King of C." (Judg. iv. 2, 23, 24, v. 19) :
" Daughters of C." (Gen. xxviii. 1, 6, 8, xxxvi.
2) : "Kingdoms of C." (Ps. exxxv. 11). In
addition to the above, the word occurs in sev-
eral passages where it is concealed in the A. V.
by being translated. These are : Is. xxiii. 8,
"traffickers," and xxiii. 11, "the merchant
city ; " Hos. xii. 7, " He is a merchant ; " Zeph.
i. 11, "merchant-people."
Ca'naan, the Land of, lit. " Lowland,"
a name denoting the country west of the Jor-
dan and Dead Sea, and between those waters
and the Mediterranean ; specially opposed to
the " land of Gilead," that is, the high table-
land on the east of the Jordan. True, the dis-
trict to which the name of " lowland " is thus
applied contained many very elevated spots ;
but high as the level of much of the country
west of the Jordan undoubtedly is, there are
several things which must always have pre-
vented, as they still prevent it, from leaving an
impression of elevation. These are, (1) that
remarkable, wide, maritime plain over which
the eye ranges for miles from the central hills ;
(2) the still deeper, and still more remarkable
and impressive hollow of the Jordan valley ;
and (3) there is the almost constant presence
of the long high line of the mountains east of
the Jordan. The word " Canaani te " was used
in the O. T. in two senses, a broader and a nar-
rower, which will be most conveniently exam-
ined under that head ; but this docs not appear
to be the case with " Canaan," at least in the
older cases of its occurrence. It is only in later
notices, such as Zeph. ii. 5, and Matt. xv. 22,
that we find it applied to the low maritime
plains of Philistia and Phoenicia (comp. Mark
vii. 26).
Ca'naanite, The, the designation of the
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CANDLESTICK
134
CANON OF SCRIPTURE
Apostle Simon, otherwise known as " Simon
Zelotes." It occurs in Matt. x. 4 ; Mark iii.
18. The word does not signify a descendant
of Canaan, nor a native of Cana, but it comes
from a Chaldee or Syriac word, Kannedn or
Knonoyo, by which the Jewish sect or faction
of " the Zealots " was designated. This
Syriac word is the reading of the Peshito
version. The Greek equivalent is Zelotes, and
this St. Luke (vi. 15 ; Acts i. 13) has correctly
preserved.
Ca'naanites, The. a word used in two
senses : — 1 . a tribe which inhabited a particular
locality of the land west of the Jordan before
the conquest ; and 2. the people who inhabited
generally the whole of that country. — 1. For
the tribe of "the Canaanites" only — the
dwellers in the lowland. The whole of the
country west of Jordan was a " lowland " as
compared with the loftier and more extended
tracts on the east; but there was a part of this
western country which was still more emphati-
cally a " lowland." a. There were the plains
lying between the shore of the Mediterranean
and the foot of the hills of Benjamin, Judah,
and Ephraim. 4. But separated entirely from
these was the still lower region of the Jordan
Valley or Arabah. " The Canaanite dwells by
the sea, and by the side of Jordan" (Num.
xiii. 29). In Gen. x. 18-20 the seats of the
Canaanite tribe are given as on the sea-shore
and in the Jordan Valley. In Josh. xi. 3 " the
Canaanite on the east and the west " is care-
fully distinguished from the Amorite who held
" the mountain " in the centre of the country.
— 2. Applied as a general name to the non-
Israelite inhabitants of the land, as we have
already seen was the case with "Canaan."
Instances of this are, Gen. xii. 6 ; Num. xxi.
8; Judg. i. 10; and Gen. xiii. 12. See also
Gen. xxiv. 3, 37, comp. xxviii. 2, 6 ; Ex. xiii.
11, comp. 5. Like the Phoenicians, the Ca-
naanites were probably given to commerce ;
and thus the name became probably in later
times an occasional synonyme for a merchant
(Job xli. 6 ; Prov. xxxi. 24 ; comp. Is. xxiii.
9, 11; Hos. xii. 7; Zeph. i. 11). — Of the
language of the Canaanites little can be said.
On the one hand, being — if the genealogy of
Gen. x. be right — Hamites, there could be no
affinity between their language and that of the
Israelites, who were descendants of Shorn. On
the other is the fact that Abrom and Jacob,
shortly after their entrance to the country,
seem able to hold converse with them, and also
that the names of Canaanite persons and places
which we possess arc translatable into Hebrew.
But we know that the Egyptian and Assyrian
names have been materially altered in their
adoption into Hebrew records. May not a
similar process have taken place when the
Hebrews took possession of the Canaanite
towns, and " called the lands after their own
names " ?
Canda'ce, a queen of Ethiopia (Meroe),
mentioned Acts vni. 27. The name was not
a proper name of an individual, but that of a
dynasty of Ethiopian queens.
Candlestick, which Moses was com-
manded to make for the tabernacle, is described
Ex. xxv. 31-37, xxxvii. 17-24. It is called in
Lev. xxiv. 4, " the pure," and in Ecclna. :
17, " the holy candlestick." With its variona
appurtenances it required a talent of " pare
gold," and it was not moulded, but " of beaten
work." Josephus, however, says that it wai
of cast gold, and hollow. As the description
given in Exodus is not very clear, we abbreviate
Lightfoot's explanation of it : " The foot of
it was gold, from which went up a shaft straight,
which was the middle light. Near the foot was
a golden dish wrought aunondwise ; and a little
above that a golden knop, and above that a
golden flower. Then two branches, one on
each side, bowed, and coming up as high as the
middle shaft On each of them were three
golden cups placed almondwise on sharp, scal-
lop-shell fashion ; above which was a golden
knop, a golden flower, and the socket. Above
the branches on the middle shaft was a golden
boss, above which rose two shafts more ; above
the coming out of these was another boss, and
two more shafts, and then on the shaft upwards
were three golden scallop-cups, a knop, and a
flower : so that the heads of the branches stood
an equal height" ( Works, ii. 399, ed. Pitman).
The whole weight of the candlestick was 100
mines ; its height was, according to the Rabbis,
5 feet, and the breadth, or distance between the
exterior branches, 3 J feet. It has been calcu-
lated to have been worth 5,076/. exclusive of
workmanship. Generally it was " a type of
preaching" or of "the light of the law"
(Lightfoot, I.e.). Similarly candlesticks are
made types of the Spirit, of the Church, of
witnesses, &c. (comp. Zech. iv. ; Rev. ii S, xi
4, &c.) The candlestick was placed on the
south side of the first apartment of the taber-
nacle, opposite the table of show-bread (Ex.
xxv. 37), and was lighted every evening and
dressed every morning (Ex. xxvii. 20, 21, xxx.
8 ; comp. 1 Sam. iii. 2). Each lamp was sup-
plied with cotton, and half a log of the purest
olive-oil (about two wine-glasses), which was
sufficient to keep them burning during a long
night. When carried about, too candlestick
was covered with a cloth of blue, and put with
its appendages in badger-skin bags, which were
supported on a bar (Num. iv. 9). In Solomon's
Temple, instead of this candlestick, there were
ten golden candlesticks similarly embossed, five
on the right and five on the left (1 K. vii. 49 ;
2 Chr. iv. 7). They were taken to Babylon
(Jer. Iii. 19). In the Temple of Zerubbabel
there was again a single candlestick (1 Mace i.
23, iv. 49). The description given of it by
Josephus agrees only tolerably with the deeply
interesting sculpture on the Arch of Titus;
but he drops a hint that it was not identical
with the one used in the Temple.
Cane. [Reed.]
Cankerworm. [Locust.]
Can'neh (Ez. xxvii. 23), probably a con-
traction of Calneh, which is the reading of one
MS.
Canon of Scripture, The, may be
generally described as " tho collection of books
which form the original and authoritative writ-
ten rule of the faith and practice of the Chris,
tian Church." The word Canon, in classical
Greek, is properly a straight rod, as the rod of
a shield, or that used in weaving, or a rarpeo-
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CANTICLES
135
CANTICLES
ter't rule. In patristic writing* the word is
commonly used both as "a rule in the widest
taut, and especially in toe phrases " the role
of the Church," " the role of faith," " the role
of nth." As applied to Scripture the deriva-
tives of Com* were used long before the simple
word. The title " Canonical " was first given
to writings in the sense of " admitted by the
nit," and not as "finning part of and giving
the rule." The first direct application of the
term Canon to the Scriptures seems to be in the
Irenes of Araphilochius (c 380 A.D.), where
the word indicates the rule by which the con-
tests of the Bible must be determined, and
thus secondarily an index of the constituent
books. Among Latin writers it is commonly
fosnd from the time of Jerome and Augustine,
tod their usage of the word, which is wider
thin that of Greek writers, is the source of its
modern acceptation. The uncanonical books
woe described simply as " those without," or
" those nncanonizea. The Apocryphal books,
which were supposed to occupy an intermediate
position, were called " books read," or "eccle-
•iasucsl," though the latter title was also ap-
plied to the canonical Scriptures. The canoni-
cal books were also called " books of the
Testament," and Jerome styled the whole
aOection by the striking name of " the holy
library," which happily expresses the unity
and variety of the Bible. Popular belief as-
> eoed to Ezra and " the great synagogue "
lie task of collecting and promulgating the
Scriptures as part of their work in organising
the Jewish Church. Doubts have been thrown
upon this belief, but it is in every way con-
autent with the history of Judaism ana with
the internal evidence of the books themselves.
After the Maccabscan persecution the history
of the formation of the Canon is merged in
the history of its contents. The Old Testa-
wot appears from that time as n whole. The
complete Canon of the New Testament, as
commonly received at present, was ratified at
the third Council, of Carthage (a.d. 397),
tad from that time was accepted throughout
the Latin Church. Respecting the books of
*tueh the Canon is composed, see the article
Bibls.
Canopy (Jnd. x. 21, xiii. 9, xvi. 19). The
wopy of Holofcrnes is the only one men-
oowa, although, perhaps, from the " pillars "
of the Utter described in Cant. iii. 10, it may
be argued that its equipage would include a
caoopr. It probably retained the mosquito nets
or curtains in which tho name originated,
although its description (Jnd. x. 21) betrays
luxury and display rather than such simple
usefulness.
Canticles, Song of Song*, i.e. the most
beautirul of songs, entitled in the A. V. This
Sosa of Solovox. — I. Author and Dale. —
By the Hebrew title it is ascribed to Solomon ;
nd so m all the versions, and by the majority
of Jewish and Christian writers, ancient and
"odem. In fact, if we except a few of the
Talraodical writers, who assigned it to the age
°f Hesekiah, there is scarcely a dissentient
T( we down to the close of the last century.
More recent criticisTn, however, has called
in question this deep-rooted, and well ac-
credited tradition. Among English scholars
Kennicott, among German Eichhorn and Ro-
senmiiller, regard the poem as belonging to the
age of Ezra and Neheminh. The charge of
Chaldaism has been vigorously pressed by Ro-
senmuller, and especially by Eichhorn. But
Gesenius assigns the book to the golden age of
Hebrew literature, and traces " the few solitary
Chaldaisms " which occur in the writings of that
age to the hands of Chaldce copyists. He has
moreover suggested an important distinction
between Chaldaisms, and dialectic varieties in-
digenous to N. Palestine, where he conjectures
that Judges and Canticles were composed.
Nor is this conjecture inconsistent with the
opinion which places it among the " one thou-
sand and five " songs of Solomon (1 K. iv. 32).
It is probable that Solomon had at least a hunt-
ing-seat somewhere on the slopes of Lebanon
(comp. Cant. iv. 9), and in such a retreat, and
under the influence of its scenery, and the lan-
guage of the surrounding peasantry, he may
have written Canticles. On tho whole it seems
unnecessary to depart from the plain meaning
of the Hebrew title. Supposing the date fixed
to the reign of Solomon, there is great difficul-
ty in determining at what period of that mon-
arch's life the poem was written. — II. Form. —
This question is not determined by the Hebrew
title. The non-continuity which many critics
attribute to the poem is far from being a mod-
ern discovery. Ghislerius (16th cent.) consid-
ered it a drama in five acts. Down to the 18th
cent., however, the Canticles were generally re-
garded as continuous. Gregory of Nazianzus
calls it a " bridal drama and song." Accord-
ing to Patrick, it is a " Pastoral Eclogue," or a
" Dramatic Poem ; " according to Lowth, " an
cpithnlamium of a pastoral kind." Michaclis
and Rosenmiillcr, while differing as to its in-
terpretation, aprce in making it continuous.
Bossuct divided the Song into 7 parts, or scenes
of a pastoral drama, corresponding with the 7
days of the Jewish nuptial ceremony. His di-
vision is impugned by Taylor ( Fragm. Citlmet),
who proposes one of 6 days ; and considers ■
tho drama to bo jxnt-niiptial, not ante-nuptial, as
it b explained by Bossuct. Tho entire nuptial
theory has been severely handled by J. D. Mi-
chaclis, and the literal school of Interpreters in
general. Lowth makes it a drama, but only of
the minor kind, i.e. dramatic as a dialogue ; and
therefore not more dramatic than an Idyl of
Theocritus, or a Satire of Horace. The fact
is, that ho was unable to discover a plot ; and
evidently meant a good deal more by tho term
" pastoral " than by the term " drama."
Moreover, it seems clear, that if the only dra-
matic element in Cant, be tho dialogue, the
rich pastoral character of its scenery and al-
lusions renders the term drama less applicnhlo
than that of idyl. Tho idyllic form seems to
have recommended itself to tho allc-joricnl
school of translators as getting rid of that dra-
matic unity and plot which their system of in-
terpretation reduced to a succession of events
without any culminating issue. But the ma-
jority of recent translators belonging to the
literal school have adopted the theory of Jaco-
bi, since developed by Umbreit, Ewald, Meier,
Ac. Based as this theory is upon the dramatic
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CANTICLES
136
CAPERNAUM
evolution of it simple lore-story, it supplies that
essential movement and interest, the want of
which was felt by Lowth ; and justifies the ap-
plication of the term drama, to a composi-
tion of which it manifests the vital principle
and organic structure. — III. Meaning. — The
schools of interpretation may be divided into
three ; — the mystical, or typical ; the allegorical ;
and the literal. — 1. The mystical interpretation
is properly an offshoot ot the allegorical, and
probably owes its origin to the necessity which
was felt of supplying a literal basis lor the spec-
ulations of the allegorists. This basis is either
the marriage of Solomon with Pharaoh's
daughter, or his marriage with an Israelitish
woman, the Shulamite. The mystical inter-
pretation makes its first appearance in Origen,
who wrote a voluminous commentary upon the
Cant. It re-appears in Abulpharagius (1226-
1286), and was received by Grotius, approved
of, and systematized by Bossuet, indorsed by
Lowth, and used for the purpose of translation
by Percy and Williams. — 2. Allegorical. —
Notwithstanding the attempts which have been
made to discover the principle of interpretation
in the LXX. (Cant. iv. 8) ; Jesus Sirachides
(xlvii. 14-17; Wisd. viii. 2); and Joseph,
(c. Apion. i. § 8) ; it is impossible to trace it
with anv certainty farther back than the Tal-
mud. According to the Talmud, the beloved is
taken to be God ; the loved one, or bride, is the
congregation of Israel. This general relation is
expanded into more particular detail by the
Targum, or Chaldee Paraphrase, which "treats
the Song of songs as an allegorical history of
the Jewish people from the Exodus to the com-
ing of the Messiah, and the building of the
third temple. Elaborate as it was, the inter-
pretation of the Targum was still further de-
velo]>ed by the mediaeval Jews, who introduced
it into their liturgical services. A new school
of Jewish exegesis was originated by Mendels-
sohn (1729-1786) ; which, without actually de-
nying the existence of an allegorical meaning,
determined to keep it in abeyance, and mean-
while to devote itself to the literal interpreta-
tion. In the Christian Church, the Talmudical
interpretation, imported by Origen, was all but
universally received. It was called in question
by Erasmus and Grotius, and was gradually
superseded by the typical theory of Grotius,
Bossuet, Lowth, &c. In the 18th century the
allegorical theory was re-asserted, and recon-
structed by Puflfendorf (1776), and the re-action-
ary allegorists. Some of the more remarkable
variations of the allegorical school are : — [a.)
The extension of the Chaldee allegory to the
Christian Church. (A.) Luther's theory limits
the allegorical meaning to the contemporaneous
history of the Jewish people under Solomon,
(e.) According to Ghislenns, and Corn, a La-
}>ide the Bride is the Virgin Mary, (rf.) Puf-
endorf refers the spiritual sense to tho circum-
stances of our Snviour's death and burial. — 3.
The Literal interpretation seems to have been
connected with the general movement of Theo-
dore Mopsuest. (.360-429) and his followers, in
opposition to the extravagances of the early
Christian allegorists. Its scheme was nuptial,
with Pharaoh's daughter ns the bride. The
nuptial theory was adopted by Grotius as the
literal basis of a secondary and spiritual inter,
pretation ; and, after its dramatical develop-
ment by Bossuet, long continued to be the
standard scheme of the mystical school. In
1803 it was reconstructed by Good, with a Jew-
ish instead of an Egyptian bride. Michael ii
( 1 770) regarded the Song as an exponent of
wedded love, innocent, ana happy. The most
generally received interpretation of the modern
literolists is that which was originally proposed
bv Jacobi (1771 ), adopted by Herder, Amnion,
l)mbreit, Ewald, &c. ; and more recently by-
Prof. Meier of Tubingen (1854), and in Eng-
land by Mr. Ginsburg, in his very excellent
translation (1857). According to the detailed
application of this view as given by Mr. Gins-
burg, the Song is intended to display the victory
of humble and constant love over the trm]>tations of
wealth and royalty. The drama is divided into
5 sections, indicated by the thrice-repeated for-
mula of adjuration (ii. 7, iii. 5, viii. 4), and the
use of another closing sentence (v. 1 ). It must
not bo supposed, however, that the supporters
of the allegorical interpretation have been final-
ly driven from the field. Even in Germany a
strong band of re-actionary Allegorists have
maintained their ground. On the whole, their
tendency is to return to the Chaldee Para-
phrase;' a tendencv which is specially marked
in Rosenmuller. The allegorical interpretation
has been defended in America bv Professors
Stuart and Burrowes. The following are speci-
mens of the internal arguments adduced bv
them : — (a.) Particulars not applicable to Sol-
omon (v. 2) : (&.) particulars not applicable to
the wife of Solomon (i. 6, 8, v. 7, vii. l,cf. i.
6) : (c.) Solomon addressed in the second per-
son (viii. 12) : (rf.) particulars inconsistent with
the ordinary conditions of decent love (v. 2) :
if.) date 20 years after Solomon's marriage with
'haraoh's daughter (comp. Cant. vii. 4, and
1 K. vii. 2). ft will readily be observed that
these arguments do not in any way affect the
literal thcorv of Jacobi. For external argu-
ments the allegorists depend principally upon
Jewish tradition, and the analogy of Oriental po-
etry. The strongest argument on the side of
tho allegorists is the matrimonial metaphor so
frequently employed in the Scriptures to de-
scribe the relation between Jehovah and Israel
(Ex. xxxiv. 15, 16; Num. xv. 39; Ps. Ixxiii.
27 ; Jer. iii. 1-11 ; Ez. xvi., xxiii., &c.). — IV.
Canonicity. — The book was rejected from the
Canon bv Castcllio and Whiston ; but in no
case has its rejection been defended on external
grounds. It is found in the LXX., and in the
translations of Aquila, Symmachns, and Theo-
dotion. It is contained in the catalogue given
in the Talmud, and in the catalogue of Melito ;
and in short we have the same evidence for its
canonicity as that which is commonly adduced
for the canonicity of any book of the O. T.
Caper'naurh, a name with which all are
familiar as that of a scene of many acts and in-
cidents in the life of Christ. There is no men-
tion of Capernaum in the O. T. or Apocrypha,
but the passage Is. ix. 1 (in Hebrew, viii. 23)
is applied to it by St. Matthew. The few no-
tices of its situation in the N. T. are not suffi-
cient to enable us to determine its exact posi-
tion. It was on the western shore of the Sea
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CAPHAR
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CAPPADOCIA
of Galilee (Matt. iv. 13; comp. John vi. 84),
and, if recent discoveries are to be trusted, was
of sufficient importance to give to that sea, in
whole or in part, the name of the " lake of Ca-
pernaum." It was in the " land of Gennesa-
ict" (Matt. xir. 34, compared with John vi. 17,
XI, 24), that is, the rich, tmsy plain on the west
shore of the lake, which we know from the de-
scriptions of Josephns and from other sources
to hire been at that time one of the most pros-
perous and crowded districts in all Palestine.
Being on the shore, Capernaum was lower than
Nuareth and Cana of Galilee, from which the
rosd to it was one of descent (John ii. 12 ; Luke
fr. 31). It was of sufficient size to be always
called a "city "(Matt. ix. 1 ; Mark i. 33.); had
in own synagogue, in which our Lord frequent-
ly taught (John ri. 59 ; Mark i. 21 ; Luke iv.
33,33) — a synagogue built by the centurion
of the detachment of Roman soldiers which ap-
pears to have been quartered in the place (Luke
rii. l.comp. 8 ; Matt. viii. 8). But besides the
garrison there was also a customs station, where
the dues were gathered both by stationary (Matt,
ix, 9; Mark u. 14 ; Luke v. 27) and by itiner-
ant (Matt. xvii. 24) officers. The only inter-
est attaching to Capernaum is as the residence
of oar Lord and his Apostles, the scene of so
many miracles and "gracious words." At
Kszareth He was " brought up," but Caper-
atom was emphatically His " own city ; it
was when He returned thither that Ho is said
u> have been " at borne " (Mark ii. 1). Here
He chose the Evangelist Matthew or Levi (Matt,
ix. 9). The brothers Simon Peter and Andrew
belonged to Capernaum (Mark i. 29), and it is
perhaps allowable to imagine that it was on the
sea-beach that they heard the quiet call which
was to make them forsake all and follow Him
(Hark i. 16, 17, comp. 28). It was here that
Christ worked the miracle on the centurion's
•errant (Matt. viii. 5 ; Luke vii. I ), on Simon's
wile's mother (Mate viii. 14 ; Mark i. 30 ; Luke
iv. 38), the paralytic (Matt. ix. 1 ; Mark ii. 1 ;
Lake v. 18), and the man afflicted with an un-
clean devil (Mark i. 32 ; Luke iv. 33). At Ca-
pernaum occurred the incident of the child
(Hark ix. 33 ; Matt, xviii. 1 ; comp. xvii. 24) ;
and in the synagogue there was spoken the
wonderful discourse of John vi. (see verse 59.)
The doom which our Lord pronounced against
Capernaum and the other unbelieving cities of
the plain of Gennesareth has been remarkably
falfiOed. The spots which lay claim to its site
are, I. Khan ifint/eh, a mound of ruins which
takes its name from an old khan hard by. This
Bound is situated close upon the sea-shore at
the north-western extremity of the plain (now
B Gkunar). 2. Three miles north of Khan
Jtfmjea is the other claimant, TeU Him, — ru-
ins of walls and foundations covering a space
of " half a mile long by a quarter wide," on a
point of the shore projecting into the lake and
hacked by a very gently rising ground. Khan
Hinftb, Et-TiMghah, and TM Him, are all,
without doubt, ancient sites, but it is impossi-
ble to say which of them represents Caper-
naum, which Chorazin, or which Bethsaida.
Ca'phar, one of the numerous words em-
ployed in the Bible to denote a village or col-
lection of dwellings smaller than a city (/r).
18
Mr. Stanley proposes to render it by " hamlet."
In names of places it occurs in Chbphar-ha~
Amxohai, Chkpbirah, Caphab-salama. To
us its chief interest arises from its forming a
part of the name of Capernaum, i'.«. Caphar-
nahum.
Ca'phar-sal'ama, a place at which a lm>
tie was fought between Judas Maccabseus an !
Nicanor (1 Mace. vii. 31). Ewald places i.
north of Ramla on the Samaritan boundary,
but no certain traces of it seem to have been
yet fonnd. Ap.
Caphen'atha, a place apparently close to
and on the east side of Jerusalem, which was
repaired by Jonathan Maccabsus (1 Mace,
xil. 37). Ap.
Caph'ira, l Esd. v. 19. [Crephirar.]
Caph'tor, Caph'torim, thrice men-
tioned as the primitive seat of the Philistines
(Deut. ii. 23 ; Jer. xlvii. 4 ; Am. ix. 7), who
are once called Caphtorims (Deut. ii. 23),
as of the same race as the Mizroite people of
that name (Gen. x. 14 ; " Caphthorim," 1 Chr.
i. 12). The position of the country, since it
was peopled by Mizraitcs, must be supposed to
be in Egypt or near to it in Africa, for the idea
of the south-west of Palestine is excluded by
the migration of the Philistines. Mr. R. S.
Poole has proposed to recognize Caphtor in the
ancient Egyptian name of Coptos. We must
not suppose, however, that Caphtor was Cop-
tos : it must rather be compared to the Coptite
nome, probably in primitive ages of greater ex-
tent than under the Ptolemies, for the number
of nomes was in the course of time greatly in-
creased. The Caphtorim stand last in the list
of the Mizroite peoples in Gen. and Chr., prob-
ably as dwellers in Upper Egypt, the names
next before them being of Egyptian, and the
earliest names of Libyan peoples. The migra-
tion of the Philistines is mentioned or alluded
to in all the passages speaking of Caphtor or
the Caphtorim. The period of the migration
must have been very remote, since tho Philis-
tines were already established in Palestine in
Abraham's time (Gen. xxi. 32, 34). Tho evi-
dence of the Egyptian monuments, which is in-
direct, tends to the same conclusion, but takes
us yet further back in time. We find from the
sculptures of Raincscs III. at Medcenct Ilaboo,
that the Egyptians about 1200 B.C. were at war
with the Philistines, the Tok-karu, and the
Shayratana of the Sea, and that other Shayra-
tana served them as mercenaries. This evi-
dence points therefore to the spread of a sea-
faring race cognate to the Egyptians at a very
remote time. It is probable that the Philis-
tines left Caphtor not long after the first arrival
of the Mizraite tribes, while they had not yet
attained that attachment to the soil that after-
wards so eminently characterized the descend-
ants of those which formed the Egyptian na-
tion.
Cappodo'cia. This eastern district of
Asia Minor is interesting in reference to New
Testament history only from the mention of its
Jewish residents among the hearers of St. Pe-
ter's first sermon (Acts ii. 9), and its Christian
residents among the readers of St. Peter's first
Epistle (1 Pet. i. 1). The Jewish community
in this region, doubtless, formed the nucleus of
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CAPTIVITIES
138
CAPTIVITIE8
the Christian : and the former may probably be
traced to the first introduction of Jewish colo-
nists into Asia Minor by Seleucus. The ranee
of Mount Taurus and the upper course of the
Euphrates may safely be mentioned, in general
terms, as natural boundaries of Cappadocia on
the south and east. Its geographical limits on
the west and north were variable. In early
times the name reached as far northwards as
the Euxine Sea. Cappadocia is an elevated
table-land intersected by mountain-chains. It
seems always to have been deficient in wood ;
but it was a good grain country, and particu-
larly famous for grazing. Its Roman metropo-
lis was Ctcsarsea. The native Cappadocians
seem originally to have belonged to the Syrian
stock : and since Ptolemy places the cities of
Icouium and Derbe within the limits of this re-
gion, we may possibly obtain from this circum-
stance some light on " the speech of Lycaonia "
(Acts xiv. 11).
Captain. (l.)As a purely military title,
Captain answers to sar in the Hebrew army,
and x<fcapxot (trihvmus) in the Roman. The
"captain of the guard " in Acts xxviii. 16 was
probably the pntfectus pratorio. ( 2. ) Kdtsin, oc-
casionally rendered captain, applies sometimes
to a military (Josh. x. 24 ; Judg. xi. 6, 1 1 ; Is.
xxii. 3 ; Dan. xi. 18), sometimes to a civil com-
mand (e.g. Is. i. 10, iii. 6). (3.) The "captain
of the temple " mentioned by St. Luke (xxii.
4 ; Acts iv. I, v. 24) superintended the guard
of priests and Levites, who kept watch by night
in the Temple. The office appears to have ex-
isted from an early date. (4.) The term ren-
dered "captain " (Hcb. ii. 10) has no reference
whatever to a military office.
Captivities of trie Jews. The bondage
of Israel in Egypt, and their subjugation at dif-
ferent times by the Philistines and other nations,
are sometimes included under the above title ;
and the Jews themselves, perhaps with reference
to Daniel's vision (ch. vii.), reckon their national
captivities as four — the Babylonian, Median,
Grecian, and Roman. But the present article is
confined to the forcible deportation of tho Jews
from their native land, and their forcible de-
tention, under the Assyrian or Babylonian
kings. The kingdom of Israel was invaded by
three or four successive kings of Assyria. Pul
or Sardanapalus, according to Rawlinson, im-
posed a tribute (u.c. 771 or 762 Rawl.) upon
Menahem (1 Chr. v. 26, and 2 K. xv. 19).
Tiglath-Pilescr carried away (n.c. 740) the
trans-Jordanic tribes (I Chr. v. 26) and tho in-
habitants of Galilee (2 K. xv. 29, compare Is.
ix. 1 ) to Assyria. Shalmancser twice invaded
(2 K. xvii. 3, 5) the kingdom which remained
to Hoshea, took Samaria (n.c. 721) after a siege
of three years, and carried Israel away into
Assyria. Sennacherib (n.c. 71.3) is stated to
have carried into Assyria 200,000 captives from
the Jewish cities which he took (2 K. xviii. 13),
Nebuchadnezzar, in the first half of his reign
(B.C. 606-562), repeatedly invaded Judsa, be-
sieged Jerusalem, carried away the inhabitants
to Babylon, and destroyed the city and Temple.
Two distinct deportations are mentioned in
2 K. xxiv. 14 (including 10,000 persons) and
xxv. 1 1 ; one in 2 Chr. xxxvi. 20 ; three in
Jer. Hi. 28-30, including 4,600 persons ; and one
in Dan. i. 3. The two principal deportation*
were, (1) that which took place B.C. 598, when
Jehoiachin with all the nobles, soldiers, and
artificers was carried away ; and (2) that which
followed the destruction of the Temple and the
capture of Zedekiah B.C. 588. The three which
Jeremiah mentions may have been the contri-
butions of a particular class or district to the
general captivity ; or they may have taken place
under the orders of Nebuchadnezzar, before or
after the two principal deportations. The cap-
tivity of certain selected children B.C. 607, men-
tioned by Daniel, who was one of them, may
have occurred when Nebuchadnezzar was col-
league or lieutenant of his father Nabopolassar,
a year before he reigned alone. The 70 years
of captivity predicted by Jeremiah (xxv. 12)
are dated by Prideaux from B.C. 606. The cap-
tivity of Ezekiel dates from B.C. 598, when that
prophet, like Mordecai the uncle of Esther
(Esth. ii. 6), accompanied Jehoiachin. The
captives were treated not as slaves but as colo-
nists. There was nothing to hinder a Jew from
rising to the highest eminence in the state ( Dan .
ii. 48), or holding the most confidential office
near the person of the king (Neh. i. 11 ; Tob.
i. 13, 22). The advice of Jeremiah (xxix. 5, &c. )
was generally followed. The exiles increased
in numbers and in wealth. They observed the
Mosaic law (Esth. ii. 8 ; Tob. xiv. 9). They
kept up distinctions of rank among themselves
(Ez. xx. 1). Their genealogical tables were
preserved, and they were at no loss to tell who
was the rightful heir to David's throne. They
had neither place nor time of national gather-
ing, no Temple ; and they offered no sacrifice.
But the right of circumcision and their laws
respecting rood, &c., were observed ; their priests
were with them (Jer. xxix. 1 ) ; and possibly the
practice of erecting synagogues in every city
(Acts xv. 21) was begun by the Jews in the
Babylonian captivity. The captivity is not
without contemporaneous literature. In the
book of Tobit we have a picture of the inner
life of a family of the tribe of Naphtali, among
the captives whom Sholmaneser brought to
Nineveh. The book of Baruch seems, in Mr.
Layard's opinion, to have been written by one
whose eyes, like those of Ezekiel, were familiar
with the gigantic forms of Assyrian sculpture.
Several of the Psalms appear to express the
sentiments of Jews who were either partakers
or witnesses of the Assyrian captivity. But it
is from the three great prophets, Jeremiah, Eze-
kiel, and Daniel, that we learn most of the con-
dition of the children of the captivity. The
Babylonian captivity was brought to a close by
the decree (Ezr. i. 2) of Cyrus (B.C. 536), and
the return of a portion of thenation under Shesb-
bozzor or Zcrubbalicl (B.C. 535), Ezra (b.c 458),
and Nehemiah (b.c 445). The number who re-
turned upon the decree of b.c. 536 was 42,360, be-
sides servants. Among them about 30,000 are
specified (comp. Ezr. ii. and Neh. vii.) as belong-
ing to the trit)cs of Judah, Benjamin, and Levi.
It has been inferred that the remaining 12,000 be-
longed to tho tribes of Israel (comp. Ezr. vi. 1 7).
Those who were left in Assyria (Esth. viii. 9,
11), and kept up their national distinctions,
were known as The Dispersion (John vii. 35 ;
1 Pet. i. 1 ; James i. 1 ) ; and, in course of time.
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CARIA
189
CARMEL
they (erred a great purpose in diffusing a, knowl-
edge of the true God, and in affording a point
for the commencement of the effort* of the
Evangelists of the Christian faith. Man/ at-
tempts have been made to discover the ten tribes
existing: as a distinct community. Josephus
believed that in his day they dwelt in large
multitudes, somewhere beyond the Euphrates,
in Arsareth, according to the author of 2 Esdr.
xiil 45. The imagination of Christian writers
has sought them in the neighborhood of their
last recorded habitation. But though history
bears no witness of their present distinct exist-
ence, it enables us to track the footsteps of the
departing race in four directions after the time
of the Captivity. (1.) Some returned and
mixed with the Jews (Luke ii. 36 ; Phil. iii. 5,
4c). (2.) Some were left in Samaria, mingled
with the Samaritans (Ear. vi.21 ; John iv. 12),
sod became bitter enemies of the Jews. (3.)
Many remained in Assyria, and were recognized
at an integral part of the Dispersion (see Acts
ill, xxvi. 7). (4.) Most, probably, apostatized
in Assyria, adopted the usages and idolatry of
the nations among whom they were planted, and
became wholly swallowed up in them.
Caraba'aion, a corrupt name to which it
is difficult to find any thing corresponding in
the Hebrew text (1 Esdr. ix. 34).
Carbuncle* The representative in the
A V. of the Hebrew words 'dodieh and barkalh
or iorabsta. — 1. 'Ekdach occurs only in Is.
ttv. 12 in the description of the beauties of the
new Jerusalem. Perhaps the term may be a
general one to denote any bright tparkUng gem,
bat as it occurs only once, it is impossible to
determine its real meaning. — 2. Burihath,
Mrd&h, the third stone in the first row of the
stcerdotal breastplate (Ex. xxviii. 17, xxxix.
10), also one of the mineral treasures of the king
of TvTe(Ez. xxviii. 13). Braun supposes with
noch probability that tho smaragdus or eme-
rald is the precious stone signified. This view
» supported by the LXX., the Vulgate, and
Josephus.
Car/cas, the seventh of the seven " cham-
berlains" («\e. eunuchs) of king Ahasuerus
(Esth. i. 10).
Car'charrus, 1 Esd. i. 25. [Cabciiemish.]
Csychemisn is not, as has generally been
•apposed, the classical Circesium. It lay very
much higher up the Euphrates, occupying nearly
the site of the later Afabug, or Hierapolis. It
teems to have commanded the ordinary passage
of the Euphrates at Bir, or Birth-jik, and thus
in the contentions between Egypt and Assyria
its possession was of primary consequence
(romp. 2 Chr. xxxv. 20 with Jer. xlvi. 2).
Carcbemish appears to have been taken by
Pharaoh-Necho shortly after the battle of Mc-
giddo (e. B.C. 608), and retaken by Nebuchad-
nezzar after a battle three years later, B.C. 605
(Jer. xhri. 2).
Care'ah, father of Johanan (2 K. xxv. 23),
elsewhere in the A. V. spelt Kabbah.
Ca'ria, the southern part of the region which
in the N. T. is called Asia, and the south-
western part of the peninsula of Asia Minor.
In the Roman times the name of Caria was
probably less used than previously. At an ear-
ner period we find it mentioned as a separate
district (1 Mace. xv. 23). At this time fn.c.
139) it was in the enjoyment of the privilege
of freedom, granted by the Romans. A little
before it had been assigned by them to Rhodes,
and a little later it was incorporated in the prov-
ince of Asia.
Car me, 1 Esdr. v. 25. [Hakim.]
Car'mel. Nearly always with the definite
article, " the park," or " the well-wooded place."
1. (In Kings, generally "Mount C," in the
Prophets, " Carmel.") A mountain which
forms one of the most striking and characteris-
tic features of the country of Palestine. As if
to accentuate more distinctly the bay which
forms the one indentation in the coast, this
noble ridge, the only headland of lower and
central Palestine, forms its southern boundary,
running out with a bold bluff promontory all
but into the very waves of the Mediterranean.
From this point it stretches in a nearly straight
line, bearing about S.S.E., for a little mora
than twelve miles, when it terminates suddenly
in a bluff somewhat corresponding to its west-
ern end, breaking down abruptly into the hills
of Joan and Samaria, which form at that part
the central mass of the country. Carmel thus
stands as a wall between the maritime plain of
Sharon on the south, and the more inland ex-
panse of Esdraclon on the north. Its structure
is in the main the Jura formation (upper oolite),
which is prevalent in the centre of Western
Palestine — a soft white limestone, with nodules
and veins of flint. In form Curmcl is a tolera-
bly continuous ridge, at the W. end about 600,
and E. about 1,600 feet above the sea. It is
still clothed with the same " excellency " of
" wood " which supplied the prophets of Israel
and Judah alike with one of their most favorite
illustrations (Is. xxxiii. 9 ; Mic. vii. 14). Mod-
ern travellers delight to describe its " rocky dells
with deep jungles of copse " — its " shrubbe-
ries thicker than any others in central Palestine ""
(Stanley, M.S.) — its "impenetrable brush-
wood of oaks and other evergreens, tenanted
in tho wilder parts by a profusion of gome
and wild animals " (Porter, JIandb.), but in
other places bright with " hollyhocks, jasmine,,
and various flowering creepers " (Van do
Vcldc). Carmel fell within the lot of tho tribe
of Ashcr (Josh. xix. 26), which was extended
as far south as Dor, probably to give the Ash-
eritcs a share of the rich corn-growing plain of
Sharon. The king of " Jokncnm of Carmel "
was one of the Canoanitc chiefs who fell before
the arms of Joshua (xii. 22). These are tho
earliest notices which we possess of the name.
There is not in them a hint of any sanctity as
attaching to the mount. But there seem to bo
grounds for believing that from very early times
it was considered as a sacred spot. In later
times we know that its reputation was not con-
fined to Palestine. But that which has made
the name of Carmel most familiar to the modern
world is its intimate connection with tho his-
tory of the two greatprophcts of Israel — Elijah
and Elisha. Here Elijah brought back Israel
to allegiance to Jehovah, and slew the prophets
of the foreign and false god ; here at his en-
treaty were consumed the successive " fifties "
of the royal guard ; but here, on the other hand,
Elisha received the visit of the bereaved mother
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CARVING
whose noil be was soon to restore to her arms
(2 K. iv. 25, &c). The first of these three
events, without doubt, took place at the eastern
end of the ridge, commanding the last view of
the sea behind, and the first view of the great
plain in front. Of this site an admirable de-
scription is given by Prof. Stanley (S.frP. pp.
353-356). There is good reason to believe that
a later incident in the life of the same great
prophet took place on Carmel. This was when
lie " caused fire to come down from heaven "
and consume the two "fifties" of the guard
which Ahaziah had despatched to take him
prisoner, for having stopped his messengers to
Baalzcbub the god of Ekron (2 K. i. 9-15).
The tradition in the present convent is, that
Elijah and Elisha both resided on the mountain,
and a cave is actually shown under the high-
altar of the church as that of Elijah. After
the ascent of Elijah, Elisha went to Mount
Carmel (2 K. ii. 25), though only for a time ;
but he was again there at the Shunamitc'a
visit (iv. 25), and there at a time when no fes-
tival, no " new moon or sabbath " (v. 23), re-
quired his presence. This is the last mention
of Carmel as the scene of any event in the
sacral history. Carmel has derived its modem
name from the great prophet ; Afar Elyat is the
common designation, Kurmd being occasionally,
but only seldom, heard. — 2. A town in tne
mountainous country of Judah (Josh. xv. 55),
familiar to us as the residence of Nabal (1 Sam.
xxv. 2, 5, 7, 40), and the native place of David's
favorite wife, "Abigail the Carmelitess " (1
Sam. xxvii. 3 ; 1 Chr. iii. 1). This was doubt-
less the Carmel at which Saul set up a " place,"
literally a " hand," after his victory over Amu-
lek (1 Sam. xv. 12). And this Carmel, and
not the northern mount, must have been the
spot at which king Uzziah had his vineyards
(2 Chr. xxvi. 10). In the time of Eusebius
and Jerome it was the scat of a Roman garrison.
The ruins of the town, now Kurmul, still re-
main at ten miles below Hebron in a slightly
S. E. direction, close to those of Main (Maon ),
Zif(Ziph), and other places named with Carmel
in Josh. xv. 55.
Car'mi. 1. The 4th son of Reuben the
progenitor of the family of the Carmiteb
(Gen. xlvi. 9; Ex. vi. 14; Num. xxvi. 6; 1
Chr. v. 3). — 2. A man of the tribe of Judah,
father of Achan, the " troublcr of Israel " (Josh,
vii. 1, 18; 1 Chr. ii. 7, iv. 1), according to
the first two passages the son of Zabdi or
Zimri.
Carna'im, a large and fortified city in
the country east of Jordan — " the land of
Galaad;" containing a " temple." It was
besieged and taken by Judas Maccabreus
( 1 Mace. v. 26, 43, 44). Under the name of
Carnion the same occurrence is related
in 2 Mace. xii. 21, 26, the temple being
called the Atargateion. This enables lis
to identify it with Ashteroth-Kaknaim.
Carnion. [Carnaim.]
Carpenter. [Handicraft.]
Car DU8, a Christian at Troas, with whom
St. Paul states that he left a cloak (2 Tim. iv.
13). According to Hippolvtns, Carpus was
bishop of Berytns in Thrace.
Carriage. This word occurs only six
times in the text of the A. V., and signifies
what we now call " baggage." The Hebrew
words so rendered are three. 1. Cite, gener-
ally translated " stuff" or " vessels." It u like
the Greek word mcrtoc . 2. Cfbidak, " heavy
matters," Judg. xviii. 21 only. 3. The word
rendered " carriages " in Is. xlvi. I should, it
would appear, be " your burdens." 4. In the
N. T., Acts xxi. 15, the meaning is simply
" baggage." 5. But in the margin of 1 Sam.
xvii. 20, and xxvi. 5-7 — and there only —
" carriage " is employed in the sense of a
wagon or cart. The allusion is to the circle of
wagons which surrounded the encampment.
Car'Bhena. one of die seven princes of
Persia and Media (Esth. i. 14).
Cart, '/k/aldh, Gen. xlv. 19, 27 ; Num. vii. 3,
7, 8, a vehicle drawn by cattle (2 Sam. vi. 6),
to be distinguished from the chariot drawn by-
horses. Carts and wagons were either open or
covered (Num. vii. 3), and were used for con-
veyance of persons (Gen. xlv. 19), burdens
(1 Sam. vi. 7, 8), or produce (Am. ii. 13). As
there are no roads in Syria and Palestine and
the neighboring countries, wheel-carriages for
any purpose except conveyance of agricultural
produce are all out unknown. The onlr cart
used in Western Asia has two wheels of Bolid
wood. But in the monuments of ancient Egypt
representations are found of carts with two
wheels, having four or six spokes, used for car-
rying produce, and of one used for religious
Kgypttan cut with two whwrta, (Wilkiuou.)
purposes having four wheels with eight spokes.
A bass-relief at Nineveh represents a cart having
two wheels with eight spokes, drawn by oxen,
conveying female captives.
Awyriiu «*»rt drawn by oxen. (l*ynrii, il
Carving. The arts of carving and en-
graving were much in request in the construc-
tion both of the Tabernacle and the Temple
(Ex. xxxi. 5, xxxv. 33; 1 K. vi. 18, 35; Ps.
lxxiv. 6), as well as in the ornamentation of
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CASSIA
141
CATERPILLAR
the priestly dresses (Ex. xxviii. 9-36; Zecb.
m. 9 ; a Chr. ii. 6, 14).
Canph'ia, a place of uncertain site on
the road between Babylon and Jerusalem
(Eir. riii. 17).
Casleu, 1 Mace i. 54, to. 52, 59 ; S Mace.
I 9, 18, x. 5. [Chisi.bc ; Months.] Ap.
Csjluhim, a Misraite people or tribe
(Geo. x. 14 ; 1 Chr. i. IS). The only clew we
Bare as yet to the position of the Caslohim is
their place in the list of the sons of Mizraim
between the Patbmsim and the Caphtorim,
whence it is probable that they were seated in
Upper Egypt. The LXX. seem to identify
them with the Chatkmamdm of Ps. lxviii. 31
(A. V. " princes "). This would place the
Owlnhini in the Heptanomis. Bochart sug-
gests the identity of the Casluhim and the Col-
rhians, who are said to have been an Egyp-
tian colony. The supposition is improbable,
though Gesenius gives it his support. Forster
conjectures the Casluhim to be the inhabitants
of Caasiotis, and Bunsen assumes this to be
proved; but the nature of the ground is a
serious difficulty in the way.
Cas/phon, 1 Mace. v. 36. [Casphor.]
Caf/phor, one of the fortified cities in the
"Und of Galaad " (1 Mace v. 36), in which
the Jews took refuge from the Ammonites on-
to Timotheus (comp. ver. 6), and which with
other cities was taken by Judas Maccabeus
(». 36). In the latter passage the name is given
u Casphon, and in 2 Mace. xii. 13 as Caspis,
if indeed the same place is referred to, which
« not quite clear. Ap.
Caspis, a strong fortified city — whether
east or west of Jordan is not plain — having
near it a lake two stadia in breadth. It was
taken by Jndas Maccabseus with great slaugh-
ter (» Mace. xii. 13, 16). [Casphob.J Ap.
Cassia. The representative in the A. V.
of the Hebrew words kiddah and loOzidth. — 1.
Ki&Hk occurs in Ex. xxx. 24, as one of the
ingredients in the composition of the " oil of
boly ointment ; " and in Ex. xxvii. 19. There
eu be do doubt that the A. V. is correct in
the translation of the Hebrew word, though
there is considerable variety of reading in the
old versions. The accounts of cassia as given
br ancient authors are confused ; and the inves-
tigation of the subject is a difficult one. It is
dear that the Latin writers by the term casta
understood both the Oriental product now un-
der consideration, as well as some low sweet
herbaceous plant ; bnt the Greek word is lim-
ited to the Eastern product Dioscoridcs men-
tuns several kinds of cassia, and says they are
produced in Spicy Arabia. One kind is known
by the name of man/Utis, or, according to Galen,
of **jflo«, from the ancient city and promon-
tory Mosyllon, on the coast of Africa and the
(eaofBab el Mandeb. Will not this throw
»me light on Ez. xxvii. 19, "Dan and Jnvan
and Menial traded in thy markets with cassia,
calamus," &c. ? The cassia would be brought
from India to Meuzal, and from thence exported
10 Tyre and other countries under the name of
Utvalitit, or Menial cassia. Cassia is not pro-
duced bv any trees which are now found growing
in Arabia. It is probable therefore that the
Greek authors were mistaken on this subject,
and that they occasionally have regarded prod-
ucts imported into Arabia, and thence ex-
ported northwards to other countries, as the nat-
ural productions of that country. The cassia-
bark of commerce is yielded by various kinds of
Cinnamomum, which grow in different parts of
India. — 2. Ketztfth, only in Ps. xlv. S. This
word is generally supposed to be another term
for cassia : the old versions, as well as the ety-
mology of the Hebrew word, are in favor of
this interpretation.
Castle. [Fortifications.]
Castor and Pollux, the Dioscuri (Acts
xxviii. 1 1 ). These two heroes, the twin-sons
of Jupiter and Leda, were regarded as the tu-
telary divinities of sailors. They appeared in
heaven as the constellation Gemini. As the
ship mentioned by St. Luke was from Alexan-
dria, it may be worth while to notice that Cas-
tor and Pollux were specially honored in the
neighboring district of Cyrenaica. In art these
divinities were sometimes represented simply as
stars hovering ove» a ship, but more frequently
as young men on horseback, with conical caps
and stars above them. Such figures were
probably painted or sculptured at the bow of
the ship, and Cyril of Alexandria says that such
was always the Alexandrian method of orna-
menting each side of the prow.
Silrpr coin of nruttit . Obv. : rir tdi of Cutor anil Pollux u
right Rev.: Caifor and Pollux mounted, advancing to
right. In the ritrgue BPE I 1 I SI \ .
Cats occur only in Baruch vi. 2$. The
Greek word, as used by Aristotle, has more
particular reference to the wild cat. Herodotus
Hi. 66) applies it to denote the domestic animal.
The context of tho passage in Baruch appears
to point to the domesticated animal. Perhaps
the people of Babylon originally procured the
cat from Egypt. The domestic cat of the an-
cient Egyptians is supposed by some to bo
identical with the /Wis manirvlata, Riippell, of
Nubia, and with our own domestic animal, but
there is considerable doubt on this point. The
Egyptians, it is well known, paid an absurd
reverence to the cat; it accompanied them
in their fowling expeditions ; it was deemed a
capital offence to kill one ; and when a cat died
it was embalmed and buried at Buhastis, tho
city sacred to the moon, of which divinity the
cat was reckoned a symbol. Ap.
Caterpillar. The representative in the
A.V. of tne Hebrew words chatU and yefet. —
I . Chastt occurs in 1 K. viii. 37 ; 2 Chr. vi. 28 ;
Ps. lxxviii. 46 ; Is. xxxiii. 4 ; Joel i. 4 ; it is
evident from the inconsistency of the two most
important old versions in their renderings of
this word, that nothing is to be learnt from
them. The term now under notice seems to be
applied to a locust, perhaps in its larva state. —
2.Y«4*. [Locust.]
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CAVE
142
CEDRON
Gathu'a, 1 Esdr. v. 30, apparently answers
to Uiuobl in the Hebrew text. Ap.
Cattle. [Bull.]
Cave. I- Ml'arah. The chalky limestone
of which the rocks of Syria and Palestine chiefly
consist presents, as is the case in all limestone
formations, a vast number of caverns and natural
fissures, many of which have also been artificially
enlarged and adapted to various purposes both
of shelter and defence. This circumstance has
also given occasion to the use of so large a num-
ber of words as are employed in the Scriptures
to denote caves, holes, and Assures, some of them
giving names to the towns and places and their
neighborhood. Out of them may be selected
the following: — II. Chir or Cher, "a hole."
From this come (a) the name of the Horites of
Mount Seir, a Troglodyte race spoken of by
Strabo (Gen. xiv. 6, xxxvi. 21 ; Deut. ii. 12;
Job xxx. 6) ; (6.) Hauran (Ez. xlvii. 16, 18) ;
(c.) the two towns of Beth-horon (Josh. xvi. 3,
5); (</.) the town Iloronaim (Is. xv. 5). — DX
Chagavim, " places of refuge in rocks " for birds
(Cant ii. 14; Obad.3; A.V. "clefts"). — IV.
itineharah, A. V. "den;" a ravine through
which water flows (Judg. vi. 2). — The most
remarkable caves noticed in Scripture are : —
1. That in which Lot dwelt after the destruc-
tion of Sodom (Gen. xix. 30). 2. The cave
of Machpelah (xxiii. 17). 3. Cave of Makke-
dah (Josh. x. 16). 4. Cave of Adullam (1 Sam.
xxii. 1). 5. Cave of Engedi (xxiv. 3). 6.
Obadiah's cave (1 K. xviii. 4). 7. Elijah's cave
in Horeb (xix. 9). 8, 9. The rock sepulchres
of Lazarus, and of our Lord (John xi. 38;
Matt, xxvii. 60). The existing caverns near
the S. E. end of the Dead Sea serve fully to
justify the mention of a cave as the place of
Lot's retirement ; as those on the W. side agree
both in situation and in name with the caves of
En-gedi. The cave of Machpelah undoubtedly
lies beneath the mosque of Hebron. The cave
in which Obadiah concealed the prophets was
probably in the northern part of the country,
in which abundant instances of caves fit for such
a purpose might be pointed out. The site of
the cave of Elijah, as well as of the " clift " of
Moses on Mount Horcb (Ex. xxxiii. 22), is
also obviously indeterminate. Besides these spe-
cial caves there is frequent mention in the O.T.
of caves as places of refuge. Thus the Israel-
ites are said to have taken refuge from the
Philistines in "holes" (1 Sam. xiv. 11). So
also in the time of Gideon they had taken
refuge from the Midianitcs in dens and caves
and strongholds, such as abound in the moun-
tain region of Manassch (Judges vi. 2). But
Adullam is not the only cave, nor were its
tenants the only instances of banditti making
the caves of Palestine their accustomed haunt.
Josephus speaks of the robber inhabitants of
Trachonitis, who lived in large caverns, and
annoyed much the trade with Damascus, but
were put down by Herod. Lastlv, it was the
caves which lie beneath and around so many of
the Jewish cities that formed the last hiding-
places of the Jewish leaders in the war with the
Romans. No use, however, of rock caverns
more strikingly connects the modern usages of
Palestine and the adjacent regions with their
ancient history than the employment of them as
burial-places. The rocky soil of so large a por.
tion of the Holy Land almost forbids interment,
excepting in cavities either natural or hewn from
the rock. Accordingly numerous sites are shown
in Palestine and adjacent lands of (so-called)
sepulchres of saints and heroes of the Old and
New Testament, venerated both by Christiana
and Mohammedans.
Cedar. There can, we think, be little doubt
that the Heb. word era, invariably rendered
" cedar " by the A. V., does stand for that tree
in most of the passages where the word occurs.
The era, or " firmly rooted and strong tree,"
from an Arabic root which has this significa-
tion, is particularly the name of the cedar of
Lebanon ( Cedna Libani) ; but that the word U
used in a wider sense to denote other trees of
the Coni/era, is clear from some Scriptural pas-
sages where it occurs. For instance, the " cedar
wood " mentioned in Lev. xiv. 6 can hardly be
the wood of the Lebanon cedars, seeing that the
Cedna Libani could never have grown in the
peninsula of Sinai. There is another passage
(Ez. xxvii. 5), in which perhaps era denotes
some fir ; in all probability, as Dr. Hooker con-
jectures, the Pima Halepensii, which grows in
Lebanon, and is better fitted for furnishing
ship-masts than the wood of the Cedna Libani.
The Cedna Libani, Pima Halepensis, and Ju-
nipena exceUa, were probably all included
under the term era; though there can be no
doubt that by this name is more especially de-
noted the cedar of Lebanon, as being the firm-
est and grandest of the conifers. As to the
" cedar wood " used in purifications, it is prob-
able that one of the smaller Junipers is intend-
ed (J. Sabina f), for it is doubtful whether tin
Juniperas exctua exists at all in Arabia. As
far as is at present known, the cedar of Leba-
non is confined in Syria to one valley of the
Lebanon range, viz., that of the Kedisna river,
which flows from near the highest point of the
range westward to the Mediterranean, and en-
ters the sea at the port of Tripoli. The grove
is at the very upper part of the valley, about IS
miles from the sea, 6,500 feet above that level,
and their position is moreover above that of all
other arboreous vegetation. The volley here is
very broad, open, and shallow, and the grove
forms a mere speck on its flat floor. On nearer
inspection, the cedars are found to be confined
to a small portion of a range of low stony hills
of rounded outlines, and perhaps 60 to 100 ft
above the plain, which sweep across the valley.
These hills are believed by Dr. Hooker to be
old moraines, deposited by glaciers that once
debouched on to the plain from the surround-
ing tops of Lebanon.
Ce dron. 1. A place fortified by Cende-
bseus under the orders of the king Antiochua
(Sidetes), as a station from which to command
the roads of Judea (1 Mace xv. 39, 41, xvi. 9).
It was not far from Jamnia (Jabne), or from
Azotus (Ashdod), and was probably the mod-
ern Katra or KBtrah, which lies on the mari-
time plain below the river Rubin, and three miles
south-west of Akir (Ekron). — 2. In this form
is given in the N. T. the name of the brook
Kidron in the ravine below the eastern wall of
Jerusalem (John xviii. 1, only). Beyond it waa
the garden of Gethsemane. [Kidron.] Ap-
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CENSER
143
CENSUS
Ce'ilajl. Sons of Ceilan and Azetas, ac-
cording to 1 Esdr. r. IS, returned with Zoroba-
bel from Babylon. Ap.
Ceiling. The descriptions of Scripture (1
K. vi. 9, IS, rii. 3 ; 2 Chr. iii. S, 9 ; Jer. xxii.
14 ; Hag. i. 4), and of Joeephus, show that the
ceilings of the Temple and the palaces of the
Jewish kings were formed of cedar planks ap-
plied to the beams or joints crossing from wall
to wall, probably with snnk panels, edged and
ornamented with gold, and carved with incised
or other patterns, sometimes painted (Jer. xxii.
14). It is probable that both Egyptian and
Assyrian models were followed, in this as in
other branches of architectural construction,
before the Roman period. Examples are ex-
tant, of Egyptian ceilings in stucco painted
with devices, of a date much earlier than that
of Solomon's Temple. Of these devices the
principal are the gnuloche, the chevron, and the
scroll. The panel work in ceilings, which has
been described, is found in Oriental and North
African dwellings of late and modern times.
Mr. Porter describes the ceilings of houses at
Damascus as delicately painted. Many of the
rooms in the Palace of the Moors at the Al ham-
bra were ceiled and ornamented with the richest
geometrical patterns.
Colosyria. [Com.estria.]
Cen'chrea (accurately CenohrefB), the
astern harbor of Corinth (i.e. its harbor on
the Saronic Golf) and the emporium of its trade
with the Asiatic shores of the Mediterranean,
ssLechaum (Latrdki) on the Corinthian Gulf
connected it with Italy and the west. St. Paul
tailed from Cenchreae (Acts xviii. 18) on his
return to Syria from his second missionary
journey ; and when he wrote his epistle to the
nomans in the coarse of the third journey, an
organized church seems to hare been formed
sere (Bom. xvi. 1. See Phoxbb). The dis-
tance of Cenchren from Corinth was 70 stadia
or about nine miles. The modern village of
Kitria retains the ancient name, which is con-
jectured by Dr. Sibthorpe to be derived from
the millet (xryrpt), which still grows there.
Wnlil C*taof Corinth. OnllMotmtMtlMlMKtof Auto-
sins Itrw j on Um rvraw tha port of Craehra*, wtth
e.Li.ctkaft la,ooLoviA lavs jtlia oorivtbos.
Cendebe'us (accurately Cendebeeus),
» general left by Anttochus VII. in command
of the sea-board of Palestine (1 Mace. xv. 38,
*c) after the defeat of Tryphon B.C. 138. He
fortified Kedron and harassed the Jews for some
nme, bat was afterwards defeated by Judas
Uaccabnus, with great loss (1 Macc.xvi. 1-10).
CenSW (madadh and miktereth). The for-
skt of the Hebrew words seems used generally
for any instrument to seise or hold burning
coals, or to receive ashes, &c., such as the ap-
pendages of the brazen altar and golden candle-
stick mentioned in Ex. xxv. 38, xxxvii. 23.
It, however, generally bears the limited moaning
which properly belongs to the second word,
found only in the later books (e.g. 2 Chr. xxri.
19; Ex. viii. 11), that, viz., of a small portable
vessel of metal fitted to receive burning coals
from the altar, and on which the incense for
burning was sprinkled (2 Chr. xxvi. 18 ; Luke
i. 9). The only distinct precepts regarding the
use of the censer are found in Num. iv. 14, and
in Lev. xvi. 12. Solomon prepared "censers
of pure gold " as part of the same furniture
(1 K. vii. 50; 2 Chr. iv. 22). Possibly their
general use may have been to take up coals
from the brazen altar, and convey the incense
while bunting to the " golden altar," or " altar
of incense," on which it was to be offered
morning and evening (Ex. xxx. 7, 8). So
Uzziah, when he was intending " to burn in-
cense upon the altar of incense," took "a
censer in his hand" (2 Chr. xxvi. 16, 19).
The word rendered' " censer " in Hcbr. ix. 4
probably means the " altar of incense."
Census. I. Moses laid down the law (Ex.
xxx. 12, 13) that whenever the people were
numbered, an offering of 4 a shekel should be
made by every man above 20 years of age, by
way of atonement or propitiation. The in-
stances of numbering recorded in the O. T. are
as follows: — 1. Under the express direction
of God (Ex. xxxviii. 26), in the 3d or 4th
month after the Exodus during the encampment
at Sinai, chiefly for the purpose of raising
money for the Tabernacle. The numbers then
taken amounted to 603,550 men. 2. Again,
in the 2d month of the 2d year after the Exodus
(Num. i. 2, 3). This census was taken for a
doable purpose, (a.) To ascertain the number
of fighting men from the age of 20 to 50. (6.)
To ascertain the amount of the redemption
offering due on account of all the first-bom
both of persons and cattle. The Levites, whose)
numbers amounted to 22,000, were taken in
lieu of the first-born males of the rest of Israel,
whose numbers were 22,273, and for the sur-
plus of 273 a money payment of 1,365 sl-ckels,
or 5 shekels each, was made to Aaron and his
sons (Num. iii. 39, 51). 3. Another number-
ing took place 38 years afterwards, previous to
the entrance into Canaan, when the total num-
ber, excepting the Levites, amounted to 601,730
males, snowing a decrease of 1,870. 4. The
next formal numbering of the whole people
was in the reign of David. The men of Israel
above 20 years of age were 800,000, and of
Judah 500,000, total 1,300,000. The book of
Chron. gives the numbers of Israel 1,100,000,
and of Judah 470,000, total 1,570,000; but
informs us that Levi and Benjamin were not
numbered (1 Chr. xxl. 6, xxvii. 24). 5. The
census of David was completed by Solomon,
by causing the foreigners and remnants of the
conquered nations resident within Palestine to
be numbered. Their number amounted to
153,600, and they were employed in forced
labor on his great architectural works (Josh.
ix. 27 ; 1 K. v. 15, ix. 20, 21 ; 1 Chr. xxii. 2 ;
2 Chr. il. 17, 18). Between this time and the
Captivity, mention is made of the numbers of
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CENSUS
144
CHALCEDONY
armies under successive kings of Israel and
Judah, from which may be gathered with more
or leas probability, and with due consideration
of the circumstances of the times as influencing
the number of the levies, estimates of the pop-
ulation at the various times mentioned. 6.
Rehoboam (b.c. 975-958) collected from Judah
and Benjamin 180,000 men to fight against
Jeroboam ( I K. xii. 21 ). 7. Abijam (958-955),
with 400,000 men, made war on Jeroboam with
800,000, of whom 500,000 were slain (2 Chr.
xiii. 3, 17). 8. Asa (955-914) had an army of
300,000 men from Judah, and 280,000 (Jo-
sephus says 250,000) from Benjamin, with
which he defeated Zerah the Ethiopian, with an
army of 1,000,000 (2 Chr. xiv. 8, 9). 9. Je-
hoshaphat (914-891 ), besides men in garrisons,
had under arms 1,160,000 men, including per-
haps subject foreigners (2 Chr. xvii. 14-19).
10. Amaziah (838-811) had from Judah and
Benjamin 300,000, besides 100,000 mercenaries
from Israel (2 Chr. xxv. 5, 6). 11. Uzziah
(811-759) could bring into the field 307,500
men (307,000, Josephus), well armed, under
S,600 officers (2 Chr. xxvi. 11-15). 12. The
number of those who returned with Zerubbabel
in the first caravan is reckoned at 42,360 (Ezr.
ii. 64); but of these perhaps 12,542 belonged
to other tribes than Judah and Benjamin. The
purpose of this census was to settle with refer-
ence to the year of Jubilee the inheritances in
the Holy Land, which had been disturbed by
the Captivity, and also to ascertain the family
genealogies, and insure, as far as possible, the
purity of the Jewish race. (Ezr. ii. 59, x. 2, 8,
18, 44 ; Lev. xxv. 10). In the second caravan,
B.C. 458, the number was 1,496. Women and
children are in neither case included (Ezr. viii.
1-14). Throughout all these accounts two
points are clear. 1. That great pains were
taken to ascertain and register the numbers of
the Jewish people at various times for the rea-
sons mentioned: above. 2. That the numbers
given in some cases can with difficulty be
reconciled with other numbers of no very dis-
tant date, as well as with the presumed capacity
of the country for supporting population. But
while great doubt rests on the genuineness of
numerical expressions in O. T., it must be con-
sidered that the readings on which our version
is founded give with trifling variations the
same results as those presented by the LXX.
and by Josephus. There are besides abundant
traces throughout the whole of Palestine of a
much higher rate of fertility in former as com-
pared with present times, a fertility remarked
by profane writers, and of which the present
neglected state of cultivation affords no test.
This combined with the positive divine promises
of populousness increases the probability of at
least approximate correctness in the foregoing
estimates of population. — II. In N. T., St.
Luke, in his account of the " taxing," says, a
decree went out from Augustus that all the
world should be taxed, and in the Acts alludes
to a disturbance raised by Judas of Galilee in
•he days of the "taxing (Luke ii. 1; Acts
v.37). The Roman census under the republic
consisted, so far as the present purpose is con-
cerned, in an enrolment of persons and property
by tribes and households. The census was
taken, more or leas regularly, in the provinces,
under the republic, by provincial censors, and
the tribute regulated at their discretion, but no
complete census was made before the time of
Augustus, who carried out 3 general inspections
of this kind, viz. (1.) B.C. 28 ; (2.) B.C. 8 ; (3.)
a.d. 14 ; and a partial one, a.d. 4.
Centurion. [Abmt.j
Cephas. IPbteb.]
Ce ras, l Esd. v. 29. [Kbbos.J Ap.
Ce'tab, 1 Esd. v. 30. There is no name
corresponding with this in the lists of Ezra and
Nehemiah. Ap.
Cha'bris, the son of Gothoniel, one of the
three " rulers " or " ancients" of Bethulia, is
the time of Judith (Jud. vi. 15, viii. 10, x. 6).
Cha'dias. " They of Chadias and Arami-
doi," uccording to 1 Esd. v. 20, returned from
Babylon with Zorobahel. There are no corre-
sponding names in Ezra and Nehemiah. Ap.
Chan. The Heb. words rendered chaff in
A. V. do not seem to have precisely the same
meaning : ch&shcuh = dry grou, hay ; and occurs
twice only in O. T., viz., Is. v. 24, xxxiii. II.
Mtu is chaff separated by winnowing from the
grain — the husk of the wheat. Tebm, ren-
dered straw in Ex. v. 7, 10, 11, &c, and stubble
in Job xxi. 18, means straw cut into short por-
tions, in which state it was mixed with the mad.
of which bricks were made to give it consist-
ency. In 1 K. iv. 28, mention is made of a
mixed fodder for horses and camels af barley
and Itten, such as the Arabs call tibn to this
day. The Chaldaic word 'itr occurs but once,
in Dan. ii. 35.
Chain. Chains were used, 1. as badges of
office ; 2. for ornament ; 3. for confining pris-
oners. 1. The gold chain placed about Joseph's
neck (Gen. xli. 42), and that promised to Dan-
iel (Dan. v. 7), are instances of the first use.
In Egypt it was one of the insignia of a judge,
who wore an image of truth attached to it ; it
was also worn by the prime minister. In Per-
sia it was considered not only as a mark of royal
favor, but a token of investiture. In Ez. xvi.
1 1 , the chain is mentioned as the symbol of sov-
ereignty. 2. Chains for ornamental purposes
were worn by men as well as women in many
countries both of Europe and Asia, and prob-
ably this was the case among the Hebrews ( Prov.
i. 9). The necklace consisted of pearls, corals,
Ac, threaded on a string. Besides the neck-
lace, other chains were worn (Jud. x. 4), hang-
ing down as far as the waist, or even lower.
Some were adomed with pieces of metal, shaped
in the form of the moon (" round tires like the
moon," A. V.; Is. iii. 18). The Midianites
adorned the necks of their camels with it (Judg.
viii. 21, 26). To other chains were suspended
various trinkets — as scent-bottles (Is. iii. 20)
and mirrors (Is. iii. 23). Step-chains were at-
tached to the ankle-rings, which shortened the
step and produced a mincing gait (Is. iii. 16,
18). 3. The means adopted for confining pris-
oners among the Jews were fetters similar to our
handcuffs (Judg. xvi. 21 ; 2 Sam. iii. 34 ; 3 K.
xxv. 7 ; Jer. xxxix. 7). Among the Romans,
the prisoner was handcuffed to one, and occa-
sionally to two guards (Acts xii. 6, 7, xxi. S3).
Chalcedony, only in Rev. xxi. 19. The
name is applied in modern mineralogy to one
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CHALDEA
145
CHALDEANS
of the varieties of agate. There can, however,
be little doubt that the stone to which Theo-
phrastos (DeLapid. § 25) refers, as being found
in the island opposite Chalcedon, and used as a
solder, most hare been the green transparent
carbonate of copper, or our copper emerald.
Chal'col, 1 K- W- 31. [Calcol.1
Clialdo'a, more correctly Chaldffl'a, is
properly only the most southern portion of Baby-
kraia. "it is used, however, in our version for
the Hebrew ethnic appellative Casdim (or
" Chaldseans "), under which term the inhabit-
ants of the entire country are designated ; and
it will therefore here be taken in this extended
tease. The origin of the term is very doubt-
ful. — I. Extent and boundaries. — The tract of
country viewed in Scripture as the land of the
Chaldseans is that vast alluvial plain which has
been formed by the deposits of the Euphrates
and the Tigris — at least so for as it lies to the
west of the latter stream. This extraordinary
flax, unbroken except by the works of man, ex-
tends, in a direction nearly N. E. and S. W., a
distance of 400 miles along the course of the
rivers, and is on an average about 100 miles in
width. — 2. General character of the country. —
The general aspect of the country is thus de-
scribed by a modern traveller, who well con-
trast its "condition now with the appearance
which it most have presented in ancient times.
' la former days," he says, " the vast plains of
Bibvlon were nourished by a complicated sys-
tem of canals and water-courses, which spread
<nvr the surface of the country like a net-work.
Tic wants of a teeming population were sup-
plied by a rich soil, not less bountiful than that
on the" banks of the Egyptian Nile. Like
islands rising from a golden sea of waving corn,
stood freiinetit groves of palm-trees and pleasant
gartens, affording to the idler or traveller their
RTalrfal and highly-valued shade. Crowds of
passengers hurrieJ along the dusty roads to and
from the busy city. The land was rich in corn
sad wine. How changed is the aspect of that
region at the present day ! Long lines of
mounds, it is true, mark the courses of those
main arteries which formerly diffused life and
vegetation along their banks, hut their channels
are now bereft of moisture, and choked with
drifted sand ; the smaller offshoots arc wholly
c&ced. ' A drought is upon her waters,' says
the prophet, ' and they shall be dried up ! ' Ail
that remains of that ancient civilization, — that
' glory of kingdoms/ — ' the praise of the whole
earth,' — is recognizable in the numerous
mouldering heaps of brick and rubbish which
overspread the surface of the plain. Instead
of the luxurions fields, tlie groves and gardens,
nothing now meets the eye but on arid waste —
the dense population of former times is van-
ished, and no man dwells there " (Loftus's
Cialdaa, pp. 14-15). —3. Division: — The
true ChaHcea is always in the geographers a
distinct region, being the most southern portion
of Babylonia, lying chiefly (if not solely) on
the right bank of the Euphrates. Babylonia,
shove this, is separated into two districts, called
respectively Amordacia and Auranitis. The
former is "the name of the central territory
round Babylon itself ; the latter is applied to
the regions' towards the north, where Babylonia
19
borders on Assyria. — 4. Cities. — Babylonia
was celebrated at all times for the number and
antiquity of its cities. The most important of
those which have been identified are Borsippa
{Birs-Nimrud), Sippara or Scpharvaim {Mo-
saib), Cutha [Ibrahim), Calneh (Niffer), Erech
( Warka), Ur (ifuyhar), Chilmad JKalwadha),
Larancha {Senkereh), is {Hit), Din-aba (Akher-
kuf) ; but besides these there were a multitude
of others, the sites of which have not been de-
termined. — 5. Canals. — One of the most re-
markable features of ancient Babylonia was its
network of canals. Three principal canals
carried off the waters of the Euphrates towards
the Tigris, above Babylon. These were, 1. The
original " Royal River," or Ar-Malclta of Bero-
sus; 2. the Nahr Malcha of the Arabs; and
3. the Nahr Kutha. On the other side of the
stream, a large canal, leaving the Euphrates at
Hit, where the alluvial plain commences,
skirted the deposit on the west along its entire
extent, and fell into the Persian Gulf at the
hjad of the Bubian creek ; while a second main
artery branched from the Euphrates nearly at
Mosaib, and ran into a great lake, in the neigh-
borhood of Borsippa, whence the lands to the
south-west of Babylon were irrigated. — 6. Sea
ofSedjef, Chaldimn mars/ves,$-c. — Chaldssa con-
tains one natural feature deserving of special
description — the " great inland freshwater sea
of Nedjef" (Loftus, p. 45). This sheet of
water is a permanent lake of considerable depth,
and extends in a south-easterly direction a dis-
tance of 40 miles. Its greatest width is 35
miles. Above and below the Sea of Nedjef,
from the Birs-Nimrud to Kufa, and from the
south-eastern extremity of the Sea to Samava,
extend the famous Chaldasan marshes, where
Alexander was nearly lost. — 7. Productions.
— The extraordinary fertility of the Chaldoean
soil has been noticed by various writers. It is
said to be the only country in the world where
wheat grows wild. Herodotus declared (i. 193)
that grain commonly returned 200-fold to the
sower, and occasionally 300-fold. The palm
was undoubtedly one of the principal objects
of cultivation. The soil is rich, but there is
little cultivation, the inhabitants subsisting
chiefly upon dates. More than half the coun-
try is left dry and waste from the want of a
proper system of irrigation ; while the remain-
ing halt is to a great extent covered with
marshes owing to the same neglect.
Chaldae'ans, or Chal'dees, appear in
Scripture, until the time of the Captivity, as
the people of the country which has Babylon
for its capital, and which is itself termed Sliinar;
but in the Book of Daniel, while this meaning
is still found (y. 30, and ix. I), a new sense
shows itself. The Chnldieans ore classed with
the magicians and astronomers ; and evidently
form a sort of priest-class, who have a peculiar
"tonjrue" and "learning" (i. 4), and are con-
sulted by the king on religious subjects. The
same variety appears in profane writers. It
appears that the Chaldajans (Kaldai or Kaldi)
were in the earliest times merely one out of the
many Cusbite tribes inhabiting the great allu-
vial plain known afterwards as Chalda» or
Babylonia. Their special seat was probably
that southern portion of the country which is
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CHAMBERLAIN
146
CHAKASHIM
found to have so late retained the name of
Chaldasa. Here «u Ur "of the Chaldees,"
the modern Maghar, which lies south of the
Euphrates, near its junction with the Shat-el-
Hie. In process of time, as the Kaldi grew in
power, their name gradually prevailed over
those of the other tribes inhabiting the coun-
try ; and by the era of the Jewish captivity it
had begun to be used generally for all the in-
habitants of Babylonia. It had come by this
time to have two senses, both ethnic : in the
one it was the special appellative of a particular
race to whom it hail belonged from the remot-
est times, in the other it designated the nation
at large in which this race was predominant.
It has been observed above that the Kaldi
§ roper were a Cushite race. This is proved by
ra remains of their language, which closely
resembles the Galla or ancient language of
Ethiopia. Now it appears by the inscriptions
that while both in Assyria and in later Baby-
lonia the Shemitic type of speech prevailed for
civil purposes, the ancient Cushite dialect was
retained, as a learned language for scientific
and religious literature. This is no doubt the
"learning" and the " tongue" to which refer-
ence is made in the Book of Daniel (i. 4). The
Chaldieana were really the learned class ; they
were priests, magicians, or astronomers, and in
the last of the three capacities they probably
effected discoveries of great importance. Ac-
cording to Strabo, there were two chief seats
of Chaldasan learning, Borsippa, and Ur or
Orchoe. To these we may add from Pliny
Babylon, and Sippara or Sepharvaim. The
Chaldssans (it would appear) congregated into
bodies, forming what we may perhaps call uni-
versities, and pursuing the studies, in which
they engaged, together. They probably mixed
np to some extent astrology with their astron-
omy, even in the earlier times, but they cer-
tainly made great advances in astronomical
science. In later times they seem to have
degenerated into mere fortune-tellers.
OoftnmM tt Um Chaldaani. (RmIIumb.
Monumeata.)
Fma Aoelcat
Chaldees. [Chaldjcaks.]
Chalk Stones. [Lime.]
Chamberlain. Erastus, " the dumber-
lain" of the city of Corinth, was one of those
whose salutations to the Roman Christians are
given at the end of the Ep. addressed to them
(Rom. xvi. 23). The office which he held was
apparently that of public treasurer, or anurias,
as the Vulgate renders his title. These arcarii
were inferior magistrates, who had the charge
of the public chest (area publico), and were
under the authority of the senate. They kept
the accounts of the public revenues. The office
held by Blastus, " the king's chamberlain," was
entirely different from this (Acts xii. 20). It
was a post of honor which involved great inti-
macy and influence with the king. The margin
of our version gives, " that was over the king's
bedchamber." For Chambbblaix as used in
the O. T., see Euncch.
Chameleon. The Hebrew c6Sch ocean
in the sense of some kind of unclean animal in
Lev. xi. 30 ; the A. V. follows the LXX. and
Vulg. (Hieroz. ii. 493). Bochart accepts the
Arabic reading of elwarlo, i.e. the lizard, known
by the name of the " Monitor of the Nile "
(Monitor NUatiaa, Grey), a large strong reptile
common in Egypt and other parts of Africa ;
but the evidence which supports this interpreta-
tion is far from conclusive.
Chamois (Heb. zemer). In the list of ani-
mals allowed for food (Deut. xiv. 5) mention is
made of the zemer; the LXX., Vulg., and some
other versions, give " camelopard " or " giraffe. "
The " chamois of the A. V. can hardly be al-
lowed to represent the zemer; for there is no
evidence that it has ever been seen in Palestine
or the Lebanon. Col. H. Smith suggests that
some mountain sheep is intended, and figures
the Kebsch (Ammotragus Tragdaphut), a wild
sheep not uncommon, he says, in the Mokattam
rocks near Cairo, and found also in Sinai ; it
is not improbable that this is the animal de-
noted.
Cha'naan, the manner in which the word
Canaan is spelt in the A. V. of the Apocrypha
and N. T. (Jud. v. 3, 9, 10 ; Bar. iii. 22 ; Sua.
56; 1 Mace. ix. 37; Acts vii. 11, xiii. 19).
Chanaanite for Canaanite, Jud. v. 16.
Channune'UB, l Esd. viii. 48. Ap.
Chapiter. The capital of a pillar; also
possibly a roll moulding at the top of a build-
ing or work of art, as in the case (1) of the
pillars of the Tabernacle and Temple, and of
the two pillars called especially Jachin and
Boat ; and (2) of the la vers belonging to the
Temple (Ex. xxxviii. 17 ; 1 K. vii. 27, 31, 38).
Charaath'alar, a corruption of " Cherub,
Addon," in Ezr. ii. (1 Esd. v. 36). An.
ChaVaoa, a place mentioned only in 2
Mace. xii. 17, and there so obscurely that
nothing can be certainly inferred as to its posi-
tion. It was on the east of Jordan, and it was
750 stadia from the city Casnin. Ewald places
it to the extreme east, and identifies it with
Raphon. The only name now known on the
east of Jordan which recalls Charax is Kerak,
the ancient Kir-Moab, on the S.E. of the Dead
Charashim, The Valley of (" ravine
of craftsmen"), a place mentioned twice, —
1 Chr. iv. 14, as having been founded or settled
by Joab, a man of the tribe of Judah and
family of Othniel ; and Neh. xi. 35, as being re-
inhabited by Benjamites after the Captivity.
In this passage it v rendered " valley of crafts*
men."
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CHARIOT
147
CHARIOT
Char'chainis, l Esd. i. ss. [Carche-
msa.) Ap.
Char'enemish, 2 Chr. xxxv. 20. [Car-
CHEXI3H.]
Char'cua, 1 Esd. r. 32. Corrupted from
Barsos.
Cha'rea, 1 Esd. y. 32. [Harbha.] Ap.
Charter. A shallow vessel for receiving
water or blood, also for presenting offerings of
fine floor with oil (Num. vii. 79). The "char-
ter*" mentioned in Numbers are said to hare
leeo of silver, and to have weighed each 130
ihekels, or 65 oz. The daughter of Herodias
brought the head of St. John Baptist in a
charger (Matt. xiv. 8) : probably a trencher or
platter. [Basis.]
Chariot. I. Beceb, sometimes including
the horses (2 Sam. viii. 4, x. 18). — 2. Ricub,
a chariot or horse (Ps. civ. 3). — 3. Mtrcab,
from same root as (1 ) a chariot, litter, or scat
(Lev. xv. 9; Cant. Hi. 10). — 4. Mercabah. —
5. 'Ayalak (Ps. xlvi. 9 [10]).— 6. Aphiryin
(Cant iii. 9 ; between 1-4 no difference of sig-
nification). A vehicle used either for warlike
or peaceful purposes, but most commonly the
former. Of the latter use the following are only
probable instances as regards the Jews, 1 K.
xviii. 44, and as regards other nations, Gen. xli.
43, xlvi. 29 ; 2 K. v. 9 ; Acts viii. 28. The
earliest mention of chariots in Scripture is in
Egypt, where Joseph, as a mark of distinction,
was placed in Pharaoh's second chariot (Gen.
xli. 43), and later when he went in his own
chariot to meet his father on his entrance into
Egypt from Canaan (xlvi. 29). In the funeral
procession of Jacob chariots also formed a part,
possibly by way of escort or as a guard of
honor (1. 9). The next mention of Egyptian
chariots is for a warlike purpose (Ex. xiv. 7).
In this point of view chariots among some na-
tions of antiquity, as elephants among others,
may be regarded as filling the place of heavy
artillery in modern times, so that the military
power of a nation might be estimated by the
Egyptian prlnix* In tbair
(WUkbuon.)
number of its chariots. Thus Pharaoh in pur-
saing Israel took with him 600 chariots. The
Cmaanites of the valleys of Palestine were en-
abled to resist the Israelites successfully in con-
sequence of the number of their chariots of
iron, ue. perhaps armed with iron scythes (Ges.
«.».; Josh. xvii. 18; Judg. i. 19). Jabin, king
of Canaan, had 900 chariots (Judg. iv. 3). The
Philistine* in Saul's time had 30,000, a number
which seems excessive ( 1 Sam. xiii. 5). David
look from Hadadezer king of Zobah 1,000
chariots (2 Sam. viii. 4), and from the Syrians
* little later 700 (x. 18), who in order to recover
their ground collected 32,000 chariots (1 Chr.
xix. 7). TJp to this time the Israelites possessed
few or no chariots, partly no doubt in conse-
quence of the theocratic prohibition against
multiplying horses, for fear of intercourse with
Egypt, ana the regal despotism implied in the
possession of them (Dent. xvii. 16; 1 Sam.
riiL 11, 12). Bnt to some extent David (2
Sam. viii. 4), and in a much greater degree
Solomon, broke through the prohibition. He
raised, therefore, and maintained a force of
1,400 chariots (1 K. x. 25) by taxation on cer-
tain cities, agreeably to Eastern custom in
such matters (1 K. ix. 19, x. 29 ; Xen. Anab.
i. 4, 9). The chariots themselves and also
the horses were imported chiefly from Egypt,
and the cost of each chariot was 600 shekels
of silver, and of each horse 150 (1 K. x. 29).
From this time chariots were regarded as among
the most important arms of war, though the
supplies of them and of horses appear to have
been still mainly drawn from Egypt (IK. xxii
34; 2 K. ix. 16, 21, xiii. 7, 14, xviii. 24, xxiil
30 ; Is. xxxi. 1 ). Most commonly two persona,
and sometimes three, rode in the chariot, of
whom the third was employed to carry the
state umbrella (2 K. ix. 20, 24 ; IK. xxii. 34 ■
Acts viii. 38). A second chariot usually at
companied the king to battle, to be used in
case of necessity (2 Chr. xxv. 34). The proph-
ets allude frequently to chariats as typical of
power (Ps. xx. 7, civ. 3; Jer. li. 21 ; Zech. vi.
1 ). Chariots of other nations are mentioned,
as of Assyria (2 K. xix. 23 ; Ex. xxiii. 24),
Syria (2 Sam. viii., and 2 K. vi. 14, 15), Per
sia (Is. xxii. 6), and lastly Antiochus Eupator
is said to have had 300 chariots armed with
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CHEESE
148
CHEMOSH
•cythes (2 Mace. xiii. 2). In the N. T , the
only mention made of a chariot, except in
Her. ix. 9, in in the case of the Ethiopian or
Abyssinian eunuch of Queen Candace (Acts
Tiii. 28, 29, 38) . Jewish chariots were no doubt
imitated from Egyptian models, if not actually
imported from Egypt. Chariots armed with
scythes may perhaps be intended by the " char-
iots of iron " of the Canaanites ; they are men-
tioned as part of the equipment of Antiochus
(2 Mace. xiii. 2) and of Darius (Diod. Sic.
xvii. 53 ; Appian. £>t/r. 32).
Char'miS, son of Mclchiel, one of the
three " ancients " or " rulers " of Bethulia
(Jud. vi. 15, viii. 10, x. 6). Ap.
Char'ran, Acts vii. 2, 4. [Hakan.]
Chase. [Hunting.]
Chas'eba, probably a mere corruption of
Gazkra (1 Esd. v. 31). Ap.
Che'bar, a river in the " land of the Chal-
dteans " (Ez. i. 3), on the banks of which some
of the Jews were located at the time of the
captivity, and where Ezekicl saw his earlier
visions (Ez. i. 1, iii. 15, 23, &c.). It is com-
monly regarded as identical with the Habor, or
river of Gozan, to which some portion of the
Israelites were removed by the Assyrians (2 K.
xvii. 6). But this is a mere conjecture. The
Chebar of Ezekicl must be looked for in Baby-
lonia. It is a name which might properly have
been given to any great stream. Perhaps the
view that the Chebar of Ezekiel is the Nahr Mal-
tha or royal canal of Nebuchadnezzar — the
greatest of all the cuttings in Mesopotamia —
may be regarded as best deserving acceptance.
Chebel, one of the singular topographical
terms in which the ancient Hebrew language
abounded, and which give so much force and
precision to its records. The ordinary meaning
of the word Chebel is a " rope " or " cord ;
but in its topographical sense, as meaning a
" tract " or " district," we find it always at-
tached to the region of Argob, which is in-
variably designated by this, and by no other
term (Dcut. in. 4, 13, 14 ; IK. iv. 13). It has
been already shown how exactly applicable it
is to the circumstances of the case. No clew
is afforded us to the reason of this definite lo-
calization of the term Chebel.
Chedorlao'mer, a king of Elam, in the
time of Abraham, who with three other chiefs
made war upon the kings of Sodom, Gomorrah,
Admah, Zeboim, and Zoar, and reduced them
to servitude (Gen. xiv. 17). The name of a
king is found upon the bricks recently discov-
ered in Chaklica, which is read Kudur-mapula.
This man has been supposed to be identical
with Chcdorlaomer, and the opinion is con-
firmed by the fact that he is further distin-
guished by a title which may be translated
" Ravager of the west." " As however one
type alone of his legends has been discov-
ered," says Col. Rawlinson, " it is impossible
to pronounce at present on the identification.
Chcdorlaomer may have been the leader of cer-
tain immigrant Chaldsean Elamites who found-
ed the great Chaldean empire of Berosus in the
early part of the 20th century B.C.
Cheese is mentioned only throe times in the
Bible, and on each occasion under a different
name in the Hebrew (Job x. 10 ; 1 Sam. xvii.
18 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 29). It is difficult to decid*
how far these terms correspond with our notion
of cheat ; for they simply express various de-
grees of coagulation. It may be observed that
cheese is not at the present day common among
the Bedouin Arabs, butter being decidedly pre-
ferred; but there is a substance, closely cor-
responding to those mentioned in 1 Sam. xvii.,
2 Sam. xvii., consisting of coagulated butter-
milk, which is dried until it becomes quite
hard, and is then ground : the Arabs eat it
mixed with butter (Burckhardt, Notes on tht
Bedouins, i. CO).
Chela!, Ezr. x. so.
Chelci'as. 1. Ancestor of Baruch (Bar.
i. 1). — 2. Hilkiah the high-priest in the time
of Isaiah (Bar. i. 7). — 8. The lather of Su-
sanna (Hist, of Sus. 2, 29, 63). Tradition rep-
resents him as the brother of Jeremiah, and
identical with Hilkiah who found the copy of
the law in the time of Josiah (2 K. xxii. 8).
Chellians, The (Jud. U. 23). [Chel-
LCS.J Ap.
Chelluh, Ezr. x. 35.
Chellus, named amongst the places beyond
(i.e. on the west of) Jordan to which Nnbucho-
donosor sent his summons (Jud. i. 9). Except
its mention with " Kades " there is no clew to
its situation. Beland conjectures that it may
have been Elusa. Ap.
Chelod. " Many nations of the sons of
Chclod " were among those who obeyed the
summons of Nabuchodonosor to his war with
Arphaxod (Jud. i. 6). The word is apparently
corrupt. Ap.
Chelub. 1. A man among the descend-
ants of Judali, described as the brother of
Shuah and the father of Mcchir. — 2. Ezri the
son of Chelub was the overseer of those who
" did the work of the field for tillage of the
ground," one of David's officers (1 Chr. xxvii.
26).
Chel'ubai, the son of Hezron, of one of
the chief families of Judah. The name occurs
in 1 Chr. ii. 9 only, and from a comparison of
this passage with ii. 18 and 42, it would appear
to be but another form of the name Caleb.
Chem'arims, The. This word only oc-
curs in the text of the A. V. in Zeph. i. 4. In
2 K. xxiii. 5 it is rendered " idolatrous priests,"
and in Hos. x. 5 " priests," and in both cases
" chemarim " is given in the margin. So far
as regards the Hebrew usage of the word it is
exclusively applied to the priests of the false
worship, and was in all probability a term of
foreign origin. In Syriac the word cumro is
found without the same restriction of meaning,
lieing used in Judg. xvii. 5, 12, of the priest of
Micah, while in Is. lxi. 6 it denotes the priests
of the true God. and in Heb. ii. 17 is applied
to Christ himself. Kimchi derived it from a
root signifying " to be black," because the idol-
atrous priests wore black garments ; but this ii
without foundation.
Che'mosh, the national deity of the Moab-
ites (Num. xxi. 29 ; Jer. xlviii. 7, 13, 46). In
Judg. xi. 24, he also appears as the god of the
Ammonites. Solomon introduced, and Josiah
abolished, the worship of Chemosh at Jerusa-
lem (1 K. xi. 7 ; 2 K. xxiii. 13). Jerome iden-
tifies him with Baal-Poor ; others with Baal-
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CHERITH
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CHERUB
Zebub, on etymological grounds; others, as
Gesenius, with Mars, and others with Saturn.
Chena'anah. 1. Son of Bilhan, son of
Jediael, son of Benjamin, head of a Benjamite
house (l Chr. rii. 10), probably of the family
of the Belaitea. [Bbla.1 — 2. > at her, or ances-
tor of Zedekiah the false prophet (1 K. xxii.
11, 84 ; 2 Chr. xviii. 10, 23).
Chen'ani, one of the Levites who assisted
at the solemn purification of the people under
Eira (Neh. ix. 4).
Chenani'ah, chief of the Levites, when
David carried the ark to Jerusalem ( 1 Chr. xv.
22, xxvi. 29).
Che phar-Haammona i, "Hamlet of
the Ammonites ; " a place mentioned among the
towns of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 24). No trace
of it has vet been discovered.
Chephi rah. " the hamlet ; " one of tho
four cities of the Gibeonites (Josh. ix. 17),
named afterward? among the towns of Benja-
min, with Ramah, Beeroth, and Mizpeh (xviii.
26). The men of Chephirah returned with
Zernbbabel from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 25; Neh.
vii. 29). Dr. Robinson seems to have discov-
ered it under the scarcely altered name of
Kfftr, about 2 miles west of Yah (Ajalon).
Capbiba]
Che'ran, one of the sons of Dishon the
Horite "duke " (Gen. xxxvi. 26; 1 Chr. i. 41).
Che'reas, a brother of Timotheus (1
Msec. v. 6), who held Gazara (1 Mace. v. 8),
where be was slain (2 Mace. x. 32, 37). Ap.
Cher'ethims, Ez. xxv. 16. The plural
form of the word elsewhere rendered Chebeth-
itm ; which see.
Cher etbites and Pel'ethites, the life-
guards of King David (2 Sam. viii. 18, xv.
19, xx. 7, 23 ; IK. i. 38, 44 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 17).
These titles are commonly said to signify " ex-
ecutioners and couriers." It is plain that these
royal guards were employed as executioners
(2 K. xi. 4), and as couriers (1 K. xiv. 87).
But it has been conjectured that they may have
been foreign mercenaries. They are connected
with the Gittites, a foreign tribe (2 Sam. xv.
21); and the Cherethites are mentioned as a
nation (1 Sam. xxx. 14), dwelling apparently
on the coast, and therefore probably Philistines,
of which name Felethites say be only another
form.
Che'rith, The Brook, the torrent-bed or
vadj in which Elijah hid himself during the
early part of the three years' drought (1 K.
xtu. 3, 5). The position of the Cherith has
been much disputed. Eusebius and Jerome
place it beyond Jordan, where also Schwarz
would identity it in a Wadu Alias, opposite
Bethshean. This U the JTa<fyri-ya6«(Jabesh).
The only tradition on the subject is one men-
tioned by Marinus Sanutus in 1321 ; that it
ran by Phasaelis, Herod's city in the Jordan
ralley. This wonld make it the Ain Fiuail
which falls from the mountains of Ephraim
into the Ghar, south of Km S&rtabth, and
about 15 miles above Jericho. This view is
supported by Bachiene, and in onr own time
W Van de Velde (ii. 310). Dr. Robinson on
tbe other hand would find the name in the
Wndg Kelt behind Jericho. The two names
ire however essentially unlike. The argument
from probability is in favor of the Cherith be-
ing on the east of Jordan, and the name may
possibly be discovered there.
Cher Ub, apparently a place in Babylonia
from which some persons of doubtful extraction
returned to Judasa with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii
59; Neh. vii. 61).
Cher'ub, Cher'ubim. The symbolical
figure so called was a composite creature-form,
wnich finds a parallel in the religious insignia
of Assyria, Egypt, and Persia, e.g. the sphinx.
T4s vtngtd
Sphinx. (WUklawa.)
the winged bulls and lions of Nineveh, &c., a
general prevalence which prevents the necessity
of onr regarding it as a mere adoption from
the Egyptian ritual. In such forms every im-
aginative people has sought to embody its
notions either of tbe attributes of Divine
essence, or of the vast powers of nature which
transcend that of man. The Hebrew idea
seems to limit the number of the cherubim. A
pair (Ex. xxv. 18, 4c.) were placed on the
mercy-seat of the ark : a pair of colossal size
overshadowed it in Solomon's Temple with the
canopy of their contiguously extended wings.
Ezekiel, i. 4-14, speaks of four, and similarly
the apocalyptic " beasts " (Rev. iv. 6) are four.
So at the front or east of Eden were posted
"the cherubim," as though tbe whole of some
recognized number. They utter no voice,
though one is " heard from above them," nor
have dealings with men save to awe and repel.
The cherubim are placed beneath the actual
presence of Jehovah, whose moving throne they
AMrriaa OiTphoo. (Ltjtii, U. «a.)
appear to draw (Gen. Hi. 24 ; Ez. i. 5, 25, 26,
x. 1, 2, 6, 7 ; Is. vi. 2, 3, 6). The glory sym-
bolizing that presence which eye cannot see
rests or rides on them, or one of them, thence
dismounts to the temple threshold, and then
departs and mounts again (Ez.x.4, 18 ; comp.
ix. 3 ; Ps. xviii. 10). There is in them an en-
tire absence of human sympathy, and even on
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CHERUB
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CHESTNUT-TREE
the mercy-seat they probably appeared not
merely as admiring and wondering (1 PeL i.
12), but as guardians of the covenant and
avengers of its breach. Those on the ark were
to be placed with wings stretched forth, one at
each end of the mercy-seat, and to be made
"of the mercy-seat" They are called the
cherubim of glory (Heb. ix. 5), as on them
the glory, when visible, rested. They were
anointed with the holy oil, like the ark itself,
and the other sacred furniture. Their wings
were to be stretched upwards, and their faces
A^frim Sphinx. (Ut7ud.ll.se.)
" towards each other and towards the mercy-
seat." It is remarkable that with such precise
directions as to their position, attitude, and
material, nothing, save that they were winged,
is said concerning their shape. On the whole
it seems likely that the word "cherub " meant
not only the composite creature-form, of which
the man, lion, ox, and eagle were the elements,
but, further, some peculiar and mystical form,
which Ezekiel, being a priest, would know and
recognize as "the face of a cherub " (Ez. x.
14) ; bat which was kept secret from all others ;
and such probably were those on the ark,
though those on the hangings and panels
might be of the popular device. What this
peculiar cherubic form was is perhaps an im-
penetrable mystery. It might well be the
symbol of Him whom none could behold and
live. For as symbols of Divine attributes, e.g.
omnipotence and omniscience, not as repre-
sentations of actual beings, the cherubim should
be regarded. Many etymological sources for
the word cherub have been proposed. The two
best worth noticing, and between which it is
difficult to choose are, (1) the Syriac cerib,
great, strong; (2) the Syriac cerab, to plough, i.e.
to cut into ; hence, " that which ploughs' = the
ox, or that which is carved = an image. Be-
sides these two, wisdom or intelli-
gence has been given by high au-
thority as the true meaning of the
name. Though the exact form of
the cherubim is uncertain, they must
have borne a general resemblance to
the composite religious figures found
upon the monuments of Egypt, As-
syria, Babylonia, and Persia. In
the sacred boats or arks of the Egyp-
tians, there are sometimes found two
figures with extended wings, which
remind us of the description of the
cherubim " covering the mercy-seat
with their wings, and their faces
[looking] one to another" (Ex. xxr.
20).
Che'salon, a place named as
one of the land-marks on the west
part of the north boundary of Judah,
apparently situated on the shoulder
of Mount Jearim (Josh. xv. 10).
Dr. Robinson has observed a mod-
ern village named Kola, about six miles to the
N.E. of Ain-thenu, on the western mountains
of Judah. Eusebius and Jerome, in the Ono-
masticon, mention a Chaslon, but they differ
as to its situation, the former placing it in
Benjamin, the latter in Judah : both agree that
it was a very large village in the neighbor-
hood of Jerusalem.
Che'sed, fourth son of Nahor (Gen. xxii.
22).
Che'sil, a town in the extreme south of
Palestine, named with Hormah and yilrl "g
iJosh. xv. 30). In Josh. xix. 4 the name
Ibthul occurs in place of it, as if the one
were identical with, or a corruption of, the
other. This is confirmed by the reading of
1 Chr. iv. 30, Bethukl. In this case we can
only conclude that Chesil was an early varia-
tion of Bethul.
Cheat. By this word are translated in the
A. V. two distinct Hebrew terms: 1. ardn;
this is invariably used for the Ark of the Cov-
enant, and, with two exceptions, for that onlv.
The two exceptions alluded to are (a) the
"coffin" in which the bones of Joseph were
carried from Egypt (Gen. 1. 26) ; and (6) the
" chest " in which Jehoiada the priest collected
the alms for the repairs of the Temple (2 K.
xii. 9, 10; 2 Chr. xxiv. 8-11). — 2. gHuUha,
"chests" (Ez. xxvii. 24 only).
Chestnut-Tree (Heb. 'armon). Mention
is made of the 'armdn in Gen. xxx. 37 ; and
in Ezek. xxxi. 8, it is spoken of as one of the
glories of Assyria. The balance of authority
is certainly in favor of the " plane-tree " being
the tree denoted. The A. V. which follows the
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CHILDREN
151
CHIOS
Rabbins is certainly to be rejected, for the con-
text of the passages where the word occurs
indicates some tree which thrives best in low
and rather moist situations, whereas the chest-
nut-tree is a tree which prefers dry and hilly
ground. The plane-trees of Palestine in an-
cient days were probably more numerous than
they are now ; though modern travellers occa-
sionally refer to them.
Cheeulloth (lit. "the loins"), one of the
towns of Issachar, deriving its name, perhaps,
from its situation on the slorje of some moun-
tain (Josh. xix. 18). From its position in the
fists it appears to be between Jezreel and Sho-
aem {SaUtm).
Cheftiim, 1 Mace. i. 1. [Chittim.]
Che'sib. a name which occurs but once
(Gen. xxxviii. 5). In the absence of any spe-
cification of the position of Chezib, we may
adopt the opinion of the interpreters, ancient
and modern, who identify it with Achzib.
Chi'don, the name which in 1 Chr. xiii. 9
is given to the threshing-floor at which the
acctdrat to the ark, on its transport from Kir-
jathrjearim to Jerusalem, took place, and the
death of TJzzah. In the parallel account in 3
Sam. vi. the name is given as Nachoic .
Children. The blessing of offspring, but
especially, and sometimes exclusively, of the
male sex, is highly valued among all Eastern
■a/ions, while the absence is regarded as one
of fhe severest punishments (Gen. xvi. 2 ;
Dent. vii. 14 ; 1 Sam. i. 6 ; 2 Sam. vi. 23 ; 2 K.
ir. H; Is. xlvii. 9; Jer. xx. 15; Ps. exxvii. 3,
J). Childbirth is in the East usually, bnt not
always, attended with little difficulty, and ac-
complished with little or no assistance (Gen.
xxxr. 17, xxxviii. 28; Ex. i. 19; 1 Sam. iv.
19, 20). As soon as the child was born, and
the umbilical cord cut, it was washed in a bath,
rubbed with salt, and wrapped in swaddling
clothes. Arab mothers sometimes rub their
children with eartk or sand (Ex. xvi. 4 ; Job
xxxviii. 9 ; Luke &. 7). On the 8th day the
rite of circumcision, in the case of a boy, was
per form ed, and a name given, sometimes, but
not usually, the same as that of the father, and
generally conveying some special meaning.
After the birth of a male child the mother was
considered unclean for 7+33 days; if the
child were a female, for double that period,
14-1-60 days- At the end of the time she was
to make an offering of purification of a lamb as
a burnt-offering, and a pigeon or turtle-dove
ss a sin-offering, or, in case of poverty, two
doves or pigeons, one as a burnt-offering, the
other as a sin-offering (Lev. xii. 1-8; Luke ii.
22). The period of nursing appears to have
been sometimes prolonged to 3 years (Is. xlix.
IS; 2 Mace. vii. 27). Nurses were employed
hi cases of necessity (Ex. ii. 9 ; Gen. xxiv. 59,
xxxv. 8 ; S Sam. iv. 4 ; 2 K. xi. 2 ; 2 Chr. xxii.
11). The time of weaning was an occasion of
rejoicing (Gen. xxi. 8). Arab children wear
fine or no clothing for 4 or 5 years : the young
of both sexes are usually carried by the mothers
on the hip or the shoulder, a custom to which
allusion is made by Isaiah (Is. xlix. 22, lxvi. 12).
Both boys and girls in their early years were
ander the care of the women (Prov. xxxi. 1).
Afterwards the boys were taken by the father
under his charge. Those in wealthy families
had tutors or governors, who were sometimes
eunuchs (Num. xi. 12 ; 2 K. x. 1, 5 ; Is. xlix.
23; Gal. iii. 24; Esth. ii. 7). Daughters usu.
ally remained in the women's apartments tin
marriage, or, among the poorer classes, were
employed in household work (Lev. xxi. 9;
Num. xii. 14 ; 1 Sam. ix. 11 ; Prov. xxxi. 19,
23; Ecclus. vii. 25, xiii. 9; 2 Mace. iii. 19).
The first-born male children were regarded as
devoted to God, and were to be redeemed by
an offering (Ex. xiii. 13 ; Num. xviii. 15 ; Lnke
ii. 22). The authority of parents, especially of
the father, over children, was very great, as was
also the reverence enjoined by the law to be
paid to parents. The disobedient child, the
striker or reviler of a parent, was liable to
capital punishment, though not at the inde-
pendent will of the parent. The inheritance
was divided equally between all the sons ex-
cept the eldest, who received a double portion
(Deut. xxi. 17 ; Gen. xxv. 31, xlix. 3 ; 1 Chr.
T. 1, 2; Judg. xi. 2, 7). Daughters had by
right no portion in the inheritance; but if a
man had no son, his inheritance passed to his
daughters, who were forbidden to marry out of
their father's tribe (Num. xxvii. 1, 8, xxxvi.
2,8).
Chil'eab. [Abigail; Daniel.]
Chil'ion, the son of Elimelech and Naomi,
and husband of Orpah (Ruth i. 2-5, iv. 9). He
is described as " an Ephrathite of Bethiehem-
judah."
Cbil'mad, a place or country mentioned ia
conjunction with Sheba and Assnnr (Ex. xxvii.
23). The only name bearing any similarity to
it is Charmande, a town near the Euphrates,
between the Mascas and the Babylonian fron-
tier, but it is highly improbable that this place
was of sufficient importance to rank with Sheba
and Asshur.
Chim'ham, a follower, and probably a son
of Barxillai the Gileadite, who returned from
beyond Jordan with David (2 Sam. xix. 37, 38,
40). David appears to have bestowed on him
a possession at Bethlehem, on which, in later
times, an inn or Khan was standing (Je». xii.
17). In 2 Sam. xix. 40, the name is in the
Hebrew text Chmhax.
Chim/han. [Chimham.]
Chin'nereth, accurately Cinnareth, a for-
tified city in the tribe of Naphtali (Josh. xix.
35 only), of which no trace is found in later
writers, and no remains by travellers. By S.
Jerome, Chinnereth was identified with the later
Tiberias. This may have been from some tra-
dition then existing.
Chin'nereth, Sea of (Num. xxxfr. n ;
Josh. xiii. 27), the inland sea, which is most
familiarly known to us as the " lake of Gen-
nesareth." This is evident from the mode in
which it is mentioned as being at the end of
Jordan opposite to tho " Sea of the Arahah,"
i.e. the Dead Sea; as having the Arabah or
Ghor below it, Ac. (Deut. iii. 17; Josh. xi. 2,
xii. 3) . In the two Utter of these passages it is
in a plural form, Cbiwnbrotb. It seems likely
that Cinnereth was an ancient Canaanite na~ -
existing long prior to the Israelite conquest
Chin'neroth. [Chikkerkth.J
Chi'oa. The position of this island in ref
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CHITTIM
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CHRISTIAN
ft
erence to the neighboring islands and coasts
could hardly be better described than in the de-
tailed account of St. Paul's return voyage from
Troas to Cssarea (Acts xx., xxij. Having
come from Assos to Mitylene in Lesbos (xx.
14), he arrived the next day over against Chios
v. 15) ; the next day at Samoa, and tarried at
rogy Ilium (to.) ; and the following day at
Miletus (t'6. ) : thence he went by Cos and Rhodes
to Patara (xxi. 1 ). At that time Chios enjoyed
the privilege of freedom, and it is not cer-
tain that it ever was politically a part of the
province of Asia, though it is separated from
the mainland only by a strait of 5 miles. Its
length is about 32 miles, and in breadth it
vanes from 8 to 1 8. Its outline is mountainous
and bold ; and it has always been celebrated for
its beauty and fruitfulness. In recent times it
has been too well known, under its modern
name of Scio, for the dreadful sufferings of its
inhabitants in the Greek war of independ-
ence.
Chiflleu. [MontbsJ
Chislon, father of Elidad, the prince of
the tribe of Benjamin, chosen to assist in the
division of the land of Canaan among the
tribes (Num. xxxiv. 21).
Chisloth-Ta'bor, a place to the border
of which reached the border of Zebulun (Josh.
xix. 12). It may be the village Ilaal which is
now standing about two miles and a half to
the west of Mount Tabor.
Chittim, Kiftim, a family or race de-
scended from Javan (Gen. x. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 7 ;
A. V. Kittim), closely related to theDodanim,
and remotely to the other descendants of Javan.
Chittim is frequently noticed in Scripture :
Balaam predicts that a fleet should thence pro-
ceed for the destruction of Assyria (Num.
xxiv. 24) : in Is. xxiii. 1, 12, it appears as the
resort of the fleets of Tyre : in Jer. ii. 10, the
" isles of Chittim " are to the far west, as Kedar
to the east of Palestine : the Tyrians procured
thence the cedar or box wood, which they in-
laid with ivory for the decks of their vessels
(Ez. xxvii. 6) : in Dan. xi. 80, " ships of Chit-
tim " advance to the south to meet the king of
the north. At a later period we find Alexan-
der the Great described as coming from the
land of CuETTim (1 Mace. i. 1), and Perseus
as king of the Citims (1 Mace. viii. 5). Jo-
sephus considered Cyprus as the original seat
of the Chittim, adducing as evidence the name
of its principal town, Citium. Citium was
without doubt a Phoenician town. From the
town the name extended to the whole island of
Cyprus, which was occupied by Phoenician col-
onies. The name Chittim, which in the first
instance had applied to Phoenicians only, passed
over to the islands which they had occupied,
and thence to the people who succeeded the
Phoenicians in the occupation of them. Thus
in Mace., Chittim evidently = Macedonia.
The " ships of Chittim " in Dan. have been
explained as Macedonian ; but the assumption
on which this interpretation rests is not borne
out. In an ethnological point of view, Chittim
must bo regarded as applying, not to the origi-
nal Phoenician settlers of Cyprus, but to the
race which succeeded them ; viz. the Carians.
The Carians were connected with the Leleges,
and must be considered as related to the Pelas-
gic family, though quite distinct from the Hel-
lenic branch.
Chi'un. [Remphan.]
Chlo'e, a woman mentioned in 1 Cor. i. 1 1 .
Cho'ba, a place mentioned in Jud. ir. 4,
apparently situated in the central part of Pal-
estine. [Ap.] It is probably the same as
Chr/bai, which occurs in Jud. xv. 4, 5.
The name suggests Hobah, if the distance from
the probable site of Bethulia were not too
great Ap.
Chor'ashan, one of the places in which
" David and his men were wont to haunt " ( 1
Sam. xxx. 30). It may, perhaps, be identified
with Ashan of Simeon. This is, however,
quite uncertain, and the name has not been
discovered.
Chora'zin, one of the cities in which our
Lord's mighty works were done, but named on-
ly in His denunciation (Matt. xi. 21 ; Lake x.
13). St. Jerome describes it as on the shore
of the lake, two miles from Capernaum. Dr.
Robinson's conclusion is that Khan Minyek
being Capernaum, Et-Tahighah is Bethsaida,
and Tell Him Chorazin, but the question is
enveloped in great obscurity.
Cho'zeba. The "men of Chozeba" are
named (1 Chr. iv. 22) amongst the descendants
of Shelah the son of Judah. Chezib and Cho-
zeba are, perhaps, the same as Achzib.
Christ. [Jesus.]
Christian. The disciples, we are told
(Acts xi. 26), were first called Christians at An-
tioch on the Orontes, somewhere about a.d. 43.
The name, and the place where it was conferred,
are both significant. It is clear that the appel-
lation " Christian " was one which could not
have been assumed by the Christians themselves.
They were known to each other as brethren of
one family, as disciples of the same Master, as
believers in the same faith, and as distinguished
by the same endeavors after holiness and con-
secration of life; and so were called brethren
(Acts xv. 1, 23; 1 Cor. vii. 12), disciples (Acts
ix. 26, xi. 29), believers (Acts v. 14), mints (Rom.
viii. 27, xv. 25). But the outer world could
know nothing of the true force and significance
of these terms. To the contemptuous Jew they
were Nazarines and Galileans, names which
carried with them the infamy and turbulence of
the places whence they sprung, and from whence
nothing good and no prophet might come.
The Jews could add nothing to the scorn which
these names expressed, and had they endeavored
to do so they would not have defiled the glory
of their Messiah by applying his title to those
whom they could not but regard as the follow-
ers of a pretender. The name " Christian,"
then, which, in the only other cases where it ap-
pears in the N. T. (Acts xxvi. 28 ; 1 Pet. iv. 16 ;
corap. Tac. Ann. xv. 44), is used contemptuous.
ly, could not have been applied by the early
disciples to themselves, nor could it have come
to them from their own nation the Jews ; it
must, therefore, have been imposed upon them
by the Gentile world, and no place could have
so appropriately given rise to it as Antioch,
where the first Church was planted among the
heathen. Its inhabitants were celebrated for
their wit and a propensity for conferring nick-
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CHRONICLES
names. The Emperor Julian himself was not
•score from their jests. Apolloiiius of Tyana
was driven from the city by the insults of the
inhabitants. Their wit, however, was often
harmless enough; and there is no reason to
(appose that the name " Christian " of itself
was intended as a term of scurrility or abuse,
though it would naturally be used with con-
tempt. Saidas says the name was given in the
rei-n of Claudius, when Peter appointed Evo-
<|ios bishop of Antioch, and they who were
formerly called Nazarcnes and Galileans had
their name changed to Christians.
Chronicles, First and Second Books of,
the name originally given to the record made
by the appointed historiographers in the king-
doms of Israel and Judah. In the LXX. these
books are called HapaZeinofiivuv itpurov and
itmpoi/, which is understood, after Jerome's
explanation, as meaning that they are supple-
mentary to the books of Kings. The Vulgate
retains both the Hebrew anil Greek name in
Latin characters, Dibre jammim, or hajamim,
and Paralipomenon. The constant tradition
of the Jews, in which they have been followed
by the great mass of Christian commentators,
h that these books were for the most part com-
piled by Ezra. In fact, the internal evidence as
to the time when the book of Chronicles was
compiled seems to tally remarkably with the
tradition concerning its authorship. Notwith-
standing this agreement, however, the authen-
ticity of Chronicles has been vehemently im-
pugned by De Wette and other German critics,
whose arguments have been successfully re-
fated by Dahler, Kcil, Movers, and others. As
regards the plan of the book, of which the book
of Ezra is a continuation, forming one work, it
becomes apparent immediately we consider it
as the compilation of Ezra or some one nearly
contemporary with him. One of the greatest
difficulties connected with the captivity and the
return must have been the maintenance of that
genealogical distribution of the lands which
jet was a vital point of the Jewish economy.
Another difficulty intimately connected with
the former was the maintenance of the temple
Krricea at Jerusalem. This could only bo
effected by the residence of the priests and Le-
vites in Jerusalem in the order of their courses :
tad this residence was only practicable in case
of the payment of the appointed tithes, first-
fruits, and other offerings. But then again the
registers of die Levitical genealogies were ne-
cessary, in order that it might be known who
were entitled to such and such allowances, as
porters, as singers, as priests, and so on ; be-
came all these offices went by families ; and
again the payment of the tithes, first-fruits,
fie., was dependent upon the different families
of Israel being established each in his inher-
itance. Obviously therefore one of the most
pressing wants of the Jewish community after
their return from Babylon would be trusty gene-
alogical records. But further, not only had
Zerubbabel, and after him Ezra and Nehemiah,
labored most earnestly to restore the temple
ud the public worship of God there to the
rendition it had been in under the kings of
Judah ; but it appears clearly from their policy,
aad from the language of the contemporary
20
prophets, Haggai and Zechariah, that they had
it much at heart to re-infuse something of na-
tional life and spirit into the heart of the people,
and to make them feel that they were still the
inheritors of God's covenanted mercies, and
that the captivity had only temporarily inter-
rupted, not dried up, the stream of God's favor
to their nation. Now nothing could more ef-
fectually aid these pious and patriotic designs
than setting lwfore the people a compendious
history of the kingdom of David, which should
embrace a full account of its prosperity, should
trace the sins which led to its overthrow, but
should carry the thread through the period of
the captivity, and continue it as it were un-
broken on the other side ; and those passages in
their former history would be especially impor-
tant which exhibited their greatest and best
kings as engaged in building or restoring the
temple, in reforming all corruptions in reli-
gion, and zealously regulating the services of
the house of God. As regards the kingdom of
Israel or Samaria, seeing it had utterly and
hopelessly passed away, and that the existing
inhabitants were among the bitterest "adversa-
ries of Judah and Benjamin," it would natu-
rally engage very littlo of the compiler's atten-
tion. These considerations explain exactly the
plan and scope of that historical work which
consists of the two books of Chronicles and
the hook of Ezra. Many Chaldaisms in the
language of these books, the resemblance of
the style of Chron. to that of Ezra, which is,
in parts, avowedly Ezra's composition, the
reckoning by Dorics (1 Chr. xxix. 7), as well
as the breaking off of the narrative in the life-
time of Ezra, are among other vulid arguments
by which the authorship or rather compilation
of 1 and 2 Chr. and Ezr. is vindicated to Ezra.
As regards the materialt used by him, and the
source* of his information, they are not difficult
to discover. The genealogies are obviously
transcribed from some register, in which were
preserved the genealogies of the tribes and
families drawn up at different times. The same
wide divergence in the ago of other materials
embodied in the books of Chronicles is also
apparent. Thus the information in 1 Chr. i.
concerning the kings of Edom before the reign
of Saul was obviously compiled from very an-
cient sources. The same may bo said of the
incident of the slaughter of the sons of Ephraim
by the Gittites, 1 Chr. vii. 21, viii. 13, and of
the account of the sons of Shcla, and their do-
minion in Moab, 1 Chr. iv. 21, 22. The curious
details concerning the Reubcnites and Gadites
in 1 Chr. v. must have been drawn from con-
temporary documents, embodied probably in
the genealogical records of Jotham and Jero-
boam, while other records used by the compiler
are as late as after the return from Babylon,
such as 1 Chr. ix. 2 sqq. ; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 20 sqq. ;
and others, as Ezr. ii. and iv. 6-23, are as late
as the time of Artaxcrxes and Nehemiah.
Hence it is further manifest that the books of
Chronicles and Ezra, though put into their
present form by one hand, contain in fact ex-
tracts from the writings of many different wri-
ters, which were extant at the time the compilation
was made. For the full account of the reign
of David, he made copious extracts from the
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books of Samuel the seer, Nathan the prophet,
and Gad the seer (1 Chr. xxix. 29). For the
reign of Solomon he copied from " the book
of Nathan," from " the prophecy of Ahijah the
Shilonite," and from " the visions of Iddo the
seer" (2 Chr. ix. 29). Another work of Iddo
called " the story (or interpretation, Midrash)
of the prophet Iddo," supplied an account of
the acts, and the ways and sayings, of King
Abijah (xiii. 22) : while yet another book of
Iddo concerning genealogies, with the book
of the prophet Shemaiah, contained the acts
of king Rchoboam (xii. 15). For later times
the " Book of the kings of Israel and Judah "
is repeatedly cited (2 Chr. xxr. 26, xxvii. 7,
xxxii. 32, xxxiii. 18, ix.), and "the sayings
of the seers," or rather of Chozai (xxxiii. 19) ;
and for the reigns of Uzziah and Hezckiah
"the vision of the prophet Isaiah" (xxvi. 22,
xxxii. 32). Besides the above named works,
there was also the public national record men-
tioned in Nch. xii. 23. These " Chronicles of
David" are probably the same as those above
referred to, written by Samuel, Nathan, and
Gad. From this time the affairs of each king's
reign were regularly recorded in a book (IK.
xiv. 28, xv. 7, &c.) ; and it was doubtless from
this common source that the passages in the
Books of Samuel and Kings identical with the
Books of Chronicles were derived. As regards
the closing chapter of 2 Chr. subsequent to v.
8, and the first ch. of Ezra, a comparison of
them with the narrative of 2 K. xxiv., xxv., will
lead to the conclusion that while the writer of
the narrative in King* lived in Judah, and died
under the dynasty of Nebuchadnezzar, the wri-
ter of the chapter in Chronicles lived at Baby-
lon, and survived till the commencement at
least of the Persian dynasty. Moreover, he
seems to speak as one who had long been a
subject of Nebuchadnezzar, calling him simply
"King Nebuchadnezzar." It seems highly
probable that as Jeremiah wrote the closing
portion of the Book of Kings, so did Daniel
write the corresponding portion in Chronicles,
and down to the end of Ezr. i. As regards the
langcaoe of these books, as of Ezra, Nehe-
miah, Esther, and the later prophets, it has a
marked Chaldee coloring, ana Gesenius says of
them, that " as literary works, they are decid-
edly inferior to those of older date (Introd. to
Heb. Gramm.).
Chronology. The object of this article
is to indicate the present state of biblical chro-
nology. By this term we understand the tech-
nical and historical chronology of the Jews and
their ancestors from the earliest time to the
close of the New Testament Canon. The tech-
nical division must be discussed in some detail,
the historical only as far as the return from
Babylon, the disputed matters of the period
following that event being separately treated in
other articles. — i. Technical Chronology.
— The technical part of Hebrew chronology
presents great difficulties. There is no evidence
that the ancient Hebrews had any division
smaller than an hour : — Hour. — The hour is
supposed to be mentioned in Daniel (iii. 6, 15,
iv. 16, 30, A. V. 19, 33, v. 5), but in no one of
these cases is a definite period of time clearly in-
tended by the word employed. The Egyptians
divided the day and night into hours like on*
selves from at least B.C. dr. 1 200. It is there,
fore not improbable that the Israelites were ac
quuinted with the hour from an early period.
The " sun-dial of Ahaz," whatever instrument,
fixed or movable, it may have been, implies a
division of the kind. In the N. T. we find the
same system as the modern, the hours being
reckoned from the beginning of the Jewish
night and day. [Honas.l Dag. — For the
civil day of 24 hours we find in one place ( Dan.
viii. 14) the term "evening-morning" (also in
2 Cor. xi. 25 A. V. "a night and a day ").
Whatever may be the proper meaning of" this
Hebrew term, it cannot be doubted here to sig-
nify " nights and days." The civil day was
divided into night and natural day, the periods
of darkness and light (Gen. i. 5). It commenced
with night, which stands first in the special
term given above. The night, and therefore
the civil day, is generally held to have begun
at snnset. The natural day probably was held
to commence at sunrise, morning-twilight being
included in the last watch of the night, accord-
ing to the old as well as the later division ;
some, however, made the morning-watch part
of the day. Four natural periods, smaller than
the civil day, are mentioned. These are " even-
ing," and "morning," "the two lights," as
though "double light," noon, and "half the
night," midnight. All these seem to designate
periods, evening and morning being, however,
much longer than noon and midnight. The
night was divided into watches. In the O. T.
but two are expressly mentioned, and we have
to infer the existence of a third, the first watch
of the night. The middle watch occurs in
Judges vu. 19: — "And Gideon and the
hundred men that [were] with him went down
unto the extremity of the camp at the beginning
of the middle watch " and the morning-watch
is mentioned in Ex. xiv. 24 and 1 Sam. xi. II.
In the N. T. four night-watches are mentioned,
which were probably adopted from the Romans
as a modification of the old system. All four
occur together in Mark xiii. 35. — Week. —
The Hebrew week was a period of seven days,
ending with the Sabbath ; therefore it could not
have been a division of the month, which was
lunar, without intercalation. The week, whe-
ther a period of seven days, or a quarter of the
month, was of common use in antiquity.
The Egyptians, however, were without it, divid-
ing their month of 30 days into decades as did
the Athenians. The Hebrew week therefore
cannot have been adopted from Egypt ; proba-
bly both it and the Sabbath were used and
observed by the patriarchs. — Month. — The
months by which tie time is measured in the
account of the Flood would seem to be of SO
days each, probably forming a year of 360 days,
for the 1st, 2d, 7th, and 10th months are men-
tioned (Gen. viii. 13, vii. 1 1, viii. 14, 4, 5). The
months from the giving of the Law until the
time of the Second Temple, when we have cer-
tain knowledge of their character, were always
lunar. These lunar months have been supposed
to have been always alternately of 29 and SO
days. Their average length would of course
be a lunation, or a little (44') above 294 days,
and therefore they would in general be alter
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natdy of 29 and 30 days, bat it U possible that
occasionally months might occur of 28 and 31
days, if, as is highly probable, the commencement
of each was strictly determined by observation.
The first day of the month is called " new
moon." The new moon was kept as a sacred
festival. In the Pentateuch and Josh., Judg.,
sod Bath, we find bat one month mentioned by
a special name, the rest being called according
to their order. The month with a special name
it the first, which is called " the month Abib,"
that is the month in which the ears of corn be-
came foil or ripe, and on the 16th day of which,
the second day of the (bast of unleavened bread,
ripe ears, abib, were to be offered (Lev. ii. 14 ;
temp, xxiii. 10, 11, 14). In 1 K. three other
names of months occur, Zif the second, Ethanim
the seventh, and Bui the eighth. These names
appear, like that of Abib, to be connected with
me phenomena of a tropical year. No other
names arc found in any book prior to the cap-
tivity. — Year. — It has been supposed, on ac-
count of the dates in the narrative of the Flood,
ss already mentioned, that in Noah's time there
was a year of 360 days. These dates might
indeed to explained in accordance with a year
of 365 days. The evidence of the prophetic
Scriptures is however conclusive as to the
knowledge of a year of the former length.
The characteristics of the year instituted at
the Exodus can be clearly determined, though
we cannot absolutely fix those of any single
year. There can be no doubt that it was essen-
tially tropical, since certain observances con-
nected with the produce of the land were fixed
to particular days. It is equally clear that the
months were lunar, each commencing with a
aew moon. It would appear therefore that
there must have been some mode of adjustment.
To ascertain what this was, it is necessary first
to decide when the year commenced. On the
16th day of the month Abib, as already men-
tioned, ripe ears of corn were to be offered as
nrst-frnits of the harvest (Lev. ii. 14, xxiii. 10,
11). The reaping of the barley commenced
the harvest (2 Sam. xxi. 9), the wheat follow-
ing (Rath ii. 23). It _ therefore necessary to
fad when the barley becomes ripe in Palestine.
According to the observation of travellers the
huiey is npe, in the warmest parts of the coun-
try, in the first days of April. The barley-har-
vest therefore commences about half a month
•for the vernal equinox, so that the year would
begin at about that tropical point were it not
•robed into lunar months. We may conclude
•hit the nearest new moon about or after the
equinox, but not much before, was chosen
st the commencement of the year. The
■ethod of intercalation can only have been
that which obtained after the Captivity — the
sddraou of a thirteenth month, whenever the
twelfth ended too long before the equinox for
we first-fruits of the harvest to be offered in the
■""die of the month following, and the similar
wings at the times appointed. The later Jews
»d two beginnings to the year. At the time
™ the Second Temple these two beginnings ob-
™»«d, the seventh month of the civil reckon-
?* heing Abib, the first of the sacred. Hence
tt has been held that the institution at the time
■ the Exodus was merely a change of com-
mencement, and not the introduction ot a new
year ; and also that from this time there were
the two beginnings. The former opinion is at
present purely hypothetical, and has been too
much mixed up with the latter, for which, on
the contrary, there is some evidence. The
strongest point in this evidence is the circum-
stance that the sabbatical and jubilee years com-
menced in the seventh month, and doubtless on
its first day. It is perfectly clear that this
would be the most convenient, if not the neces-
sary, commencement of single years of total
cessation from the labors of the field, since each
year so commencing would comprise the whole
round of these occupations in a regular order
from seed-time to harvest, and from harvest to
vintage and gathering of fruit. We can there-
fore come to no other conclusion but that for
the purposes of agriculture the year was held
to begin with the seventh month, while the
months were still reckoned from the sacred
commencement in Abib. — Seasons. — The an-
cient Hebrews do not appear to have divided
their year into fixed seasons. We find mention
of the natural seasons, " summer," and " win-
ter," which are used for the whole year in Pa.
lxxiv. 17 ; Zech. xiv. 8 ; and perhaps Gen. viii.
22. The former of these properly means the
time of cutting fruits; and the latter, that of
gathering fruits ; the one referring to the early
trait season, the other to the late one. There
are two agricultural seasons of a more special
character than the preceding in their ordinary
use. These are "seed-time" and "harvest
— Fettivals and Holy Day*. — Besides the Sab-
baths and new moons, there were four great
festivals and a fast in the ancient Hebrew year,
the Feast of the Passover, that of Weeks, tlaat
of Trumpets, the Day of Atonement, and the
Feast of Tabernacles. The small number atid
simplicity of these primitive Hebrew festivals
and holy days is especially worthy of note. It
is also observable that they are not of an astro-
nomical character; and that, when they am
connected with nature, it is as directing the,
gratitude of the people to Him who, in giving
good things, leaves not Himself without wit-
ness. In later times many holy days were add-
ed. Of these the most worthy of remark are
the Feast of Purim, or " Lots," commemorat-
ing the deliverance of the Jews from Hainan's
plot, the Feast of the Dedication, recording the
cleansing and re-dedication of the Temple by
Judas Maccabeus, and fasts on the anniversa-
ries of great national misfortunes connected
with the Babylonish Captivity. — Sabbatical and
Jubilee Yean. — The sabbatical year, " the fal-
low year " or possibly " year of remission," also
called a " sabbath," and a " great sabbath," was
an institution of strictly the same character as
the sabbath, — a year of rest, like the day of
rest The sabbatical year must have com-
menced at the civil beginning of the year, with
the 7th month, as we have already shown. Al-
though doubtless held to commence with the 1st
of the month, its beginning appears to have
been kept at the Feast of Tabernacles (Deut.
xxxi. 10), while that of the jubilee year was
kept on the Day of Atonement After the
lapse of seven sabbatical periods, or forty-nine
years, a year of jubilee was to be kept, unmsr
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diately following the last sabbatical year. This
was vailed " the year of the trumpet," or t/MI,
the latter word meaning either the sound of the
trumpet or the instrument itself, because the
commencement of the year was announced on
the Day of Atonement by sound of trum-
pet. It was similar to the sabbatical year in its
character, although doubtless yet more impor-
tant. [Sabbatical Year ; Jubilee.] — Eras.
— There are indications of several historical
eras having been used by the ancient Hebrews,
but our information is so scanty that we are
generably unable to come to positive conclu-
sions. — 1 . The Exodus is used as an era in
1 K. vi. 1, in giving the date of the foundation
of Solomon's temple. — 2. The foundation of
Solomon's temple is conjectured to have been
an era (1 K. ix. 10; 2 Chr. viii. 1).— 3. The
era once used by Ezckicl, and commencing in
Josiah's 18th year, was most probably connected
with the sabbatical system (Ez. i. 2). — 4. The
era of Jehoiachin's captivity is constantly used
by Ezekiel. The earliest date is the 5th year
(i. 2) ; and the latest, the 27th (xxix. 17). The
prophet generally gives the date without apply-
ing any distinctive term to the era. We nave
no proof that it was used except by those to
whose captivity it referred. Its first was cur-
rent B.C. 596, commencing in the spring of that
year. — 5. The beginning of the seventy years'
captivity does not appear to have been used as
an era. — 6. The return from Babylon does not
appear to be employed as an era ; it is, however,
reckoned from in Ezra (iii. 1, 8), as is the Exo-
dus in the Pentateuch. — 7. The era of the
Seleucidse is used in the first and second books
of Maccabees. — 8. The liberation of the Jews
from the Syrian yoke in the 1st year of Simon
the Maccabee is stated to have been commemo-
rated by an era used in contracts and agree-
ments (1 Mace. xiii. 41). — Regnal Years. — By
the Hebrews, regnal years appear to have been
counted from the beginning of the year, not
from the day of the king's accession. Thus,
if a king came to the throne in the last
month of one year, reigned for the whole of the
next year, and died in the 1st month of the 3d
year, we might hato dates in his 1st, 2d, and
3d yrs., although he governed for no more
than 13 or 14 months. — ii. Historical
Chronoloot. — The historical part of He-
brew chronology is not less difficult than the
technical. The information in the Bible is in-
deed direct rather than inferential, although
there is very important evidence of the latter
kind, but the present state of the numbers
makes absolute certainty in many cases impos-
sible. The frequent occurrence of round num-
bers is a matter of minor importance, for al-
though, when we have no other evidence, it
manifestly precludes our arriving at positive
accuracy, the variation of a few years is not to
be balanced against great differences apparently
not to be positively resolved, as th ose o f the
primeval numbers in the Hebrew, LXX., and
Samaritan Pentateuch. — Biblical Data. — It
will bo best to examine the biblical information
under the main periods into which it may be
separated, beginning with the earliest. A.
First Period, from Adam to Abram's departure
from Haran. — All the numerical data in the
Bible for the chronology of this interval are com
prised in two genealogical lists in Genesis, the
first from Adam to Noah and his sons (Gen. v. 3
ad Jin.), and the second from Shem to Abram (xi.
10-26), and in certain passages in the same
book jvii. 6, 11, viii. 13, ix. 28, 29, xi. 32, xii.
4). The Masoretic Hebrew text, the LXX.,
and the Samaritan Pentateuch, greatly differ, as
may be seen by the following tabic: —
Total knag*
Adam ....
Seth
Enoe
Cainan ...
Mahalaleel ..' 165
J«r«t ■ 161
Enoch ISA
Methuaelah.
Lantech .
Noah....
Shun ...
Arphaxad . .
Cainan
Salah
Eber
Peleg
Ren
Scrag
Nahor
Tctmh
Abram leave*
Haran ..
The dots indicate numbers agreeing with the
LXX. The number of generations in the
LXX. is one in excess of the Heb. and Sam.
on account of the " Second Cainan," whom the
best chronologers are agreed in rejecting as
spurious. The variations are the result of de-
sign, not accident, as is evident from the yean
before the birth of a son and the residues agree-
ing in their sums in almost all cases in the
antediluvian generations, the exceptions, save
one, being apparently the result of necessity
that lives should not overlap the date of the
Flood. We have no clew to the date or dates
of the alterations beyond that we can trace the
LXX. form to the First century of the Chris-
tian era, if not higher, and the Heb. to the
Fourth century: if the Sam. numbers be as
old as the text, we can assign them a higher
antiquity than what is known as to the Heb.
The cause of the alterations is most uncertain.
It has indeed been conjectured that the Jews
shortened the chronology in order that an an-
cient prophecy that the Messiah should come
in the sixth millenary of the world's age might
not be known to be fulfilled in the advent of
our Lord. The reason may be sufficient in
itself, but it does not rest upon sufficient evi-
dence. The different proportions of the gen-
erations and lives in the LXX. and Heb. have
been asserted to afford an argument in favor of
the former. Bat a stronger is found in the
long period required from the Flood to the
Dispersion and the establishment of kingdoms.
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from the state of the text, the Heb. certainly
has the advantage. If, however, we consider
the Sam. form of the lists as sprang from the
other two, the LXX. would seem to be earlier
than the Heb., since it is more probable that
the antediluvian generations would have been
shortened to a general agreement with the
Heb., than that the postdiluvian would have
been lengthened to suit the LXX.; for it is
obviously most likely that a sufficient number
of years having been deducted from the earlier
generations, the operation was not carried on
with the later. ( >n the whole we are inclined
to prefer the LXX. numbers after the Deluge,
sad, as consistent with them, and probably of
the same authority, those before the Deluge
also. It remains for us to ascertain what ap-
pears to be the best form of each of the three
versions, and to state the intervals thus ob-
tained. In the LXX. antediluvian generations,
that of Methuselah is 187 or 167 yrs. : the for-
mer seems to be undoubtedly the true number,
since the latter would make this patriarch, if
the subsequent generations be correct, to sur-
vive the Flood 14 years. In the postdiluvian
numbers of the LXX. we must reject the
Second Cainan. Of the two forms of Nahor's
generation in the LXX. we must prefer 79, as
more consistent with the numbers near it, and
as also found in the Sam. In the case of
Terah, we should rather suppose the number
might have been changed by a copyist, and
take the 145 yrs. of the Sam. — It has been
generally supposed that the Dispersion took
place in the days of Pelcg, on account of what
» said in Gen. x. 25. The event, whatever it
was, must have happened at Peleg's birth, ra-
ther than, as some have supposed, at a later
time in his life. We should therefore consider
the following as the best forms of the numbers
according to the three sources : —
LXX. Hub. gam.
Cnattaa
Mrtrfthb yim?> *3W 1«M
afoarpefeg «>i) toi
Demo* ofAbram from i 10U
S2T9 »WB J3M
B. Second Period, from Abram's departure
iwn Haran to the Exodus. — The length of
this period is stated by St. Paul as 430 years
from the promise to Abraham to the giving of
the Law (Gal. iii. 17), the first event being held
to be that recorded in Gen. xii. 1-5. The
aune number of years is given in Ex. xii. 40,
41. A third passage, occurring in the same
essential form in both Testaments, and there-
fore especially satisfactory as to its textual ac-
curacy, is the divine declaration to Abraham
of the future history of his children : — " Know
of a surety that thy seed shall be a stranger in
a land [that is] not theirs, and shall serve
them ; and they shall afflict them four hundred
years; and also that nation, whom they shall
serve, will I judge : and afterward shall they
come out with great substance " (Gen. xv. 13,
14; comp. Acta vii. 6, 7). The four hundred
years cannot he held to be the period of oppres-
sion without a denial of the historical charac-
ter of the narrative of that time, bnt can only
he (opposed to mean the time from this dechv
s w ««>
ration to the Exodus. This reading, which in
the A. V. requires no more than a slight change
in the punctuation, if it suppose an unusual
construction in Hebrew, is perfectly admissible
according to the principles of Shemitic gram-
mar, and might be used in Arabic. We find
no difficulty in accepting the statements as to
the longevity of Abraham ami certain of his
descendants, and can go on to examine the de-
tails of the period nndcr consideration as made
out from evidence requiring this admission.
The narrative affords the following data, which
we place under two periods — 1 . that front
Abram's leaving Haran to Jacob's entering
Egypt, and 2. that from Jacob's entering Egypt
to the Exodus.
1. Age of Abram on leaving Haran. . 76 yrs.
at Isaac's birth .. 100
Age t<f Isaac at Jacob's birth . . 80
Age of Jacob on entering Egypt . . 130
218 or 215 yrs.
2. Age of Levi on entering Egypt . . . . dr. 44
Kealdue of his life W
Oppression after the death of Jacob's
sons (Ex. 1. 0, 7, seqq.)
Age of Moses at Exodus 80
m
Age of Joseph In the same year .... 38
Residue of his life 71
Age of Hoses at Exodus 80
141
These data make up abont 387 or 388 yean, to
which it is reasonable to make some addition,
since it appears that all Joseph's generation
died before the oppression commenced, and it
is probable that it bad begun some time before
the birth of Moses. The sum we thus obtuin
cannot bo fur different from 430 years, a period
for the whole sojourn that these data must thus
be held to confirm. — C. Third Period, from
the Exodus to the Foundation of Solomon's
Temple. — There is but one pasi'igc from
which we obtain the length of this period as a
whole. It is that in which the Foundation of
the Temple is dated, in the 480th (Hub.) or
440th (LXX.) year after the Exodus, in the
4th yr. 2d m. of Solomon's reign (1 K. vi. I).
Subtracting from 480 or 440 yrs. the first three
yrs. of Solomon and the 40 of David, we ob-
tain (480-43 =) 437 or (440-43 =) 397 yrs.
These results we have first to compare with the
detached numbers. These arc as follows : —
A. From Exodus to death of Moses, 40 y rs.
B. Leadership of Joshua, 7 + x yrs. C. Inter-
val between Joshua's death and the First Ser-
vitude, x yrs. D. Servitudes and rule of Judges
until Eli s death, 430 yrs. E. Period from
Eli's death to Saul's accession, 20 t x yrs. F.
Saul's reign, 40 yrs. G. David's reign, 40 yrs.
H. Solomon's reign to foundation of Temple,
3 yrs. Sum, 3* -I- 580 yrs. It is possible to
obtain approximative^ the length of the three
wanting numbers. Joshua's age at the Exodus
was 20 or 20 + * yrs. (Num. xiv. 29, 30), and
at his death, 1 10 : therefore the utmost length
of lus rule must be (110-20-40=) 50 yrs.
After Joshua there is the time of the Elders
who overlived him, then a period of disolie-
dience and idolatry, a servitude of 8 yrs., de-
liverance by Othniel the son of Kenaz, the
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nephew of Caleb, and rest for 40 yrs. until
Otbmel's death. The duration of Joshua's
government is limited by the circumstance that
Caleb's lot was apportioned to him in the 7th
year of the occupation, and therefore of Joshua's
rule, when he was 85 yrs. old, and that he con-
quered the lot after Joshua's death. If wc sup-
pose that Caleb set out to conquer his lot about
7 years after its apportionment, then Joshua's
rule would be about 13 yrs., and he would have
been a little older than Caleb. The interval
between Joshua's death and the First Servitude
is limited by the history of Othniel. He was
already a warrior when Caleb conquered bis
lot ; he lived to deliver Israel from the Mcso-
potamian oppressor, and died ut the end of the
subsequent 40 yrs. of rest. Supposing Othniel
to have been 30 yrs. old when Caleb set out,
and 1 10 yrs. at his death, 32 yrs. would remain
for the interval in question. The rule of Joshua
may be therefore reckoned to have been about
13 yrs., and the subsequent interval to the First
Servitude about 32 yrs., altogether 47 yrs.
These numbers cannot be considered exact ;
but they can hardly be far wrong, more espe-
cially the sum. The residue of Samuel's
judgeship after the 20 yrs. from Eli's death
until the solemn fast and victory at Mizpeh
ran scarcely have much exceeded 20 yrs. Sam-
uel must have been still young at the time of
Eli's death, and he died very near the close of
Saul's reign (1 Sam. xxv. 1, xxviii. 3). If he
were 10 yrs. old at the former date, and judged
for 20 yrs. after the victory at Mizpeh, he would
have been near 90 yrs. old ( 1 ? + 20 + 20 ? + 38 ? )
at his death, which appears to have been a long
period of life at that time. If wc thus suppose
the three uncertain intervals, the residue of
Joshua's rule, the time after his death to the
First Servitude, and Samuel's rule after the
victory at Mizpeh to have been respectively 6,
32, and 20 yrs., the sum of the whole period
will be (580 + 58 = ) 638 yrs. — D. Fourth Pe-
riod, from the Foundation of Solomon's Temple
to its Destruction. — The dates of this period
are more accurately given and can be more
easily ascertained. It is true that if all the
Biblical evidence is carefully collected and com-
pared it will be found that some small and
great inconsistencies necessitate certain changes
of the numbers. The greater difficulties, and
some of the smaller, cannot be resolved without
the supposition that numbers have been altered
by copyists. We must never take refuge in the
idea of an interregnum, since it is a much more
violent hypothesis, considering the facts of the
history, than the conjectural change of a num-
ber. Two interregnums have however been
supposed, one of 1 1 yrs. between Jeroboam II.
and Zachariuh, and the other, of 9 yrs. between
Fekah and Hoshea. We prefer in both cases
*> suppose a longer reign of the earlier of the
two kings between whom the interregnums are
conjectured. With the exception of these two
interregnums, we would accept the computa-
tion ot the interval we ore now considering
given in the margin of the A. V. It must
be added, that the date of the conclusion of this
period, there given B.C. 588, must be corrected
to 586. The whole period may therefore be
held to be of about 425 yrs., that of the undi-
vided kingdom 120 yrs., that of the kingdom
of Judah about 388 yrs., and that of the
kingdom of Israel about 255 yrs. — E. Fifth
Period, from the Destruction of Solomon's
Temple to the Return from the Babylonish
Captivity. — The determination of the length
of this period depends upon the date of the
return to Palestine. The decree of Cyrus lead-
ing to that event was made in the 1st year
of his reign, doubtless at Babylon (Ezr. i". 1),
B.C. 538, but it does not seem certain that the
Jews at once returned. Two numbers, held by
some to be identical, must here be considered.
One is the period of 70 yrs., during which the
tyranny of Babylon over Palestine and the
East generally was to last, prophesied by Jere-
miah (xxv.), and the other, the 70 years' cap-
tivity (xxix. 10; 2 Chr. xxxvi 21 ; Dan. ut.
2). The commencement of the former period
is plainly the 1st year of Nebuchadnezzar and
4th of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxv. 1), when the suc-
cesses of the king of Babylon began (xlvi. 2),
and the miseries of Jerusalem (xxv. 29), and
the conclusion, the fell of Babylon (ver. 26).
The famous 70 years of captivity would seem
to be the same period as this, since it was to
terminate with the return of the captives (Jer
xxix. 10). This period we consider to be of
48-f-i yrs., the doubtful number being the time
of the reign of Cyrus before the return to Jeru-
salem, probably a space of about two or three
years. — Principal £>yttrm» of Biblical Chronology.
— Upon the data we have considered three
principal systems of Biblical Chronology have
been founded, which may be termed the Long
System, the Short, and the Rabbinical. There
is a fourth, which, although an offshoot in part
of the last, can scarcely be termed Biblical, in-
asmuch as it depends for the most part upon
theories, not only independent of, but repug-
nant to the Bible : this last is at present peculiar
to Baron Bunsen. The principal advocates of
the Long Chronology are Jackson, Hales, and
Des-Vignoles. They take the LXX. for the
patriarchal generations, and adopt the long in-
terval from the Exodus to the Foundation of
Solomon's Temple. Of the Short Chronology
Ussher may be considered as the most able ad-
vocate. He follows the Heb. in the patriarchal
fenerations, and takes the 480 yrs. from the
xodus to the Foundation of Solomon's Tern-
Ele. The Rabbinical Chronology accepts the
iblical numbers, but makes the most arbitrary
corrections. For the date of the Exodus it
has been virtually accepted by Bunsen, Lepsius,
and Lord A. Hervey.
3 is
B.C. B.C. B.C.' B.C. B.C
Creation Mil MttWMSMUAaxinlclr.tEum
Rood isussiro siM ttff (Nash) c
Abrant learn Harmn — ;9078 ifl23 1031 1961
Exodu. ISM 1593 1491 1SU
Foundation of Solomon '■
Temple 1027
Deftructkm of Solomon's
Tempi* 59s
101410111011
vt»
The principal disagreements of these chronolo-
gers, besides those already indicated, must be
noticed. In the post-diluvian period Hales re-
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jeetz the Second Cainan, and reckons Terah's
age at Abram's birth 130 instead of 70 yean ;
Jackson accepts the Second Cainan, and does
not make any change in the second case ; Us-
«her and Petavius follow the Heb., but the
former alters the generation of Terah, while
the latter does not. The period of the kings,
from the Foundation of Solomon's Temple, is
very nearly the same in the computations of
Jackson, Ussher, and Petavius : Hales length-
ens it by supposing an interregnum of 1 1 yrs.
after the death of Amaziah ; Bunsen shortens
it by reducing the reign of Manasseh from 55
to 45 yrs. — Probable Determination of Data and
Interval*. — Having thus gone over the Biblical
data, it only remains for us to state what we
bebeve to be the most satisfactory scheme of
chronology, derived from a comparison of these
with foreign data. — 1 . Date of the Destruction of
Solomon's Temple. — The Temple was destroyed
in the 19th year of Nebuchadnezzar, in the 5th
month of die Jewish year (Jer. Hi. 12, IS;
z K. zxv. 8, 9). In Ptolemy's Canon this year
is current in the proleptic Julian rear, b.o. 586,
and the 5th month may be considered as about
equal to Augustof that year. — 2. Synchronism of
Josiah and Pharaoh Necho. — Tke death of Jo-
siah can be clearly shown on Biblical evidence
to have taken place in the 22d year before that
ia which the Temple was destroyed, that is, in
the Jewish year from the spring of B.C. 608 to
the spring of 607. Necho s 1 st year is proved
by the Apis-tablets to have been most probably
the Egyptian vague year, Jan. B.C. 609-8, but
possibly B.C. 610-9. The expedition in oppos-
ing which Josiah fell cannot be reasonably dated
earlier than Necho's 2d year, B.C. 609-8 or
608-7. It is important to notice that no earli-
er date of the destruction of the Temple than
».c. 586 can be reconciled with the chronology
of Necho's reign. We have thus b.c. 608-7 for
me last year of Josiah, and 638-7 for that of his
secession, the former date falling within the
time indicated by the chronology of Necho's
torn. — 3. Synchronism of Hezekiah and Tirha-
balL — Tirhakah is mentioned as an opponent
of Sennacherib shortly before the miraculous
destruction of his army in the 14th rear of
H»»n«ti It has been lately proved from the
Apia tablets that the 1st year of Tirhakah's
rogn over Egypt was the vague year current
in b-C. 689. The 14th vear of Hezekiah, ac-
cording to the received chronology, is B.C. 713,
sad, if we correct it 2 yrs. on account of the
lowering of the date of the destruction of the
Temple, b.c 711. If we hold that the expedi-
tion dated in Hezekiah's 14th year was differ-
ent from that which ended in the destruction
of the Assyrian army, we must still place
me latter event before B.C. 695. There is,
ther efor e, a prima Jade discrepancy of at least
6 yrs. An examination of the tacts of the
history has afforded Dr. Hincks what we be-
lieve to be the true explanation. Tirhakah, he
observes, is not explicitly termed Pharaoh or
king of Egypt in the Bible, but king of Cush
or Ethiopia, from which it might be inferred
that at the time of Sennacherib^ disastrous in-
vasion be had not assumed the crown of Egypt.
We hold, therefore, as most probable, that, at
the time of Sennacherib's disastrous expedition,
Tirhakah was king of Ethiopia in alliance with
the king or kings of Egypt. — 4. Synchronism
of Rehoboam and Shishak. — The Biblical evi-
dence for this synchronism is as follows : Rc-
hoboam appears to have come to the throne
about 249 vrs. before the accession of Hezekiah,
and therefore b.c. cir. 973. The invasion of
Shishak took place in his 5th year, by this com-
putation, b.c. 969. He appears to nave come
to the throne at least 21 or 22 yrs. before his
expedition against Rehoboam. An inscription
at the quarries of Silsilis in Upper Egypt re-
cords the cutting of stone in the 22d year of
Sheshonk I., or Shishak, for constructions in
the chief temple of Thebes, where we now find
a record of his conquest of Judah. On theso
grounds we may place the accession of Shi-
shak B.C. cir. 990. — 5. Exodus. — Arguments
founded on independent evidence afford the
best means of deciding which is the most prob-
able computation from Biblical evidence of the
date of the Exodus. A comparison of the Hebrew
calendar with the Egyptian has led the writer to
the following result : — The civil commencement
of the Hebrew year was with the new-moon near-
est to the autumnal equinox ; and at the approxi-
mative date of the Exodus obtained by the long
reckoning, we find that the Egyptian vague
rear commenced at or about that point of time.
This approximative date, therefore, falls about
the time at which the vague year and the He-
brew year, as dated from the autumnal equinox,
nearly or exactly coincided in their commence-
ments. It may be reasonably supposed that the
Israelites in the time of the oppression bad
made use of the vague year as the common
rear of the country, which indeed is rendered
highly probable by the circumstance that they
had mostly adopted the Egyptian religion (Josh,
xxiv. 14 ; Ez. xx. 7, 8), the celebrations of
which were kept according to this year. When,
therefore, the festivals of the Law rendered a
year virtually tropical necessary, of the kind
either restored or instituted at the Exodus, it
seems most probable that the current vague
year was fixed under Moses. If this supposi-
tion be correct, we should expect to find that
the 14th day of Abib, on which fell the full-
moon of the Passover of the Exodus, corre-
sponded to the 14 th day of a Phamenoth, in a
vague year commencing about the autumnal
equinox. It has been ascertained by computa-
tion that a full-moon fell on the 14th day of
Phamenoth, on Thursday, April 21st, in the
year b.c. 1652. A full-moon would not fall on
the same day of the vague year at a shorter in-
terval than 25 yrs. before or after this date,
while the triple coincidence of the new-moon,
vague year, and autumnal equinox, could not
recur in less than 1,500 vague years (Enc. Brit.
8th ed. art. " Egypt," p. 458). The date thus
obtained is but 4 yrs. earlier than Hales's, and
the interval from it to that of the Foundation
of Solomon's Temple, b.c. cir. 1010, would be
about 642 yrs., or 4 yrs. in excess of that
previously obtained from the numerical state-
ments in the Bible. We therefore take B.C.
1652 as the most satisfactory date of the Exo-
dus. — 6. Date of the Commencement of the 430
Years of Sojourn. — We hold the 430 years of
Sojourn to have commenced when Abraham
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entered Palestine, and that the interval was of
430 complete years, or a little more, commen-
cing about the time of the vernal equinox, B.C.
2082, or nearer the beginning of that prolcptic
Julian year — 7. Date of the Dispersion. —
Taking the LXX. numbers as most probable,
the Dispersion must be placed B.C. cir. 2698,
or, if we accept Usshcr's correction of the age
of Terah at the birth of Abraham, cir. 2758. —
8. Date of the Flood. — The Flood, as ending
about 401 yrs. before the birth of Peleg,
would be placed B.C. cir. 3099 or 3159. The
year preceding, or the 402d, was that mainly
occupied by the catastrophe. It is most reason-
able to suppose the Noachian colonists to have
begun to spread about three centuries after the
Flood. As far as we can learn, no independ-
ent historical evidence points to an earlier pe-
riod than the middle of the 28th century B.C.
as the time of the foundation of kingdoms, al-
though the chronology of Egypt reaches to
about this period, while that of Babylon and
other states docs not greatly fall short of the
same antiquity. — 9. Date of the Creation of
Adam. — The numbers given by the LXX. for
the antediluvian patriarchs would place the
creation of Adam 2,262 yrs. before the end of
the Flood, or B.C. cir. 5361 or 5421.
Chrysolite, one of the precious stones in
the foundation of the heavenly Jerusalem ( Rev.
xxi. 20). It has been already stated [Beryl]
that the chrysolite of the ancients is identical
with the modern Oriental topaz, the tarshish of
the Hebrew Bible.
Chrysoprase occurs only in Rev. xxi. 20.
Mr. King (Antique Gems, p. 59, note) says that
the true chrysoprase is sometimes found in an-
tique Egyptian jewelry set alternately with bits
of lapis-lazuli : it is not improbable therefore
that this is the stone which was the tenth in
the walls of the heavenly Jerusalem.
Chub, the name of a people in alliance with
Egypt in the time of Nebuchadnezzar (Ez.
xxx. 5), and probably of Northern Africa, or
of the lands near Egypt to the south. Some
have proposed to recognize Chub in the names
of various African places. Others, however,
think the present Heb. text corrupt in this
word. It has been therefore proposed to read
Nub for Nubia, as the Arab. vers, has " the
people the Noobeh." Far better, on the score
of probability, is the emendation which Hitzig
proposes, Lull. The Lubim might well occur
among the peoples suffering in the fall of Egypt.
In the absence of better evidence, we prefer the
reading of the present Heb. text.
Chun, a city of Hadadezer, called Berothai
in 2 Sam. viii. 8. Chun is believed to be a cor-
ruption (1 Chr. xviii. 8). [Berothaii.]
Church. (I.) The derivation of the word
Church is uncertain. It is generally said to be
derived from the Greek Kvpumov. But the deri-
vation has been too hastily assumed. It was
probably connected with kirk, the Latin circus,
circulus, the Greek niiiOjoc, and possibly also
with the Welsh et/lch, ad, ci/nehle, or caer. — II.
The word ix/tAnata is no doubt derived from
IkkoacIv, and in accordance with its derivation
it originally meant an assembly called out by
the magistrate, or by legitimate authority. This
is the ordinary classical sense of the word. But
it throws no light on the nature of the institu-
tion so designated in the New Testament. For
to the writers of the N. T. the word had now
lost its primary signification, and was either
used generally for any meeting (Acts xix. 32),
or more particularly it denoted ( 1 ) the religious
assemblies of the Jews (Deut. iv. 10, xviii. 16) ;
(2) the whole assembly or congregation of the
Israelitish people (Acts vii. 38; Heb. ii. 12 ; Ps.
xxii. 22; Deut. xxxi. 30). It was in this last
sense that the word was adopted and applied by
the writers of the N. T. to the Christian congre-
gation. The chief difference between the words
" ccclesia " and " church " would probably con-
sist in this, that " ccclesia " primarily signified
the Christian body, and secondarily the place
of assembly, while the first signification of
" church " was the place of assembly, which
imparted its name to the body of worshippers.
— III. The Church at described in the Gospels. —
The word occurs only twice ; each time in St.
Matthew (Matt. xvi. 18, "On this rock will I
build my Church ; " xviii. 17. " Tell it unto the
Church ). In every other case it is spoken of
as " the kingdom of heaven " by St. Matthew,
and as " the kingdom of God " by St. Mark and
St. Luke. St. Mark, St. Luke, and St. John,
never use the expression " kingdom of heaven."
St. John once uses the phrase "kingdom of
God"(iii. 3). St. Matthew occasionally speaks
of " the kingdom of God " (vi. 33, xxi. 31, 43),
and sometimes simply of "the kingdom" (iv.
23, xiii. 19, xxiv. 14). In xiii. 41 and xvi. 28,
it is " the Son of Man's kingdom." In xx. 21 ,
" thy kingdom," i.e. Christ's. In the one Gos-
pel of St. Matthew the Church is spoken of no
less than thirty-six times as " the kingdom."
Other descriptions or titles are hardly found in
the Evangelists. It is Christ's household (Matt,
x. 25), the salt and light of the world (v. i;i,
15), Christ's flock (Matt. xxvi. 31 ; John x. 1),
its members are the branches growing on Christ
the Vine (John xv.) ; but the general description
of it, not metaphorically but directly, is, that it
is a kingdom (Matt. xvi. 19). From the Gos-
pel, then, we learn that Christ was about to
establish His heavenly kingdom on earth, which
was to be the substitute for the Jewish Church
and kingdom, now doomed to destruction
(Matt. xxi. 43).— IV. The Church as described
in tlte Acts and in the Epistles — its Origin, Nature,
Constitution, and Groicth. — From the Gospels
we leant little in the way of detail as to the
kingdom which was to be established. It was
in the great forty days which intervened between
the Resurrection and the Ascension that oar
Lord explained specifically to His Apostles
" the things pertaining to the kingdom of
God " (Acts i. 3), that is, his future Church. —
Its Origin. — The removal of Christ from the
earth had left His followers a shattered company
with no bond of external or internal cohesion,
except the memory of the Master whom they
hail lost, and the recollection of his injunctions
to unity and love, together with the occasional
•rlimpscs of His presence which were vouchsafed
them. They continued together, meeting for
prayer and supplication, and waiting for Christ's
promise of the gift of the Holy Ghost. Thev num-
bered in all some 1 40 persons, namely, the eleven,
the faithful women, the lord 's mother, His breth-
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Ten,andl20disciples. They had faith to believe
that there was a work before them which they
were about to be called to perform ; and that
they might be ready to do it, they filled up the
somber of the Twelve by the appointment of
Matthias " to be a true witness " with the eleven
" of the Resurrection. " The Day of Pentecost
is the birth-day of the Christian Church. The
Spirit, who was then sent by the Son from
me Father, and rested on each of the Disciples,
combined them once more into a whole — com-
bined them as they never had before been
combined, by an internal and spiritual bond of
cohesion. Before they had been individual fol-
lowers of Jesus, now they became His mystical
body, animated by His Spirit. — Its Nature. —
■ Then they that gladly received his word were
baptised . . . and they continued steadfastly in
die Apostles' doctrine and fellowship, and in
breaking of bread and in prayers " (Acts ii. 41 ).
Here we have indirectly exhibited the essential
conditions of Church Communion. They are
(1) Baptism, Baptism implying on the part of
the recipient repentance and faith ; (2) Apostolic
Doctrine; (3) Fellowship with the Apostles ;
(4) die Lord's Supper; (5) Public Worship.
Every requisite for church-membership is here
enumerated not only for the Apostolic days, but
for future ages. St. Luke's treatise being his-
torical, not dogmatical, he does not directly
enter further into the essential nature of the
Church. The community of goods, which he
describes as being universal amongst the mem-
bers of the infant society (ii. 44, iv. 32), is spe-
cially declared to be a voluntary practice (v. 4),
aot a necessary duty of Christians as such
(camp. Acta ix. 36, 39, xi. 29). From the illus-
trations adopted by St. Paul in his Epistles, we
have additional light thrown upon the nature
of the Church. The passage which is most
ulastrative of our subject in the Epistles is
Eph iv. 3, 6. Here we see what it is that
eonsutu tea the unity of the Church in the mind
of the Apostle: (1) unity of Headship, "one
Lord;" (2) unity of belief, "one faith;" (3)
anity of Sacraments, " one baptism ; " (4) unity
of hope of eternal life, " one hope of your call-
ing; (5) unity of love, " unity of the Spirit
ia the bond of peace; " (6) unity of organiza-
tion, "one body." The Church, then, at this
period, was a body of baptized men and women
who believed in Jesus as the Christ, and in the
revelation made by Him, who were united by
having the same faith, hope, and animating
Spirit of love, the same Sacraments, and the
same spiritual invisible Head. — What was the
Caattitatkm of this body? — On the evening of
the Day of Pentecost, the 3,140 members
of which it consisted were (1) Apostles, (2)
previous Disciples, (3) converts. At this time
the Church was not only morally but actually
one congregation. Soon, however, its numbers
grew so considerably that it was a physical im-
possibility that all its members should come to-
gether in one spot. It became, therefore, an
aggregate of congregations, though without
losmg its essential unity. The Apostles, who
bad been closest to the Lord Jesus in bis life on
earth would doubtless have formed the centres
of the several congregations. Thus the Church
continued for apparently some seven years, but
21
at the end of that time " the number of dis-
ciples was " so greatly " multiplied " (Acts vi. 1 )
that the Twelve Apostles found themselves to
be too few to carry out these works unaided.
They thereupon for the first time exercised the
powers of mission intrusted to them (John xx.
21), and by laying their hands on the Seven
who were recommended to them by the general
body of Christians, they appointed them to fulfil
the secular task of distributing the common
stock. It is it question which cannot be cer-
tainly answered whether the office of these
Seven is to be identified with that of the deacons
elsewhere found. We incline to the hypothesis
which makes the Seven the originals of the
Deacons. From this time therefore, or from
about this time, there existed in the Church —
( 1 ) the Apostles ; (2) the Deacons and Evangel-
ists ; (3) the multitude of the faithful. We hear
of no other Church-officer till the year 44, seven
years after the appointment of the deacons. We
find that there were then in the Church of Jerusa-
lem officers named Presbyters (xi. 30) who were
the assistants of James, the chief administrator
of that Church (xii. 17). The circumstances of
their first appointment are not recounted. No
doubt they were similar to those under which
the Deacons were appointed. The name of
Presbyter or Elder implies that the men selected
were of mature age. By the year 44, therefore,
there were in the Church of Jerusalem — ( 1 ) the
Apostles holding the government of the whole
boar in theirown hands ; (2) Presbyters invested
by the Apostles with authority for conducting
public worship in each congregation ; (31 Dea-
cons or Evangelists similarly invested with the
lesser power of preaching and of baptizing unbe-
lievers, and of distributing the common goods
among the brethren. The same order was es-
tablished in the Gentile Churches founded by
St Paul, the only difference being that those
who were called Presbyters in Jerusalem bore
indifferently the name of Bishops (Phil. i. 1 ;
1 Tim. iii. 1, 2: Tit i. 7) or of Presbyters
(1 Tim. v. 17 ; Tit. i. 5) elsewhere. It was in
the Church of Jerusalem that another order of
the ministry found its exemplar. James the
brother of the Lord remained unmolested during
the persecution of Herod Agrippa in the year 44,
and from this time he is the acknowledged head
of the Church of Jerusalem. A consideration
of Acts xii. 17, xv. 13, 19, Gal. ii. 2, 9, 12,
Acts xxi. 18, will remove all doubt on this
point Whatever his pre-eminence was, he ap-
pears to have borne no special title indicating
it. The example of the Mother Church of
Jerusalem was again followed by the Pauline
Churches. Timothy and Titus had probably
no distinctive title, but it is impossible to read
the Epistles addressed to them without seeing
that they had an authority superior to that of
the ordinary bishops or priests (1 Tim. iii.,
v. 17, 19; Tit i. 5). Thus, then, we see that
where the Apostles were themselves abls to
superintend the Churches that they had founded,
the Church-officers consisted of — (1 ) Apostles ;
(2) Bishop* or Priests; (3) Deacons and Evan-
gelists. When the Apostles were unable to give
personal superintendence, they delegated that
power which they had in common to one of
themselves, as in Jerusalem, or to one in whom
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CHURCH
162
CHURCH
they bad confidence, u at Ephesus and in Crete.
As the Apostles died off, these Apostolic Del-
egates necessarily multiplied. By the end of
the first century, when St. John was the only
Apostle that now survived, they would have
been established in every country, as Crete,
and in every large town where there were several
bishops or priests, such as the seven towns of
Asia mentioned in the Book of Revelation.
These superintendents appear to be addressed
by St. John under the name of Angels. With
St. John's death the Apostolic College was ex-
tinguished, and the Apostolic Delegates or
Angels were left to fill their places in the gov-
ernment of the Church, not with the full
unrestricted power of the Apostles, but with
authority only to be exercised in limited dis-
tricts. In the next century we find that these
officers bore the name of Bishops, while those
who in the first century were called indifferently
Presbyters or Bishops had now only the title
of Presbyters. We conclude, therefore, that
the title bishop was gradually dropped by the
second order of the ministry, and applied spe-
cifically to those who represented what James,
Timothy, and Titus had been in the Apostolic
age. — Its External Growth. — The 3,000 souls
that were added to the Apostles and to the 120
brethren on the day of Pentecost were increased
daily by new converts (Acts ii. 47, v. 14). These
converts were without exception Jews residing
in Jerusalem, whether speaking Greek or He-
brew (vi. 1 ). After seven or eight years a step
was made outwards. Philip, in his capacity of
Evangelist, preached Christ to the Samaritans,
and admitted them into the Church by baptism.
The first purely Gentile convert that we hear of
by name is Sergius Paul us (xiii. 7), but we are
told that the companions of Cornelius were
Gentiles, and by their baptism the admission
of the Gentiles was decided by the agency of
St. Peter, approved by the Apostles and Jewish
Church (xi. 18), not, as might have been ex-
pected, by the agency of St Paul. This great
event took place after the peace caused by
Caligula's persecution of the Jews, which oc-
curred a.d. 40 (ix. 31), and more than a year
before the famine, in the time of Claudius, a.d.
44 (xi. 36, 29). Galilee had already been
evangelized as well as Judssa and Samaria,
though the special agent in the work is not
declared (ix. 31). The history of the growth
of the Gentile Church, so far as we know it, is
identical with the history of St Paul. In his
three journeys he carried Christianity through
the chief cities of Asia Minor and Greece. — Its
further GrouXh. — Three great impulses enlarged
the borders of the Church. The first is that
which began on the day of Pentecost and con-
tinued down to the conversion of Constantino.
By this the Roman Empire was converted to
Christ. The second impulse gathered within
the Church the hitherto barbarous nations
formed by the Teutonic and Celtic tribes. The
third impulse gathered in the Slavonian nations.
The first of these impulses lasted to the fourth
century — the second to tho ninth century —
the third (beginning before the second had
ceased) to the tenth and eleventh centuries. —
V. Alterations in its Constitution. — We have
said that ecclesiastical authority resided (1) in
the Apostles; (2) in the Apostles and the Dra.
cons ; (3) in the Apostles, the Presbyters, and
the Deacons ; (4) in the Apostolic Delegates,
the Presbyters, and the Deacons ; (5) in those
who succeeded the Apostolic Delegates, the
Presbyters, and the Deacons. Ana to these
successors of the Apostolic Delegates came to
be appropriated the title of Bishop, which was
originally applied to Presbyters. At the com-
mencement of the second century and thence-
forwards, Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons are
the officers of the Church wherever the Church
existed. Bishops were looked on as Christ's
Vicegerents, and as having succeeded to the
Apostles. They retained in their own hands
authority over presbyters and the function of
ordination, but with respect to each other they
were equals, whether their see was at Rome or
at Eugubium. Within this equal college of
bishops there soon arose difference of rank,
though not of order. Below the city-bishops
there sprang up i class of country-bishops
(chorepiscopi). Their position was ambiguous,
and in the fifth century they began to decay,
and gradually died out Above the city-bishops
there were, in the second centun apparently.
Metropolitans ; and in the third, Patriarchs or
Exarchs. The metropolitan was the chief
bishop in the civil division of the empire which
was called a province. The authority of the
patriarch or exarch extended over the still larger
division of the civil empire which was called a
diocese. The churches were independent self-
ruled wholes. The only authority which they
recognized as capable of controlling their
separate action was that of an (Ecumenical
Council composed of delegates from each. It
was by John of Constantinople that the first
overt attempt at erecting a Papal Monarchy
was made ; and by Gregory the Great of Rome,
in consequence, it was fiercely and indignantly
denounced. From this time the federal char-
acter of the constitution cf the Church was
overthrown. In the West it became wholly
despotic, and in the East, though the theory
of aristocrarical government was and is main-
tained, the still-cherished title of CEcumenical
Patriarch indicates that it is weakness which
has prevented Constantinople from erecting at
least an Eastern if she could not a Universal
Monarchy. In the sixteenth century a further
change of constitution occurred. A peat part
of Europe revolted from the Western despotism.
The Churches of England and Sweden returned
to, or rather retained, the episcopal form of
government after the model of the first cen-
turies. In parts of Germany, of France, of
Switzerland, and of Great Britain, a Presby-
terian, or still less defined, form was adopted,
while Rome tightened her hold on her yet
remaining subjects, and by destroying all pecu-
liarities of national liturgy and custom, and by
depressing the order of bishops except as inter-
preters of her decrees, converted that part of
the Church over which she had sway into a
jealous centralized absolutism. — VI. Definitions
of the Church. — The Greek Church gives tbo
following : " The Church is a divinely instituted
community of men, united by the orthodox faith,
the law of God, the hierarchy, and the Sacra-
ments." The Latin Church defines it " the
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CHTJSHAN-RISHATHAIM
ICi
CIBCUMCISIOX
company of Christians knit together by the
profession of the same faith ana the commu-
nion of the same Sacraments, nndcr the gov-
ernment of lawful pastors, and especially of the
Roman bishop as the only Vicar of Christ
upon earth." The Church of England, "a
congregation of faithful men in which the pure
word or God is preached, and the Sacraments
be dnly ministered according to Christ's or-
dinance in all those things that of necessity are
requisite to the same." The Lutheran Church,
" a congregation of saints in which the Gospel
is rightly taught and the Sacraments right-
ly administered." The Confessio Helvetica,
" a congregation of faithful men called, or col-
lected oat of the world, the communion of all
saints." The Confessio Saxonies, " a congrega-
tion of men embracing the Gospel of Christ,
and rightly_ using the Sacraments." The Con-
fessio Belgica, " a true congregation, or assem-
bly of all faithful Christians who look for the
whole of their salvation from Jesus Christ
alone, as being washed by His blood, and sane-
nfied and sealed by His Spirit" These defini-
tions show the difficulty in which the different
sections of the divided Church find themselves
in framing a definition which will at once ac-
cord with the statements of Holy Scripture,
and be applicable to the present state of the
Christian world. We must not expect to see
the Church of Holy Scripture actually existing
in its perfection on earth. It is not to be found,
thus perfect, either in the collected fragments
of Christendom, or still less in any one of
these fragments; though it is possible that one
of those fragments more than another may ap-
proach the Scriptural and Apostolic ideal. —
VlL The Faith and Attribute* of the Church.—
The Nicene Creed is the especial and authori-
tative exponent of the Church's faith. We
have the Western form of the same Creed in
that which is called the Creed of the Apostles —
a name probably derived from its having been
the local Creed of Borne, which was the chief
Apostolic see of the West. An expansion of
the same Creed, made in order to meet the
Arian errors, is found in the Creed of St.
Athanasins. The attribute! of the Church are
drawn from the expressions of the Creeds. The
Church is described as One, Holy, Catholic,
Apostolic. Its Unity consists in having one
object of worship (Eph. iv. 6), one Head
(Eph. iv. 15), one body (Rom. xii. 5), one
Sprit (Eph. iv. 4), one faith (ib. 13), hope
(ik 12), love (1 Cor. xiii. 18], the same sacra-
ments (ib. x. 17), discipline, and worship
(Acts ii. 43). Its Holiness depends on its
Head and Spirit, the means of grace which it
offers, and the holiness that it demands of its
members (Eph. iv. 24). Its Catholicity con-
sists in its being composed of many national
Churches, not confined as the Jewish Church
to one country (Mark xvi. 15) ; in its enduring
to the end of time (Matt, xxviii. 20) ; in its
teaching the whole truth, and having at its dis-
posal all the means of grace vouchsafed to man.
Its Apostolicity in being built on the foundation
of the Apostles (Eph. ii. 20], and continuing in
then- doctrine and fellowship (Acts ii. 42).
Chash'an-Rishatha'un, the king of Me-
xpotamia who oppressed Israel during eight
years in the generation immediately following
Joshua (Judg. iii. 8). The seat of his domin-
ion was probably the region between the Eu-
phrates and the Khabour. Chushan-Riahatha-
im's yoke was broken from the neck of the
people of Israel at the end of eight years by
Othniel, Caleb's nephew (Judg. iii. 10), and
nothing more is beard of Mesopotamia as an
aggressive power. The rise of the Assyrian
empire, about B.C. 1270, would naturally re-
duce the bordering nations to insignificance.
Chu'Bi, a place named only in Judith vii. 18,
as near Ekrcbel, and upon the brook Mochmur.
Chu'za (properly ChlUBS), the house-
steward of Herod Antipas (Luke viii. 3).
Cio/car. [Jordan.]
Cili"oia, a maritime province in the S. E.
of Asia Minor, bordering on Famphylia in the
W., Lycaonia and Cappadocia in the N., and
Syria in the E. Lofty mountain chains sepa-
rate it from these provinces, Mons Araanus
from Syria, and Antitaurus from Cappadocia.
The western portion of the province is inter-
sected with the ridges of Antitaurus, and was
denominated Trachiea, rough, in contradistinc-
tion to Pedias, the level district in the E. The
connection between the Jews and Cilicia dates
from the time when it became part of the Syrian
kingdom. In the Apostolic age they were still
there in considerable numbers (Acts vi. 9).
Cilicia was from its geographical poiit ion the
high road between Syria and the West ; it was
also the native country of St. Paul ; hence it
was visited by him, firstly, soon after his con-
version (Gal. i. 21 ; Acts ix. 30) ; and again in
his second apostolical journey, when he entered
it on the side of Syria, and crossed Antitaurus
by the Pylss Cuicias into Lycaonia (Acts
xv. 41).
Cinnamon, a well-known aromatic sub-
stance, the rind of the Laurui cinnamomum,
called Konmda-gauhah in Ceylon. It is men-
tioned in Ex. xxx. 23 as one of the component
parts of the holy anointing oil which Moses
was commanded to prepare — in Prov. vii. 1 7
as a perfume for the bed — and in Cant. iv. 14
as one of the plants of the garden which is the
image of the spouse. In Rev. xviii. 13 it is
enumerated among the merchandise of the
great Babylon. It was imported into Judssa
by the Phoenicians or by the Arabians, and is
now found in Sumatra, Borneo, China, 4c.,
but chiefly, and of the best quality, in the S. W.
part of Ceylon. Sir E. Tennent believes that
it first reached India and Phoenicia overland by
way of Persia from China, and that at a later
period the cassia of the Troglodytic coast sup-
planted the cinnamon of the Far East.
Cittneroth, All, a district named with the
" land of Naphtali " and other northern places
as having been laid waste by Benhadad (1 K.
xv. 20). It was possibly the small enclosed
district north of Tiberias, and by the side of
the lake, afterwards known as "the plain of
Gennesoreth."
Cira'ma. The people of Cirama and Gab-
des came up with Zorobabel from Babylon
(1 Esdr. v. 20). Ap.
Ciroumouion was peculiarly, though not
exclusively, a Jewish rite. It was enjoined up-
on Abraham, the father of the nation, by God
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CIRCUMCISION
IfM
CITHERN
at the institution, and on the token, of the Cov-
enant, which assured to him and his descend-
ants the promise of the Messiah (Gen. xvii.).
It was thus made a necessary condition of
Jewish nationality. Every male child was to
be circumcised when eight days old (Lev.
xii. 3) on pain of death. If the eighth day
were a Sabbath, the rite was not postponed
(John vii. 22, 23). Slaves, whether home-born
or purchased, were circumcised (Gen. xvii. 12,
13) ; and foreigners must have their males cir-
cumcised before they could be allowed to par-
take of the passover (Ex. xii. 48), or become
Jewish citizens. The operation, which was per-
formed with a sharp instrument (Ex. iv. 25 ;
Josh. v. 2), was a painful one, at least to grown
persons (Gen. xxxiv. 25 ; Josh. v. 8). It seems
to have been customary to name a child when
it was circumcised (Luke i. 59). The use of
circumcision by other nations besides the Jews
is to be gathered almost entirely from sources
extraneous to the Bible. The rite has been
found to prevail extensively both in ancient
and modern times ; and among some nations,
as, for instance, the Abyssimans, Nubians,
modern Egyptians, and Hottentots, a similar
custom is said to be practised by both sexes.
The biblical notice of the rite describes it as
distinctively Jewish ; so that in the N. T.
" the circumcision " (h ittpnofoi) and " the un-
circumcision " (7 d*po0v<m'a) are frequently
used as synonymes for the Jews and the Gen-
tiles. Circumcision certainly belonged to the
Jews as it did to no other people, by virtue of
its divine institution, of the religious privileges
which were attached to it, and of the strict reg-
ulations which enforced its observance. More-
over, the 0. T. history incidentally discloses
the fact that many, if not all, of the nations
with whom they came in contact were uncir-
cumcised. The origin of the custom amongst
one large section of those Gentiles who follow
it is to be found in the biblical record of the
circumcision of Ishmael (Gen. xvii. 25). Jo-
sephus relates that the Arabians circumcise af-
ter the thirteenth year, because Ishmael, the
founder of their nation, was circumcised at that
age. Though Mohammed did not enjoin cir-
cumcision in the Koran, he was circumcised
himself, according to the custom of his coun-
try; and circumcision is now as common
amongst the Mohammedans as amongst the
Jews. The process of restoring a circumcised
person to his natural condition by a surgical
operation was sometimes undergone. Some of
the Jews in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes,
wishing to assimilate themselves to the heathen
around them, built a gymnasium (yvfivaotov)
at Jerusalem; and that they might not be known
to be Jews when they appeared naked in the
games, they " made themselves uncircumcised "
(1 Mace. i. 15). Against having recourse to
this practice, from an excessive anti-Judaistic
tendency, St. Paul cautions the Corinthians
(1 Cor. vii. 18). The attitude which Chris-
tianity, at its introduction, assumed towards
circumcision, was one of absolute hostility, so
far as the necessity of the rite to salvation, or
its possession of any religious or moral worth,
were concerned (Acts xv. ; Gal. v. 2). The
Abyssinian Christians still practise circumcis-
ion as a national custom. An ethical idea to
attached to circumcision even in the O. T. (Ex.
vi. 12, 30 ; Jer. vi. 10 ; Lev. xxvi. 41 ), because
circumcision was the symbol of purity (see Is.
Hi. 1).
Cis, Acts xiii. 21. [Rish, 1.]
Ci'sai, Esth. xi. 2. [Kish, 2.]
Cistern, a receptacle for water, either con-
ducted from an external spring, or proceeding
from rain-fall. The dryness of the sn miner
months between May and September, in Syria,
and the scarcity of springs in many parts of
the country, make it necessary to collect in res-
ervoirs and cisterns the rain-water, of which
abundance falls in the intermediate period.
The larger sort of public tanks or reservoirs,
in Arabic Birkeh, Hebr. Bertcah, are usually
called in A. V. " pool," while for the smaller
and more private it is convenient to reserve the
name cistern. Both birkehs and cisterns are
frequent throughout the whole of Syria and
Palestine. On the long forgotten way from
Jericho to Bethel, " broken cisterns " of high
antiquity are found at regular intervals. Jeru-
salem, described by Strabo as well supplied with
water, in a dry neighborhood, depends mainly
for this upon its cisterns, of which almost every
private house possesses one or more, excavated
in the rock on which the city is built. The
cisterns have usually a round opening at the
top, sometimes built up with stonework above
and furnished with a curb and a wheel for the
bucket (Eccl. xii. 6), so that they have exter-
nally much the appearance of an ordinary well.
The water is conducted into them from the
roofs of the houses during the rainy season,
and with care remains sweet during the whole
summer and autnmn. In this manner most of
the larger houses and public buildings are sup-
plied. Empty cisterns were sometimes used as
prisons and places of confinement Joseph was
cast into a "pit" (Gen. xxxvii. 22), and his
" dungeon " in Egypt is called by the same name
(xii. 14). Jeremiah was thrown into a miry
though empty cistern, whose depth is indicated
by the cords used to let him down (Jer. xxxviii.
6).
Cithern (1 Mace. iv. 54), a musical instru-
ment, resembling a guitar, most probably of
Greek origin, employed by the Chaldteana,
and introduced by the Hebrews into Palestine
on their return thi ther after the
Babylonian captivity. With
respect to the shape of the
Cithern or Cithara mentioned
in the Apocrypha, the opinion
of the learned is divided : ac-
cording to some it resembled
in form the Greek delta A,
others represent it as a half-
moon, and others again like
the modern guitar. In many
Eastern countries it is still in
use with strings, varying in
number from three to twenty-
four. Under the name of Koothir, the traveller
Niebuhr describes it as a wooden plate or dish, .
with a hole beneath, and a piece of akin
stretched above like a drum. In Mendelssohn's
edition of the Psalms, the Koothir or Kathna
is described by the accompanying figure. An.
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CITIES
165
CITRON
Cities. 1. 'Ar, and also 'Ir. 2. Khyath ;
probably the most ancient name for city, bnt
seldom used in prose as a general name for
town. The classification of the human race
into dwellers in towns and nomad wanderers
(Gen. iv. 20, 22) seems to be intimated by the
etymological sense of both words, as places of
security against an enemy, distinguished from
the nnwalled village or hamlet, whose resist-
ance is more easily overcome by the maraud-
ing tribes of the desert. The earliest notice
in Scripture of city-building is of Enoch by
Cain, in the land of his exile (Gen. iv. 17).
After the confusion of tongues, the descend-
ants of Nimrod founded Babel, Erech, Accad.
and Calneh, in the land of Shinar, and Asshur,
a branch from the same stock, built Nineveh,
Rehoooth-by-the-river, Calah, and Rescn, the
last being " a great city." A subsequent pas-
sage mentions Sidon, Gaza, Sodom, Gomorrah,
Admah, Zeboim, and Lasha, as cities of the
Can&anites, but without implying for them an-
tiquity equal to that of Nineveh and the rest
(Gen. x. 10-12, 19, xi. 3, 9, xxxvi. 37). The
earliest description of a city, properly so called,
U that of Sodom (Gen. xix. 1-22) ; but it is
certain that from very early times cities existed
on the sites of Jerusalem, Hebron, and Damas-
cus. Hebron is said to have been built seven
years before Zoan (Tanis) in Egypt, and is thus
the only Syrian town which presents the ele-
ments of a date for its foundation (Num. xiii.
22). Even before the time of Abraham there
were cities in Egypt (Gen. xii. 14, 15; Num.
xiii. 22), and the Israelites, during their sojourn
there, were employed in bnilding or fortifying
the " treasure cities " of Pithom and Raamscs
(Ex. i. 11). Meanwhile the settled inhabitants
of Syria on both sides of the Jordan had grown
in power and in number of " fenced cities,"
which were occupied and perhaps partly rebuilt
or fortified after the conquest. But from some
of these the possessors were not expelled till a
late period, and Jerusalem itself was not cap-
tared till the time of David (2 Sam. v. 6, 9).
From this time the Hebrews became a city-dwell-
ing and agricultural rather than a pastoral
people. David enlarged Jerusalem, and Solo-
mon, besides embellishing his capital, also built
or rebuilt Tadmor (Palmyra), Gezer, Beth-
boron, Hazor, and Megiddo, besides store-cities
(2 Sam. t. 7,9, 10; 1 K.ix. 15-18; 2Chr.viii.
6). Collections of houses in Syria for social
habitation may be classed under three heads :
— 1. cities; 2. towns with citadels or towers
for resort and defence; 3. nnwalled villages.
The cities may be assumed to have been in al-
most all cases " fenced cities." But around
the city, especially in peaceable times, lay un-
defended suburbs (1 Chr. vi. 57; Num. xxxv.
1-5; Josh, xxi.), to which the privileges of the
city extended. The city thus became the cita-
del, while the population overflowed into the
suburbs (1 Mace. xi. 61). The absence of walls,
as indicating security in peaceable times, is il-
lustrated by the prophet Zechariah (ii. 4 ; 1 K.
iv. 25). According to Eastern custom, special
cities were appointed to furnish special supplies
for the service of the state. Governors for
these and their surrounding districts were a;
pointed by David and by Solomon (1 K. iv.
t.
ix. 19 ; 1 Chr. xxrii. 25 ; 2 Chr. xvii. 12, xxi.
3 ; 1 Mace. x. 39). To this practice our Lord
alludes in his parable of the pounds. In many
Eastern cities much space is occupied by gar-
dens, and thus the size of the city is greatly
increased. The vast extent of Nineveh and
of Babylon may thus be in part accounted for.
In most Oriental cities the streets are extremely
narrow, seldom allowing more than two loaded
camels, or one camel and two foot passengers,
to pass each other, though it is clear that some
of the streets of Nineveh must have been wide
enough for chariots to pass (Nah. ii. 4). The
open spaces near the gates of towns were in
ancient times, as they arc still, used as places
of assembly by the elders, of holding courts by
kings and judges, and of genera] resort by citi-
zens (Gen. xxiii. 10; Ruth iv. 1; Matt. vi. 5;
Luke xiii. 26, Ac.). They were also used as
places of public exposure by way of punish-
ment (Jer. xx. 2 ; Am. v. 10).
Cities Of Refuge. Six Levitical cities
specially chosen for refuge to the involuntary
homicide until released from banishment by the
death of the high-priest (Num. xxxv. 6, 13, 15 ;
Josh. xx. 2, 7, 9). There were three on each
side of Jordan. 1. Kedksh, in Naphtali (1
Chr. vi. 76). 2. Sbechem , in Mount Ephraim
(Josh. xxi. 21 ; 1 Chr. vi. 67; 2 Chr. x. 1).
3. Hebron, in Judah (Josh. xxi. 13 ; 2 Sam.
v. 5 ; 1 Chr. vi. 55, xxix. 27 ; 2 Chr. xi. 10). 4.
On the E. side of Jordan — Bezer, in the tribe
of Reuben, in the plains of Moab (Deut. iv. 43 ;
Josh. xx. 8, xxi. 36 ; 1 Mace. v. 26). 5. Ra-
moth-Gilead, in the tribe of Gad (Deut. iv.
43 ; Josh. xxi. 38 ; IK. xxii. 5). 6. Golan, in
Bashan, in the half-tribe of Manassch (Deut
iv. 43 ; Josh. xxi. 27 ; 1 Chr. vi. 71 ). Maimon-
ides says all the 48 Levitical cities had the
privilege of asylum, but that the six refuge-
cities were required to receive and lodge the
homicide gratuitously. The directions respect-
ing the rcnigc-cities present some difficulties in
interpretation. The Levitical cities were to
have a space of 1,000 cubits (about 503 yards)
beyond the city wall for pasture and other pur-
poses. Presently after, 2,000 cubits are ordered
to be the suburb limit (Num. xxxv. 4, 5). The
solution of the difficulty may be, cither the 2,000
cubits are to be added to the 1,000 as " fields of
the suburbs" (Lev. xxv. 34), or the additional
2,000 cubits were a special gift to the refuge-
cities, whilst the other Levitical cities had only
1,000 cubits for suburb.
Cifims, 1 Mace. viii. 5. [Chittim.]
Citizenship. The use of this term in
Scripture has exclusive reference to the usages
of the Roman empire. The privilege of Roman
citizenship was originally acquired in various
ways, as by purchase (Acts xxii. 28), by mili-
tary services, by favor, or by manumission.
The right once obtained descended to a man's
children (Acts xxii. 28). Among the privi-
leges attached to citizenship, we may note that
a man could not be bound or imprisoned with-
out a formal trial (Acts xxii. 29), still less ho
scourged (Acts xvi. 37 ; Cic. in I err. v. 63, 66).
Another privilege attaching to citizenship was
the appeal from a provincial tribunal to the
emperor at Rome (Acts xxv. 11).
Citron. [Apple Treb.|
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CLEMENT
166
CNIDU8
Olauda (Acta xxvii. 16). A small island
nearly due W. of Cape Matala on the S. coast
of Crete, and nearly due S. of Phojnick. It
U still called Clauaunetu, or Gaudoaai, by the
Greeks, which the Italians have corrupted into
Gozxo. The ship which conveyed St. Paul was
seized by the gale a little after passing Cape
Matala, when on her way from Fair Havens to
Phcenicc (Acts xxvii. 12-17). The storm came
down from the island (v. 14), and there was
danger lest the ship should be driven into the
African Syrtis (v. 17). It is added that she
was driven to Clauda and ran under the lee of
it (v. 16). The gale came from the N. E., or
E. N. E. Under the lee of Clauda there would
be smooth water.
Clau'dia, a Christian woman mentioned
in 2 Tim. iv. 21, as saluting Timothcus. There
is reason for supposing that this Claudia was a
British maiden, daughter of king Cogidubnus,
an ally of Rome, who took the name of his
imperial patron, Tiberius Claudius. She ap-
pears to have become the wife of Pudens, who
is mentioned in the same verse.
Clau'diUB, fourth Roman emperor, reigned
from 41 to 54 a.d. He was the son of Nero
Drusus, was born in Lyons Aug. 1, B.C. 9 or
10, and lived private and unknown till the day
of his being called to the throne, January 24,
a.d. 41. He was nominated to the supreme
power mainly through the influence of Herod
Agrippa the First. In the reign of Claudius
there were several famines, arising from unfa-
vorable harvests, and one such occurred in Pal-
estine and Syria (Acts xi. 28-30) under the
procurators Cuspius Fadus and Tiberius Alex-
ander, which perhaps lasted some years. Clau-
dius was induced, by a tumult of the Jews in
Rome, to expel them from the city (cf. Acts
xviii. 2). The date of this event is uncertain.
After a weak and foolish reign he was poisoned
by his fourth wife Agrippina, the mother of
Nero, Oct 13, a.d. 54.
Claudius Lys'ias. [Lysias.]
Clay. As the sediment of water remaining
in pits or in streets, the word is used frequently
in O. T. (Is. lvii. 20 ; Jer. xxxviii. 6 ; Ps. xviii.
42), and in N. T. John ix. 6), a mixture of
sand or dust with spittle. It is also found in
the sense of potters clay (Is. xli. 25). The
word most commonly used for " potter's clay "
is chdmer (Ex. i. 14 ; Job iv. 19 ; Is. xxix. 16;
Jer. xviii. 4, &c.). The great seat of the pot-
tery of the present day in Palestine is Gaza,
where are made the vessels in dark blue clay so
frequently met with. Another use of clay was
for sealing (Job xxxviii. 14). Wine jars in
Egypt were sometimes sealed with clay ; mum-
my pits were scaled with the same substance,
and remains of clav are still found adheriug to
the stone door-jambs. Our Lord's tomb may
have been thus sealed (Matt, xxvii. 66), as also
the carthem vessel containing the evidences of
Jeremiah's purchase (Jer. xxxii. 14). The seal
used for public documents was rolled on the
moist clay, and the tablet was then placed in
the fire and baked. The practice of sealing
doors with clay to facilitate detection in case of
malpractice is still common in the East.
Clem'ent (Phil. iv. 3), a fellow-laborer of
Bt. Paul, when he was at I'liilippi. It was gen-
erally believed in the ancient church, that this
Clement was identical with the Bishop of Rome,
who afterwards became so celebrated.
Cle'opas, one of the two disciples who i
going to Emmaus on the day of the resurrection
(Luke xxiv. 18). It is a question whether this
Clcopas is to be considered as identical with
Cleophas (occur. Clopas) or Aiphssus in John
xix. 25. On the whole, it seems safer to doubt
their identity.
Cleopatra. 1. " The wife of Ptolemy "
(Esth. xi. 1) was probably the grand-daughter
of Antiochus, and wife of Ptof. VI. Philonie-
tor. — 2. A daughter of Ptol. VI. Philomctor
and Cleopatra (1), who was married first to
Alexander Balas B.C. 150 (1 Mace. x. 58), and
afterwards given by her rather to Demetrius
Nicatorwhcn he invaded Syria(l Macc.xi. 12).
During the captivity of Demetrius in Forth ia,
Cleopatra married his brother Antiochus VIL
Sidetes. She afterwards murdered Seleacus,
her eldest son by Demetrius; and at length
was herself poisoned B.C. 120 by a draught
which she had prepared for her second son An-
tiochus VTII. Ap.
Cle'orjhas. [Clkopas; Ai.PH.ecs.]
Clothing. [Dbess.]
Cloud. The shelter given, and refresh-
ment of rain promised, by clouds, give them
their peculiar prominence in Oriental imagery,
and the individual cloud in an ordinarily cloud-
less region becomes well defined and is dwelt
upon like the individual tree in the bare land-
scape. When a cloud appears, rain is ordina-
rilv apprehended, and thus the " cloud without
rain becomes a proverb for the man of prom-
ise without performance (Prov. xvi. 15; Is.
xviii. 4, xxv. 5 ; Jude 1 2 ; comp. Prov. xxv.
14). The cloud is a figure of transitoriness
(Job xxx. 15 ; Hos. vi. 4), and of whatever
intercepts divine favor or human supplication
(Lam. li. 1, iii. 44). Being the least substan-
tial of visible forms, it is the one amongst ma-
terial things which suggests most easily spirit-
ual being. Hence it is the recognized machine-
ry by which supernatural appearances are in-
troduced (Is. xix. 1 ; Ez. i. 4 ; Rev. i. 7). A
bright cloud, at any rate at times, visited and
rested on the Mercy Seat (Ex. xxix. 42, 43;
1 K. viii. 10, 1 1 ; 2 Chr. v. 14 ; Ez. xliii. 4) and
was by later writers named Shechinah.
Cloud, PiUar Of. This was the active
form of the symbolical glory-cloud, betokening
God's presence to lead His chosen host, or to
inquire and visit ofiences, as the luminous cloud
of the sanctuary exhibited the same under an
aspect of repose. The cloud, which became a
pillar when the host moved, seems to have
rested at other times on the tabernacle, whence
God is said to have " come down in the pillar"
(Num. xii. 5 ; so Ex. xxxiii. 9, 10). It pre-
ceded the host, apparently resting on the ark
which led the way (Ex. xiii. 21, xl. 36, 4c. ;
Num. ix. 15-23, x. 34).
Cni'dus is mentioned in 1 Mace. xv. 23, as
one of the Greek cities which contained Jewish
residents in the 2d century B.C., and in Acts
xxvii. 7 as a harbor which was passed by St
Paul after leaving Myra, and before running
under the lee of Crete. It was a city of great
consequence, situated at the extreme S. W. of
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CCELE-SYRIA
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C0L088E
the peninsula of Asia Minor, on a promontory
■ow called Cape Crio, which project* between
the islands of Cos and Rhodes (see Acts xxi. 1).
All the remains of Cnidns show that it most
hue been a city of great magnificence.
Coal. In A. vT this word represents no
less than fire different Heb. words. 1. The
first snd moot frequently used is gachdeth, a live
ember, burning fuel, as distinguished from
pedum (Prov. xxvi. 21). In 2 Sam. xxii. 9,
13, "coals of fire " are pnt metaphorically for
the lightnings proceeding from God (Ps. xviii.
3, 12, 13, cxI. 10). In Prov. xxr. 32 we have
the proverbial expression, " Thou shalt heap
coals of fire upon his head," which has been
adopted by St. Paul in Rom. xii. 20, and by
which is metaphorically expressed the burning
shame and confusion Which men must feel when
their evil is requited by good. — 2. Pecham.
In Pror. xxvi. 21, this word clearly signifies
fid not jet lighted. The fuel mean tin the above
passages is probably charcoal, and not coal in
oar sense of the word. — 3. Itetteph, or Rittpah.
In the narrative of Elijah's miraculous meal
(1 K. xix. 6) the word is used to describe the
mode in which the cake was baked, vis. on a
hot stone, as is still usual in the East. Ritspah
in Is. vi. 6, property means " a hot stone. —
4. Rt ehep k in Hub. iii. 5 is rendered in A. V.
"bainmj; coals," and in the margin " burning
dixases." The former meaning is supported
Iit Cant viii. 6, the latter by Dent xxxii. 24.
— 5. Shfchtr, Lara. iv. 8, is rendered in A. V.
* their visage is blacker than a coal," or in the
mirg. " darker than blackness."
Coat [Dress]
Cock. There appears to be no mention of
domestic poultry in the O. T. In the N. T.
the "cock" is mentioned in reference- to St.
Peter's denial of onr Lord, and indirectly in
the word "cock-crowing" (Matt. xxvi. 34;
Msrk xiv. 30, xiii. 35, 4c.). We know that
the domestic cock and hen were curly known to
the ancient Greeks and Roman? and as no men-
tion is made in the O. T. of the*" birds, and no
Sgnres of them occur on the Egyptian monu-
ments, we are inclined to think that they came
into Judaea with the Romans, who, as is well
known, prized these birds both as articles of
food and for cock-fighting.
Cockatrice. [Adder.]
Cockle (Heb. bothah) occurs only in Job
xxxi. 40. Celsius has argued in favor of the
•conite, the Aconitum Napettat, which however
"quite a mountain — never a field — plant.
Bat we are inclined to believe that the fmihuh
denotes any bad weeds or fruit, and may in Job
signify bad or smutted barley. Or it may mean
•ome of the useless grasses which have some-
what the appearance of barley, such as Hordeum
suoiniiiii, &c.
CcBle-syr'ia, "the hollow Syria," was
(strictly speaking) the name given bv the
Greets, after tho time of Alexander, to the re-
markable valley or hollow (xotAta) which inter-
venes between Libanus and Anti-Libanus,
•trctching from lat 33° 2C to 34° 4C, a dis-
tance of nearly a hundred miles. " The view
of this great valley is chiefly remarkable as
being exactly to the eye what it it on map* — the
' hollow ' between the two mountain ranges of
Syria." The term Code-Syria was also used
in a much wider sense. In the first place it
was extended so as to include the inhabited
tract to the east of the Anti-Libanus range, be-
tween it and the desert, in which stood the
great city of Damascus ; and then it was fur-
ther carried on upon that side of Jordan,
through Trachonitis and Persia, to Iduraasa
and the borders of Egypt. The only distinct
reference to the region, as a separate tract of
country, which the Jewish Scriptures contain,
is probably that in Amos (i. 5), where " the in-
habitants of the plain of Aven " ( Bihath-Aoen)
are threatened in conjunction with those of Da-
mascus. B'dcath denotes exactly such a plain
as Ccele-Syria. In the Apochryphal Books
there is frequent mention of Ccele-Syria in •
somewhat vague sense, nearly as an equivalent
for Syria (1 Esd. ii. 17, 24, 27, iv. 48, vi. 29,
vii. 1, viii. 67 ; 1 Mace. x. 69 ; 2 Mace. iii. S, 8,
iv. 4, viii. 8, x. 1 1 ). In all these cases the word
is given in A. V. as Cblosvri a.
Coffer (Araaz), a movable box hanging
from the side of a cart (1 Sam. vi. 8, II, IS).
This word is found nowhere else.
Coffin. [Burial.]
Cola, a place (Jud. xv. 4, only), the posi-
tion or real name of which has not been ascer-
tained.
Col-ho'seh. a man of the tribe of Judah
in the time of Nchemiah (Neh. iii. 15, xi. 5).
Coli'us, 1 Esdr. ix. 23. [Kblaiaii.] Ap.
Collar. For tho proper sense of this term,
as it occurs in Judg. viii. 26, see Ear-rings.
College, the. In 2 K. xxii. 14 it is said
{ in the A. V. that Huldah the prophetess "dwelt
in Jerusalem in the college (Ileb. mithneh)," or,
as tho margin hits it, " in the second part."
The same part of the city is undoubtedly al-
luded to in Zeph. i. 10 (A. V. " the second ").
Keil's explanation is probably the true one,
that the mishneh was the " lower city," built on
the hill Akra.
Colony, n designation of Philippi, in Acts
xvi. 12. After the battle of Actium, Augustus
assigned to his veterans those parts of Italy
which had espoused the cause of Antony, and
transported many of tho expelled inhabitants
to Philippi, Dyrrochium, and other cities. In
| this way Philippi was made a Roman colony
with the "Jus Italicum," and accordingly we
find it described as a " colonia " both in inscrip-
I tions and upon the coins of Augustus.
I Colos'ae (more properly ColOB'SSB). A
city in the upper part of the nasin of the Mtenn-
der, on one of its affluents named the Lyons.
I Hicrapolis and Laodicasa were in its immediate
j neighborhood (Col. ii. l,iv. 13, 15, 16 ; see Rev.
i. 11, iii. 14). Colossas fell, as these other two
cities rose in importance. It was situated close
to tho great road which led from Ephcsus to
the Euphrates. Hence our impulse would be
to conclude that St. Paul passed this way, and
founded or confirmed the Colossian Church on
his third missionary journey (Acts xviii. 23,
I xix. 1). The most competent commentators,
however, agree in thinking that Col. ii. I proves
] that St. Paul had never been there when the
' Epistle was written. That the Apostle hoped
1 to visit the place on being delivered from his
j Roman imprisonment is clear from Philem. 22
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COLOSSIANS
1GS
COLORS
(compare Phil. ii. 34). Philemon and his slave
Oncsimus were dwellers in Colossse. So also
were Archippas and Epaphras. Mr. Hamilton
was the first to determine the actual site of the
ancient city, which appears to be at some little
distance from the modern village of Cltoncu.
Colossians, the Epistle to the, was
written by the Apostle St. Paul during his first
captivity at Rome (Acts xxviii. 16), and ap-
parently in that portion of it (Col. iv. 3, 4)
when the Apostle's imprisonment had not as-
sumed the more severe character which seems
to be reflected in the Epistle to the Philippians
(ch. i. 20, 21, 30, ii. 27), and which not im-
probably succeeded the death of Burrus in a.d.
62, and the decline of the influence of Seneca.
This important and profound epistle was ad-
dressed to the Christians of the once large and
influential, but now smaller and declining, city
of Colossa?, and was delivered to them bv Tych-
icus, whom the Apostle had sent both to
them (ch. iv. 7, 8) and to the church of Ephc-
sus (ch. vi. 21), to inquire into their state and
to administer exhortation and comfort. The
epistle seems to have been called forth by the
information St. Paul had received from Epa-
phras (ch. iv. 12 ; Philem. 23) and from Ouesi-
mus, both of whom appear to have been na-
tives of Colossa;, and the former of whom was,
if not the special founder, yet certainly one of
the very earliest preachers of the gospel in that
city. The main object of the epistle is not
merely, as in the case of the Epistle to the Phi-
lippians, to exhort and to confirm, nor as in that
to the Ephesians, to set forth the great features
of the church of ihc chosen in Christ, but
is especially designed to warn the Colossians
against a spirit of scmi-Judaistic and semi-Ori-
ent il philosophy which was corrupting the sim-
plicity of their belief, and was noticeably tend-
ing to obscure the eternal glory and dignity of
Christ. With regard to its genuineness and au-
thenticity, it is satisfactory to be able to say with
distinctness that there are no grounds for doubt.
The external testimonies are explicit, and the
internal arguments, founded on the style, bal-
ance of sentences, positions of adverbs, uses of
the relative pronoun, participial anacolutha,
unusually strong and well defined. A few spe-
cial points demand from ns a brief notice. — 1.
The opinion that this epistle and those to the
Ephesians and to Philemon were written dur-
ing the Apostle's imprisonment at Caesarea
(Acts xxi. 27-xxvi. 32), i'.e. between Pentecost
a.d. 58 and the antumn of a.d. 60, has been
recently advocated by several writers of ability,
and stated with such cogency and clearness by
Meyer, as to deserve some consideration. But
to go no farther than the present epistle, the
notices of the Apostle's imprisonment in ch. iv.
3, 4, 11, certainly seem historically inconsist-
ent with the nature of the imprisonment at
Caesarea. The permission or Felix (Acts
xxiv. 23) can scarcely be strained into any de-
gree of liberty to teach or preach the Gospel. —
2. The nature of the erroneous teaching con-
demned in this epistle has been very differently
estimated. Three opinions only seem to de-
serve any serious consideration ; (a) that these
erroneous teachers were adherents of Neo-Pla-
tonism, or of some forms of Occidental philoso-
phy ; (6) that they leaned to Essene doctrine*
and practices ; (c) that they advocated that ad-
mixture of Christianity, Judaism, and Oriental
philosophy which afterwards became consolidat-
ed into Gnosticism. Of these (a) has but lit-
tle in its favor, except the somewhat vague term
"philosophy" (ch. ii. 8), which, however, it
seems arbitrary to restrict to Grecian philoso-
phy ; (6) is much more plausible as far as the
usages alluded to, but seems inconsistent both
with the exclusive nature and circumscribed lo-
calities of Essene teaching ; (c) on the contra-
ry is in accordance with the Gentile nature of
the church of Colossse (ch. i. 21), with its very
locality — speculative and superstitious Phry-
gia — and with that tendency to associate Ju-
daical observances (ch. ii. 10) with more purely
theosophistic speculations (ch. ii. 18), which
became afterwards so conspicuous in developed
Gnosticism. — 3. The striking similarity be-
tween many portions of this epistle and of that
to the Ephesians has given rise to much specu-
lation, both as to the reason of this studied sim-
ilarity, and as to the priority of order in respect
to composition. The similarity may reasona-
bly be accounted for, (1) by the proximity in
time at which the two epistles were written ;
(2) by the high probability that in two cities of
Asia, within a moderate distance from one
another, there would be many doctrinal preju-
dices, and many social relations, that would call
forth and need precisely the same language of
warning and exhortation. The priority in
compositon must remain a matter for a reason-
able difference of opinion. To us the shorter
and perhaps more vividly expressed Epistle to
the Colossians seems to have been first written,
and to have suggested the more comprehensive,
more systematic, but less individualizing, epis-
tle to the church of Ephesus.
Colors. The terms relative to color, occur-
ring in the Bible, may be arranged in two
classes, the first including those applied to the
description of natural objects, the second those
artificial mixtures which were employed in
dyeing or painting. — I. The natural colors
noticed in the Bible are white, black, red, yel-
low, and green. Of these yellow is very seldom
noticed ; it was apparently regarded as a shade
of green, for the same terra greenish is applied
to gold (Ps. lxviii. 13), and to the leprous spot
(Lev. xiii. 49), and very probably the golden or
yellow hue of the leprous hair (Lev. xiii. 30-32)
differed little from the greenish spot on the gar-
ments (Lev. xiii. 49). Green is frequently no-
ticed, but an examination of the passages in
which it occurs will show that the reference is
seldom to color. The only fundamental color
of which the Hebrews appear to have had a
clear conception was red ; and even this is not
very often noticed. They had therefore no
scientific knowledge of colors, and we cannot
but think that the attempt to explain such
passages as Rev. iv. 3 by the rules of philo-
j sophical truth must fail. The highest aevel-
; opment of color in the mind of the Hebrew
evidently was light, and hence the predominance
| given to* white as its representative. This feel-
; ing appears both in the more numerous alm-
' sions to it than to any other color — in the
; variety of terms by which they discriminated
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COLOBS
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COLOBS
the shades from a pale, dull tint (Lev. xiii. SI
ff.), up to the most brilliant splendor (Els. viii.
2 ; Dan. xii. 3) — and in the comparisons by
winch they sought to heighten their ideas of
it Next to white, black, or rather dark, holds
the most prominent place, not only as its oppo-
site, bat also as representing the complexion
of the Orientals. There were various shades
of it, including the brown of the Nile water
(whence its name Sihor) — the reddish tint of
early dawn, to which the complexion of the
bride is likened (Cant vi. 10), as well as the
haid hue produced by a flight of locusts (Joel
ii. 2) — and the darkness of blackness itself
(Lam. iv. 8). As before, we hare various
heightening images. Red was also a color of
which the Hebrews had a vivid conception;
this may be attributed partly to the prevalence
of that color in the outward aspect of the
countries and peoples with which they were
familiar. It remains for us now to notice tho
various terms applied to these three colors. —
1. White. The most common term is laban,
which is applied to such objects as milk (Gen.
xlix.12), manna (Ex. xvi. 311, snow (Is. i. 18),
horses (Zech. i. 8), raiment (Eccl. ix. 8) ; and
a cognate word expresses the color of the moon
(Is. xxiv. 23). Tsach, dazzling white, is applied
to the complexion (Cant v. 10) ; chivvar, a
term of a later age, to snow (Dan. vii. 9 only),
«nd to the paleness of shame (Is. xxix. 82) ;
a%, to the hair alone. Another class of terms
trues from the textures of a naturally white
color. These were without doubt primarily
applied to the material ; but tho idea of color
is also prominent, particularly in the descrip-
tion of the curtains of the tabernacle (Ex.
xxtl 1), and the priests' vestments (Ex. xxviii.
6). white was symbolical of innocence, of
joy, and of victory. — 2. Black. Theshndcs
of this color are expressed in the terms shachdr,
applied to tho hair (Lev. xiii. 31 ; Cant v. 11);
the complexion (Cant i. S), particularly when
affected with disease (Job xxx. 30) ; horses
(Zech. vi. 2, 6) : ch&m, lit scorched (A. V.
" brown," Gen. xxx. 32), applied to sheep ;
the word expresses the color produced by m-
flaence of the sun's rays : tadar, lit to be dirty,
applied to a complexion blackened by sorrow
or disease (Job xxx. 30) ; mourners' robes (Jer.
viii 21, xiv. 2) ; a clouded sky (1 K. xviii. 45) ;
night (Hie iii. 6; Jer. iv. 28; Joel ii. 10, iii.
15) ; a turbid brook (whence possibly Kedbon),
particularly when rendered so by melted snow
(Job vi. 16). Black, as being the opposite to
white, is symbolical of evil (Zech. vi. 2, 6 ;
Rev. vi. 5). — 3. Bed. Addm is applied to blood
(1 K. iii. 22) ; • garment sprinkled with blood
(Is. lxiiL 2) ; a heifer (Num. xix. 2) ; pottage
Aide of lentils (Gen. xxv. 30) ; a horse (Zech.
l 8, vi. 2) ; wine (Prov. xxiii. 31) ; the com-
plexion (Gen. xxv. 25 ; Cant v. 10 ; Lam. iv.
7). Adamddm, reddith, is applied to a leprous
spot (Lev. xiii. 19; xiv. 37). SarAk. lit fox-
colored, bay, is applied to a horse (A. V. " spec-
kled;" Zech. i. 8), and to a species of vine
bearing a purple grape (Is. v. 2, xvi. 8). This
color was symbolical of bloodshed (Zech. vi. 2 ;
Her. vi 4, xii. S). — n. Artificial Colors.
The art of extracting dyes, and of applying
tham to various textures, appears to have been
known at a very early period. We read of
scarlet thread at the time of Zarah's birth
(Gen. xxxviii. 28) ; of blue and purple at the
time of the Exodus (Ex. xxvi. 1). There Is
however no evidence to show thst the Jews
themselves were at that period acquainted with
the art They were probably indebted both to
the Egyptians and the Phoenicians ; to the lat-
ter for the dyes, and to the former for the mode
of applying them. The purple dyes which
they chiefly used were extracted by the Phoeni-
cians (Ez. xxvii. 16), and in certain districts of
Asia Minor, especially Thyatira (Acts xvi. 14).
The dyes consisted of purples, light and dark
(the latter being the " blue " of the A. V.),
and crimson (scarlet, A. V.) : vermilion was
introduced at a late period. — 1. Purple (Ar-
gamin; Chaldaic form, Argtvana, Dau. v. 7,
16). This color was obtained from the secre-
tion of a species of shell-fish, the Slurex trun-
culut of Linnaeus, which was found in various
parts of the Mediterranean Sea. It is difficult
to state with precision the tint described under
the Hebrew name. The Greek equivalent was,
we know, applied with great latitude, not only
to all colors extracted from the shell-Ash, but
even to other brilliant colors. The same may
be said of |he Latin purpureus. Generally
speaking, however, tho tint must be considered
as having been defined by the distinction be-
tween the purple proper, and the other purplo
dye (A. V. " blue ), which was produced from
another species of shell-fish. The latter was
undoubtedly a dark violet tint, while the former
had a light reddish tinge. Robes of a purplo
color were worn by kings (Judg. viii. 26), and
by the highest officers, civil and religious.
They were also worn by the wsalthy ana lux-
urious (Jer. x. 9 ; Ex. xxvii. 7 ; Luke xvi. 19;
Bev. xvii. 4, xviii. 1G). — 2. Blub (UtxUih).
This dye was procured from a specie* of shell-
fish found on the coast of Phoenicia, und called
by modem naturalists Helix Ianthina The tint
is best explained by the statements o»* Joscphiu
(Ant. iii. 7, § 7) and Philo that it was emblem
atic of the sky, in which case it represents nut
the light blue of our northern climate, but the
deep dark hue of the eastern sky. The A. V.
has rightly described the tint in Esth. i. d
(margin) as violet. This color was used In the
same way as purple. — 3. Scarlet (Cbimsoh,
Is. i. 18; Jer. ir. 30). The terms by which
this color is expressed in Hebrew vary; some-
times thanl simply is used, as in Gen. xxxviii.
28-30 ; sometimes tola'ath shani, as in Ex. xxv.
4 ; and sometimes tola'ath simply, as in Is. 1.
18. The word carmil (A. V. "crimson," 2
Chr. ii. 7, 14, iii. 14) was introduced at a lata
period, probably from Armenia, to express th
same color. The first of these terms expresses
the brilliancy of the color ; the second the worm,
or grub, whence the dye was procuicd. Tho
dye was produced from an insect, somewhat
resembling the cochineal, which is found in
considerable quantities in Armenia and other
Eastern countries. The Arabian name of tho
insect is kcrmez (whence crimson) : the Linnasan
name is Cocciu I licit. The tint produced was
crimson rather than scarlet. The only natural
object to which it is applied in Scripture is the
lips, which are compared to a scarlet thread
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CONCUBINE
gant
have
(Cant. iv. 3) . The three colors above described,
purple, blue, and scarlet, together with white,
were employed in the textures used for the cur-
tains of the tabernacle and for the sacred vest-
ments of the priests. — 4. Vermilion (thishar).
This was a pigment used in fresco paintings,
either for drawing figures of idols on the wuils
of temples (Ez. xxiii. 14), for coloring the
idols themselves (Wisd. xiii. 14), or for deco-
rating the walls and beams of houses (Jcr. xxii.
14). Vermilion was a favorite color among
the Assyrians, as is still attested by the sculp-
tures of Nimroud and Khorsabad.
Commerce. From the time that men be-
i to live in cities, trade, in some shape, must
ave been carried on to supply the town-dwell-
ers with necessaries, but it is also clear that in-
ternational trade must have existed and aftcctcd
to some extent even the pastoral nomad races,
for we find that Abraham was rich, not only in
cattle, but in silver, cold, and gold and silver
plate and ornaments (Gen. xiii. 2, xxiv. 22, 53).
Among trading nations mentioned in Scrip-
ture, Egypt holds in very early times a promi-
nent position, though her external trade was
carried on, not by her own citizens, but by
foreigners, chiefly of the nomad races. It was
an Ishmaelito caravan, laden with spices, which
carried Joseph into Egypt. From Egypt it is
likely that at all times, but especially in times
of general scarcity, corn would be exported,
which was paid for by the non-exporting na-
tions in silver, which was alwavs weighed (Gen.
xii. 57, xiii. 3, 25, 35, xliii. 11, 12, 21). In-
tercourse with Tyre docs not appear to have
taken place till a later period. At the same
period it is clear that trade was carried on be-
tween Babylon and the Syrian cities, and also
that gold and silver ornaments were common
among the Syrian and Arabian races (Num.
xxxi. 50 ; Josh. vii. 21 ; Judg. v. 30, viii. 24 ;
Job vi. 19). Until the time of Salomon the
Hebrew nation may be said to have had no
foreign trade. Foreign trade was indeed con-
templated by tho Law, but its spirit was more
in favor of agriculture (Deut. xvii. 16, 17).
Solomon, however, organized an extensive trade
with foreign countries. He imported linen
yam, horses, and chariots from Egypt (1 K.
x. 22-29). It was by Phoenicians that the
cedar and other timber for his great architect-
ural works was brought by sea to Joppa, whilst
Solomon found the provisions necessary for the
workmen in Mount Lebanon (1 K. v. 6, 9 ;
2 Chr. ii. 16). But the trade which Solomon
took so much pains to encourage was not a
maritime trade only. He built, or moro proba-
bly fortified, Baalhec and Palmyra ; the latter
at least expressly as a caravan station for the
land-commerce with eastern and south-eastern
Asia (1 K. ix. 18). After his death the mari-
time trade declined, and an attempt made by
Jehoshaphat to revive it proved unsuccessful
(1 K. xxii. 48, 49). We know, however, that
Phoenicia was supplied from Judren with wheat,
honey, oil, and balm (1 K. v. 11 ; Ezck. xxvii.
17 ; Acta xii. 20), whilst Tyrian dealers brought
fish and other merchandise to Jerusalem at the
time of the return from captivity (Neh. xiii. 16),
as well as timber for the rebuilding of the tem-
ple, which then, as in Solomon s time, was
brought by sea to Joppa (Ezr. iii. 7). Oil w*>
exported to Egypt (Hos. xii. 1), and fine linen
and ornamental girdles of domestic manufac-
ture were sold to the merchants (Prov. xxxi
24). The successive invasions to which Pales-
tine was subjected must have impoverished the
country from time to time, but much wealth
must somewhere have existed ; so much so,
that, in the language of Ezekic], Jerusalem ap-
pears as the rival of Tyre, and through its port,
Joppa, to have carried on trade with foreign
countries (Is. ii. 6, 16, iii. II, 23; Hos. xii. 7 ;
Ez. xxvi. 2; Jonah i. 3). The internal trade
of the Jews, as well as the external, was ranch
J>romoted, as was the case also in Egypt, by the
festivals, which brought large numbers of per-
sons to Jerusalem, and caused great outlay in
victims for sacrifices and in incense (1 K. viii.
63). The places of public market were, then
as now, chicflv the open spaces near the gates,
to which goods were brought for sale by those
who came from the outside (Neh. xiii. 15, 16;
Zeph. i. 10). The traders in later times were
allowed to intrude into the temple, in the outer
courts of which victims were publicly sold for
the sacrifices (Zech. xiv. 21; Matt. xxi. IS:
John ii. 14).
Conani'ah, one of the chiefs of the Levitee
in the time of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv. 9).
Concubine. The difference between wife
and concubine was less marked among the
Hebrews than among us, owing to the absence
of moral stigma. The concubine's condition,
was a definite one, and auite independent of the
fact of there being another woman having the
rights of wife towards the same man. The dif-
ference probably lay in the absence of the right
of the tibdlus atmriii, without which the wife
could not be repudiated. With regard to the
children of wife »nd concubine, there was no-
such difference as >ur illegitimacy implies ; the
latter were a sup-.u-mentary family to the form-
er, their names o^cur in the patnarchial gene-
alogies (Gen. xxii. 24; 1 Chr. i. 32), and their
position and provision would depend on the
father's will (Gen. xxv. 6). The state of con-
cubinage is assumed and provided for by the
law of Moses. A concubine would generally
be either (1 ) a Hebrew girl bought of her father;
(2) a Gentile captive taken in war; (3 J a for-
eign slave bought, or (4) a Canaanitish wo-
man, bond or free. The rights of (1 ) and (2)
were protected by law (Ex. xxi. 7 ; Deut. xxi.
10-14), but (3) was unrecognized, and (4) pro-
hibited. Free Hebrew women also might be-
come concubines. So Gideon's concubine
seems to have been of a family of rank and in-
fluence in Shcchem, and such was probably
the state of the Levite's concubine (Judg. xx.J.
The ravages of war among the male sex, or
the impoverishment of families, might often in-
duce this condition. The case (1) was not a
I hard lot (Ex. xxi.). The provisions relating to
! (2) are merciful and considerate to a rare de-
I grcc, but overlaid by the Rabbis with distorting
I comments. In the 'books of Samuel and Kings
; the concubines mentioned belong to the king,
and their condition and number cease to be a
I guide to the general practice. A new king
I stepped into the risrhts of his predecessor, and
I by Solomon's time the custom had approxi-
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CONGREGATION
171
COPPER
mated to that of a Persian harem (a 8am. xii.
8, xn. 21 ; lK.il 22). To seize on royal con-
cubine* for hia use was thus a usurper's first
act. Such wis probably the intent of Abner's
act (2 Sam. iii. 7), and similarly the request on
behalf of Adonijah was construed (1 K. ii.
21-24).
Conduit. 1 ■ Although no notice is given
either by Scripture or by Josephus of any con-
nection between the pools of Solomon beyond
Bethlehem and a supply of water for Jerusa-
lem, it seems unlikely that so large a work as
the pools should be constructed merely for irri-
gating bis gardens (Eccl. ii. 6), and tradition,
both 'oral and as represented by Talmudical
writers, ascribes to Solomon the formation of
the original aqueduct by which water was
brought to Jerusalem. Pontius Pilate applied
the sacred treasure of the Corban to the work
of bringing water by an aqueduct Whether
his work was a new one or a reparation of
Solomon's original aqueduct cannot be deter-
mined. The aqueduct, though much injured,
and not serviceable for water beyond Bethle-
hem, still exists : the water is conveyed from
the fountains which supply the pools about two
miles S. of Bethlehem. — 2. Among the works
of Hct^HjIi he is said to have stopped the
" upper watercourse of Gihon," and brought it
down straight to the W. side of the city of
David (2 Chr. xxxii. 30). The direction of this
watercourse of course depends on the site of
Gibon. [Gihos.1
Coney', Heb. Shapnan, a gregarious animal
of the class Pachydermata, which is found in
Palestine, living in the caves and clefts of the
rocks, and has been erroneously identified with
the Rabbit or Coney. Its scientific name is
flfim Sfriacwi. In Lev. xi. 5 and in l)eut.
xiv. 7 it is declared to be unclean, because it
chews the cud, but does not divide the hoof.
In Ps. civ. 18, we are told " the rocks are a
refuge for the coneys," and in Prov. xxx. 26,
that "the coneys are but a feeble folk, yet
nuke they their houses in the rocks." The
Hyrax satisfies exactly the expressions in the
two last passages, Ioj vOlor is gray or brown
<n the back, white on the belly ; it is like the
tlpine marmot, scarcely of the size of the do-
mestic cat, having long hair, a very short tail,
•ail round ears- It is found on the Lebanon
and in the Jordan and Dead Sea valleys.
Congregation. This term describes the
Hebrew people in its collective capacity under
its peculiar aspect as a holy community, held
together by religious rather than political bonds.
Sometimes it is used in a broad sense as inclu-
sive of foreign settlers (Ex. xii. 19) ; but more
properly as exclusively appropriate to the He-
brew element of the population (Num. xv. 15).
Every circumcised Hebrew was a member of
the congregation, and took part in its proceed-
ings probably from the time that he bore arms.
It is important, however, to observe that he
acquired no political rights in his individual
capacity, bat only as a member of a /unite; for
the basis of the Hebrew polity was the house,
whence was formed in an ascending scale the fnm-
ik or collection of houses, the tribe or collection
M families, and the congregation or collection of
tribes. The congregation occupied an impor-
tant position under the Theocracy, as the comitta
or national parliament, invested with legislative
and judicial powers; each bouse, family, and
tribe being represented by its head or rather.
The number of these representatives being in-
conveniently large for ordinary business, a fur-
ther selection was made by Moses of 70, who
formed a species of standing committee (Num.
xi. 16). Occasionally indeed the whole body of
the people was assembled at the door of the
tabernacle, hence usually called the tabernacle
of the congregation (Num. x. 3). The people
were strictly bound by the acts of their rep-
resentatives, even in cases where they disap-
proved of them (Josh. ix. 18). After the oc-
cupation of the land of Canaan, the congrega-
tion was assembled only on matters of the
highest importance. In the later periods of
Jewish history the congregation was represent-
ed by the Sanhedrim.
Coni'ah. [Jkcomah.]
Cononi'ah, a Levite, ruler of the offerings
and tithes in the time of Hezckiah (2 Chr. xxxi.
12, 13).
Consecration. [Priest.]
Convocation. This term is applied in-
variably to meetings of a religious character, in
contnulistinction to congregation. With one ex-
ception (Is. i. 13), the word is peculiar to the
Pentateuch.
Cooking. As meat did not form an article
of ordinary diet among the Jews, the art of
cooking was not carried to any perfection. Few
animals were slaughtered except for purposes
of hospitality or festivity. The proceedings
on such occasions appear to have been as fol-
low : — On the arrival of a guest the animal,
either a kid, lamb, or calf, was killed (Gen.
xviii. 7 ; Luke xv. 23), its throat being cut so
that the blood might be poured out (Lev. vii.
26) ; it was then flayed, and was ready cither
for roasting or boiling : in tho former case
the animal was preserved entire (Ex. xii. 46),
and roasted cither over a fire (Ex. xii. 8) of
wood (Is. xliv. 16), or perhaps, as the mention
of fire implies another method, in an oven, con-
sisting simply of a hole dug in the earth, well
heated, and covered up ; the Paschal lamb was
roasted by tho first of these methods (Ex. xii.
8, 9 ; 2 Cnr. xxxv. 13). Boiling, however, was
the more usual method of cooking. Vegetables
were usually boiled, and served up as pottage
(Gen. xxv. 29 ; 2 K. iv. 38). Fish was also
cooked (Luke xxiv. 42), probably broiled. The
cooking was in early times performed by the
mistress of the household (Gen. xviii. 6) ; pro-
fessional cooks were afterwards employed (I
Sam. viii. 13, ix. 23).
Co'oe, Acts xxi. I. [Cos.]
Copper, Heb. NechtshetJi, in the A. V. al-
wavs rendered " brass," except in Ezr. viii. 27,
and Jer. xv. 12. This metal is usually found as
pvrites (sulphnrct of copper and iron), mala-
chite (carb. of copper), or in the state of oxide,
and occasionally in a native state, principally in
the New World. It was almost exclusively
used by the ancients for common purposes ; for
which its clastic and ductile nature rendered it
practically available. We rend in the Bible of
copper, possessed in countless nhundance (2
Chr. iv. 18), and used for every kind of instru-
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CORD
172
CORINTH
ment; as chains (Judg. xvi. SI), pillars (1 K.
vii. 15-21), lavcrs, the great one being called
"the copper sea "(2 K. xxv. 13; 1 Chr. xviii. 8),
and the other temple vessels. These were made
in the foundery, with the assistance of Hiram, a
Phoenician (1 K. vii. 13), although the Jews
were not ignorant of metallurgy (Ez. xxii. 18 ;
Deut. iv. 20, &c.), and appear to have worked
their own mines (Deut. viii. 9; Is. li. 1). We
read also of copper mirrors (Ex. xxxviii. 8;
Job xxxvii. 18), and even of copper arms, as
helmets, spears, &c. (1 Sam. xvii. 5, 6, 38; 2
Sain. xxi. 16.) The expression " bow of steel,"
in Job xx. 24, Ps. xviii. 34, should be rendered
"bow of copper." They could hardly have
applied copper to these purposes without pos-
sessing some judicious system of alloys, or per-
haps some forgotten secret for rendering the
metal harder and more elastic than we can
moke it. The only place in the A. V. where
"copper" is mentioned is Ezr. viii. 27 (cf. 1
Esd. viii. 57). These vessels may have been of
orichalcum, like the Persian or Indian vases
found among the treasures of Darius. In Ez.
xx vii. 13 the importation of copper vessels to
the markets of Tyre by merchants of Javan,
Tubal, and Meshech, is alluded to. Probably
these were the Moschi, &c., who worked the
copper-mines in the neighborhood of Mount
Caucasus. In 2 Tim. iv. 14, jc&triic is rendered
" copper-smith," but the term is perfectly gen-
eral.
Coral occurs only, as the somewhat doubt-
ful rendering of the Hebrew ramoth, in Job
xxviii. 18, and in Ez. xxvii. 16. The old ver-
sions fail to afford us any clew. On the whole,
we see no reason to be dissatisfied with the
rendering of the A. V. " Coral " has decidedly
the best claim of any other substances to repre-
sent the rdindth. The natural upward form of
growth of the CoraUium rubrum is well suited to
the etymology of the word. With regard to j
the estimation in which coral was held by the !
Jews and other Orientals, it must be remembered j
that coral varies in price with us. Pliny says |
that the Indians valued coral as the Romans
valued pearls. Coral, Mr. King informs us,
often occurs in ancient Egyptian jewelry as
used for beads and amulets.
Corban, an oflbring to God of any sort,
bloody or bloodless, but particularly in fulfil-
ment of a vow. The law laid down rules for
tows, 1. affirmative; 2. negative (Lev. xxvii.;
Num. xxx.). Upon these rules the tradition-
ists enlarged, ana laid down that a man might
interdict himself by vow, not only from using
for himself, but from giving to another, or receiv-
ing from him, some particular object, whether of
food or any other kind whatsoever. The thing
thus interdicted was considered as Corban. A
person might thus exempt himself from any in-
convenient obligation under plea of Corban. It
was practices of this sort that our Lord repre-
hended (Matt. xv. 5; Mark vii. 11), as annull-
ing the spirit of the law.
Cor lye, 1 Esdr. v. 12. Apparently Zaccai.
Cord. Of the various purposes to which
cord, including under that term rope, and
twisted thongs, was applied, the following are
specially worthy of notice — (I.) For fastening
a tent (Ex. xxxv. 18, xxxix. 40; Is. liv. 2).
As the tent supplied a favorite image of th*
human body, the cords which held it in its
place represented the principle of life (Job iv. 21;
Eccl. xu. 6). — (2.) For leading or binding an-
imals, as a halter or rein (Ps. cxviii 87 JHoa.
xi. 4). — (3.) For yoking them either to a cart
ils. v. 18) or a plough (Job xxxix. 10). — (4.)
'or binding prisoners (Judg. xv. 13; Ps. ii. 3,
exxix. 4 ; Ez. iii. 25). — (5.) For bow-strings
(Ps. xi. 2), made of catgut; such are spoken
of in Judg. xvi. 7 (A. V. "green withs;*' but
more properly fresh or moist bow-strings). —
(6.) For the ropes or " tacklings " of a vessel
(Is. xxxiii. 23). — (7.) For measuring ground
(2 Sam. viii. 2 ; Ps. lxxviii. 55; Am. vii. 17 ;
/ech. ii. 1 ) : hence cord or line became an ex-
pression for an inheritance (Josh. xvii. 14, xix.
9 ; Ps. xvi. 6 ; Ez. xlvii. 13), and even for any
defined district (Deut. iii. 4). — (8.) For fish-
ing and snaring. — (9.) For attaching articles
of dress; as the "wreathen chains/' which
were rather twisted cords, worn bv the high-
priests (Ex. xxviii. 14, 22, 24, xxxix. 15, 17).
— (10J For fastening awnings (Esth. i. 6). —
(11.) For attaching to a plummet. — (12.) For
drawing water out of a well, or raising heavy
weights (Josh. ii. 15 ; Jer. xxxviii. 6, 13). The
materials of which cord was made varied ac-
cording to the strength required ; the strongest
rope was probably made of strips of camel hide
as still used by the Bedouins. The finer sorts
were made of flax (Is. xix. 9), and probably of
reeds and rushes. In the N. T. the term ojoma
is applied to the whip which our Saviour made
(John ii. 15), and to the ropes of a ship (Acts
xxvii. 32).
Cor/e, Ecclus. xlv. 1«; Jude II. [Kokah,
>•]
Coriander. The plant called Coriandnm
sativum is found in Egypt, Persia, and India,
and has a round tall stalk ; it bears umbellifer-
ous white or reddish flowers, from which arise
globular, grayish, spicy seed-corns, marked with
fine stria;. It is mentioned twice in the Bible
(Ex. xvi. 31 ; Num. xi. 7).
Corinth. This city is alike remarkable
for its distinctive geographical position, its
eminence in Greek and Roman history, and its
close connection with the early spread of Chris-
tianity. Geographically its situation was so
marked, that the name of its Isthmus has been
given to every narrow neck of land between
two seas. But, besides this, the site of Corinth
is distinguished by another conspicuous physical
feature — viz. the Acrocorintlius, avast citadel
of rock, which rises abruptly to the height of
2,000 feet above the level of the sea, and the
summit of which is so extensive that it once
contained a whole town. The situation of
Corinth, and the possession of these eastern
and western harbors, are the secrets of her his-
tory. The earliest passage in her progress to
eminence was probably Phoenician. Bnt at the
most remote period of which we have any sun
record we find the Greeks established here in a
position of wealth and military strength. In
the latest passages of Greek history, Corinth
held a conspicuous place. It is not the trot
Greek Corinth with which we have to do in
the life of St. Paul, but the Corinth which was
rebuilt and established as a Roman colony.
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CORINTHIANS
173
CORINTHIANS
The distinction between the two must be care-
fully remembered. The new city was hardly
tea* distinguished than the old, and it acquired
a. fresh importance as the metropolis of the
Roman province of Achaia. Corinth was a
place of great mental activity, as well as of com-
mercial and manufacturing enterprise. Its
wealth was so celebrated as to be proverbial ;
so were the vice and profligacy of its inhabit-
ants. The worship of Venus here was attend-
ed with shameful licentiousness. All these
points are indirectly illustrated by passages in
the two epistles to the Corinthians. Corinth
is sou an episcopal see. The cathedral church
of St. Nicolas, " a very mean place for snch an
ecclesiastical dignity, used in Turkish times to
be in the Acroconnthus. The city has now
shrank to a wretched village, on the old site,
and bearing the old name, which, however, is
often corrupted into Gortho. Paas&Jiias, in de-
scribing the antiquities of Corinth as they
existed in his day, distinguishes clearly between
those which belonged to the old Greek city,
and those which were of Roman origin. Two
relics of Roman work are still to be seen, one
a heap of brick-work which may hare been
part of the baths erected by Hadrian, the other
the remains of an amphitheatre with subterra-
nean arrangements for gladiators. Far more
interesting are the ruins of the ancient Greek
teaxpte, the oldest of which any remains are
left in Greece. This article would be incom-
plete without some notice of the Fosidonium,
or sanctuary; of Neptune, the scene of the Isth-
mian games, from which St Paul borrows some
of hid most striking imagery in 1 Cor. and
ether epistles. This sanctuary was a short
■*^«»— — to the N. E. of Corinth, at the nar-
rowest part of the Isthmus, near the harbor of
Schamns (now Kalamdld) on the Saronic gulf.
The exact site of the temple is doubtful ; but
to the sooth are the remains of the stadium,
where the foot-races were run (1 Cor. ix. 24) ;
to the east are those of the theatre, which was
probably the scene of the pugilistic contests
(ib. 86) : and abundant on the shore are the
small green pine-trees which gave the fading
wreath (ib. 25) to the victors in the games.
Corinthian h. Tint Epistle to the,
was written by the Apostle St Paul toward
the dose of his nearly three-year stay at Ephe-
»tu (Acts xix. 10, xx. 31), which, we learn from
I Car. xri. 8, probably terminated with the
Pentecost of a.o. 57 or 58. The bearers were
probably (according to the common subscrip-
tion) Stephanas, Fortanatus, and Achaicus,
who bad been recently sent to the Apostle, and
who, in the conclusion of. this epistle (ch. xvi.
17), are especially commended to the honorable
regard of the church of Corinth. This varied
sad highly characteristic letter was addressed
sot to any party, bnt to the whole body of the
large (Acts xriiL 8, 10) Judsso-Gentue (Acts
x-ni. 4) chnrch of Corinth, and appears to
km been called forth, 1st, by the information
tat Apostle had received from members of the
household of Chloe (ch i. II), of the divisions
that were existing among them, which were of
so grave a nature as to have already induced
die Apostle to desire Timothy to visit Corinth
(eh. it. 17) after his journey to Macedonia
(Acts xix. 22) ; 2dly, by the information he
had received of a grievous case of incest (ch.
t. 1), and of the defective state of the Corin-
thian converts, not only in regard of general
habits (ch. vi. 1, sq.j and church discipline (ch.
xi. 20, sq.), but, as it would also seem, of doc-
trine (ch. xv.) ; Sdly, by the inquiries that had
been specially addressed to St. Paul by the
church of Corinth on several matters relating
to Christian practice. With regard to the gen-
uinatas and authenticity of this epistle no doubt
has ever been entertained. The external evi-
dences are extremely distinct, and the character
of the composition such, that if any critic
should hereafter be bold enough to question
the correctness of the ascription, he must be
prepared to extend it to all the epistles that
bear the name of the great Apostle. Two
specisjpoints deserve separate consideration :
— 1. The state of pariiet at Corinth at the time
of the Apostle's writing. The few facts sup-
plied to us by the Acts of the Apostles, and the
notices in the epistle, appear to be as follows :
— The Corinthian church was planted by the
Apostle himself (1 Cor. iii 6), in his second
missionary journey (Acts tcviii. 1, sq.). He
abode in the city a year and a half (en. xviii.
1 1 ). A short time alter the Apostle had left
the city the eloquent Jew of Alexandria, Apol-
los, went to Corinth (Acts xix. 1). This cir-
cumstance of the visit of A polios appears to
have formed the commencement of a gradual
division into two parties, the followers of St
Paul, and the followers of Apollos (comp. ch.
iv. 8). These divisions, however, were to be
multiplied ; for, as it would seem, shortly after
the departure of Apollos, Judaizing teachers,
supplied probably with letters of commendation
(2 Cor. in. 1) from the church of Jerusalem,
appear to have come to Corinth and to hare
preached the Gospel in a spirit of direet antag-
onism to St Paul personally. To this third
party we may perhaps add a fourth, that, under
the name of " the followers of Christ " (ch. i.
12), sought at first to separate themselves from
the factious adherence to particular teachers,
bnt eventually were driven by antagonism into
positions equally sectarian and inimical to the
unity of the church. At this momentous pe-
riod, before parties had become consolidated,
and had distinctly withdrawn from communion
with one another, the Apostle writes ; and in
the outset of the epistle (ch. i.-iv. 21) we hare
his noble and impassioned protest against this
fourfold rending of the robe of Christ — 2.
The number of epistle* written by St Paul to the
Corinthian church will probably remain a sub-
ject of controversy to the end of time. The
well known words (ch. v. 9) do certainly seem
to point to some former epistolary communica-
tion to the church of Corinth. The whole con-
text seems in favor of this view, though the
Greek commentators are of the contrary opin-
ion, and no notice has been taken of the lost
epistle by any writers of antiquity. The apoc-
ryphal letter of the church of Corinth to
St Panl, and St Paul's answer, existing in
Armenian, are worthless productions, that
deserve no consideration.
Corinthians, Second Epistle to the,
was written a few months subsequently to the
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CORMORANT
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CORNER-STONE
first, in the same year, — and thus, if the dates
assigned to the former epistle be correct, about
the autumn of x.v. 57 or 58, a short time
previous to the Apostle's three months' stay in
Achaia (Acts xx. 3). The place whence it was
written was clearly not Ephesus (see ch. i. 8),
bat Macedonia (en. vii. 5, viii. 1, be. 2), whither
the Apostle went by way of Troas (ch. ii. 12),
after waiting a short time in the latter place
for the return of Titus (ch. ii. 13). The Vat-
ican MS., the bulk of later MSS., and the old
Syr. version, assign Philippi as the exact place
whence it was written ; but for this assertion
we have no certain grounds to rely on : that
the bearers, however, were Titos ana his asso-
ciates (Luke?) is apparently substantiated by
ch. viii. 23, ix. 3, 5. The epistle was occasioned
by the information which the Apostle had re-
ceived from Titus, and also, as it would cer-
tainly seem probable, from Timothy, of the
reception of the first epistle. If it be desirable
to hazard a conjecture on the mission of Titus,
it would seem most natural to suppose that the
return of Timothy and the intelligence he con-
veyed might have been such as to make the
Apostle feel the necessity of at once despatch-
ing to the contentious church one of his imme-
diate followers, with instructions to support and
strengthen the effect of the epistle, ana to bring
back the most recent tidings of the spirit that
was prevailing at Corinth. These tidings, as
it would seem from our present epistle, were
mainly favorable ; the better part of the church
were returning to their spiritual allegiance to
their founder (chap. i. 13, 14, vii. 9, 15, 16);
but there was still a faction, possibly of the Ju-
daizing members (corap. ch. xi. 22), that were
sharpened into even a more keen animosity
against the Apostle personally (ch. x. 1, 10),
and more strenuously denied his claim to
Apostleship. The contents of this epistle are
thus very varied, but may perhaps be roughly
divided into three parts: — 1st, the Apostles
account of the character of bis spiritual labors,
accompanied with notices of his affectionate
feelings towards his converts (ch. i.-vii.) ;
2dly, directions about the collections (ch. viii.,
ix.); 3dly, defence of his own Apostolical
character (ch. x.-xiii. 10). The genuineness and
authenticity are supported by the most decided
external testimony, and by internal evidence of
such a kind that what has been said on this
point in respect of the first epistle is here even
still more applicable. The principal historical
difficulty connected with the epistle relates to
the number of visits made by the Apostle to
the church of Corinth. The words of this epis-
tle (ch. xii. 14, xiii. 1, 2) seem distinctly to
imply that St. Paul had visited Corinth twice
before the time at which he now writes. St
Luke, however, only mentions one visit prior to
that time (Acts xviii. 1, sq.) ; for the visit re-
corded in Acts xx. 2, 3, is confessedly subse-
quent. We most assume that the Apostle
made a visit to Corinth which St. Luke did not
record, probably during the period of his three-
year residence at Ephesus.
Cormorant. The representative in the
A. V. of the Hebrew words kaath and thalac.
As to the former, see Pelican. Sh&lac occurs
•/uly as the name of an unclean bird in Lev.
xi. 17; Dent. xiv. 17. The word has been van
ously rendered. The etymology points tt
some plunging bird : the common cormorant
(Phalacrocorax cario), which some writers haw
identified with the Shalac, is unknown in the
eastern Mediterranean ; another species is found
S. of the Red Sea, but none on the W. coast of
Palestine.
Corn. The most common kinds were wheat,
barley, spelt (A.V., Ex. ix. 32, and Is. xxviiL
25, "rye;" Ez. iv. 9, "fitches"), and millet;
oats are mentioned only by rabbinical writers.
Corn-crops are still reckoned at twenty-fold
what was sown, and were anciently much more.
" Seven ears on one stalk " (Gen. xli. 22) is no
unusual phenomenon in Egypt at this dav.
The many-eared stalk is also common in tie
wheat of Palestine, and it is of course of the
bearded kind. Wheat (see S Sam. iv. 6) was
stored in the house for domestic purposes. It
is at present often kept in a dry well, and per-
haps the "ground com" of 2 Sam. xvii. 19
was meant to imply that the well was so used.
From Solomon's time (2 Chr. ii. 10, 15), as
agriculture became developed under a settled
government, Palestine was a corn-exporting
country, and her grain was largely taken by ber
commercial neighbor Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 17;
comp. Am. viii. 5). "Plenty of corn" was part
of Jacob's blessing (Gen. xxvii. 28; comp.
Ps. Ixv. 13).
Cornelius, a Roman centurion of the
Italian cohort stationed in Csesarea (Acts x. 1,
&c.), a man full of good works and alms-
deeds. With his household he was baptized by
St Peter, and thus Cornelius became the first-
fruits of the Gentile world to Christ Tradi-
tion has been busy with his life and acts. Ac-
cording to Jerome be built a Christian Church
at Cassorea; but later tradition makes him
Bishop of Scamandios (-riat), and ascribes ts
him the working of a great miracle.
Corner. The "corner" of the field was
not allowed (Lev. xix. 9) to be wholly reaped.
It formed a right of the poor to carry off what
was so left, and this was a part of the mainte-
nance from the soil to which that class were en-
titled. On the principles of the Mosaic polity
every Hebrew family had a hold on a certain
fixed estate, and could by no ordinary and
casual calamity be wholly beggared. Hence its
indigent members had the claims of kindred on
the "corners," &c, of the field which their
landed brethren reaped. In the later period of
the prophets their constant complaints concern-
ing the defrauding the poor (Is. x. 2 ; Am. v.
11, viii. 6) seem to show that such laws had
lost their practical force. Still later, under the
Scribes, minute legislation fixed one-sixtieth as
the portion of a field which was to be left for
the legal "corner;" bnt provided also (which
seems hardly consistent) that two fields should
not be so joined as to leave one corner only
where two should fairly be reckoned. The pro-
portion being thus fixed, all the grain might be
reaped, and enough to satisfy the regulation
subsequently separated from the whole crop.
This "corner" was, like the gleaning, tithe-
free.
Corner-stone, a quoin or corner-stone, of
great importance in binding together the aides
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COTTON
of a bonding. Some of the corner-stones in
the ancient work of the Temple foundations
■re 17 or 19 feet long, and 71 feet thick. At
Niaereh the corners are sometimes formed of
one angular stone. The phrase " corner-atone "
is sometimes used to denote any principal per-
son, ss the princes of Egypt (Is. xix. 13), and
is thus applied to oar Lord (Is. xxriii. 16;
Matt xxi. 42 ; 1 Pet. ii. 6, 7).
COTIiet ( Heb. SKAphar), a loud-sounding in-
strument, made of the horn of a ram or of a
chamois (sometimes of an ox), and used by the
ancient Hebrews for signals, for announcing
the "Jubile" (Lev. xxv. 9), for proclaiming
the new year, for the purposes of war (Jer. iv.
5, 19; romp. Job xxxix. 25), as well as for the
sentinels placed at the watch-towers to give
notice of the approach of an enemy (Ez. xxxiii.
4, 5). SUphar is generally rendered in the A.
V. " trumpet," bat "cornet" (the more correct
translation) is used in 2 Chr. xt. 14 ; Ps. xcviii.
«; Bos. t. 8 ; and 1 Chr. xt. 28. " Comet "
is also employed in Dan. Hi. 5, 7, 10, 15, for
the Chaldee Keren (literally a horn). Oriental
scholars for the most part consider SMphar and
Kat» to be one and the same musical instru-
ment; but some Biblical critics regard Shdphdr
tad Oattdttenh as belonging to the species of
firm, the general term for a horn. The gen-
erally received opinion is, that Keren is the
crooked horn, and ShSpkar the long and straight
use. The silver trumpets which Moses was
charged to furnish for the Israelites were to be
used for the following purposes : for the calling
together of the assembly, for the journeying of
the camps, for sounding the alarm of war, and
far celebrating the sacrifices on festivals and
sew moons (Nam. x. 1-10). In the age of Sol-
omon the " silver trumpets " were increased in
■amber to 120 (2 Chr. v. 12) ; and, independ-
ently of the objects for which they had been
felt introduced, they were now employed in
the orchestra of the Temple as an accompani-
ment to tongs of thanksgiving and praise. Y6-
43, used sometimes for the " year of Jubile "
(comp. Lev. xxv. 13, 15, with xxv. 28, 30), gen-
erally denotes the institution of Jubile, but in
>ome instances it is spoken of as a musical in-
urnment, resembling in its object, if not in its
shape, the Keren and the Shdph&r. Gesenius
pronounces Yobel to be applied to the sound of
a trampet signal. Still it is difficult to divest
y«6et of the meaning of a sounding instru-
ment in the following instances : Ex. xix. 13 ;
Josh. ri. 5, 6. The sounding of the cornet was
the distinguishing ritual feature of the festival
appointed by Moses to be held on the first day
of the seventh month under the denomination
of "a day of blowing trumpets" (Num. xxix.
1), or " a memorial of blowing of trumpets "
(Lev. xxiii. 24) ; and that rite is still observed
hr the Jews in their celebration of the same
festival, which they now call " the day of rae-
aorial," and also " New Year." The inten-
tion of the appointment of the festival " of the
Sounding of the Cornet," as well as the duties
°f the sacred institution, appear to be set forth
is the words of the prophet, " Sound the cor-
set in Zton, sanctify the fast, proclaim the sol-
emn assembly " (Joel ii. 15). Agreeably to the
order in which this passage runs, the institution
of "the festival of Sounding the Comet"
seems to be the prelude and preparation for the
awful Day of Atonement The word " solemn
assembly," in the verse from Joel quoted above,
applies to the festival " Eighth Day of Solemn
Assembly" (Lev. xxiii. 36), the closing rite of
the festive cycle of Titkri. The cornet is also
sounded in the synagogue at the close of the
service for the Day of Atonement, and,
amongst the Jews who adopt the ritual of tho
Sephardim, on the seventh day of the feast of
Tabernacles, known by the post-Biblical denom-
ination of " the Great Hosanna."
COS or COOS (now Stanchio or Slanlco).
This small island of the Grecian Archipelago
has several interesting points of connection
with the Jews. It is specified as one of the
places which contained Jewish residents (1
Mace. xv. 23). Josephus, quoting Strabo, men-
tions that the Jews had a great amount of
treasure stored there during the Mithridatic
war. From the same source we learn that Ju-
lius Caesar issued an edict in favor of the Jews
of Cos. Herod the Great conferred many fa-
vors on the island. St. Paul, on the return
from his third missionary journey, passed the
night here, after sailing* from Miletus. It
was celebrated for its light woven fabrics and
for its wines — also for a temple of .ASsculapius,
which was virtually a museum of anatomy and
pathology. The emperor Claudius bestowed
upon Cos the privilege of a free state. The
chief town (of the same name) was on the N. E.
near a promontory called Scandnrium: and
perhaps it is to the town that reference is made
in the Acts (xxi. 1 ).
Titndnehm of Co (PhamieUn I talent). Obv., Bud or
root; Btrentoitortfht. IUt, gK&jO^. eras and ko*
ta can, all wtthta ditM sqaan.
Co'sam. son of Elmodam, in the line of
Joseph the husband of Mary (Luke lit. 28).
Cotton, Heb. carpal (comp. Let. carbatus),
Esth. i. 6, where the Vulg. lias carbasini colorit,
as if a color, not a material (so in A. V.
" green "), were intended. There is a doubt
whether under Sheth, in the earlier, and Bits,
in the later books of the O. T., rendered in the
A. V. by " white linen," " fine linen," 4c., cot-
ton may have been included as well. The
dress of the Egyptian priests, at any rate in
their ministrations, was without doubt of linen
I Herod, ii. 37), in spite of Pliny's assertion
xix. 1, 2) that they preferred cotton. Yet
cotton garments for the worship of the temples
are said to be mentioned in the Rosetta stone.
The same with the Jewish ephod and other
priestly attire, in which we cannot suppose any
carelessness to have prevailed. There is, how-
ever, no word for the cotton plant in the He-
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CRANE
brew, nor any reason to suppose that there
was any early knowledge of the fabric. The
Egyptian mummy swathings are decided to
have been of linen, and not cotton. The very
difficulty of deciding, however, shows how
easily even scientific observers may mistake,
and, much more, how impossible it would have
been for ancient popular writers to avoid con-
fusion. Varro knew of tree-wool on the author-
ity of Ctesias, contemporary with Herodotus.
The Greeks, through the commercial conse-
quences of Alexander's conquests, must have
known of cotton cloth, and more or less of the
plant. Cotton was manufactured and worn
extensively in Egypt, but extant monuments
five no proof of its growth, as in the case of
ax, in that country. But when Pliny (a.d.
115) asserts that cotton was then grown in
Egypt, a statement confirmed by Julius Pollux
(a century later), we can hardly resist the infer-
ence that, at least as a curiosity and as an ex-
periment, some plantations existed there. This
is the more likely since we find the cotton-tree
is mentioned still by Pliny as the only remark-
able tree of the adjacent Ethiopia; and since
Arabia, on its other side, appears to hare known
cotton from time immemorial, to grow it in
abundance, and in parts to be highly favorable
to that product In India, however, we have
the earliest records of the use of cotton for
dress ; of which, including the starching of it,
some curious traces are found as early as 800
B.C., in the Institutes of Manu. Cotton is now
both grown and manufactured in various parts
of Syria and Palestine; but there is no proof
that, till they came in contact with Persia, the
Hebrews generally knew of it as a distinct fab-
ric from linen.
Couch. [Bed.]
Council. 1. The great council of the
Sanhedrim, which sat at Jerusalem. [Sanhe-
drim.] 2. The lesser courts (Matt. x. 17 ;
Mark xiii. 9), of which there were two at Je-
rusalem, and one in each town of Palestine.
The constitution of these courts is a doubtful
point. The existence of local conns, however
constituted, is clearly implied in the passages
quoted from the N. T. ; and perhaps the "judg-
ment" (Matt. v. 21) applies to them. 3. A
kind of jury or privy council (Acts xxv. 12),
consisting of a certain number of assessors,
who assisted Roman governors in the adminis-
tration of justice and other public matters.
Court (Heb. chatter), an open enclosure, ap-
plied in the A. V. most commonly to the en-
closures of the Tabernacle and the Temple
(Ex. xxvii. 9, xl. 33 ; Lev. vi. 16 ; 1 K. vi. 36,
vii. 8; 2 K. xxiii. 12; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 5, &c.).
In 2 Chr. iv. 9 and vi. 13, however, a different
word is employed, apparently, for the same
places — itarah, from a root of similar mean-
ing to the above. Chatter also designates the
court of a prison (Neh. iii. 25 ; Jer. xxxii. 2,
&c.), of a private house (2 Sam. xvii. 18), and
of a palace (2 K. xx. 4; Esth. i. 5, &c.).
Cou'tha. One of the servants of the Tem-
ple who returned with Zorobabel (1 Esdr.
v. 32). Ap.
Covenant. The Heb. Writh is taken by
Gesenius to mean primarily " a cutting," with
reference to the custom of cutting or dividing
animals in two, and passing between the parte
in ratifying a covenant (Gen. xv. ; Jer. xxxiv.
18, 19). Professor Lee suggests that die prop-
er signification of the word is an eating together,
or banquet, because among the Oriental* to eat
together amounts almost to a covenant of
friendship. In the N. T. the word <W$*j> is
frequently, though by no means uniformly,
translated testament in the Authorized Version.
There seems, however, to be no necessity for
the introduction of a new word conveying a
new idea. In its Biblical meaning of a com-
pact or agreement between two parties, the
word is used — 1. Improperly, of a covenant be-
tween God and man. Man not being in any way
in the position of an independent covenanting
party, the phrase is evidently used by way of
accommodation. Strictly speaking, such a cov-
enant is quite unconditional, and amounts to a
promise (Gal. iii. 15 ff.) or act of mere favor
(Ps. lxxxix. 28). Thus the assurance given by
God after the Flood, that a like judgment
should not be repeated, and that the recurrence
of the seasons, and of day and night, should
not cease, is called a covenant (Gen. ix. ; Jer.
xxxiii. 20). Generally, however, the form of
a covenant is maintained, by the benefits which
God engages to bestow being made by Him de-
pendent upon the fulfilment of certain condi-
tions which He imposes on man. Consistently
with this representation of God's dealings with
man under the form of a covenant, such cove-
nant is said to be confirmed, in conformity to
human custom, by an oath (Dent. iv. 31 ; Ps.
lxxxix. 3), to be sanctioned by curses to fall
upon the unfaithful (Deut. xxix. 21), and to be
accompanied by a sign, such as the rainbow
(Gen. ix.), circumcision (Gen. xvii.), or the
Sabbath (Ex. xxxi. 16, 17). — 2. Property, of
a covenant between man and man ; i-e., a solemn
compact or agreement, either between tribes or
nations (1 Sam. xi. 1 ; Josh. ix. 6, 15), or be-
tween individuals (Gen. xxxi. 44), by which
each party bound himself to fulfil certain con-
ditions, and was assured of receiving certain
advantages. In making such a covenant God
was solemnly invoked as witness ( Gen. xxxi. 50),
and an oath was sworn (Gen. xxi. 31 ). A sign
or witness of the covenant was sometimes
framed, such as a gift (Gen. xxi. 30), or a pil-
lar, or heap of stones erected (Gen. xxxi. 52).
The marriage compact is called " the covenant
of God " (Prov. ii. 17 ; see Mai. ii. 14). The
word covenant came to be applied to a sure or-
dinance, such as that of the show-bread (Lev.
xxiv. 8) ; and is nsed figuratively in such ex-
pressions as a covenant with death (Is. xxviii.
18), or with the wild beasts (Hos. ii. 18).
COW. [Bcll.]
Cos, a man among the descendants of Jodah
(1 Chr. iv. 8),
Cost)!, daughter of Znr, a chief of the
Midianites (Num. xxv. 15, 18).
Crane. There can be little doubt that the
A. V. is incorrect in rendering sat by " crane,"
which bird is probably intended by toe Hebrew
word 'agir, translated " swallow * r bv the A. V.
I Swallow.] Mention is made of the rat in
lezekiah's prayer (Is. xxxviii. 14), " Like a***
or an 'agir so did I twitter ; " and again in
Jer. viii. 7 these two words occur in the same-
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CROSS
order, from which passage we learn that both
birds were migratory. According to the testi-
mony of most of the ancient versions, «J» de-
motes a " swallow." The passage in Jeremiah,
compared with the twittering notes of the tut in
Hezekiah's prayer, goes far to establish this
translation.
Crates, governor of the Cyprians in the
reign of Antiochns Epiphanes (J Mace. rr. 29).
Ap.
Creditor. fLoAw.l
Cres'oeirs (2 Tim. it. 10), an assistant of
St. Paul, said to hare been one of the seventy
disciples. According to early tradition, he
preached the Gospel in Galaoa. Later tradi-
tion makes him preach in Gaol, and found the
Church at Vienne.
Crete, the modern CantUa. This large
island, which closes in the Greek Archipelago
•n the 8., extends through a distance of 140
miles between its extreme points of Cape Sal-
■owx (Acts xxrii. 7) on the E. and Cape Crin-
sxtopon beyond Phoxxicb or Phoenix (eft. IS)
en the W. Though extremely bold and moun-
tainous, this island has very fruitful valleys,
snd in early times it was celebrated for its hun-
dred cities. It seems likely that a very early
acquaintance existed between the Cretans and
the Jews. There is no doubt that Jews were
settled in the island in considerable numbers
(hiring the period between the death of Alex-
sader the Great and the final destruction of
Jerusalem. Gortyna seems to have been their
chief residence (I Mace. xv. 23). Thus the
•pedal mention of Cretans (Acts ii. 11) among
those who were at Jerusalem at the great Pen-
tecost is jost what we should expect No no-
nce is (riven in the Acts of anv more direct
erangelization of Crete ; and no absolute proof
can be adduced that St. Paul was ever there
before his voyage from Cassarea to Puteoli.
The circumstances of St. Paul's recorded visit
•ere briefly as follows. The wind being con-
trary when he was off CiflDOs (Acts xxvii. 7),
the ship was forced to ran down to Cape Sal-
raone, and thence under the lee of Crete to
fun Havexs, which was near a city called
Lilka (ver. 8). Thence, after some delay, an
tttempt was made, on the wind becoming fa-
vorable, to reach Phoenice for the purpose of
winterinff there (ver. 12). The next point of
connection between St Paul and this island is
found in the epistle to Titus. It is evident
from Tit. i. 5, that the Apostle himself was
here at no long interval of time before he wrote
the letter.
Crates (Acts ii. 11). Cretans, inhabitants
of Crete.
Crimson. [Colors.]
Cris'pus, ruler of the Jewish synagogue at
Corinth (Acts xviii. 8) ; baptized with his fami-
ly by St Pan! ( 1 Cor. i. 14). According to tradi-
tion, be became afterwards Bishop of MtfruL.
Cross. Except the Latin crux there was no
word definitively and invariably applied to this
instrument of punishment As the emblem of
a dare's death and a murderer's punishment,
the cross was naturally looked npon with the
profonndest horror. But after the celebrated
rmon of Constantine, he ordered his friends to
dike a cross of gold and gems, such as he had
23
seen, and "the towering eagles resigned the
flags unto the cross " (Pearson), and " the tree
of cursing and shame " sat upon the sceptres
and was engraved and signed on the foreheads
of kings " ( Jer. Taylor, Life of Ckrut, iii. xv. 1 ).
The new standards were called by the name
Labarum, and may be seen on the coins of
Constantine the Great and his nearer succes-
sors. The Labarum is described in Eusebius,
and, besides the pendent cross, supported the
celebrated embroidered monogram of Christ,
which was also inscribed on the shields and hel-
mets of the legions. We may tabulate that
the various descriptions of cross : —
Crux
1. Simplex.
J. Dwmssts.
AndraiuM,or
Bargundlu.
S. Commits*
4.1
or capitals.
1 . The crux simplex, or mere stake of one single
piece without transom, was probably the origi-
nal of the rest Sometimes it was merely
driven through the man's chest, but at other
times it was driven longitudinally, coining out
at the mouth. Another form of punishment
consisted of tying the criminal to the stake,
from which he bung by his arms. — 2. The
crux decumata is called St. Andrew's cross, al-
though on no good grounds. It was in the
shape of the Greek letter X. — 3. The crux com-
mista, or St. Anthony's cross (so called fron.
being embroidered on that saint's cope), was in
the shape of the T. A variety of this cross
(the crux ansata, " crosses with circles on their
heads ") is found " in the sculptures from
Khorsabad and the ivories from Nimroud." In
the Egyptian sculptures, a similar object, called
a crux ansata, is constantly borne by divinities.
The same symbol bas been also found among
the Copts, and (perhaps accidentally) among
the Indians and Persians. — 4. The crux im-
muta, or Latin cross, differed from the former
by the projection of the upright above the
crossbar. That this was the kind of cross on
which our Lord died is obvious from the men-
tion of the " title," as placed abort our Lord's
head, and from the almost unanimous tradition ;
it is repeatedly found on the coins and columns
of Constantino. There was a projection from
the central stem, on which the body of the suf-
ferer rested. This was to prevent the weight
of the body from tearing away the hands.
Whether there was also a support to the feet
(as we see in pictures), is doubtful. An in-
scription was generally placed above the crimi-
nal's head, briefly expressing his guilt, and
generally wns carried before him. It was cov-
ered with white gypsum, and the letters were
black. Nieqnetus says it was white with red
letters. It is a question whether tyinjj or bind-
in-; to the cross was the more common method.
That our Lord was nailed, according to prophe.
ey, is certain (John xx. 25. 27, &c. ; Zech. xii.
10: Ps. xxii. 16). It is, however, extremely
probahlc that both methods were used at once.
The story of the so-called " invention of the
cross," a.d. 326, is too famons to be altogether
passed over. Besides Socrates and Theodoret,
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CRUCIFIXION
it is mentioned by Rufinus, Soxomen, Paulinas,
Snip. Severus, and Chrysostoni, but it would
require far more probable evidence to outweigh
the silence of Eusebius. To this day the sup-
posed title, or rather fragments of it, arc shown
to the people once a year in the church of Sta.
Croce in Gerusalemme at Rome. It was not
till the 6th century that the emblem of the cross
became the image of the crucifix. As a symbol
the use of it was frequent iu the early Church.
It was not till the 2d century that any par-
ticular efficacy was attached to it.
Crown. This ornament, which is both an-
cient and universal, probably originated from
the fillets used to prevent the hair from being
dishevelled by the wind. Such fillets are still
common, anil they may be seen on the sculp-
tures of Persepohs, Nineveh, and Egypt ; they
gradually developed into turbans, which by the
addition of ornamental or precious materials
assumed the dignity of mitres or crowns. The
use of them as ornaments probably was sug-
gested by the natural custom of encircling the
Head with flowers in token of joy and triumph
(Wisd. ii. 8; Jud. xv. 13). Both the ordinary
priests and the high-priest wore them. The
common "bonnet," Ex. xxviii. 37, xxix. 6,
&c., formed a sort of linen fillet or crown. The
mitre of the high-priest (used also of a regal
trown, Ez. xxi. 26) was much more splendid
(Ex. xxviii. 36 ; Lev. viii. 9). It had a second
fillet of blue lace, and over it n golden diadem
(Ex. xxix. 6). The gold band was tied behind
with blue lace (embroidered with flowers), and
being two fingers broad, bore the inscription
" Holiness to tho Lord " (comp. Rev. xvii. 5).
" A striped head-dress and cue," or "a short
wijr, on which a band was fastened, ornament-
ed with an asp, the symbol of royalty," was
used bythe kings of Egypt in religious ceremo-
nies (Wilkinson's Anc. E(p/pl. iii. 354,^7. 13).
The crown worn by the kings of Assyria was
"a high mitre . . . frequently adorned with
flowers. &c.i and arranged in bands of linen or
Crown* worn by AMyrlwa Una. (From Ktmroud and K«b-
yuijlk.)
silk. Originally there was only one band, but
afterwards there were two, and the ornaments
were richer " (Layard, ii. 320, and the illustra-
tions in Jahn, Arihaologie, part i. vol. ii. tab. ix.
i and 8). There are many words in Scripture
denoting a crown besides those mentioned : the
head-dress of bridegrooms (Is. lxi. 10; Bar. v.
2; Ez. xxiv. 17), and of women (Is. iii. 20) ; a
head-dress of great splendor (I*, xxviii. 5) ; a
wreath of flowers (Prov. i. 9. iv. 9) ; and a com-
tion tiara or turban (Job xxix. 14 ; Is. iii. 23).
The general word is 'atarah, and we must at
tach to it the notion of a costly turban irradiated
with pearls and gems of priceless value, which
often form aigrettes for feathers, as in the
crowns of modern Asiatic sovereigns. Such
was probably the crown, which with its precious
stones weighed (or rather " was worth ") a
talent, taken by David from the king of Am-
nion at Rabbah, and used as the state crown
of Judah (2 Sam. xii. 30). ZH^avoc is used
in the N. T. for every kind of crown ; but
ari/t/ia only once (Acts xiv. 13) for the gar-
lands used with victims. In Rev. xii. 3, xix.
12, allusion is made to "many crowns" worn
in token of extended dominion. The laurel,
pine, or parsley crowns given to victors in the
great games of Greece are finely alluded to by
St. Paul (1 Cor. ix. 25 ; 2 Tim. ii. S, &c.).
Crown of Thorns, Matt, xxvii. 29. Our
Lord was crowned with thorns in mockery by
the Roman soldiers. The object seems to nave
been insult, and not the infliction of pain as
has generally been supposed. The Rhamnus
or Spina Christi, although abundant in the
neighborhood of Jerusalem, cannot be the plant
: intended, because its thorns are so strong and
large that it could not have been woven into a
wreath. Had the acacia been intended, as some
suppose, the phrase would have been different.
Obviously some small flexile thornv shrub is
meant; perhaps eapparis spinom. fiasselquist
says that the thorn used was the Arabian Ao&&.
Crucifixion was in use among the Egyp-
tians (Gen. xl. 19), the Carthaginians, the Per-
sians (Esth. vii. 10), the Assyrians, Scythians,
Indians, Germans, and from the earliest times
among the Greeks and Romans. Whether this
mode of execution was known to the ancient
Jews is a matter of dispute. Probably the
Jews borrowed it from the Romans. It was
unanimously considered the most horrible form
of death. Among the Romans also the degra-
dation was a part of the infliction, and the pun-
ishment if applied to freemen was only used in
the case of the vilest criminals. Our Lord was
condemned to it by the popular cry of the Jews
(Matt, xxvii. 23) on the charge of sedition
against Csjsar (Luke xxiii. 2), although the
Sanhedrim had previously condemned him on
the totally distinct charge of blasphemy. The
scarlet robe, crown of thorns, and otber insults
to which our Lord was subjected, were illegal,
and arose from the spontaneous petulance of
the brutal soldiery. But the punishment prop-
erly commenced with scourging, after the
criminal had been stripped. It was inflicted
not with the comparatively mild rods, but the
more terrible scourge (2 Cor.xi. 24, 25), which
was not used by the Jews (Dent xxv. S). Into
these scourges tho soldiers often stuck nails,
pieces of bone, 4c., to heighten the pain, which
was often so intense that the sufferer died under
it. In our Lord's case, however, this infliction
seems neither to have been the legal scourging
after sentence, nor yet the examination by tor-
ture (Acts xxii. 24), bnt rather a scourging
before the sentence, to excite pity and procure
immunity from further punishment (Luke xxiii.
22; John xix. 1). The criminal carried his
own cross, or at any rate a part of it The
place of execution was outside the city (IE.
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CRYSTAL
179
CUP
xxi. 13; Acta to. 58; Heb. xiii. 12), often in
mm pablk road or other conspicuous place.
Arrived at toe place of execution, the sufferer
w» stripped naked, the dress being the perqui-
site of the soldiers (Matt, xxvii. 35). The
cross ra then driven into the ground, so that
the ftet of the condemned were a foot or two
shore the earth, and he was lifted upon it, or
else stretched upon it on the ground, and then
lifted with it Before the nailing or binding
took place, a medicated cup was given ont of
kindness to confuse the senses and deaden the
pangs of the sufferer (Prov. xxxi. 6), usually
of "wine mingled with myrrh," because myrrh
to soporific. Our Lord refused it that his
•rases might be clear ( Matt, xxvii. 34 ; Mark xv.
S3). He was crucified between two " thieves "
or " malefactors," according to prophecy (Is.
Bu. IS) ; and was watched according to custom
br s party of four soldiers (John xix. 23) with
tborcentarion (Matt, xxvii. 66), whose express
office was to prevent the stealing of the body.
Tab was necessary from the lingering character
of the death, which sometimes did not super-
vene even for three days, and was at last the
malt of gradual benumbing and starvation.
Bat for this guard, the persons might have been
taken down and recovered, as was actually
done in the case of a friend of Josephus. Frac-
ture of the legs was especially adopted by the
Jen to hasten death (John xix. 31 ). But tho
unusual rapidity of our Lord's death was due
to the depth of His previous agonies, or may be
nfieieatly accounted for simply from peculiar-
ities of constitution. Pilate expressly satisfied
himself of the actual death by questioning
the centnrkm (Mark xv. 44). In most cases the
bodj was suffered to rot on the cross by the
action of sun and rain, or to be devoured by
birds and beasts. Sepulture was generally
therefore forbidden ; but in consequence of
Dent xxi. 22, 23, an express national excep-
tion was made in favor of the Jews (Matt,
nrii. 58). This accursed and awful mode of
panshment was happily abolished by Constan-
tino
Cruse, a word employed in the A. V.,
apparently without any special intention, to
translate three distinct Hebrew words. — 1.
Tappadtath, carried by Saul when on his night
apeditkm after David ( 1 Sam. xxvi. II, 12, 16),
and br Elijah (1 K. xix. 6). In a similar case
in the present day this would be a globular ves-
sel of bine porous clay about 9 inches diameter,
*>th a neck of about 3 inches long, a small
tadle below the neck, and opposite the handle
a straight spout, with an orifice about the size
of a straw, through which the water is drunk
w socked.— 2. The noise which these vessels
lake when emptied through the neck is sug-
wotc of the second term, Bakbuk. This is
""nd bnt twice: a "cruse of honey " (1 K.
*" S); and an "earthen bottle" (Jer. xix. 1).
—3. Apparently very different from both these
j» the other term, TtSachdh. This was proba-
Wt a 1st metal saucer of the form still common
» the East. It occurs in 2 Chr. xxxv. 13,
pun;" and other words from the same root
w fonnd m 2 K. ii. 20, " cruae," and 2 K. xxi.
U /'dUh " (comp. Prov. xix. 24, xxvi. 15).
Crystal, the representative in the A. V. of
two Hebrew words. — 1. Zccucith occurs only in
Job xxviii. 1 7. Notwithstanding the different
interpretations of "rock-crystal," "glass,"
" adamant," &c., that have been assigned to
this word, there can, we think, be very little
doubt that "glass" is intended. — 2. Keradi
occurs in numerous passages in the O. T. to
denote " ice," " frost, &c. ; but once only (Ea.
i. 22), as is generally understood, to signify
" crystal." The ancients supposed rock-crystal
to be merely ice congealed by intense cold.
The similarity of appearance between ice and
crystal caused no doubt the identity of the
terms to express these substances. The Greek
word occurs in Rev. iv. 6, xxii. 1. It may
mean either " ice " or " crystal."
Cubit. [Mkasukus.]
Cuokoo (Heb. thachaph). There does not
appear to bo any authority for this translation
or the A. V. ; the Heb. word occurs twice only
(Lev. xi. 16; Deut. xiv. 15), as the name of
some unclean bird. Bochart has attempted to
show that Shachaph denotes the Cepphut or
storm-petrel. Mr. Tristram has suggested that
some of the larger petrels, such as tho Puffi-
nus cinemts and P. onp/oram (shearwater), which
abound in the east of tho Mediterranean, and
which are similar in their habits to the storm-
petrel, may be denoted by the Hebrew term.
Cucumbers (Heb. kithtlmim). This word
occurs once only, in Num. xi. 5, as ono of the
good things of Egypt for which tho Israelites
longed. There is no doubt as to the meaning
of the Hebrew. Egypt produces excellent cu-
cumbers, melons, &c. [Melon], the Cucumit
chale being, according to Hassclqui6t (Trav.,
p. 258), the best of its tribe yet known. This
plant grows in the fertile earth around Cairo
after the inundation of the Kile, and not else-
where in Egypt. The C. chate is a variety only
of the common melon ( C. mdo) ; it was once
cultivated in England, and called " tho round-
leaved Egyptian melon ; " but it is rather an
insipid sort. Besides the Cucumit c/uite, tho
common cucumber [C. tativut), of which the
Arabs distinguish a number of varieties, is com-
mon in Egypt. "Both Cucumit chate and C.
tativut," says Mr. Tristram, " are now grown
in great quantities in Palestine: on visiting
the Arab school in Jerusalem (1858) I observed
that the dinner which the children brought
with them to school consisted, without excep-
tion, of a piece of barley cake and a raw cu-
cumber, which they ate rind and all." The
" lodge in a garden of cucumbers " (Is. i. 8) is
a rude temporary shelter, erected in the open
grounds where vines, cucumbers, gourds, Ac.,
are grown, in which some lonely man or boy
is set to watch, cither to guard the plants from
robbers, or to scare away the foxes and jack-
als from the vines.
Cumin, one of the cultivated plants of Pal-
estine (Is. xxviii. 25, 27 ; Matt, xxiii. 23). It
is an umbelliferous plant something like fennel.
The seeds have a bitterish warm taste with an
aromatic flavor. The Maltese are said to grow
it at the present day, and to thresh it in the
manner described by Isaiah.
Cup. The chief words rendered " cup " in
the A. V. are, 1. cot ; 2. kfthdth, only in plural ;
3. gtbia. The cups of the Jews, "whether of
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CUSH
180
CUTE
metal or earthenware, were possibly borrowed,
in point of shape and design, from Egypt and
from the Phoenicians, who were celebrated in
that branch of workmanship. Egyptian cops
were of various shapes, either with handles or
without them. In Solomon's time all his drink-
ing vessels were of gold, none of silver (1 K.
x. 21). Babylon is compared to a golden cup
(Jer. li. 7). The great laver, or "sea," was
made with a rim like the rim of a cup ( Cos),
"with flowers of lilies" (1 K. ril. 26), a form
which the Persepolitan cups resemble. The
common form of modern Oriental cups is rep-
resented in the accompanying drawing. The
Modem XgjpOan drinking; -cups, ooe-flith of Che reel rise. (Xene.)
cups of the N. T. were often no doubt formed
on Greek and Roman models. They were
sometimes of gold (Rev. xvii. 4).
Cup-Boarer. An offi-
cer of nigh rank with Egyp-
tian, Persian, Assyrian, as
well as Jewish monarchs (1
K. x. 5). The chief cup-
bearer, or butler, to the king
of Egypt, was the means of
raising Joseph to his high
position (Gen. xl. 1, 21, xli.
9 ) . Rabshakch appears from
his name to have filled a like
office in the As-
syrian court (2
K. xviii. 17).
Nchemiah was
cupbearer t o
Artaxerxes
Any rf«n drink- Longimanus
(Neh.i. ll.ii. 1).
Curtains. The Hebrew term translated
in the A. V. by this word are three. — 1 .
YeriSth ; the ten " curtains " of fine linen, and
also the eleven of goat's hair, which covered
the Tabernacle of Moses ( Ex. xxvi. 1-13, xxxvi.
8-17). The charge of these curtains and of
the other textile fabrics of the Tabernacle was
laid on the Gcrshonites (Num. iv. 25). Hav-
ing this definite meaning, the word came to
be used as a synonyme for the Tabernacle
(2 Sam. vii. 2). 2. Mdsac, the "hanginc" for
the doorway of the tabernacle, Ex. xxvi. 36, &c.,
and also for the gate of the court round the
tabernacle, Ex. xxvii. 16, &c. The rendering
" curtain " occurs but once, Num. iii. 26. The
idea in the root of Masac seems to be that of
shielding or protecting. If this lie so, it may
have been, not a curtain or veil, but an awning
to shade the entrances. — 3. D6k: This word
is found bnt once (Is. xl. 22), and its meaning
is doubtful.
AeryrUn cap with han-
dle. (Leyud, U. SOS.)
title to Ps. vii. He was probablj a follower at
Saul, tbe head of his tribe.
Gush, the name of a son of Ham, appar-
ently the eldest, and of a territory or territories
occupied by his descendants. — 1. In the gene-
alogy of Noah's children Cush seems to be
an individual, for it is said " Cush begat Nim-
rod" (Gen. x. 8; 1 Chr. i. 10). If the name
be older than his time, he may have been called
after a country allotted to him. — 2. Cush as
a country appears to be African in all passages
except Gen. li. 13. We may thus distinguish
a primeval and a post-diluvian Cush. Tbe
former was encompassed by Gihon, the second
river of Paradise : it would seem there-
fore to have been somewhere to the north-
ward of Assyria. It is possible that Cush
is in this cose a name of a period later
than that to which the history relates;
but it seems more probable that it was
of the earliest age, and that the African
Cush was named from this older country.
In the ancient Egyptian inscriptions,
Ethiopia above Egypt is termed Keesh,
or Kesh; and this territory probably per-
fectly corresponds to the African Cush
of the Bible. The Cushites, however, had clear-
ly a wider extension, like the Ethiopians of the
Greeks, but apparently with a more definite
ethnic relation. The Cushites appear to have
spread along tracts extending from the higher
Nile to the Euphrates and Tigris. History af-
fords many traces of this relation of Babylonia,
Arabia, and Ethiopia. Zerah the Cushite (A.
V. " Ethiopian "), who was defeated by Asa, was
most probably a king of Egypt, certainly the
leader of an Egyptian army. Very soon after
their arrival in Africa, the Cushites appear to
have established settlements along the south-
ern Arabian coast, on the Arabian shore of
the Persian Gulf and in Babylonia, and thence
onwards to the Indus, and probably north-
ward to Nineveh ; and the Mizraites spread-
ing along the south and east shores of the
Mediterranean, on part of the north shore, and
in the great islands.
Cu'shan (Hob. iii. 7), possibly the same
as Cushan-rishatbaim (A. V. Chushan-) king
of Mesopotamia (Judg. iii. 8, 10). The order
of events alluded to by the prophet seems to
favor this supposition. There is far less reason
for the supposition that Cushan here stands
for an Asiatic Cush.
Cu'shi. Properly " the Cushite," — " the
Ethiopian," — a man apparently attached to
Joab's person, but unknown and unaccustomed
to the King, as may be inferred from his not
being recognized by the watchman, and also
from the abrupt manner in which he breaks his
evil tidings to David. That Cushi was a for-
eigner — as we should infer from his name —
is also slightly corroborated by his ignorance
of the ground in the Jordan valley, by know-
ing which Ahimaaz wus enabled to outrun him
(2 Sam. xviii. 21, 22, 23, 31, 32).
Cuth, or Cu'thah. One of the countries
whence Shalmanescr introduced colonists into
Samaria (2 K. xvii. 24, 30). The position ef
Cuthah is undecided : Josephus speaks of a
river of that name in Persia, and fixes the resi-
Cush, a Bcnjamite, mentioned only in the | dence of the Cuthsans in the interior of Persia
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CYMBAL
181
CYPJMJ8
and Media. Two localities hare been proposed,
each of which corresponds in part, but neither
wholly, with Josephus' account. — 1. Kutha,
of the Arab geographers, between the Tigris
and Euphrates, the site of which has been
identified with the ruins of Tambah immedi-
ately adjacent to Babylon. — S. The Cntlueans
have been identified with the Coessi, a warlike
tribe, who occupied the mountain ranges divid-
ing Persia and Media.
Cutting off from the People. [Ex-
cojronsiCATiox.]
Cuttings [in the Flesh]- The prohibi-
tion (Let. xix. 28) against marks or cuttings
is the flesh for the dead most be taken in con-
nection with the parallel passages (Lev. xxi. 5 ;
Dent. xiv. 1 ), in which shaving the head with
die same view is equally forbidden. But it ap-
pear! from Jer. xvi. 6, 7, that some outward
manifestation of grief in this way was not
wholly forbidden, or was at least tolerated.
The ground, therefore, of the prohibition must
be sought elsewhere, and will De found in the
superstitious or inhuman practices prevailing
among heathen nations. The priests of Baal
cat themselves with knives to propitiate the
zod "after their manner" (1 K. xviii. 28).
Herodotus says the Carians, who resided in
Earope, cut their foreheads with knives at fes-
tivals of Isis ; in this respect exceeding the
Egyptians, who beat themselves on these occa-
sions (Herod, ii. 61). Lucian, speaking of the
Syrian priestly attendants of this mock deity,
tayi, that using violent gestures they cut their
arms and tongues with swords. The prohibi-
tion, therefore, is directed against practices pre-
vailing not among the Egyptians whom the
Israelites were leaving, but among the Syrians,
to whom they were about to become neighbors.
Bat there is another usage contemplated more
remotely by the prohibition, viz., that of print-
ing marks, tattooing, to indicate allegiance to
a deity, in the same manner as soldiers and
(lares bore tattooed marks to indicate allegiance
or adscripnon. This is evidently alluded to in
the Revelation of St John (xiii. 16, xvii. 6,
xix. SO), and, though in a contrary direction,
by Exekiel (ix. 4), by St. Paul (Gal. vi. 17), in
the Revelation (vii. 3), and perhaps by Isaiah
(xKv. 5) and Zechariah (xiii. 6).
Cy'amon, a place named only in Judith
vn. 8, as lying in the plain (A. V. " valley")
over against Esdraelom. If by " Esdraelom "
we may understand Jezreel, this description
answers to the situation of the modern village
TtQ Kaim6n, on the eastern slopes of Carmel,
m a conspicuous position overlooking the
Kishon and the great plain. Ap.
Cymbal, Cymbals, a percussive musical
instrument. Two kinds of cymbals are men-
tioned in Ps. cl. 5, " loud cymbal* " or auta-
3*ftta, and " high-sonnding cymbals." The
former consisted of four small plates of bras*
or of tome other hard metal ; two plates were
attached to each hand of the performer, and
were struck together to produce a loud noise.
The latter consisted of two larger plates, one
held in each hand, and struck together as an
accompaniment to other instruments. The
use of cymbals was not necessarily restricted to
the worship of the Temple or to sacred occa-
sions : they were employed for military pur-
poses, and also by the Hebrew women as a
musical accompaniment to their national
dances. Both kinds of cymbals are still com-
mon in the East in military music, and Niebuhr
often refers to them in his travels. The " bells "
of Zech. xiv. 20, were probably concave pieces
or plates of brass which the people of Pales-
tine and Syria attached to horses by way of
ornament.
Cypress (Heb. tirxak). The Heb. word is
found only in Is. xliv. 14. We are quite un-
able to assign any definite rendering to it. Be-
sides the cypress, the " beech," the " holm-oak,"
and the " fir" have been proposed ; but there
is nothing in the etymology of the Hebrew
name, or in the passage where it occurs, to
guide us to the tree intended. The true cypress
is a native of the Taurus. The Hebrew word
points to some tree with a hard grain, and this
is all that can be positively said of it
Cyprians. Inhabitants of the island of
Cyprus (2 Mace. iv. 29). At the time alluded
to (that U during the reign of Antiochus
Epiphanes), they were under the dominion of
Egypt, and were governed by a viceroy pos-
sessed of ample powers. Crates, one of these
viceroys, was left by Sostratus in command of
the castle, or acropolis, of Jerusalem while he
was summoned before the king. Ap.
Cyprus. This island was in early times
in close commercial connection with Phoenicia ;
and there is little doubt that it is referred to
in such passages of the 0. T. as Ez. xxvii. 6.
JChittim.] Josephus makes this identification
in the most express terms (Ant. i. 6, J 1 ). Pos-
sibly Jews may have settled in Cyprus before
the time of Alexander. Soon after his time
Copper Cain of Cjpmu, aadw tap. Ciaudtoo.
Obv.fCLlAVDIVg. CAESACB]. B«4 of Bmp. to Mt Bar.
Bill KoMlNloY n[POKA]OY ANeTHA KHIPluH.
they were numerous in the island, as ii dis-
tinctly implied in 1 Mace. xv. 28. The first
notice of it in the N. T. is in Acts iv. 36,
where it is mentioned at the native place of
Barnabas. In Acts xi. 1 9, 20, it appears prom-
inently in connection with the earliest spread-
ing of Christianity, and is again mentioned in
connection with toe missionary journeys of St
Paul (Acts xiii. 4-13, xv. 39, xxi. 8), and with
his voyage to Borne (xxvii. 4). Situated in the
extreme eastern corner of the Mediterranean,
with the range of Lebanon on the east, and
that of Taurus on the north, distinctly visible,
it never became a thoroughly Greek island.
Its religions rites were halt Oriental, and its
political history has almost always been associat-
ed with Asia and Africa. It was rich and
productive. Its fruits and flowers were famous
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182
CYBUS
The moan tains also produced metals, especially
copper. The island became a Roman province
(b.c. 58) under circumstances discreditable to
Rome. At first its administration was joined
with that of Cilicia, but after the battle of Ac-
tium it was separately governed. In the first
division it was made an imperial province ; but
the emperor afterwards gave it up to the Sen-
ate. The pro-consul appears to nave resided
at Paphos on the west of the island. Ap.
Cyre'ne, the principal city of that part of
northern Africa which was anciently called
Cyrenaica, and also (from its five chief cities)
Pcntapolita.na. This district was that wide
projecting portion of the coast (corresponding
to the modern Tripoli) which was separated
from the territory of Carthage on the one hand,
and that of Egypt on the other. Its surface is
a table-land descending by terraces to the sea ;
and it was celebrated for its climate and fertility.
The points to be noticed in reference to Cyrene
as connected with the N. T. are these, — that,
though on the African coast, it was a Greek
city ; that the Jews were settled there in large
numbers, and that under the Romans it was
politically connected with Crete. The Greek
colonization of this part of Africa under Bat-
tus began as early as b.c. 631. After the death
of Alexander the Great, it became a depend-
ency of Egypt It is in this period that we
find the Jews established there with great priv-
ileges, having been introduced by Ptolemy the
son of Lagus. Soon after the Jewish war they
rose against the Roman power. In the year
B.C. 75 the territory of Cyrene was reduced to
the form of a province. On the conquest of
Crete (b.c. 67) the two were united in one prov-
ince, and together frequently called Creta-Cy-
rene. The numbers and position of the Jews
in Cyrene prepare us for the frequent mention
of the place in the N. T. in connection with
Christianity. Simon, who bore our Saviour's
cross (Matt, xxvii. 32 ; Mark xv. 21 ; Luke
xxiii. 26), was a native of Cyrene. Jewish
dwellers in Cyrenaica were in Jerusalem at
Pentecost (Acts ii. 10). They even gave their
name to one of the synagogues in Jerusalem
(ib. vi. 9). Christian converts from Cyrene
were among those who contributed actively to
the formation of the first Gentile church at
Antioch (xi. 20). Lucius of Cyrene (xiii. 1)
is traditionally said to have been the first bishop
of his native district.
Tatratfmaha (AMs Mm!) of Cjima.
C*t. Banrad •flphlom plant Rrr.KTPA. Head of (warded
Jnpter Amman to tha right
Cyre'nius, the literal English rendering In
the A.V. of the Greek name, which is itself
the Greek form of the Roman name Qcikinus.
The full name is Publius Sulpicius Quirinus.
He was consul a.u.c 742, b.c 12, and made
governor of Syria after the banishment of
Archelaus in a.d. 6. He was sent to make au
enrolment of property in Syria, and made ac-
cordingly, both there and in Judaea, a census or
inToypafr]. But this census seems in Luke (ii.
2) to be identified with one which took place at
the time of the birth of Christ, when Dentins
Saturninus was governor of Syria. Hence has
arisen a considerable difficulty, which has been
Zumpt, of Berlin, has shown it to be probable
that Quirinus was twice governor of Syria, and
by arguments too long to be reproduced here,
but very striking and satisfactory, fixes the time
of his first governorship at from B.C. 4 to B.C. 1,
when he was succeeded by M. Lollius.
Cy'rUB, the founder of the Persian empire
(see Dan. vi. 28, x. 1, 13; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 22,
23), was, according to the common legend, the
son of Mandanc, the daughter of A sty ages the
last king of Media, and Cambyses a Persian
of the royal family of the Achssmemdje. In
consequence of a dream, Astyagea, it is said,
designed the death of his infant grandson, but
the child was spared by those whom he charged
with the commission of the crime, and was
reared in obscurity under the name of Agra-
dates. When be grew up to manhood, his
courage and genius placed him at the head of
the Persians. The tyranny of Astyages had
at that time alienated a large faction of the
Medes, and Cyrus headed a revolt which ended
in the defeat and capture of the Median king
B.C. 559, near Pasargadas. After consolidating
the empire which he thus gained, Cyrus entered
on that career of conquest which has made him
the hero of the East In b.c. 546 (?) he defeat-
ed Croesus, and the kingdom of Lydia was the
prize of his success. Babylon fell before his
army, and the ancient dominions of Assyria
were added to his empire (b.c. 538). It is
probable that Cyrus planned an invasion of
Egypt ; and there are traces of campaigns in
Central Asia, in which he appears to have at-
tempted to extend his power to the Indus. Af-
terwards he attacked the Massagetse, and ac-
cording to Herodotus fell in a battle against
them B.C. 529. His tomb is still shown at Pa-
sargadas, the scene of his first decisive victory.
Hitherto the great kings, with whom the Jews
had been brought into contact, had been open
oppressors or seductive allies ; but Cyrus was
a generous liberator, and a just guardian of
their rights. An inspired prophet (Is. xliv.
28) recognized in him " a shepherd " of the
Lord, an " anointed " king (Is. xlv. 1 ). Cyrus
stands out clearly as the representative of the
East, as Alexander afterwards of the West
The one led to the development of the idea of
order, and the other to that of independence.
Ecclesiastically the first crisis was signalised by
the consolidation of a Church ; the second by
the distinction of sects. The one found its
outward embodiment in " the great Syna-
gogue ; " the other in the dynasty of the Asmo-
nseans. The edict of Cyrus for the rebuilding
of the Temple (2 Chr. xxxvi. 22, 23 ; Ear. l
1-4, iii. 7, iv. 3, r. 13, 17, vi. 8) was in fact tba
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DAGON
183
DAMASCUS
beginning of Judaism ; and the great changes
by which the nation was transformed into a
eanrch are clearly marked.
D.
Dftb'areh, Josh. xxi. 88. This name is
incorrectly spelt in the A. V., and should be
DiBEiATH ; which see.
Dabbaah'eth, a town on the boundary of
Zebotan (Josh. xix. 11).
Daberath (with the art in Josh.), a town
on the boundary of Zcbulun (Josh. xix. 12)
named as next to Chisloth-Tabor. But in
1 Chr. Ti 78, and in Josh. xxi. 28, it is aid to
belong to Issachar. Under the name of Debd-
riaa it still lies at the western foot of Tabor.
Datria, one of the five swift scribes who
recorded the visions of Esdras (2 Esd. xiv. 84 ;
cusp. 37, 42). Ap.
Dacota, I Esd. r. 28. [Akkub.] Ap.
Dadde'us or Saddens (l Esd. viii. 45,
ttJjS corruption of Iddo (Ezr. viii. 17). Ap.
Dagon, apparently the masculine (1 Sam.
v. 3, 4) correlative of Atargatis, was the na-
tions' god of the Philistines. The most famous
tsaplta of Dagon were at Gaza (Judg. xvi.
W * «u a. TnmSlmmmL (Lagnri.)
"^°)«nd Ashdod (1 Sam. v. 5, 6 ; 1 Chr. x.
«>)■ The latter temple was destroyed by Jona-
™> in the Maccabssan wars (1 Mace. x. 88, 84,
*<• 4). Traces of the worship of Dagon like-
wise appear in the names Caphar-Dagon (near
Jamnia), and Beth-Dagon in Judah (Josh,
xr. 41) and Ashcr (Josh. xix. 27). Dugon
was represented with the face and hands of a
man and the tail of a fish (1 Sam. v. 5). The
fish-like form was a natural emblem of fruitful-
ness, and as such was likely to be adopted by
seafaring tribes in the representation of their
gods.
Dai'san, 1 Esd. v.31. RBZiN(Ezr.ii.48) ;
by the commonly repeated change of R to D.
Dalai'ah. The sixth son of Elioenai, a de-
scendant of the royal family of Judah ( 1 Chr.
iii. 24).
Dalmanu'tha. From a comparison of
Matt. xv. 39 and Mark viii. 10 we may conclude
that Dalmanutha was a town on the west side
of the Sea of Galilee near Magdala. The lat-
ter stood close upon the shore, at the southern
end of the little plain of Genncsaret. [Mao-
dala.1 About a mile from Magdala is a nar-
row glen to the south, at the mouth of which
are the ruins of a village. The place is called
'Ain-el-Bdrideh, " the cold Fountain." Here in
all probability is the site of the long lost Dal-
manutha.
Dalma'tia, a mountainous district on the
eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea, extending
from the river Naro in the S. to the Savus in
the N. St. Paul sent Titus there (2 Tim. iv.
10), and he himself had preached the Gospel in
its immediate neighborhood (Rom. xv. 19).
Dal'phon. The second of the ten sons of
Hainan (Esth. ix. 7).
Dam aria, an Athenian woman converted
to Christianity by St. Paul's preaching (Acts
xvii. 34). Chrvsostom and others held her to
have been the wife of Dionysius the Areopagite.
Damascus is one of the most ancient, and
has at all times been one of the most important,
of the cities of Syria. It is situated in a plain
of vast size and of extreme fertility, which lies
east of the great chain of Anti-Libanus, on the
edge of the desert. This fertile plain, which
is nearly circular, and about 30 miles in diame-
ter, is due to the river Boroda, which is proba-
bly the "Abona" of Scripture. This stream,
rising high up on the western flank of Anti-
Libanus, forces its way through the chain, run-
ning for some time among the mountains, till
suddenly it bursts through a narrow cleft upon
the open country east of the hills, and diffuses
fertility far and wide. Two other streams, the
Wadi) Hdbon upon the north, and the Awaj
upon the south, which flows direct from Her-
mon, increase the fertility of the Damascene
plain, and contend for the honor of represent-
ing the '* Pharpar " of Scripture. According
to Josephus, Damascus was founded by Uz, the
son of Aram, and grandson of Shem. It is
first mentioned in Scripture in connection with
Abraham (Gen. xiv. 15), whose steward was a
native of the place (xv. 2). We may gather
from the name of this person, as well as from
the statement of Josephus, which connects the
city with the Aranueans, that it was a Shemitic
settlement. Nothing more is known of Damas-
cus until the time of David, when " the Syrians
of Damascus came to succor Hadodezcr, kin-;
of Zobah," with whom David was at war
(2 Sam. viii. 5 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 5). On this oc-
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DAMASCUS
184
DAB
casion David "slew of the Syrians 23,000
men ; " and in consequence of tnia victory be-
came completely master of the whole territory,
which he garrisoned with Israelites (2 Sam.
viii. 6). It appears that in' the reign of Solo-
mon, a certain nezon, who had been a subject
of Uadadezer, king of Zobah, and had escaped
when David conquered Zobah, made himself
master of Damascus, and established his own
rule there (1 K. xi. 23-25). Afterwards the
family of Hadad appears to have recovered the
throne, and a Benhadad, grandson of the an-
tagonist of David, is found in league with
Baasha, king of Israel, against Asa (IK. xr. 1 9 ;
2 Chr. xvi. 3), and afterwards in league with
Asa against Baasha (1 K. xv. 20). He was
succeeded by his son, Hadad IV. (the Benha-
dad II. of Scripture), who was defeated by
Ahab (1 K. xx.). Three years afterwards war
broke oat afresh, through the claim of Ahab to
the city of Ramoth-Gilead (1 K. xxii. 1-4).
The defeat and death of Ahab at that place
(ib. 15-37) seem to havo enabled the Syrians
of Damascus to resume the offensive. Their
bands ravaged the lands of Israel during the
reign of Jenoram ; and they even undertook at
this time a second siege of Samaria, which was
frustrated miraculously (2 K. vl. 24, vil. 6, 7).
After this, we do not hear of any more attempts
against the Israelite capital. The cuneiform
inscriptions show that towards the close of his
reign Benhadad was exposed to the assaults of
a great conqueror, who was bent on extending
the dominion of Assyria over Syria and Pales-
tine. It may have been these circumstances
which encouraged Ilazael, the sen-ant of Ben-
hadad, to murder him, and seize the throne,
which Elisha had declared would certainly one
day be his (2 K. viii. 15). Shortly after the
accession of Hazael (about B.C. 884), he was in
his turn attacked by the Assyrians, who defeated
him with great loss amid the fastnesses of Anti-
Libanus. However, in his wars with Israel
and Judah he was more fortunate, and his son
Benhadad followed up his successes. At last
a deliverer appeared (verse 5), and Joash, the
son of Johoanaz, " beat Hazael thrice, and re-
covered the cities of Israel " (verse 25). In the
next reign still further advantages were gained
by the Israelites. Jeroboam II. (ab. B.C. 836)
is said to have "recovered Damascus" (2 K.
xiv. 28), and though this may not mean that
he captured the city, it at least implies that he
obtained a certain influence over it. A century
later (ab. B.C. 742) the Syrians appear as allies
of Israel against Judah (2 K. xv. 37). It seems
to have been during a pause in the struggle
against Assyria that Rezin king of Damascus,
and Pekah king of Israel, resolved conjointly
to attack Jorusalem, intending to depose Ahaz
and set np as king a creature of their own
(Is. vii. 1-6 ; 2 K. xvi. 5). Jerusalem success-
fully maintained itself against the combined
attack. Ahaz was induced to throw himself
into the arms of Tiglath-Pilescr, to ask aid
from him, and to accept voluntarily the position
of an Assyrian feudatory (ib. xvi. 7, 8). The
aid sought was given, with the important result,
that Rezin was slain, the kingdom of Damas-
cus brought to an end, and the city itself de-
stroyed, the inhabitants being earned captive
i Assyria (2 K. xvi. 9 ; camp. Is. vii. 8
. 1. 5). It "
into .
Am. 1. 5). It was long before Damascus re-
covered from this serious blow. We do not
know at what time Damascus was rebuilt ; but
Strabo says that it was the most famous place
in Syria during the Persian period. At the
time of the Gospel history, and of the apostle
Paul, it formed a part of the kingdom of Aretas
(2 Cor. xL 32), an Arabian prince, who bold
his kingdom under the Romans. Damascus
has always been a great centre for trade. It
would appear from £z. xxvii. that Damascus
took manufactured goods from the Phoenicians,
and supplied them in exchange with wool and
wine. But the passage trade of Damascus has
probably been at all times more important than
its direct commerce, — Certain localities in Da-
mascus ore shown as the site of those Scriptural
events which especially interest us in its history.
A "long wide thoroughfare," leading direct
from one of the gates to the Castle or palace
of the Pacha, is "called by the guides
'Straight'" (Acts ix. 11); but the natives
know it among themselves, as " the Street of
Bazaars." The house of Judas is shown, but
it is not in the street " Straight." That of
Ananias is also pointed out. The scene of the
conversion is confidently said to be an open
green spot, surrounded oy trees, and used as
the Christian burial-ground ; but four distinct
spots have been pointed out at different times,
so that little confidence can be placed in any of
them. The point of the walls at which St.
Paul was let down by a basket (Acts ix. 25 ;
2 Cor. xi. S3) is also shown.
Dan. L The fifth son of Jacob, and the
first of Bitbah, Rachel's maid (Gen. xxx. 6).
The origin of the name is given ia the excla-
mation of Rachel — "'God hath judged mm
(dantmni) . . . and given me a son, therefore
she called his name Dan," i\e. "judge." In
the blessing of Jacob (Gen. xlix. 16) this play
on the name is repeated — " Dan shall judgt
{ymSn) his people. The records of Dan are
unusually meagre. Of die patriarch himself,
unfortunately, no personal history is preserved.
Only one son is attributed to him (Gen. xln.
23) ; but when the people were numbered in
the wilderness of Sinai, nis tribe was, with the
exception of Judah, the most numerous of all,
containing62,700 men able to serve. The po-
sition of Dan during the march through the
desert was on the north side of the tabernacle
(Num. ii. 25), the hindmost of the lone proces-
sion (ii. 31, x. 25). It arrived at the threshold
of the Promised Land, and passed the ordeal
of the rites of Baal-poor (Num. xxv.) with an
increase of 1,700 on the earlier census. The
remaining notices of the tribe before the pas-
sage of the Jordan are unimportant It fur-
nished a " prince " to the apportionment of the
land ; and it was appointed to stand on Mount
Ebal at the ceremony of blessing and cursing
(Dent xxvii. 13). After this nothing is heard
of Dan till the specification of the inheritance
allotted to hire (Josh. xix. 48). Ha was the
last of the tribes to receive his portion, and
that portion, according to the record of Joshua,
strange as it appears in the face of the numbers
just quoted, was the smallest of the twelve.
But notwithstanding its smallneas it had emi-
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DAN
185
DANCE
Meat natural advantages. On the north and
east it was completely embraced by its two
brother-tribes Ephraim and Benjamin, while on
the sooth-east and south it joined Judah, and
was thus surrounded by the three most power-
fill states of the whole confederacy. From
Japan — afterwards Joppa, and now Y&fix — on
the north, to Ekron ana Gathriaunon on the
•oath, a fr»tgp^ of at least 14 miles, that noble
tract, one of the most fertile in the whole of
Palestine, was allotted to this tribe. Bat this
rich district, the corn-field and the garden of
the whole sooth of Palestine, was too valuable
to be giTen up without a straggle by its ori-
ginal possessors. The Amorites accordingly
" forced the children of Dan into the moon-
tain, for they would not saner them to come
down into the valley" (Judg. i. 34) — forced
them op from the corn-fields of the plain, with
their deep black soil, to the villages whose rains
still crown the hills that skirt the lowland.
With the help of Ephraim, Dan prevailed
against the Amorites for a time, but in a few
years the Philistines took the place of the
Amorites, and with the same result. These
considerations enable us to understand how it
happened that long after the partition of the
land " all the inheritance of the Danites bad
not fallen to them among the tribes of Israel "
(Judg- xviii. 1). Tbey also explain the war-
like and independent character of the tribe be-
tokened in the name of their head-quarters
Xahaneh-Dan, " the camp, or host, of Dan,"
ia the fact specially insisted on and reiterated
(xviii. 11, 16, 17) of the complete equipment
of Uku* 600 warriors " appointed with weapons
of war," — and the lawless free boo ting style of
their behavior to Micah. In the " security "
sad ** quiet " (Judg. xviii. 7, 10) of their rich
northern possession, the Danites enjoyed the
kisare and repose which had been denied them
ia their original scat. But of the fate of the
city to which they gave " the name of their
father"' /Josh. xix. 47), we know scarcely any
thing. In the time of David, Dan still kept its
place among- the tribes (1 Chr. xii. 35). Asher
u omitted, bnt the "prince of the tribe of
Dan " is mentioned in the list of 1 Chr xxvii.
22. Bat from this time forward the name as
applied to the tribe vanishes ; it is kept alive
only by the northern city. In the genealogies
of l Chr. ii.-xii. Dan is omitted entirely,
lastly, Dan is omitted from the list of those
who were sealed by the Angel in tho vision of
St- John (Rev. vii. 5-7). — 2. Tho well-known
coy, to familiar as the most northern landmark
of Palestine, in the common expression " from
Das even to Beersheba." The name of the
place was originally Laish or Lmhkm (Josh,
xix. 47). Its inhabitants lived " after the man-
ner of the Zidonians," «".«. engaged in commerce,
and without defence. Laving thus " quiet and
secure," ther fell an easy prey to the active
and practised freebooters of the Danites. They
co n fe rred upon their new acquisition the name
of their own tribe, " after the name of their
father who was born onto Israel " (Judg. xviii.
29; Josh. xix. 47), and Laish became Dan.
The locality of the town is specified with some
nrinnteness. It was "far from Zidon," and
" in the valley that is by Beth-rehob ; " but, as
24
this latter place has not been identified with
certainty, the position of Dan must be ascer-
tained by other means. After the establish-
ment of the Danites at Dan it became the
acknowledged extremity of the country. Dan
was, with other northern cities, laid waste by
Benhadad (1 K. xv. 20; 2 Chr. xvi. 4), and
this is the last mention of the place. Various
considerations would incline to the suspicion
that Dan was a holy place of note from a far
earlier date than its conquest by the Danites.
With regard to Gen. xiv. 14 three explanations
suggest themselves. — 1. That another place
of the same name is intended. — 2. That it is
a prophetic anticipation by the sacred historian
of a name which was not to exist till centuries
later. — 8. That the passage originally con-
tained an older name, as Laish ; and that when
that was superseded by Dan, the new name
was inserted n. the MSS. This last is Ewald's,
and oi the thru; is the most probable. The
Tell el-Kadi, a mound from the foot of which
gushes out one of the largest fountains in the
world, the main source of the Jordan, is very
probably the site of the town and citadel of
Dan. The spring is called el-I.tddan, possibly
a corruption of Dan, and the sfeam from the
spring Nahr ed Dhan, while the name Tell el-
Kadi, " the Judge's mound," agrees in signifi-
cation with the ancient name. — 3, Apparently
the name of a city, associated with Javan, as
one of the places in Southern Arabia from
which the Phoenicians obtained wrought iron,
cassia, and calamus (Es. xxvii. 19). Nothing
is certainly known about it
Danites, The. The descendants of Dan,
and members of his tribe (Judg. xiii. 2, xviii.
1, 11; 1 Chr. xii. 35).
Dan-Ja'an, a place named onlr In 2 Sam
xxiv. 6 as one of the points visited by Joab in
taking the census of the people. It occurs be-
tween Gilead and Zidon — and therefore may
have been somewhere in the direction of Dan
(Laish), at the sources of the Jordan. There
seems no reason for doubting that the well-
known Dan is intended.
Danoe. The dance is spoken of in Holy
Scripture universally as symbolical of some re-
joicing, and is often coupled for the sake of
contrast with mourning, as in Eccl. iii. 4
(coasp. Ps. xxx. 11 ; Matt. xi. 17). In the
earlier period it is found combined with some
song or refrain (Ex. xv. 20, xxxii. 18, 19; 1
Sam. xxi. 11); and with the tambourine (A.V.
" timbrel"), more especially in those impulsive
outbursts of popular feeling which cannot find
sufficient vent in voice or in gesture singly.
Dancing formed a part of the religious cere-
monies of the Egyptians, and was also common
in private entertainments. Many representa-
tions of dances both of men and women are
found in the Egyptian paintings. The " feast
unto the Lord," which Moses proposed to Pha-
raoh to hold, was really a dance. Women,
however, among the Hebrews, made the danca
their especial means of expressing their feel-
ings; and so welcomed their husbands or
friends on their return from battle. The "eat-
ing and drinking and dancing " of the Araalek-
ites is recorded, as is the people's " rising up
to play," with a tacit censure. So among the
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DANCE
186
DANIEL
Bedouins, native dances of men are mentioned,
and are probably an ancient custom. The He-
brews, however, Bave in such moments of temp-
tation, seem to have left dancing to the women.
Bat more especially, on such occasions of tri-
umph, any woman, whose nearness of kin to
the champion of the moment gave her a public
character among her own sex, seems to have
felt that it was her part to lead such a demon-
stration of triumph, or of welcome (Ex. xv.
80 j. Judg. xi. 34). This marks the peculiarity
of Davitrs conduct, when, on the return of the
Ark of God from its long sojourn among stran-
Kgypttut daaec*. (WaUnaoa.)
gers and borderers, he (2 Sam. vi. 5-22) was
himself chortgas ; and here too the women, with
their timbrels (see especially ver. 5, 19, 20, 22),
took an important share. This fact brings out
more markedly the feelings of Saul's daughter
Michal, keeping aloof from the occasion, and
"looking through a window" at the scene.
She should, in accordance with the examples
of Miriam, &c., have herself led the female
choir, and so come out to meet the Ark and her
lord. She stays with the " household " (ver.
20), and " comes out to meet " him with re-
proaches, perhaps feeling that his zeal was a
rebuke to tier apathy. From the mention of
"damsels," "timbrels," and "dances" (Ps.
Ixviii. 25, cxlix. S, cl. 4), as element* of re-
ligious worship, it may perhaps be inferred that
David's feeling led him to incorporate in its
Musical IoMmnMntft. Dance.
(aUndeUrehn.)
rites that popular mode of festive celebration.
In the earlier period of the Judges the dances
of the virgins in Shiloh (Judg. xxi. 19—23)
were certainly part of a religious festivity.
Dancing also had its place among merely fes-
tive amusements apart from any religious char-
acter (Jer. xxxi. 4, 13 ; Lam. v. 15 ; Mark vi.
22 ; Luke xv. 25).
D&ILOe. By this word is rendered in the
A. V. the Hebrew term machol, a musical in-
strument of percussion, supposed to have been
used by the Hebrews at an early period of their
history. In the grand Hallelujah Psalm (el.)
which closes that magnificent collection, the
sacred poet exhorts mankind to praise Jehovah
in His sanctuary with all kinds of music ; and
amongst the instruments mentioned at the 3d,
4th, and 5th verses, is found macMl. It is gen-
erally believed to have been made of metal,
open like a ring : it had many small bells at-
tached to its border, and was played at wed-
dings and merry-makings by women, who ac-
companied it with
the voice. Accord-
ing to the author of
Snihe Haggibborim,
the machdlh&A tink-
ling metal plates fas-
tened on wires, at in-
tervals within the cir-
cle that formed the
instrument, like the
modern tambourine ;
according to others,
a similar instrument,
also formed of a circular piece of metal or
wood, but furnished with a handle, which the
performer might so manage as to set in motion
several rings strung on a metal bar, passing
from one side of the instalment to the other, the
waving of which produced a loud, merry sound.
Daniel, the name of four persons in the
Old Testament. — L The second son of Da-
vid by Abigail the Carmelitess (1 Chr. iii. 1).
In 2 Sam. iii. 3, he is called Chileab. — 2.
The fourth of " the greater prophets." Noth-
ing is known of his parentage or family. He
appears, however, to have been of royal or no-
ble descent (Dan. i. 3), and to have possessed
considerable personal endowments (Dan. i. 4).
He was taken to Babylon in " the third year of
Jehoiakim " (B.C. 604), and trained for the
king's service with his three companions. Like
Joseph in earlier times, he gained the favor of
his guardian, and was divinely supported in his
resolve to abstain from the " king's meat " for
fear of defilement (Dan. i. 8-16). At the close
of his three years discipline (Dan. i. 5, 18),
Daniel had an opportunity of exercising his pe-
culiar gift (Dan. i. 17) of interpreting dreams,
on the occasion of Nebuchadnezzar's decree
against the Magi (Dan. ii. 14 ff.). In conse-
quence of bis success he was made " ruler of
the whole province of Babylon," and "chief of
the governors over all the wise men of Baby-
lon" (ii. 48). He afterwards interpreted the
second dream of Nebuchadnezzar (iv. 8-27),
and the handwriting on the wall which dis-
turbed the feast of Belshazzar (v. 10-28),
though he no longer held his official position
among the Magi (Dan. v. 7, 8, 12), and srohs-
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DANIEL
187
DANIEL
My lived at 8osa\ (Dan. viii. 9). At the
•ion of Darius he was made first of the " three
presidents " of the empire (Dan. vi. 2), and
was delivered from the lions' den, into which
be had been cast for his faithfulness to the rites
of his faith (ri. 10-33 ; cf. Bel and Dra. 29-42).
At the accession of Cyrus he still retained his
prosperity (vi. 28 ; cf. i. 21 ; Bel and Dra. 2) ;
though be does not appear to have remained at
Babylon (cf. Dan. i. 21 ), and in " the third year
of Cyras (B.C. 534) he saw his last recorded
vision on the banks of the Tigris (x. 1, 4). In
the prophecies of Ezekiel mention is made of
Daniel as a pattern of righteousness (xiv. 14,
20) and wisdom (xxviii. 3) ; and since Daniel
was still young at that time (c. B.C. 588-584),
some have thought that another prophet of the
name must have lived at some earlier time, per-
haps daring the captivity of Nineveh, whose
fame was transferred to his later namesake. On
the other hand the narrative in Dan. i. 1 1 im-
plies that Daniel was conspicuously distin-
guished for parity and knowledge at a very
early age (cf. Hist. Sus. 45), and he may have
been nearly forty years old at the time of Eze-
kiel's prophecy. — 3. A descendant of Ithamar,
who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 2). — 4.
A priest who sealed the covenant drawn up by
Nenemiah B.C. 445 (Neh. x. 6). He is perhaps
the same as ( 3).
Daniel, The Book Of, is the earliest
example sf apocalyptic literature, and in a great
degree the model according to which all later
apocalypses were constructed. In this aspect
h stands at the head of a series of writings in
which the deepest thoughts of the Jewish peo-
ple found expression after the close of the pro-
phetic era. — 1 . In studying the book of Daniel
it is of the utmost importance to recognize its
apocalyptic character. To the old prophets
Daniel stands, in some sense, as a commenta-
tor (Dan. ix. 2-19) ; to succeeding generations,
as the herald of immediate deliverance. The
form, the style, and the point of sight of proph-
ecy, are relinquished upon the verge of a new
period in the existence of God's people, and
fresh instruction is given to them suited to their
new fortunes. The change is not abrupt and
absolute, but yet it is distinctly felt The eye
and not the ear is the organ of the Seer : vis-
ions and not words are revealed to him. The
Babylonian exile supplied the outward training
and the inward necessity for this last form of
divine teaching ; and the prophetic visions of
Ezekiel form the connecting link between tho
characteristic types of revelation and prophecy.
~ 2. The language of the book, no less than
its general form, belongs to an era of transition.
Like the book of Ezra, Daniel is composed
partly in the vernacular Aramaic (Chaldee),
and partly in the sacred Hebrew. The intro-
duction (l.-ii. 4 o) is written in Hebrew. On
the occasion of the "Syriac" (i.e. Aramaic)
answer of the Chaldeans, the language changes
lo Aramaic, and this is retained till the close
of the seventh chapter (ii. 4 6-vii.). The
personal introduction of Daniel as the writer
of the text (viii. 1) is marked by the resumption
of the Hebrew, which continues to the close of
the book (viii.-xii.). The character of the
Hebrew bears the closest affinity to that of
Ezekiel and Habakkuk. The Aramaic, like
that of Ezra, is also of an earlier form than
exists in any other Chaldaic document. The
use of Greek technical terms marks a period
when commerce had already united Persia and
Greece ; and the occurrence of peculiar words
which admit of an explanation by reference to
Aryan and not to Sbcmitic roots is almost in-
explicable on the supposition that the prophe-
cies are a Palestinian forgery of the Macca-
basan age. — 3. The book is generally divided
into two nearly equal parts. The first of these
(i.-vi.) contains chiefly historical incidents,
while the second (vii.-xii.) is entirely apoc-
alyptic. Bat this division takes no account of
the difference of language, nor of the change
of person at the beginning of ch. viii. It seems
better to divide the book into three parts. The
first chapter forms an introduction. The next
six chapters (ii-vii.) give a general view of
the progressive history of the powers of the
world, and of the principles of the divine gov-
ernment as seen in events of the life of Daniel.
The remainder of the book (viii.-xii.) traces
in minuter detail the fortunes of the people of
God, as typical of the fortunes of the Church
in all ages. — 4. Tho position which the book
of Daniel occupies in the Hebrew Canon seems
at first sight remarkable. It is placed among
the Holy writings between Esther and Ezra, or
immediately before Esther, and not among the
prophets. This collocation, however, is a nat-
ural consequence of tile right apprehension of
the different functions of toe prophet and seer.
Daniel's Apocalypse is as distinct from the pro-
phetic writings as die Apocal/pse of St. John
from the Apostolic epistles. — 5. The unity of
the book in its present form, notwithstanding
the difference of language, is generally acknowl-
edged. Still there is a remarkable difference
in its internal character. In the first seven
chapters Daniel is spoken of historically (i. 6-21 ,
ii. 14-49, iv. 8-27, v. 13-29, vi. 2-28, vil. 1,2):
in the last five he appears personally as the writer
(vii. 15-28, viii. 1-uc. 22. x. 1-9, xii. 5). The
cause of the difference of person is commonly
supposed to lie in the nature of the case. It is,
however, more probable that the peculiarity
arose from the manner in which the book as-
sumed its final shape. — 6. Allusion has been
made already to the influence which the book
exercised upon the Christian Church. Apart
from the general type of Apocalyptic composi-
tion which the Apostolic writers derived from
Daniel (2 Thess. ii. ; Rev. passim; cf. Matt,
xxiv., xxvi. 64), the New Testament incident-
ally acknowledges each of the characteristic
elements of the book, its miracles (Heb. xi.
33, 34), its predictions (Matt. xxiv. 15), and
its doctrine of angels (Luke i. 19, 26). At a
still earlier time the same influence may be
traced in the Apocrypha. The book of Barnch
exhibits so many coincidences with Daniel, that
by some the two books have been assigned to
the same author (cf. Fritzsche, Handb. zu d.
Apolc. i. 1 73) ; and the first book of Maccabees
represents Mattathias quoting the marvellous
deliverances recorded in Daniel, together with
those of earlier times (1 Mace. ii. 59, 60), and
elsewhere exhibits an acquaintance with the
Greek version of the book (1 Mace. i. 54 -»
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DANIEL
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DAPHNE
Dan. ix. 27). The allusion to the guardian
angels of nations, which is introduced into the
Alexandrine translation of the Pentateuch
(Deut. xxxii. 8; LXX.), and recurs in the
Wisdom of Sirach (Ecclus. xvii. 17), may have
been derived from Dan. x. 21, xii. 1, though
this is uncertain, as the doctrine probably
formed part of the common belief. According
to Josephus {Ant. xi. 8, § 4) the prophecies of
Daniel gained for the Jews the favor of Alex-
ander [Alexander the Great] ; and what-
ever credit may be given to the details of bis
narrative, it at least shows the unquestioning
belief in the prophetic worth of the book which
existed among the Jews in his time. — 7. The
testimony of the Synagogue and the Church
gave a clear expression to the judgment im-
C" d by the early and authoritative use of the
k, and pronounced it to contain authentic
prophecies of Daniel, without contradiction,
with one exception, till modern times. Por-
phyry alone jlc. 305 a.d.) assailed the book.
Externally it is as well attested as any book of
Scripture. — 8. The history of the assaults
upon the prophetic worth of Daniel in modern
times is full of interest. The real grounds on
which most modern critics rely in rejecting the
book, are the " fabulousness of its narratives,"
and " the minuteness of its prophetic history."
— 9. The general objections against the " le-
gendary " miracles and specific predictions of
Daniel are strengthened by other objections in
detail, which cannot, however, be regarded in
themselves as of any considerable weight. Not
only, it is said, is the book placed among the
Hagiographa, but Daniel is omitted in the list
of prophets given in the Wisdom of Sirach ;
the language is corrupted by an intermixture
of Greek words ; the details are essentially un-
historical; the doctrinal and moral teaching
betrays a late date. In reply to these remarks,
it may be urged, that if the book of Daniel was
already placed among the Hagiographa at the
time when the Wisdom of Sirach was written,
the omission of the name of Daniel ( Ecclus.
xlix.) is most natural. Nor is the mention of
Greek musical instruments (iii. 5, 7, 10) sur-
prising at a time when the intercourse of the
East and West was already considerable. Yet
further, the scene and characters of the book are
Oriental. In doctrine, again, the book is closely
connected with the writings of the Exile, and
forms a last step in the development of the
ideas of Messiah (vii. 13, &c.), of the resurrec-
tion (xii. 2, 3), of the ministry of angels (viii.
16, xii. 1, &c.), of personal devotion (ri. 10, 11,
i. 8), which formed the basis of later specula-
tions, but received no essential addition in the
interval before the coming of our Lord. Gen-
erally it may be said that while the book pre-
sents in many respects a startling and excep-
tional character, yet it is for more difficult to
explain its composition in the Maecabaean pe-
riod than to connect the peculiarities which it
exhibits with the exigencies of the Return. —
10. But while all historical evidence supports
the canonicity of the book of Daniel, it does
not follow that the recognition of the unity and
authority of the book is necessarily connected
with the belief that the whole is to be assigned
to the authorship of Daniel. According to the
Jewish tradition the books of Etekiel, the twelve
minor prophets, Daniel and Esther, were writ-
ten (ix. drawn up in their present form) by the
men of the great synagogue, and in the case of
Daniel the tradition is supported by strong in-
ternal evidence. — 11. There is no Chaldee
translation of Daniel. The Greek version has
undergone singular changes. At an early time
the LXX. version was supplanted in the Greek
Bibles by that of Theodotion, and in the time
of Jerome the version of Theodotion was gen-
erally "read by the Churches." Meanwhile
the original LXX. translation passed entirely
out of use, and it was supposed to have been
lost till the last century, when it was published
at Home.
Daniel, Apocryphal Additions to.
The Greek translations of Daniel, like that of
Esther, contain several pieces which are not
found in the original text. The most important
of these additions are contained in the Apoc-
rypha of the English Bible under the titles of
The Song of the Three Holy Children, The Bitten
of Susanna, and The Buton of. . . Bd and lit
Dragon. — I. a. The first of these pieces is in-
corporated into the narrative of Daniel. After
the three confessors were thrown into the
furnace (Dan. iii. 23) { Axarias is represented
graving to God for deliverance (Song of Three
Children, 3-22); and in answer the angel of
the Lord shields them from the Are which con-
sumes their enemies (23-27), whereupon "the
three, as out of one mouth," raise a triumphant
song (29-68), of which a chief part (35-66) has
been used as a hymn in the Christian Church
since the 4th century. — b. The two other pieces
appear more distinctly as appendices, and offer
no semblance of forming part of the original
text The Baton of .Susanna (or The Judg-
ment of Daniel) is generally found at the begin-
ning of the book (Gk. MSS. Vet. Lot.); though
it also occurs after the 12th chapter {Vulg. ed.
Compl.). The History ofBetandthe Dragon is
placed at the end of the book ; and in the LXX.
version it bears a special heading as "part of
the prophecy of HabaBcut." — 2. The additions
are found in both the Greek texts, the LXX.
and Theodotion, in the Old Latin and Vulgate,
and in the existing Syriac and Arabic versions.
On the other hand there is no evidence that
they ever formed part of the Hebrew text, and
they were originally wanting in the Syriac. —
3. Various conjectures have been made as to
the origin of the additions. It has been sup-
posed that they were derived from Aramaic
originals, but the character of the additions
themselves indicates rather the hand of an
Alexandrine writer; and it is not unlikely that
the translator of Daniel wrought up traditions
which were already current, and appended them
to his work.
Dan'nah, a city in the mountains of Judah
(Josh. xv. 49), and probably south or south-
west of Hebron. No trace of its name has
been discovered.
Daphne, a celebrated grove and sanctuary
of Apollo, near Antioch in Syria (S Mace. iv. 33).
Its establishment, like that of the city, was due
to Seleucus Nicator. The distance between the
two places was about 5 miles, and in history
they are associated most intimately together
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DARIUS
189
DARKNESS
The situation was of extreme natural beauty,
with perennial fountains and abundant wood.
The succeeding Sclencid monarchy especially
Antiochuj Epiphanes, embellished the place
lull farther. When Syria became Roman,
Daphne continued to be famous as a place of
pilgrimage and vice. The site has been well
dentinea by Pococke and other travellers at
Btk-tLMaa, " the House of the Water," on the
left bank of the Orontes, to the 8.W. of An-
Boch,
Da'ra, 1 Chr. ii. 6. [Darda.]
Smr'aa, a son of Mahol, one of four men
of great fame for their wisdom, but surpassed
by Solomon ( 1 K. iv. 31 ). In 1 Chr. ii. 6, how-
ever, the same four names occur again as " sons
of Zcrsh," of the tribe of Judah, with the slight
difference that Darda appears as Dara. The
ideality of these persons with those in I K. iv.
bm been greatly debated ; but there cannot be
such reasonable doubt that they are the same.
Dane (A.V. "dram;" Ear. ii. 69, viii. 27;
Sen. rii. 70, 71, 72; 1 Chr. xxix. 7), a gold
com current in Palestine in the period after the
return from Babylon. At these times there
wis do large issue of gold money except by the
Fcniin kings. The Danes which have been
dutorered are thick pieces of pure gold, of ar-
thaic style, bearing on the obverse the figure
of t king with bow and javelin, or bow and
digger, and on the reverse an irregular incuse
•pare. Their full weight is about 1S8 grains
troT.or a little less than that of an Attic stater,
lad is most probably that of an early didrachm
of the Phoenician talent They must have
been the common gold pieces of the Persian
aspire.
Me. Okr.t Dm or Font* to the right, tamOa* bautaf
HvudjavtllB. Btr.i ImgaW fnetw iqHn.
D&ri'iu, the name of several kings of Media
«nd Persia. Three kings bearing this name are
national in the O. T. — L Da bi ds the Medb
(Dtn. xi. 1, vi. 1), "the son of Ahusucrus of
tbe leed of the Medes " (ix. 1 ), who succeeded
>» the Babylonian kingdom on the death of
BeUhmar, being then sixty-two years old
(Dan. r. 31 ; ix. 1 ). Only one year of his
n%» U mentioned (Dan. ix. 1, xi. 1 ) ; but that
**» of great importance for the Jews. Daniel
vw sdrtneed by the king to the highest dig-
"Wt (Dan. vi. 1 ff.), probably in consequence
"His former services (cf. Dan. v. 17); and
■for his miraculous deliverance, Darius issued
» decree enjoining throughout his dominions
"reference for the God of Daniel" (Dan. vi.
8 _'•)• The extreme obscurity of the Baby-
Jjjjun annals has given occasion to three
J™ 01 * hypotheses as to the name under which
P*rias the Mede is known in history. The
first of these, which identifies him with Darius
Hjstaspis, rests on no plausible evidence, and
may be dismissed at once. The second, which
**• adopted by Josephus, and has been sup-
ported by many recent critics, is more deserving
of notice. According to this he was Cyaxares
II., " the son and successor of Astyages," who
is commonly regarded as the last king of Media.
A third identification remains, by which Darius
is represented as the personal name of " Asty-
ages," the last king of the Medes, and this appears
to satisfy all the conditions of the problem. —
2. Darids the son of Htstaspis the founder
of the Perso-Arian dynasty. Upon the usurpa-
tion of the Magi an Smerdis, he conspired with
six other Persian chiefs to overthrow the impos-
tor, and on the success of the plot was placed
upon the throne B.C. 521. His designs of
foreign conquest were interrupted by a revolt
of the Babylonians. After the subjugation of
Babylon, Darius turned bis arms against
Scythia, Libya, and India. The defeat of
Marathon (b.c. 490) only roused him to pre-
pare vigorously for that decisive struggle with
the West whicn was now inevitable. His plans
were again thwarted by rebellion. With regard
to the Jews, Darius Hvstaspis pursued the same
policy as Cyrus, ana restored to them the
privileges which they had lost (Ezr. v. 1,
ic, vi. 1, Ac.). — 3. Darids trb Persian
(Neh. xii. 22) may be identified with Darius II.
Nothus (Ochus) king of Persia B.C. 424-3 —
405-4, if the whole passage in question wa»
written by Nehemiah. If, however, the register
was continued to a later time, as is not im-
probable, the occurrence of the name Jaddita
(w. II, 22), points to Darius HI. Codoman-
nus, the antagonist of Alexander, and last
king of Persia B.C. 336-330 (1 Mace. i. 1). —
4. Areus, king of the Lacedaemonians (1 Mace,
xii. 7). [Areus.]
Darkness is spoken of as encompassing
the actual presence of God, as that out of which
He speaks, the envelope, as it were, of Divine
glory (Ex. xx. 21 ; 1 K. viii. 12). The plague
of darkness in Egypt has been ascribed by va-
rious commentators to non-miraculous agency,
but no sufficient account of its intense degree,
long duration, and limited area, as proceeding
from any physical cause, has been given. The
darkness "over all the land" (Matt, xxvii. 45)
attending the crucifixion has been similarly
attributed to an eclipse. I'hlcgon of Tralles
indeed mentions an eclipse of intense darkness,
which began at noon, and was combined, he
says, in Bithynia, with an earthquake, which in
the uncertain state of our chronology more
or less nearly synchronizes with the event
Wieseler however, and Do Wctte, consider the
year of Phlegon's eclipse an impossible one for
the crucifixion, and reject that explanation of
the darkness. Origcn also denies the possibility
of such a cause ; for by the fixed Paschal reckon-
ing the moon must have been about full. The
argument from the duration (3 hours) is also
of great force ; for an eclipse seldom lasts in
great intensity more than 6 minutes. On the
other hand, Seyffarth maintains that the Jewish
calendar, owing to their following the sun, had
become so far out that the moon might possibly
have been at new. He however views this
rather as a natural basis than as a full account
of the darkness, which in its degree at Jerusalem
was still preternatural. Darkness is also, as in
the expression " land of darkness," used for the
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DAUGHTEB
190
DAVID
state of the dead (Job x. 2 1 , 22) ; and frequently
figuratively, for ignorance and unbelief, as the
privation of spiritual light (John i. 5, iii. 19).
Dar/kon. Children of Darkon were among
the " servants of Solomon," who returned from
Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 56; Neh. vii.
58).
Dates, 2 Chr. xxxi. 5 mare. [Palm-Tree.]
Da' than, a Beubenite chieftain, son of Eliab,
who joined the conspiracy of Korah the Levite
(Num.xvi. l,xxvi.9; Deut.xi.6; Ps.cvi. 17).
Dath'ema, a fortress in which the Jews of
Gilcad took refuge from the heathen (1 Mace,
v. 9). The residing of the Pcshito Svriac,
Bamtlia, points to Ramoth-Gilead, which can
hardly fail to be the correct identification. Ap.
Daughter. 1. The word is used in Scrip-
ture not only for daughter, but for grand-
daughter or other female descendant, much in
the same way and like extent with "son"
(Gen. xxiv. 48, xxxi. 43). — 2. The female
inhabitants of a place, a country, or the females
of a particular race, are called daughters
(Gen. vi. 2, xxvii. 46, xxviii. 6, xxxvi. 2;
Num. xxv. 1; Deut. xxiii. 17; Is. iii. 16;
Jer. xlvi. 11, xlix. 2, 3, 4 ; Luke xxiii. 28). —
3. The same notion of descent explains the
phrase " daughters of music," i.e. singing birds
(Ecrl. xii. 4), and the use of the word for
orSalmah
Cftuthlr. SI|
1 Ctaron. II. U).
branches of a tree (Gen. xlix. 22 J, the pnpfl of
the eye (Lam. ii. 18; Ps. xvii. 8), and the
expression "daughter of 90 years," to denote
the age of Sarah (Gen. xvu. 17). — 4. It i>
also used of cities in general (Is. x. 32, xxiii.
12 ; Jer. vi. 2, 26 ; Zech. ix. 9). — 5. But more
specifically of dependent towns or hamlets, while
to the principal city the correlative " mother "
is applied (Nam. xxi. 25; Josh. xvii. 11, 16;
Judg. i. 27 ; 1 Chr. vii. 28; 2 Sam. xx. 19).
David, the son of Jesse, is the best known
to us of any of the characters in the O. T. In
him, as in the case of St. Paul in the N. T.,
we have the advantage of comparing a detailed
narrative of his life with undoubted works of
his own composition, and the combined result
is a knowledge of his personal character, such
as we probably possess of no historical person-
age before the Christian era, with the exception
of Cicero, and perhaps of Ctesar. His life may
be divided into three portions, more or less cor-
responding to the three old lost biographies by
Samuel, Gad, and Nathan : — I. His youth be-
fore his introduction to the court of Saul. IL
His relations with Saul. III. His reign. — L
The early life of David contains in many impor-
tant respects the antecedents of his future ca-
reer. 1. His family may best be seen in the
farm of a genealogy. It thus appears that
EtUielech- Naomi (KuthLl).
r
Bom a Ruth — Mahloa
I (Bulb It. 10).
Obtd
(Ruth It. 17).
GhllkHlM
Orpeh.
I"
SS«m. xrfL. SO Nahaeh — unknown— Jean
Atxfafl-
Jonathan (1 Our. xxvli. a).
£arnlah
near.
Ii.18).
Jetber-traM
I (I Chr. (Jerome. Elthn
U.17). QiLtkb. UChr.
j on 1 Chr. xxvtt.18).
Abfchal. Joab. Aland.
Zebadlah
(1 Chr. xxrtt. 0.
AbUiall _ Behoboam
(S Chr. xL U). (1
Ellab, AMnadab. 8hinnnah, Nathineal Raddal Oacm (on* DAVTiX
ghlmmah, (BaaL (Aaaro, la not
Shuneah Joe. .4*1. Jot. AM. giren,
(2 Sam. rl.S.1. tLS.1). nnlea
xxl. O). Bci, Eweld). Elton,
I 9jt. an4
i 1 Arab.
Jonadab JocM lChr.U.U>).
xxl. III (S Sara.
IChr. xxrii. 3S). liiLS).
(Nathan r
Jer. Q*. Htb.
1 Bam. xrl. U).
on 1 Car.
xLSS).
David was the youngest son, probably the
youngest child, of a family of ten. His moth-
er's name is unknown. His father, Jesse, was
of a great age when David was still young (1
Sam. xvii. 12). His parents both lived till
after his final rupture with Saul (1 Sam. xxii.
3). Through them Dnvid inherited several
points which he never lost, (a) His connection
with Moab through his great-grandmother
Ruth. This he kept up when he escaped to
Moab and intrusted his aged parents to the
care of the king (1 Sam. xxii. 3), and it may
not have been without its use in keeping open
a wider view in his mind and history than if
he had been of purely Jewish descent. (6) His
birthplace, Bethlehem. His recollection of
the well of Bethlehem is one of the most
touching incidents of his later life (1 Chr. xi.
17), and it is his connection with it that brought
the place again in after times into universal
fame (Luke ii. 4). (r) His general connection
with the tribe of Judah. (d) His relations to
Zerniah and Abigail. Though caJlcd, in 1
Chr. ii. 16, sisters of David, they are not ex-
pressly called the daughters of Jesse ; and Abi-
gail, in 2 Sam. xvii. 25, is called the daughter
of Nahash. Is it too much to suppose that
David's mother bad been the wife or concdbine
of Nahash, and then married by Jesse ? 2. As
the youngest of the family he may possibly
have received from his parents the name, which
first appears in him, of David, the beloved, the
darling. Perhaps for this same reason he was
never intimate with his brethren. The fami>>
iarity which he lost with his brothers he gained
with his nephews. The three sons of his sister
Zerniah, and the one son of his sister Abigail,
were probably of tho same age as David him-
self, and they accordingly were to him through-
out life in the relation usually occupied by
brothers and cousins. The two sons of his
brother Shimeah are both connected with his
after history. One was Jonadab, the friend and
adviser of his eldest son Amnon (2 Sam. xiii
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DAVID
191
DAVID
3). The other was Jonathan (2 Sam. xxi. 21 ),
who afterwards became the counsellor of David
himself (1 Chr. xxvii. 32). The first time that
David appears in history at once admits us to
the whole family circle. There was a practice
once a year at Bethlehem, probably at the first
new moon of the year, of holding a sacrificial
feast, at which Jesse, as the chief proprietor of
the place, would preside ( 1 Sam. xx. 6), with
the elders of the town. At this or such like
feast (xvi. 1) suddenly appeared the great
prophet Samuel, driving a heifer before him,
and having in his hand a horn of the consecrat-
ed oil of the Tabernacle. The heifer was killed.
The party were waiting to begin the feast Sam-
uel stood with his horn to pour forth the oil, as
if for an invitation to begin (comp. ix. 22).
He was restrained by divine intimation as son
after son passed by. Eliab, the eldest, by " his
height" and "his countenance," seemed the
natural counterpart of Saul, whose rival, un-
known to them, the prophet came to select.
Bat the day was gone when kings were chosen
became they were head and shoulders taller
than the rest. " Samuel said unto Jesse, Are
these all thy children ? And he said, There
remaineth yet the youngest, and behold he
ktepeth the sheep." This is our first and most
characteristic introduction to the future king.
The boy was brought in. We are enabled to
fix his appearance at once in our minds. He
vis of short stature, with red or auburn hair,
such as is not unfrequently seen in his country-
men of the East at the present day. In later
life he wore a beard. His bright eyes are espe-
cially mentioned (xvi. 12), and generally he
*w remarkable for the grace of his figure and
countenance ("fair of eyes," "comely, "good-
ly," xvi. 12, 18, xvii. 42), well made, and of
immense strength and agility. His swiftness
ud activity made him (like his nephew Asahel)
like a wild gazelle, his feet like harts' feet, and
bis arms strong enough to break a bow of steel
(Pi.rviii.33, 34). He was pursuing the occupa-
tion allotted in Eastern countries usually to the
•lares, the females, or the despised of the family.
He usually carried a switch or wand in his hand
(I Sam. xvii. 40), such as would be used for his
dogs (xvii. 43), and a scrip or wallet round
his neck, to carry any thing that was needed for
bis shepherd's life (xvii. 40). 3. But there
■is another preparation still more needed for
his office, which is his next introduction to the
history. When the body-guard of Saul were
discussing with their master where the best
minstrel could be found to chase away his mad-
ness by music, one of the young men in the
guard suggested David. Saul, with the abso-
lute control inherent in the idea of an Oriental
king, instantly sent for him, and in the success-
ful effort of David's harp we have the first
riimpse into that genius for music and poetry
■hienwas afterwards consecrated in the Psalms.
4. One incident alone of his solitary shepherd
life has come down to us — his conflict with the
Bon and the bear in defence of his father's
locks (1 Sam. xvii. 34, 35). But it did not
tand alone. He was already known to Saul's
guards for his martial exploits, probably against
the Philistines (xvi. 18), and, when he sudden-
ly appeared in the camp, his elder brother im-
mediately gnessed that he had left the sheep in
his ardor to see the battle (xvii. 28). There is
no perfectly satisfactory means of reconciling
the apparently contradictory accounts in 1 Sam.
xvi. 14-23, and xvii. 12-31, 55-58. The latter
may be accepted as an independent statement
of David's first appearance. The scene of the
battle is at Ephes-damm im , in the frontier-hills
of Judah, called probably from this or similar
encounters "the bound of blood." Saul's
army is encamped on one side of the ravine,
the Philistines on the other, the water-course of
Elah or " the Terebinth " runs between them.
A Philistine of gigantic stature, and clothed in
complete armor, insults the comparatively de-
fenceless Israelites, amongst whom the king
alone appears to be well armed (xvii. 38 ; comp.
xiii. 20). No one can be found to take up the
challenge. At this juncture David appears in
the camp. Jnst as he comes to the circle of
wagons which formed, as in Arab settlements,
a rude fortification round the Israelite camp
ixvii. 20), he hears the well-known shout of the
sraelite war-cry (comp. Num. xxiii. 21). The
martial spirit or the boy is stirred at the sound ;
he leaves his provisions with the baggage-mas-
ter, and darts to join his brothers, like one of
the royal messengers, into the midst of the lines.
Then he hears the challenge, now made for the
fortieth time — sees the dismay of his country-
men — hears the reward proposed by the king
— goes with the impetuosity of youth from sol-
dier to soldier talking of the event, in spite of
his brother's rebuke — he is introduced to Saul
— undertakes the combat His victory over
the gigantic Philistine is rendered more con-
spicuous by his own diminutive stature, and by
the simple weapons with which it was accom-
plished — not the armor of Saul, which he nat-
urally found too large, but the shepherd's sling,
which he always carried with him, and the five
polished pebbles which he picked up as he went
from the watercourse of the valley, and put in
his shepherd's wallet. Two trophies long re-
mained of the battle — one, the huge sword of
the Philistine, which was hung up behind the
ephod in the Tabernacle at Nob (1 Sam. xxi.
9) ; the other, the head, which he bore away
himself, and which was either laid up at Nob,
or subsequently at Jerusalem. Ps. cxliv.,
though by its contents of a much later date, is
by the title in the LXX. " against Goliath."
But there is also a psalm, preserved in the
LXX. at the end of the Psalter, and which,
though probably a mere adaptation from the
history, well sums up this early period of his
life. — H. Relations until Saul. — We now enter
on a new aspect of David's life. The victory
over Goliath had been a turning point of
his career. Saul inquired his parentage, and
took him finally to his court. Jonathan was
inspired by the romantic friendship which
bound the two youths together to the end of
their lives. The triumphant songs of the Is-
rnclitish women announced that they felt that
in him Israel hod now found a deliverer migh-
tier even than Saul. And in those songs, and
in the fame which David thus acquired, was
laid the foundation of that unhappy jealousy of
Saul towards him, which, mingling with the
king's constitutional malady, poisoned his whole
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future relations to David. Three new quali-
ties now began to develop themselves in Da-
vid's character. The first was his prudence.
It was that peculiar Jewish caution which has
been compared to the sagacity of B hunted
animal, such as is remarked in Jacob, and af-
terwards in the persecuted Israelites of the mid-
dle ages. Secondly, we now see his magnani-
mous forbearance called forth, in the first in-
stance, towards Saul, but displaying itself (with
a few painful exceptions) in the rest of his life.
He is the first example of the virtue of chiv-
alry. Thirdly, his hair-breadth escapes, con-
tinued through so many years, impressed upon
him a sense of dependence on the Divine help,
clearly derived from this epoch. This course of
life subdivides itself into four portions: — 1.
His life at the court of Saul till his final escape
(1 Sam. xviii. 2-xix. 18). His office is not ex-
actly defined. But it would seem, that, having
been first armor-bearer (xvi. 21, xviii. 2), then
made captain over a thousand — the subdivision
of a tribe — (xviii. 13), he finally, on his mar-
riage with Michal, the king's second daughter,
was raised to the high office of captain of the
king's body-guard, second only, if not equal, to
Abner, the captain of the host, and Jonathan,
the hair apparent. These three formed the
usual companions of the king at his meals (xx.
25). David was now chiefly known for his
successful exploits against the Philistines, by
one of which he won his wife, and drove back
the Philistine power with a blow from which it
only rallied at the disastrous close of Saul's
reign. He also st'U performed from time to
time the office of minstrel. But the successive
snares laid by Saul to entrap him, and the open
violence into which the king's madness twice
broke out, at last convinced him that his life
was no longer safe. He haft two faithful allies,
however, in the court — the son of Saul, his
friend Jonathan — the daughter of Saul, his
wife Michal. Warned by 'he one, and assisted
by the other, he escaped by night, and was from
thenceforward a fugitive. Jonathan he never
saw again except by stealth. Michal was given
in marriage to another (Phaltiel), and he saw
her no more till long after her father's death.
2. His escape (1 Sam. xix. 18-xxi. 151. He first
fled to Naioth (or the pastures) of Ramali, to
Samuel. This is the first recorded occasion of
his meeting with Samuel since the original in-
terview during his boyhood at Bethlehem. Up
to this time both the king and himself had
thought that a re-union was possible (see xx. 5,
26). But the madness of Saul now became
more settled and ferocious in character, and Da-
vid's danger proportionalily greater. The se-
cret interview with Jonathan confirmed the
alarm already excited by Saul's endeavor to
seize him at liamah, and he now determined to
leave his country, and take refuge, like Corio-
lanus or Themistocles in like circumstances, in
the court of his enemy. Before this last re-
solve, he visited Nob, the seat of the tabernacle,
partly to obtain a final interview with the high-
priest (1 Sam. xxii. 9, 15), partly to obtain food
and weapons. On the pretext of a secret mis-
sion from Saul, he gained an answer from the
oracle, some of the consecrated loaves, and
the consecrated sword of Goliath. His stay at
the court of Achish was short. Di sc ov er e d
possibly by " the sword of Goliath," his presence
revived the national enmity of the Philistine*
against their former conqueror, and he only es-
caped by feigning madness (1 Sam. xxi. 13). 3.
His life as an independent outlaw (xxii. 1-xxrL
25). (a) His first retreat was the cave of Adul-
lam, probably the large cavern, not far from
Bethlehem, now called Khureitun. From its vi-
cinity to Bethlehem, he was joined there by his
whole family, now feeling themselves insecure
from Saul's fury (xxii. 1). This was probably
the foundation of his intimate connection with
his nephews, the sons of Zeruiah. Besides
these, were outlaws and debtors from every part.
(6) His next move was to a stronghold, either
the mountain, afterwards called Herodiom, close
to Adullam, or the fastness called by Josephus
Masada, the Grecized form of the Hebrew word
Malzed (1 Sam. xxii. 4, 5; 1 Chr. xii. 16), in
the neighborhood of En-gedi. Whilst there, he-
had deposited his aged parents, for the sake of
greater security, beyond the Jordan, with their
ancestral kinsman of Moab (ib. 3). The neigh-
boring king, Nahash of Ammon, also treated
him kindly (2 Sam. x. 2). Here occurred the
chivalrous exploit of the three heroes just men-
tioned to procure water from the well of Beth-
lehem, and David's chivalrous answer, like that
of Alexander in the desert of Gedrosia ( 1 Chr.
xi. 16-19; 2 Sam. xxiii. 14-17). He wa»
joined here by two separate bands. One a lit-
tle body of eleven fierce Gadite mountaineers,
who swam the Jordan in flood-time to reach,
him (1 Chr. xii. 8). Another was a detach-
ment of men from Judah and Benjamin under
his nephew Amasai, who henceforth attached
himself to David's fortunes (I Chr. xii. 16-18).
(c) At the warning of Gad, he fled next to the
forest of HaretA, and then again fell in with the
Philistines, and again, apparently advised by-
Gad (xxiii. 4), made a descent on their fora-
ging parties, and relieved Keilah, in which he
took up his abode. Whilst there, now for the
first time in a fortified town of bis own (xxiii.
7), he was joined by a new and most important
ally — Abiathar, the last survivor of the house
of Ithamar. By this time the 400 who had
joined him at Adullam (xxii. 2) had swelled
to 600 (xxiii. 13). (<f) The situation of David
was now changed by the appearance of Saul
himself on the scene. Apparently the danger
was too great for the little army to keep to-
gether. They escaped from Keilah, and dis-
persed, " whithersoever they could go, " amongst
the fastnesses of Judah. Henceforth it becomes
difficult to follow his movements with exact-
ness. But thus much we discern. He is in
the wilderness of Ztph. Once (or twice) the
Ziphites betray his movements to Saul. From
thence Saul literally hunts him like a partridge,
the treacherous Ziphites beating the bushes
before him, and 3,000 men, stationed to catch
oven the print of his footsteps on the hills ( 1
Sam. xxiii. 14, 22 (Hcb.), 24 (LXX.), xxiv.
11, xxvi. 2, 20). David finds himself driven to-
thc extreme south of Judah, in the wilderness
of Maon. On two, if not three occasions, the
pursuer and pursued catch sight of each other
(1 Sam. xxiii. 25-29, xxiv. 1-22, xxvi.). Whilst
he was in the wilderness of Maon occurred'
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David's adventure with Nabal, instructive as
showing his mode of carrying on the freeboot-
er's life, and his marriage with Abigail. His
marriage with Ahinoam from Jezreel, also in
the tame neighborhood (Josh. xv. 56), seems
to hare taken place a short time before ( 1 Sam.
xxv. 43, xxvii. 3; 2 Sam. iii. 2). 4. His service
under Achish (1 Sam. xxvii. I ; 2 Sam. i. 27).
Wearied with his wandering life, he at last
crosses the Philistine frontier, not, as before, in
me rapacity of a fugitive, but the chief of a
powerful band — his GOO men now grown into
in organized force, with their wives and fami-
Bes around them (xxvii. 3, 4). After the man-
ner of Eastern potentates, Achish gave him,
for his support, a city — Ziklag on the frontier
of Philistia (xxvii. 6). There we meet with
the first note of time in David's life. He wom
moled then fir a fear and four montht (xxvii. 7),
sad t body of Benjamite archers and slingers,
twenty-two of whom are specially named, joined
him from the very tribe of his rival (1 Chr. xii.
1-7). He deceived Achish into confidence by
slacking the old Nomadic inhabitants of the
desert frontier, and representing the plunder to
te of portions of the southern tribes or the
Bomsdic allied tribes of Israel. But this con-
Menee was not shared by the Philistine nobles,
sad accordingly David was sent back by Achish
from the last victorious campaign against Saul.
Daring his absence, the Bedouin Amalekites,
■bom he had plundered during the previous
year, bad made a descent upon Ziklag, burnt it
to the ground, and carried off the wives and
tofldrea of the new settlement. A wild scene
of frantic grief and recrimination ensued be-
tween Dartd and his followers. It was calmed
hy sa oracle of assurance from Abiathar. As-
nsted by the Hanaseites who had joined him
on the march to Gilboa (1 Chr. xii. 19-21), he
overtook the invaders in the desert, and re-
covered the spoil (1 Sam. xxx.J. Two days
after this victory, a Bedouin arrived from the
aorth with the fatal news of the defeat of Gil-
W The reception of the tidings of the death
of his rival and of his friend, the solemn
■owning, the vent of his indignation against
the bearer of the message, the pathetic lamen-
tation that followed, well dose the second
Nod of David's life (2 Sam. i. 1-27). — HI.
uinf* rtim. — (I.) As king of Judah at
Hebron, 7i years (2 Sam. ii. 11); (2 Sun. ii.
i-T. 5). Hebron was selected, doubtless, as
the ancient sacred city of the tribe of Judah,
[he banal-place of the patriarchs and the In-
■ftikoce of Caleb. Here David was first
farasHy anointed lung (2 Sam. ii. 4). To
•■dan his dominion was nominally confined.
Gradually his power increased, and during the
Jro years which followed the elevation of Ish-
wshsth a series of skirmishes took place be-
t**a the two kingdoms. Then rapidly fol-
lowed, though without David's consent, the
■westrre murders of Abkbk and of Ishbo-
jwra (» 8am. iii 30, iv. 5). The throne, so
Mg waiting for him, was now vacant, and the
Jjjjfed voice of the whole people at once called
™»> occupy it. A solemn league was made
j*t»*eu him and his people (2 Sam. v. 3). For
"* .thi rd time David was anointed kins, and a
"aural of three days celebrated the joyful event
(1 Chr. xii. 39). His little band had now
swelled into "a great host, like the host of
God" (1 Chr. xii. 22). The command of it,
which had formerly rested on David alone, he
now devolved on his nephew Joab (2 Sam. ii.
26). (II.) Reign over all Israel 33 years (2
Sam. v. 5 to 1 K. ii. 11). (1) The foundation
of Jerusalem. One fastness alone in the centre
of the land had hitherto defied the arms of
Israel. On this, with a singular prescience,
David fixed as his future capital. By one sud
den assault Jebus was taken. The reward
bestowed on the successful scaler of the preci
pice was the highest place in the army. Joab
henceforward became captain of the host (1
Chr. xi. 6). The royal residence was instantly
fixed there — fortifications were added by the
king and by Joab — and it was known by the
special name of the "city of David" (1 Chr.
xi. 7 ; 2 Sam. v. 9). The Philistines made two
ineffectual attacks on the new king (2 Sam. v.
17-20), and a retribution on their former vic-
tories took place by the capture and conflagra-
tion of their own idols (1 Chr. xiv. 12). Tyre,
now for the first time appearing in the sacred
history, allied herself with Israel; and Hiram
sent cedar-wood for the buildings of the new
capital (2 Sam. v. 11), especially for the palace
of David himself (2 Sam. vii. 2). UnhaDowed
and profane as tbe city had been before, it was
at once elevated to a sanctity which it baa never
lost, above any of the ancient sanctuaries of
the land. The ark was now removed from its
obscurity at Kirjath-jearim with marked solem-
nity. A temporary halt (owing to the death
of Uzia) detained it at Obed-edom's house,
after which it again moved forward with great
state to Jerusalem. It was the greatest day of
David's life. One incident only tarnished its
splendor — the reproach of Michal, his wife, as
he was finally entering his own palace, to cany
to his own household the benediction which he
had already pronounced on his people. His
act of severity towards her was an additional
mark of the stress which he himself laid on the
solemnity (2 Sam. vi. 20-23; 1 Chr. xv. 29).
(2) Foundation of the Court and Empire of
Israel, 2 Sam. viii. to xii. The erection ot the
new capital at Jerusalem introduces us to a new
era in David's life and in the history of the
monarchy. He became a king on the scale of
the great Oriental sovereigns of Egypt and
Persia, with a regular administration and
organisation of court and camp ; and he also
founded an imperial dominion which for the
first time realized the prophetic description of
the bounds of the chosen people (Gen. xv. 18-
21 ). The internal organization now established
lasted till the final overthrow of the monarchy.
The empire was of much shorter duration, con-
tinuing only through the reigns of David and
his successor Solomon. But, for the period of
its existence, it lent a peculiar character to the
sacred history, (a) In the internal organiza-
tion of the kingdom, the first new element that
has to bo considered is the royal family, the
dynasty, of which David was the founder, a
position which entitled him to the name of
''Patriarch" (Acts ii. 29), and (ultimately) of
the ancestor of the Messiah. Of these, Absa-
lom and Adonijah both inherited their father's
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beauty (2 Sam. xiv. 25 ; 1 K. i. 6); but Solo-
mon alone possessed any of his higher qualities.
It was from a union of the children of Solomon
and Absalom that the royal line was carried on
(1 K. xv. 2). David's strong parental affection
for all of them is very remarkable (2 Sam. xiii.
31,33, 36, xiv. 33, xviii. 5, 33, xix. 4; 1 K. i. 6).
(6) The military organization, which was in
fact inherited from Saul, but greatly developed
by David, was as follows: (1) "The Host,"
i.e. the whole available military force of Israel,
consisting of all males capable of bearing arms,
and summoned only for war. There were 12
divisions of 24,000 each, who were held to be
in duty month by month; and over each of
them presided an officer, selected for this pur-
eise from the other military bodies formed by
avid (1 Chr. xxvii. 1-15). The army was
still distinguished from those of surrounding
nations by its primitive aspect of a force of in-
fantry without cavalry. The only innovations
as yet allowed were the introduction of a very
limited number of chariots (2 Sam. viii. 4) and
of mules for the princes and officers instead of
the asses (2 Sam. xiii. 29, xviii. 9). (2) The
Body-guard. This also had existed in the
court of Saul, and David himself had probably
been its commanding officer (1 Sam. xxii. 14).
But it now assumed a peculiar organization.
They were at least in name foreigners, as having
been drawn from the Philistines, probably da ring
David's residence at the court of Gath. They
are usually called from this circumstance " Che-
rethites and Felethites." The captain of the
force was, however, not only not a foreigner, but
an Israelite of the highest distinction and purest
descent, who first appears in this capacity, but
who outlived David, and became the chief
support of the throne of bis son, namely Bena-
iah, son of the chief-priest Jehoiada, represen-
tative of the eldest branch of Aaron's house
(2 Sam. viii. 18, xv. 18, xx. 23 ; IK. i. 38, 44).
(3) The most peculiar military institution in
David's army was that which arose out of the
peculiar circumstances of his early life. The
nucleus of what afterwards became the only
standing army in David's forces was the band
of 600 men who had gathered round him in
his wanderings. The number of 600 was still
preserved. It became yet further subdivided
into 3 large bands of 200 each, and small bands
of 20 each. The small bands were commanded
by 30 officers, one for each band, who together
formed " the thirty," and the 3 large bands by
3 officers, who together formed " the three,
and the whole by one chief, " the captain of the
mighty men " (2 Sam. xxiii. 8-39 ; 1 Chr. xi.
9-47). This commander of the whole force
was Abishai, David's nephew (1 Chr. xi. 20;
and comp. 2 Sam. xvi. 9). (c) Side by side
with this military organization were established
social and moral institutions. Some were en-
tirely for pastoral, agricultural, and financial
purposes (1 Chr. xxvii. 25-31), others for
judicial (1 Chr. xxvi. 29-32). Some few are
named as constituting what would now be
called the court, or council of the king; the
councillors, Ahithophel of Gilo, and Jonathan
the king's nephew (1 Chr. xxvii. 32, 33) ; the '
companion or "friend," Hushai (1 Chr. xxvii.
S3 ; 2 Sam. xv. 37, xvi. 19) ; the scribe, Sheva,
or Seraiah, and at one time Jonathan (2 Sam. xx.
25 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 32) ; Jehoshaphat, the recorder
or historian (2 Sam. xx. 24), and Adoram the
tax-collector, both of whom survived him
(2 Sam. xx. 24 ; 1 K. xii. 18, iv. 3, 6) But
the more peculiar of David's institution*
were those directly bearing on religion. Two
grophets appear as the king's constant advisers.
if these, Gad, who seems to have been the
elder, had been David's companion in exile;
and, from his being called " the seer," belongs
probably to the earliest form of the prophetic
schools. Nathan, who appears for the first
time after the establishment of the kingdom at
Jerusalem (2 Sam. vii. 2), is distinguished both
by his title of " prophet, *nd by the nature of
the prophecies which he utters (2 Sam. vii.
5-17, xii. 1-14), as of the purest type of
prophetic dispensation, and as the hope of the
new generation, which he supports in the person
of Solomon (I K. i.). Two high-priests also
appear — representatives of the two rival houses
of Aaron ( I Chr. xxiv. 3) ; here again, as in
the case of the two prophets, one, Abiathar,
who attended him at Jerusalem, companion of
his exile, and connected with the old time of the
judges (1 Chr. xxvii. 34), joining him after
the death of Saul, and becoming afterwards the
support of his son; the other, Zadok, who
ministered at Gibeon (1 Chr. xvi. 39), and
who was made the head of the Aaronic family
(xxvii. 17). Besides these four great religion*
functionaries there were two classes of subor-
dinates — prophets, specially instructed in sing-
ing and music, under Asaph, Heman the
grandson of Samuel, and Jeduthun (1 Chr.
xxv. 1-31) — Levites, or attendants on the
sanctuary, who again were subdivided into
the guardians of the gates and guardians of the
treasures (1 Chr. xxvi. 1-28) which had been
accumulated, since the re-establishment of the
nation, by Samuel, Saul, Abner, Joab, anal
David himself (1 Chr. xxvi. 26-28). (d) From
the internal state of David's kingdom we pas*
to its externa] relations. These will be found
at length under the various countries to which
they relate. It will be here only necessary to
briefly indicate the enlargement of his domin-
ions. Within ten years from the capture of
Jerusalem, he had reduced to a state of per-
manent subjection the Phiustikbs on the
west (2 Sam. viii. 1 ) ; the Moabitks on the east
(2 Sam. viii. 2), by the exploits of Benaiah
(2 Sam. xxiii. 20 ; the Stria** on the north-
east as far as the Euphrates (2 Sam. viii. 3) ;
the Edomites (2 Sam. viii. 14), on the south ;
and finally the Amxohitbs, who had broken
their ancient alliance, and- made one grand
resistance to the advance of his empire
(2 Sam. x. 1-19, xii. 26-31). These three
last wars were entangled with each other. The
last and crowning point was the siege of Kab-
bah. (3) Three great calamities may be
selected as marking the beginning, middle, and
close of David's otherwise prosperous reign ;
which appears to be intimated in the question
of Gad (2 Sam. xxiv. 13), "a three years'
famine, a three months' flight, or a three days'
pestilence." (a) Of these, the first (the three
years' famine) introduces us to the last notices
of David's relations with the house of Saul.
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There has often arisen a painful suspicion in
later times, as there seems to hare been at the
time (xvi. 7), that the oracle, which gave as
the cause of the famine Saul's massacre
of the Gibeonites, may hare been connected
with the desire to extinguish the last remains
of the fallen dynasty. But snch an explanation
is not needed. The massacre was probably the
most recent national crime that had left any
deep impression ; and the whole tenor of
David's conduct towards Saul's family is of an
opposite kind. (6) The second group of inci-
dents contains the tragedy of David's life,
which grew in all its parts out of the polygamy,
with its evil consequences, into which he had
planged on becoming king. Underneath the
splendor of his last glorious campaign against
the Ammonites was a dark story, known
probably at that time only to a very few ; the
doable crime of adultery with Bathsheba, and
of the virtual murder of Uriah. The crimes
are undoubtedly those of a common Oriental
despot. Bat the rebuke of Nathan ; the sudden
revival of the king's conscience ; his grief for
the sickness cf the child ; the gathering of his
nudes and elder brothers around him ; his re-
turn of hope and peace ; are characteristic of
David, and of David only. Bat the clouds from
this time gathered over David's fortunes, and
henceforward " the sword never departed from
his house " (3 Sam. xi>. 10). The outrage on his
daughter Tamar ; the murder of his eldest son
Amnon ; and then the revolt of his best-beloved
Absalom, brought on the crisis which once more
seat him forth a wanderer, as in the days when
be fled from Sanl ; and this, the heaviest trial
of bis life, was aggravated by the impetuosity
of Joab, now perhaps, from his complicity in
David's crime, more unmanageable than ever.
The rebellion was fostered apparently by the
growing jealousy of the tribe of Judah at
stems; their king absorbed into the whole
nation ; and if, as appears from 2 Sam. xi. 3,
xxiii. 34, Ahithophel was the grandfather of
Bathsheba, its main supporter was one whom
David had provoked by his own crimes. For
its general course the reader is referred to the
names just mentioned. Mahanaim was the capi-
tal of David's exile, as it bad been of the exiled
boose of Sanl (2 Sam. xvii. 24; comp. ii. 8, 12).
His forces were arranged under the three great
military officers who remained faithful to his
fortunes — Joab, captain of the host; Abishai,
captain of " the mighty men ; " and Ittai, who
seems to have taken the place of Benaiah as
captain of the guard (2 Sam. xviii. 2). OnAbsa-
lora's side was David's nephew Amasa (ib. xvii.
25). The final battle was fought in the "forest
of Epbrahn," which terminated in the accident
lending to the death of Absalom. At this
point the narrative resumes its minute detail.
The return was marked at every stage by
rejoicing and amnesty (2 Sam. xix. 16-40;
1 K. ii, 7). Judah was first reconciled. The
embers of the insurrection still smouldering
(2 Sam. xix. 41-43) in David's hereditary
enemies of the tribe of Benjamin were trampled
out by the mixture of boldness and sagacity in
Joab, now, after the murder of Amasa, once
more in Ins old position. And David again
reigned in undisturbed peace at Jerusalem
(2 Sam. xx. 1-22). (c) The closing period or
David's life, with the exception of one great
calamity, may be considered as a gradual
preparation for the reign of bis successor.
This calamity was the three days' pestilence
which visited Jerusalem at the warning of the
prophet Gad. The occasion which lea to this
warning was the census of the people taken by
Joab at the king's orders (2 Sam. xxiv. 1-9;
1 Chr. xxi. 1-7, xxvii. 23, 24). Joab's repug-
nance to the measure was such that he refused
altogether to number Levi and Benjamin
(1 Chr. xxi. 6). The plague and its cessation
were commemorated down to the latest times
of the Jewish nation. Outside the walls of
Jerusalem, Araunah, or Oman, a wealthy
Jebusite — perhaps even the ancient king of
Jcbus (2 Sam. xxiv. 23) — possessed a thresh-
ing-floor; there he and his sons were engaged
in threshing the corn gathered in from the
harvest (1 Chr. xxi. 20). At this spot an
awful vision appeared, such as is described in
the later days of Jerusalem, of the Angel of
the Lord stretching out a drawn sword between
earth and sky over the devoted city. The scene-
of such an apparition at such a moment was at
once marked out for a sanctuary. David de-
manded, and Araunah willingly granted, the
site; the altar was erected on the rock of
the threshing-floor ; the place was called by the
name of "Moriah" (2 Chr. iii. 1); and for
the first time a holy place, sanctified by a vision
of the Divine presence, was recognised in
Jerusalem. It was this spot which afterwards
became the altar of the Temple, and therefore
the centre of the national worship, with but
slight interruption, for more than 1,000 years,
and it is even contended that the same spot is
the rock, still regarded with almost idolatrous
veneration, in the centre of the Mussulman
"Dome of the Bock." A formidable con-
spiracy to interrupt die succession broke out In
the last days of David's reign, which detached
from his person two of his court, who from
personal offence or adherence to the ancient
family had been alienated from him — Joab and
Abiatbar. But Zadok, Nathan, Benaiah,
Shimei, and Rei remaining Arm, the plot was
stifled, and Solomon's inauguration took place
under his father's auspices ( 1 K. 1. 1-53). By
this time David's infirmities had grown upon
him. The warmth of his exhausted frame was
attempted to be restored by the introduction of
a young Shunamite, of the name of Abishag,
mentioned apparently for the sake of an incident
which grew up in connection with her out of
the later events (1 K. i. 1, 11. 17). His last
song is preserved — a striking union of the
ideal of a just ruler which he had placed before
him, and of the difficulties which he had felt in
realizing it (2 Sam. xxiii. 1-7). His last
words, as recorded, to his successor, are general
exhortations to his duty, combined with warn-
ings against Joab and Shimei, and charges to
remember the children of Barzillai (1 K. ii. 1-9).
He died, according to Josenhus, at the age of
70, and "was buried in the city of David."
After the return from the captivity, "the
sepulchres of David " were still pointed out
"between Siloah and the house of the mighty
men," or "the guard-house" (Neh. iii. 16).
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196
DEACON
His tomb, which became the general sepulchre
of the kings of Judah, was pointed out in the
latest times of the Jewish people. The edifice
shown as such from the Crusades to the present
day is on the southern hill of modern Jerusa-
lem, commonly called Mount Zion, under the
so-called " Coenaculum ; " but it cannot be iden-
tified with the tomb of David, which was
emphatically within the walls.
David, City of. [Jerusalem.]
Day. The variable length of the natural
day at different seasons led in the very earliest
times to the adoption of the civil day (or one
revolution of the sun) as a standard of time.
The commencement of the civil day varies in
different nations : the Babylonians reckoned it
from sunrise to sunrise; the Umbrians from
noon to noon ; the Komans from midnight to
midnight ; the Athenians and others from sun-
set to sunset The Hebrews naturally adopted
the latter reckoning (Lev. xxiii. 32, " from even
to even shall ye celebrate your sabbath ") from
Gen. i. 5, " the earning and the morning were the
first day." The Jews are supposed", like the
modern Arabs, to have adopted from an early
period minute specifications of the parts of the
natural day. Konghly indeed they were con-
tent to divide it into " morning, evening, and
noonday" (Ps. lv. 171; but when they wished
for greater accuracy they pointed to six unequal
parts, each of which was again subdivided.
These are held to have been : — I. Netheph and
Shachar, "the dawn." After their acquaint-
ance with Persia they divided this into (a) the
the time when the eastern and (6) when the
western horizon was illuminated. The writers
of the Jerus. Talmud divide tho dawn into
four parts. — n. Bohr, " sunrise. " Some sup-
pose that the Jews, like other Oriental nations,
commenced their civil day at this time until
the Exodus. — III. Cham hauyom, " heat of the
day," about 9 o'clock. — IV. Tsaharaim, " tho
two noons" (Gen. xliii. 16; Dent xxviii. 29).
— V. Ruach hayytm, " the cool (lit wind) of
the day," before sunset (Gen. iii. 8) ; so called
by the Persians to this dny. — VI. Ereb, "even-
ing." The phrase " between the two even-
ings" (Ex. xvi. 12, xxx. S), being the time
marked for slaying the paschal lamb and offer-
ing the evening sacrifice (Ex. xii. 6, xxix. 39),
led to a dispute between the Karaites and Sa-
maritans on the one hand, and the Pharisees on
the other. The former took it to mean between
sunset and full darkness (Dent. xvi. 6) ; the
Rabbinists explained it as the time between the
beginning and end of sunset — Before the cap-
tivity the Jews divided the night into three
watches (Ps. lxiii. 6, xc. 4), viz. the first watch,
lasting till midnight (Lam. ii. 19, A V. " the
beginning of the watches"); the "middle
watch," lasting till cock-crow (Judg. vii. 19) ;
and the morning watch, lasting till sunrise (Ex.
xiv. 24). These divisions were probably con-
nected with the Levitical duties in the Temple
service. The Jews, however, say (in spite of
their own definition, " a watch is the third part
of the night ") that they always had four night-
watches (comp. Neh. ix. 3), but that the fourth
was counted as a part of the morning. In the
N. T. we have allusions to four watches, a divi-
sion borrowed from the Greeks and Romans.
These were, I. from twilight till 9 o'clock
(Mark xi. 11 ; John xx. 19) ; 2. midnight, from
9 till 12 o'clock (Mark xiii. 35) ; 3. till 3 in the
morning (Mark xiii. 35 ; 3 Mace. v. 23) ; 4. till
daybreak (John xviii. 28). The word held to
mean " hour" is first found in Dan. iii. 6, 15,
v. 5. Perhaps the Jews, like the Greeks, learnt
from the Babylonians the division of the day
into 12 parts. " In our Lord's time the division
was common (John xi. 9).
Daysman, an old English term, meaning;
umpire or arbitrator (Job ix. 33). It is derived
from day, in the specific sense of a day fixed
for a trial. The word " daysman " is found in
Spenser's Faerie Queene, ii. c. 8, in the Bible
published in 1551 (1 Sam. ii. 25), and in other
works of the same age.
Deacon. The office described by this title
appears in the N. T. as the correlative of
imoumoc. [Bishop.] The two are mentioned
together in Phil. i. 1 ; 1 Tim. iii. 2, 6. Like
most words of similar import, it appears to
have been first used in its generic sense, imply-
ing subordinate activity (1 Cor. iii. 5; 2 Cor.
vi. 4), and afterwards to have gained a more
defined connotation, as applied to a distinct
body of men in the Christian society. The
narrative of Acts vi. is commonly referred to as
giving an account of the institution of this of-
fice. The Apostles, in order to meet the com-
plaints of toe Hellenistic Jews, that their
widows were neglected in the daily ministra-
tion (iuutovia), call on the body of believers to
choose seven men " full of the Holy Ghost and
of wisdom," whom they " may appoint over
this business." It may be questioned, how-
ever, whether the seven were not appointed to
higher functions than those of the deacons of
the N. T. There are indications, however, of
the existence of another body in the Church
of Jerusalem whom we may compare with the
deacons of Phil. i. 1, and 1 Tim. iii. 8. Aa
the "elders" of Acts xiv. 28, xv. 6, 1 Pet.
v. 1, were not merely men advanced in years,
so the " young men of Acts v. 6, 10, were
probably not merely young men, but persons
occupying a distinct position and exercising
distinct functions. It is natural to infer that
there was a parallelism between the two titles
of iioKovot and vtintpou Luke xxii. 26 tends
to the same conclusion. Assuming on these
data the identity of the two names we have to
ask — (1) To what previous organization, if
any, the order is traceable? (2) What were
the qualifications and functions of the men
so designated 1 I. As the constitution of the
Jewish synagogue had its elders or pastors, so
also it had its subordinate officers (Luke iv. SO),
whose work it was to give the reader the rolls
containing the lessons for the day, to clean the
synagogue, to open and close it at the ripht
times. II. The moral qualifications described
in 1 Tim. iii., as necessary for the office of a
deacon, are substantially the same as those of
the bishop. The deacons, however, were not
required to be " given to hospitality," nor to be
" apt to teach. It was enough for them to
"hold the mystery of the faith In a pure con-
science." They were not to gain their living
by disreputable occupations. On offering them-
selves for their work they were to be subject to
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DEBIR
197
DECAPOLIS
• strict scrutiny (I Tim. Hi. 10), and if this
ended satisfactorily were to enter on it From
the analogy of the synagogue, and from the
■canty notices of the N. T., we may think of
the nurepot in the Church of Jerusalem as
preparing the rooms in which the disciples met,
taking part in the distribution of alms out of
the common fnnd, at first with no direct super-
vision, then under that of the Seven, and after-
wards under the elders, maintaining order at
the daily meetings of the disciples to break
bread, baptizing new converts, distributing the
bread and the wine of the Lord's Supper, which
the Apostle or his representative had blessed.
It does not appear to have belonged to the of-
fice of a deacon to teach publicly in the Church.
The possession of any special ^apur/ia would
lead naturally to a higher work and office, but
the idea that the diaconate was but a probation
through which a man had to pass before he
eould be an elder or bishop was foreign to the
constitution of the Church of the 1st century.
Deaconess. The word iuimvoc is found
in Rom. xvi. 1 (A. V. "servant"), associated
with a female name, and this has led to the
conclusion that there existed in the Apostolic
age, as there undoubtedly did a little later, an
order of women bearing that title, and exercis-
ing in relation to their own sex fnnctions which
were analogous to those of the deacons. On
this hypothesis it has been inferred that the
women mentioned in Rom. xvi. 6, 12, belonged
to such an order. The rules given as to the
conduct of women in 1 Tim. iii. 11, Tit. ii. 3,
have in like manner been referred to them, and
they hare been identified even with the
"widows" of 1 Tim. v. 3-10. In some of
these instances, however, it seems hardly doubt-
ful that writers have transferred to the earliest
age of the Church the organization of a later.
Dead Sea. This name nowhere occurs in
the Bible, and appears not to have existed until
the 2d century after Christ. In the O. T. the
lake is called " the Salt Sea," and " the Sea of
the Plain," and under the former of these
names it will be found described.
Dearth. [Fajuitb.1
DeTjir, the name of three places of Pales-
tine. L. A town in the mountains of Judah
(Josh. xr. 49), one of a group of eleven cities
to the west of Hebron. The earlier name of
Debir was Kirjath-sepher, "city of book"
(Josh. xr. 15; Judg. l. 11), and Kirjath-san-
nah, " city of palm (Josh. xv. 49). It was
one of the cities given with their " suburbs" to
the priests (Josh. xxi. 15; 1 Clir. vi. 58).
Debir does not appear to have been known to
Jerome, nor has it been discovered with cer-
tainty in modern times. About three miles to
the west of Hebron is a deep and secluded val-
ley called the Wady Nunhtr, enclosed on the
north by hills, of which one bears a name
certainly suggestive of Debir — Dewir-ban.
Schwarz speaks of a Wady Dibir in this direc-
tion. Van de Velde finds Debir at Dilbeh, six
miles S. W. of Hebron. — 2. A place on the
north boundary of Judah, near the " Valley of
Aehor" (Josh. xv. 7), and therefore somewhere
in the complications of hill and ravine behind
Jericho. A Wady Dakar is marked in Van de
VeWe's map as close to the S. of Neby Mum,
at the N. W. corner of the Dead Sea. — 8. The
" border of Debir " is named as forming part
of the boundary of Gad (Josh. xiii. 26), ana as
apparently not far from Mahanaim.
De'bir, King of Eglon; one of the five
kings hanged by Joshua (Josh. x. 3, 23).
Deb'ora, a woman of Naphtali, mother of
Tobiel, the father of Tobit (Tob. i. 8). Ap.
Deb'orah. .1. The nurse of Rcbekah
(Gen. xxxv. 8). Deborah accompanied Rc-
bekah from the house of Bethuel (Gen. xxi v.
59), and is only mentioned by name on the
occasion of her burial, under the oak-tree of
Bethel, which was called in her honor Allon-
Bachuth. — 2. A prophetess who judged Is-
rael ( Judg. iv., v.). She lived under the palm*
tree of Deborah, between Ramah and Bethel
in Mount Ephraim (Judg. iv. 5), which, at
palm-trees were rare in Palestine, "is men-
tioned as a well-known and solitary landmark,
and was probably the same SjXit as that called
(Judg. xx. 33) Baal-Tamar, or the sanctuary
of the palm " (Stanley S. and P 146). She
was probably a woman of Ephraim, although,
from the expression in Judg. v. 15, some sup-
pose her to nave belonged to Issachar. Lapi-
doth was probably her husband, and not Barak,
as some say. She was not so much a judge as
one gifted with prophetic command 'Judg. iv.
6, 14, v. 7), and by i-yrtuo of her inspiration
" a mother in Israel. ' Jabin's tyranny was
peculiarly felt in the northern tribes, who were
near his capital and under her jurisdiction, vis.
Zebulon, Naphtali, and Issachar : hence, when
she summoned Barak to the deliverance, it km
on them that the brunt of the battle fell. Un-
der her direction Barak encamped on the broad
summit of Tabor. Deborah s prophecy was
fulfilled (Judg. iv. 9), and the enemy's general
perished among the "oaks of the wanderers
(Zaanaim)," in the tent of the Bedouin Kenite's
wife (Judg. iv. 21) in the northern mountains.
Deborah's title of " prophetess " includes the
notion of inspired poetry, as in Ex. xv. 20;
and in this sense the glorious triumphal ode
(Judg. v.) well vindicates her claim to the
office.
Debtor. [Loan.]
Deoap'olia. This name occurs only three
times in the Scriptures, Matt. iv. 25, Mark v.
20, and vii. 31. Immediately after the con-
quest of Syria by the Romans (b.c. 65) ten
cities appear to have been rebuilt, partially col-
onized, and endowed with peculiar privileges;
the country around them was hence called De-
capolis. Pliny enumerates them as follows :
Scyihopolis, Hippos, Cadara, Pdla, Philadelphia,
Genua, Dion, Canatha, Damascus, and Jiaphana.
Ptolemy (v. 17) makes Capitolias one of tho
ten ; and an old Palmyrene inscription includes
Abila. Josephus calls Scythopolis the largest
city of Decapolis, thus manifestly excluding
Damascus from the number. All the cities of
Decapolis, with tho single exception of Scythop-
otis, lay on the east of the Jordan. It would
appear, however, from Matt. iv. 25, and Mark
vu. 31, that Decapolis was a general appella-
tion for a large district extending along both
sides of the Jordan. Plinv says it reached
from Damascus on the north to Philadelphia
on the south, and from Scythopolis on the west
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DEGREES
198
DELILAH
to Canatha on the eaat. This region, once so
populous and prosperous, from which multi-
tudes flocked to hear the Saviour, and through
which multitudes followed His footsteps, is now
almost without an inhabitant.
De'dan. 1. The name of a son of Raa-
mah, son of Cush (Gen', x. 7 ; 1 Chr. i. 9). —
2. A son of Jokshan, son of Keturah (Gen.
xxr. 3 ; I Chr. i. 32). The usual opinion re-
specting these founders of tribes is that the first
settled among the sons of Cush, wherever these
latter may oe placed ; the second, on the
Syrian borders, about the territory of Edoui.
But Gesenius and Winer have suggested that
the name may apply to one tribe ; and this may
be adopted as probable on the supposition that
the descendants of the Keturahite Dedan in-
termarried with those of the Cushitc Dedan,
whom the writer places, presumptively, on the
borders of the Persian Gulf. The theory of
this mixed descent gains weight from the fact
that in each case the brother of Dedan is named
Sheba. It may bo supposed that the Dedonitcs
were among the chief traders traversing the
caravan-route from the head of the Persian Gulf
to the south of Palestine, bearing merchandise
of India, and possibly of Southern Arabia;
and hence the mixture of such a tribe with
another of different (and Keturahite) descent
presents no impossibility. The passages in the
Bible in which Dedan is mentioned (besides
the genealogies above referred to) are contained
in the prophecies of Isaiah (xxi. 13), Jeremiah
(xxv. 23, xlix. 8), and Ezekiel (xxv. 13, xxvii.
15, 20, xxxviii. 13), and are in every case ob-
scure. The probable inferences from these
mentions of Dedan are — 1 . That Dedan, son
of Raamoh, settled on the shores of the Per-
sian Gulf, and his descendants became caravan-
merchants between that coast and Palestine.
2. That Jokshan, or a son of Jokshan, by in-
termarriage with the Cushite Dedan, formed a
tribe of the same name, which appears to have
had its chief settlement in the borders of Idu-
mtea, and perhaps to have led a pastoral life.
A native indication of the name is presumed
to exist in the island of Dddan, on the borders
of the gulf.
De'danim. Is. xxi. 13. [Dedan. 1
Dedication, Feast of the, the festival
instituted to commemorate the purging of the
Temple and the rebuilding of the altar after
Judas Maccabseus had driven out the Syrians,
n.c. 164. It is named only once in the Canon-
ical Scriptures, John x. 22. Its institution is
recorded 1 Mace. iv. 52-59. It commenced on
the 25th of Chislcu, the anniversary of the
pollution of the Temple by Antiochus Epiph-
i-ncs, n.c. 167. Like the great Mosaic feasts,
it lasted eight days, but it did not require at-
tendance at Jerusalem. It was an occasion of
much festivity. The writer of 2 Mace, tells us
that it was celebrated in nearly the same man-
ner as the Feast of Tabernacles, with the car-
rying of branches of trees, and with much
sinking (x. 6, 7). Josephus states that the
festival was called " T.ijrhts." In the Temple
at Jerusalem the " Hallcl " was sung every day
of the feast.
Deer. [F.w.low-Dekr.]
Degrees, Songs of, a title given to fifteen
Psalms, from cxx. to exxxiv. inclusive. Four
of them are attributed to David, one is ascribed
to the pen of Solomon, and the other ten give
no indication of their author. Eichhorn sup-
poses them all to be the work of one and the
same bard, and he also shares the opinion of
Herder, who interprets the title, " Hymns for
a journey." With respect to the term rendered
in the A. V. " degrees," a great diversity of
opinion prevails amongst Biblical critics. Ac-
cording to some it refers to the melody to
which the Psalm was to be chanted. Others,
including Gesenius, derive the word from the
poetical composition of the song, and from the
circumstance that the concluding words of
the preceding sentence arc often repeated at the
commencement of the next verse (comp. exxi.
4, 5, and exxiv. 1-2 and 3-4). Abcn Ezra
quotes an ancient authority, which maintains
tliat the degrees allude to the fifteen steps which,
in the temple of Jerusalem, led from the court
of the women to that of the men, and on each
of which steps, one of the fifteen songs of
degrees was chanted. The most generally ac-
credited opinion, however, is that they were
pilgrim songs, sung by the people as they went
up to Jerusalem.
DeTiavites are mentioned but once im
Scripture (Ezr. iv. 9). They were among the
colonists planted in Samaria after the com-
pletion of the Captivity of Israel. From their
name, taken in conjunction with the fact that
they are coupled with the Susanchitea (Susia-
nions, or people of Susa) and the Elamites
(Elymnans, natives of the same country), it is
fairly concluded that they are the Dai or Dahi,
mentioned by Herodotus (i. 125) among the
nomadic tribes of Persia.
De'kar. The son of Deker, i'a Bej-
Dekbr, was Solomon's commissariat officer is
the western part of the hill-country of Judah
and Benjamin, Shaalbim and Bethshemesh
(1 K. iv. 9).
Delai'ah. 1. A priest in the time of Da rid,
leader of the twenty-third course of priests
(1 Chr. xxiv. 18). —2. " Children of Delaiah"
were among the people of uncertain pedigree
who returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel
(Ezr. ii. 60; Neh. vii. 62). — 8. Son of Me-
hetabeel and father of Shemaiah (Neh. vi. 10).
— 4. Son of Shemaiah, one of the "princes"
about the court of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 12,
25). The name also occurs in the A. V. as
Dalaiah.
Del'ilah, a woman who dwelt in the valley
of Sorek, beloved by Samson (Judg. xvi. 4-1 8).
Her connection with Samson forms the third
and last of those amatory adventures which in
his history are so inextricably blended with the
craft and prowess of a judge in Israel. She
was bribea by the " lords of the Philistines "
to win from Samson the secret of his strength,
and the means of overcoming it. There seems
to be little doubt that she was a Philistine
courtesan ; and her employment as a political
emissary, together with the large sum which
was offered for her services (1,100 pieces of sil-
ver from each lord = 5,500 shekels ; cf. Judg
Hi. 3), and the tact which is attributed to ba-
in .Indies, but more especially in Josephus, in-
dicates a position not likely to bo occupied by
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DEMETRIUS II.
199
DEMONIACS
my Imelitish woman at that period of national
luge. [Noah.]
DelUS, mentioned in 1 Mace xt. 33, in the
imallest of the islands called Cyclades in the
jEgean Sea. It was one of the chief seats of
the worship of Apollo, and was celebrated as
the birthplace of this god and of his sister
Artemis (Diana). An.
De'mas, most probably a contraction from
Demetrius, or perhaps from Demarchus, a com-
panion of St. Paul (Philem. 24 ; Col. iv. 14)
during his first imprisonment at Rome. At a
liter period (2 Tim. iv. 10) we find him men-
tioned as having deserted the apostle through
lore of this present world, and gone to Thcs-
ulonica
Deme'trillS, a maker of silver shrines of
Artemis at Ephestu (Acts xiz. 24). These
were small models of the great temple of the
Ephesian Artemis, with her statue, which it
was customary to carry on journeys, and place
on booses, as charms.
Deme'triaa I., snmamed Soter, " The
Sarior," king of Syria, was the son of Scleu-
cas PhUopator, and grandson of Antiochus the
Great While still a boy he was sent by his
father as a hostage to Rome (b.c. 175) in ex-
change for his uncle Antiochus Epiphanes.
From hU position he was unable to oner any
opposition to the usurpation of the Syrian
throne by Antiochus IV. ; but on the death of
that monarch (b.c. 164) he claimed his liberty
and the recognition of his claim by the Roman
•mate in preference to that of his cousin Anti-
ochos V. His petition was refused : he left
Italy secretly, and landed with a small force ut
Tripolis in Phoenicia (2 Mace xiv. 1 ; 1 Mace.
rii. t). The Syrians soon declared in his favor
i»c. 162), and Antiochus and his protector
.yiias were pnt to death (1 Mace. vii. 2, 3 ;
t Mace. xiv. 2). IDs campaigns against the
Jews were unsuccessful. In B.C. 152, Alexan-
der Balas was brought forward, with the con-
•ent of the Roman senate, ad a claimant to the
throne. The rivals met in a decisive engage-
ment (b.c. 150), and Demetrius, after display-
ing the greatest personal bravery, was defeated
«ad slain (1 Mace. x. 48-50). Ap.
Demetrius H-. " The Victorious " (Ni-
talor), was the eldest son of Demetrius Soter.
He was sent by his father, together with his
toother Antiochus, with a large treasure, to
Ciudui, when Alexander Balas laid claim to
the throne of Syria. When he was grown np
he nude a descent on Syria (b.c. 148), and was
rewired with general favor (1 Mace. x. 67 ff.).
His campaigns against Jonathan and the Jews
« described in 1 Mace, x., xi. In B.C. 138,
Demetrius was taken prisoner by Arsaces VI.
(Mithridatcs), whose dominions he had invaded
(I Mace xiv. 1-3). Mithridates treated his
opnre honorably, and gave him his daughter
m marriage. When Antiochus Sidetes, who
"•a gained possession of the Syrian throne,
'nuded Partnia, Phraates employed Demetrius
*> effect a diversion. In this Demetrius suc-
"^Wi and when Antiochus fell in battle, he
■gun took possession of the Syrian crown
(».c. I2g). Jjot long afterwards a pretender,
"Wponed by Piol. Phvscon, appeared in the
field against him, and after suffering a defeat
he was assassinated, according to some by bis
wife, while attempting to escape by sea. Ap.
Demon. I. Its usage in classical Greek is
various. In Homer, where the gods are but
supernatural men, it is used interchangeably
with " god ; " afterwards in Hesiod, when the
idea of the gods had become more exalted, and
less familiar, the "demons" are spoken of as
intermediate beings, the messengers of the gods
to men. — U. In the LXX. the words dai/iuv and
daifuniiov are not found very frequently, but yet
employed to render different Hebrew words ;
generally in reference to the idols of heathen
worship. In Josephus we find the word " de-
mons used always of evil spirits. By Philo
it appears to be used in a more general sense,
as equivalent to " angels," and referring to both
good and evil. — III. We now come to the use
of the term in the N. T. In the Gospels gen-
erally, in James ii. 19, and in Rev. xvi. 14, the
demons are spoken of as spiritual beings, at
enmity with God, and having power to afflict
man, not only with disease, but, as is marked
by the frequent epithet " unclean," with spirit-
ual pollution also. They " believe " the power
of God " and tremble (James ii. 19) ; they
recognize the Lord as the Son of God (Matt,
viii. 29; Luke iv. 41), and acknowledge the
l>owcr of His name, used in exorcism, in the
place of the name of Jehovah, by His appointed
messengers (Acts xix. 15) ; and look forward
in terror to the judgment to come (Matt. viii.
29). The description is precisely that of a
nature akin to the angelic in knowledge and
powers, but with the emphatic addition of the
idea of positive and active wickedness. There
can be no doubt of its being a doctrine of
Scripture, mysterious (though not necessarily
impossible) as it may be, that in idolatry (he
influence of the demons was at work and per-
mitted by God to be effective within certain
hounds. Of the nature and origin of the
demons, Scripture is all hut silent.
Demoniacs. This word is frequently used
in the N. T., and applied to persons suffering
under the possession of a demon or evil spirit,
such possession generally showing itself visibly
in bodily disease or mental derangement. With
regard to the frequent mention of demoniacs
in Scripture threo main opinions have been
started. — I. That of Strauss and the mythical
school, which makes the whole account merely
symbolic, without basis of fact. The notion
stands or falls with the mythical theory as a
whole. — II. The second theory is, that our
Lord and the Evangelists, in referring to dem-
oniacal possession, spoke only in accommo-
dation to the general belief of the Jews, with-
out any assertion as to its truth or its falsity.
It is concluded that, since the symptoms of the
affliction were frequently those of bodilv dis-
ease (as dumbness, Matt. ix. 32 ; blindness,
Matt. xii. 22; epilepsy, Mark ix. 17-27), or
thoso seen in cases of ordinary insanity (as in
Matt. viii. 28 ; Mark v. 1-5), since also the
phrase " to have a devil " is constantly used in
connection with, and as apparently equivalent
to, " to be mad " (>ec John vii. 20, viii. 48, x.
20, and perhaps Matt. xi. 18; Luke vii. 33);
and since, lastly, cases of demoniacal possession
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DEMONIACS
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DEPOSIT
are not known to occur in our own days, there-
fore we must suppose that our Lord spoke, and
the Evangelists wrote, in accordance with the
belief of the time, and with a view to be clearly
understood, especially by the sufferers them-
selves, but that the demoniacs were merely
persons suffering under unusual diseases of
body and mind. With regard to this theory
also, it must be remarked that it does not ac-
cord either with the general principles or with
the particular language of Scripture. Accom-
modation is possible when, in things indiffer-
ent, language is used which, although scientifi-
cally or ctymologically inaccurate, yet conveys
a true impression, or when, in things not in-
different, a declaration of truth (1 Cor. iii. 1,
S), or a moral law (Matt xix. 8), is given,
true or right as far as it goes, but imperfect,
because of the imperfect progress of its recipi-
ents. But certainly here the matter was not
indifferent. Nor was the language used such
as can be paralleled with mere conventional
expression. Nor is there, in the whole of the
New Testament, the least indication that any
" economy " of teaching was employed on ac-
count of the " hardness of the Jews " hearts."
Possession and its cure are recorded plainly and
simply ; demoniacs are frequently distinguished
from those afflicted with bodily sickness (see
Mark i. 32, xvi. 17, 18; Luke vi. 17, 18), even,
it would seem, from the epileptic (Matt. iv. 24) ;
the same outward signs arc sometimes referred
to possession, sometimes merely to disease
(comp. Matt. iv. 24 with xvii. 15; Matt. xii.
22 with Mark vii. 32, &c.) ; the demons arc
represented as speaking in their own persons
with superhuman knowledge, and acknowledg-
ing our Lord to be, not as the Jews generally
called him, son of David, but Son of God
(Matt. viii. 29 ; Mark i. 24, v. 7 ; Luke iv. 41,
tc.). All these things speak of a personal
power of evil, and, if in any case they refer to
what we might call mere disease, they at any
rate tell us of something in it more than amor-
bid state of bodily organs or self-caused de-
rangement of mind. Nor does our Lord speak
of demons as personal spirits of evil to the
multitude alone, but in His secret conversations
with His disciples, declaring the means and
conditions by which power over them could be
exercised (Matt. xvii. 21 ). Twice also He dis-
tinctly connects demoniacal possession with the
power of the Evil One ; once in Lnkc x. 18, to
the seventy disciples, where He speaks of his
power and theirs over demoniacs as a " fall
of Satan," and again in Matt. xii. 25-30, when
He was accused of casting out demons through
Beelzebub, and, instead of giving any hint that
the possessed were not really nnder any direct
and personal power of evil, He uses an argu-
ment, as to the division of Satan against him-
self, which, if possession be unreal, becomes
inconclusive ana almost insincere. Lastly, the
single fact recorded of the entrance of the de-
mons at Gadara (Mark v. 10-14) into the herd
of swine, and the effect which that entrance
caused, is sufficient to overthrow the notion that
our Lord and the Evangelists do not assert or
imply any objective reality of possession. In
the face of this mass of evidence it seems diffi-
cult to conceive how the theory can be recon-
ciled with anv thing like truth of Scripture. —
III. We are led, therefore, to the ordinary and
literal interpretation of these passages, that
there are evil spirits, subjects of the Evil One,
who, in the days of the Lord Himself and His
Apostles especially, were permitted by God to
exercise a direct influence over the souls and
bodies of certain men. This influence is clear!/
distinguished from the ordinary power of cor-
ruption and temptation wielded by Satan
through the permission of God. The dis-
tinguishing feature of possession is the com-
plete or incomplete loss of the sufferer's reason
or power of will ; his actions, his words, and
almost his thoughts, are mastered by the evil
spirit (Mark i. 24, v. 7 ; Acts xix. 15), till his
personality seems to be destroyed, or, if not
destroyed, so overborne as to produce the con-
sciousness of a twofold will within him, like
that sometimes felt in a dream. In the ordi-
nary temptations and assaults of Satan, the
will itself yields consciously, and by yielding
gradually assumes, without losing its apparent
freedom of action, the characteristics of the
Satanic nature. It is solicited, urged, and per-
suaded against the strivings of grace, but not
overborne.
De'mophon, a 8yrian general in Pales-
tine under Antiochus V. Eupator (2 Mace. xii.
2). Ap.
Dena'rius, A. V. " penny " (Mntt. xviii.
28, xx. 2, 9, 13, xxii. 19 ; Mark vi. 37, xii. IS,
xiv. 5 ; Luke vii. 41, x. 35, xx. 24 ; John vi.
7, xii. 5 ; Rev. vi. 6), a Roman silver coin, in
the time of Our Saviour and the Apostles. It
took its name from its being first equal to ten
" asses," a number afterwards increased to six-
teen. The earliest specimens are of about the
commencement of the 2d century B.C. From
this time it was the principal silver coin of the
commonwealth. In the time of Augustus,
eighty-four denarii were struck from the pound
of silver, which would make the standard weight
aliout 60- grs. This Nero reduced by striking
ninety-six from the pound, which would give a
standard weight of about 52' grs., results con-
firmed by the coins of the periods, which are,
however, not exactly true to the standard. In
Palestine in the N. T. period, we learn from
numismatic evidence that denarii must have
mainly formed the silver currency. From the
parable of the laborers in the vineyard it would
seem that a denarius was then the ordinary par
for a day's labor (Matt xx. 2, 4, 7, 9, 10, 13).
Draute of Ttbaita*.
Obr. TT CAESAR DIVI AVO F AVOVSTVS. ___
11beriui.Uuratr,tttherijtht<M«t.zxli.lS.S0,tlk amw
PONTIP MAXIM, MUedlfemaU Sfun to tin right.
Deposit, the arrangement by which one
man kept at another's request the property of
the latter, until demanded back, was one com-
mon to all the nations of antiquity. The exi-
gencies of war and other causes of ah —nee
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DESERT
201
DEUTERONOMY
t often have rendered such a deposit, espe-
cially as regards animals, an owner's only course.
The articles specified by the Mosaic law are,
(1.) ** money or staff; and (2.) "an ass, or
an ox, or a sheep, or any beast" The first
case was viewed as only liable to loss by theft
(probably for loss by accidental fire, &c., no
compensation could be claimed), and the thief,
if found, was to pay double, i.e., probably to
compensate the owner's loss, and the unjust
suspicion thrown on the depositary. If no
then could be proved, the depositary was to
invar before the judges that he had not appro-
priated the article, and then was quit In the
second, if the beast were to "die, or be hurt, or
driven away, no man seeing it," — accidents to
which beasts at pasture were easily liable, — the
depositary was to purge himself by a similar
oath. In case, however, the animal were stolen,
die depositary was liable to restitution, which
probably was necessary to prevent collusive
theft If it were torn by a wild beast, some
proof was easily producible, and, in that case,
no restitution was due (Ex. xxii. 7-13). In
esse of a false oath so taken, the perjured per-
son, besides making restitution, was to " add
the fifth part more thereto," to compensate the
one injured, and to " bring a ram for a trespass-
ouering onto the Lord " (Lev. vi. S, 6).
Deputy. The uniform rendering in tho
A. V. of the Greek word which signifies "pro-
consul" (Acts xiii. 7, 8, 12, xix. 38). The
English word is curious in itself, and to a cer-
tain extent appropriate, having been applied
formerly to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.
Derbe (Acta xiv. 20, 21, xvi. 1, xx. 4).
The exact position of this town has not yet
been ascertained, but its general situation is
undoubted. It was in the eastern part of
the great upland plain of Ltcaonia, which
stretches from Icoxiim eastwards along tho
north side of the chain of Taurus. It must
have been somewhere near the place where the
pass called the Cilician Gates opened a way
from the low plain of Cilicia to the table-land
of the interior; and probably it was a stage
upon the great road which passed this way.
Throe sites have been assigned to Derbe. (1.)
By Col. Leake it was supposed to be Biniir-
AtUssea, at the foot of the Karadagh, a remark-
able volcanic mountain which rises from tho
Lycaonian plain ; but this is almost certainly
the site of Lystra. (2.) In Kiepert's Map,
Derbe is marked farther to the east, at a spot
where there are ruins, and which is in the line
of a Roman road. (3.) Hamilton and Texicr
are disposed to place it at D'wlt, a little to the
8. W. of the last position, and nearer to the
roots of Taurus.
Defleit, a word which is sparingly em-
ployed in the A V. to translate four Hebrew
terms, of which three are essentially different in
signification. A "desert," in the sense which is
ordinarily attached to the word, is a vast, burn-
ing, sandy plain, alike destitute of trees and of
water. Here, it is simply necessary to show
that the words rendered in the A. V. by " des-
ert," when used in the historical books, denoted
definite localities ; and that those localities do
not answer to the common conception of a
lent.'" — 1. Arabah. It has been already
36
shown that when used, as it invariably is In
the historical and topographical records of the
Bible, with the definite article, this word means
that very depressed and enclosed region — the
deepest and the hottest chasm in the world —
the sunken valley north and south of the Dead
Sea, but more particularly the former. [Aa-
abah.J Arabah, in the sense of the Jordan
Valley, is translated by the word " desert "
only in Ex. xlvii. 8. Iu a more general sense
of waste, deserted country — a meaning easily
suggested by the idea of excessive heat con-
tained in the root — " Desert," as the rendering
of Arabah, occurs in the prophets and poetical
books; as Is. xxxr. 1, 6, xl. 3, xli. 19, li. 3;
Jcr. ii. 6, v. 6, xvii. 6, 1. 12 ; but this general
sense is never found in the historical books. —
2. But if Arabalt gives but little support to the
ordinary conception of a "desert, still less
does the other word which our translators have
moct frequently rendered by it. Midbab is
accurately the " pasture ground." Its usual
translation is " wilderness," a word in which
th« idea of vegetation is present. In speaking
of the Wilderness of the Wanderings, the word
" desert " occurs as the rendering of Midbar,
in Ex. iii. 1, v. 3, xix. 2 ; Num. xxxiii. 15, 16 ;
and in more than one of these it is evidently
employed for the sake of euphony merely.
Midbar is most frequently used fov those tracts
of waste land which lie beyond the cultivated
ground in the immediate neighborhood of the
towns and villages of Palestine, and which are
a very familiar feature to the traveller ic >hat
country. In the poetical boohs, " desert ' is
found as the translation of Midbar in D*at
xxxii. 10 ; Job xxiv. 5 ; Is. xxi. \ ; Jer. xxr. 24.
— 3. Charhaii appears to hare the fores of
dryness, and thence of desolation It docs not
occur in any historical passages. It is n-udercd
"desert" in Ps. cii. 6; Is. xlvlii. 21 , Eiek.
xiii. 4. The term commonly employed for it
in the A. V. is " waste places or desolation."
— 4. Jeshlmon, with the definite article, ap-
parently denotes the waste tracts on both sides
of the Dead Sea. In all these cases it is treated
as a proper name in the A. V. Without the
article it occurs in a few passages of poetry ;
in the following of which it is rendered " des-
ert/' Ps. lxxxviii. 40, cvi. 14 ; Is. xliii. 19, 20.
Des'sau, a village (not " town "), at which
Nicanor's army was once encamped during his
campaign with Judas (2 Mace. xiv. 16). Ewold
conjectures that it may have been Adasa. Ap.
Deu'el, father of Eliasaph, the " captain "
of the tribe of Gad at the time of the number-
ing of the people at Sinai (Num i. 14, vii. 42,
47, x. 20). Tne same man is mentioned again
in ii. 14, but here the name appears as Rcucl,
owing to an interchange of the two very sim-
ilar Hebrew letters.
Deuteronomy, which means " the repe-
tition of the law," consists chiefly of three Dis-
courses delivered by Moses shortly before his
death. Subjoined to these discourses are the
Song of Moses, the Blessing of Moses, and the
story of his death. — I. The first discourse
(i. 1-iv. 40). After a brief historical intro-
duction, the speaker recapitulates the chief
events of the lost 40 years in the wilderness,
and especially those events which had the most
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DEW
202
DIAL
Immediate bearing on the entrv of the people
into the promised land. To this discourse is
appended a brief notice of the severing of tho
three cities of refuge on the east side of the
Jordan (iv. 41-43). — II. The second discourse
is introduced like the first by an explanation of
the circumstances under which it was delivered
(iv. 44-49). It extends from chap. v. 1-xxvi.
19, and contains a recapitulation, with some
modifications and additions, of tho Law already
given on Mount Sinai. — III. In the third
discourse (xxvii. 1-xxx. 20), the Elders of
Israel are associated with Moses. The people
are commanded to set up stones upon Mount
Ebal, and on them to write "all the words
of this law." Then follow the several curses
to be pronounced by the Lcvites on Ebal (xxvii.
14-26), and the blessings on Gcrizim (xxviii.
1-14). — IV. The delivery of the Law as written
by Moses (for its still further preservation) to
the custody of the Lcvites, and a charge to the
people to near it read once every seven years
(xxxi.) ; the Song of Moses spoken in the ears
of the people (xxxi. 30-xxxii. 44); and the
blessing of the twelve tribes (xxxiii.). — V.
The book closes (xxxiv.) with an account of
the death of Moses, which is first announced to
him in xxxii. 48-52. — It has been maintained
by many modern critics that Deuteronomy is
of later origin than the other four books of the
Pentateuch ; but the book bears witness to its
own authorship (xxxi. 19), and is expressly
cited in the N. T. as the work of Moses (Mntt.
xix. 7,8; Mark x. 3; Acts iii. 22, vii. 37).
The last chapter, containing an account of the
death of Moses, was of course added by a later
hand, and perhaps formed originally the begin-
ning of the book of Joshua. [Pkntateoch.]
Devil. The name describes Satan as slan-
dering God to man, and man to God. The
former work is, of course, a part of his great
work of temptation to evil ; and is not only
exemplified but illustrated as to its general
nature and tendency by the narrative of Gen.
iii. The effect is to stir up the spirit of free-
dom in man to seek a fancied independence;
and it is but a slight step further to impute
falsehood or cruelty to God. The other work,
the slandering or accusing man before God, is,
as it must necessarily be, unintelligible to us.
The question touches on two mysteries, the
relation of the Infinite to the Finite spirit, and
the permission of the existence of evil under
the government of Him who is " the Good."
The essence of this accusation is the imputa-
tion of selfish motives (Job i. 9, 10), and its
refutation is placed in tho self-sacrifice of those
"who loved not their own lives unto death."
[Sat ax; Demon.)
Dew. This in the summer is so copious in
Palestine that it supplies to some extent the
absence of rain (Ecclus. xviii. 16, xliii.22), and
becomes important to the agriculturist. As a
proof of this copiousness, the well-known sign
of Gideon (Jung. vi. 37, 39, 40) may be ad-
duced. Thus it is coupled in the divine bless-
ing with rain, or mentioned as a prime source
of fertility (Gen. xxvii. 28 ; Dent, xxxiii. 13 ;
Zcch. viii. 12), and its withdrawal is attributed
to a curse (2 Sam. i. 21 ; I K. xrii. I ; Hag.
i. 10). It becomes a leading object in prophetic
imagery by reason of its penetrating raoistor*
without the apparent effort of rain (Dent, xxxii.
2; Jobxxix. 19; Ps. exxxiii. 3 ; Proy. xix. 12;
Is. xxvi. 19 ; Hos. xiv. 5 ; Mic. v. 7) ; while its
speedy evanescence typifies the transient good-
ness of the hypocrite (Hos. vi. 4, xiii. 3).
Diadem. What the " diadem " of the
Jews was we know not. That of other nations
of antiquity was a fillet of silk, two inches
broad, bound round the head and tied behind,
the invention of which is attributed to Liber.
Obrera of TotndKchm of TlfiuM, klaf at Brria.
of HacvUhdlad
Its color was generally white ; sometimes, bow-
ever, it was of bine, like that of Darius ; and
it was sown with pearls or other gems {Zech.
ix. 16), and enriched with gold (Rev. lx. 7).
It was peculiarly the mark of Oriental sove-
reigns (1 Mace. xiii. 32). A crown was used
by the kings of Israel, even in battle (2 Sam.
i. 10) ; but in all probability this was not the
state crown (2 Sam. xii. 30), although used in
the coronation of Joash (2 K. xi. 12). In Esth.
i. 11, ii. 17, we have other for the turban worn
by the Persian king, queen, or other eminent
persons to whom it was conceded as a special
favor (viii. 15). The diadem of the king dif-
fered from that of others in having an erect tri-
angular peak. The words in Ez. xxiii. 15
mean long and flowing turbans of gorgeous
colors.
Dial. Various forms of dials were used bv
the ancients, one of which is here represented-
The word ma'aldth is the same as that rendered
" steps " in A. V. (Ex. xx. 26 ; 1 K. x. 19),
and " degrees " in A. V. (2 K. xx. 9, 10, 11 ;
Is. xxxviii. 8), where, to give a consistent ren-
dering, wo should read with the margin the
" degrees" rather than the "dial " of Abu-
In the absence of any materials for determining
the shape and structure of the solar instrument,
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DIBLATH
203
DILEAN
which certainly appears intended, the best conne
Is to follow the most strictly natural meaning
of the words, and to consider with Cyril of
Alexandria and Jerome, that the ma'Udth were
really stairs, and that die shadow (perhaps of
some column or obelisk on the top) fell on a
greater or smaller number of them according as
the sun was low or high. The terrace of a
palace might easily be thus ornamented.
Diamond ( Heb. yakSlim), a precious stone,
the third in the second row on the breast-plate
of the high-priest (Ex. xxviii. 18, xxxix. 11),
and mentioned by Ezekiel (xxriii. IS) among
the precious stones of the king of Tyre. Our
translation, " diamond," is derived from Eben
Esra, and is defended by Braun. Kalisch says
"perhaps emerald." Respecting shamir, which
is translated "diamond in Jer. xvii. 1, see
under Adamant.
Dian'a. This Latin word, properly denot-
ing a Roman divinity, is the representative of
the Greek Artemis, the tutelary goddess of the
Ephesians, who plays so important a part in
the narrative of Acts xix. The Ephesian
Diana was, however, regarded as invested with
very different attributes, and made the object
of a different worship, from the ordinary Diana
of the Greeks, and is rather perhaps to be iden-
tified with Astarte and other female divinities
of the East. In some respects there was doubt-
less a fusion of the two. Diana was the god-
dess of rivers, of pools, and of harbors ; and
these conditions are satisfied by the situation
of the sanctuary at Ephesus. Again, on coins
of Ephesus we sometimes find her exhibited as
a huntress and with a stag. But the true
Ephesian Diana is represented in a form en-
tirely alien from Greek art. The coin below
will give some notion of the image, which was
grotesque and archaic in character. The head
Qnak imperial copper cola or ■phwoi and Smyrna allied
COp«v4«0 i Domiua, with name of proeoninl.
OW., AOMITIA C6BACTH. But to right Bev.i
Axer kaicen nAiror omonoia e*€
ZsfTF. ~
wore a mural crown, each hand held a bar of
metal, and the lower part ended in a rude block
covered with figures of animals and mystic in-
scriptions. This idol was regarded as an object
of peculiar sanctitv, and was believed to have
fallen down from heaven (Acts xix. 35). The
cry of the mob (Acts xix. 28), " Great is Diana
of the Epbesians ! " and the strong expression
in ver. 27, " whom all Asia and the world wor-
shipped!," may be abundantly illustrated from
a variety of sources. The term " great " was
evidently a title of honor recognized as belong-
ing to the Ephesian goddess. We find it in
inscriptions, and in Xenophon's Ephetiaca, i. 1 1 .
Dibla'im, mother of Hosea s wife Gomcr
(Hos. i. 3).
Diblath \ accurately Diblah),— a place
named only in Ex. vi. 14, as if situated at one
of the extremities of the land of Israel. It is
natural to infer that Diblah was in the north.
The only name in the north at all like it is
Riblah, and the letters D and R are so much
alike in Hebrew, and so frequently interchanged,
owing to the carelessness of copyists, that there
is a strong probability that Riblah is the right
reading.
Di"bon, a town on the east side of Jordan,
in the rich pastoral country, which was taken
possession of and rebuilt by the children of
Gad (Num. xxxii. 3,34). from this circum-
stance it possibly received the name of Dinox-
Gad. Its first mention is in the ancient frag-
ment of poetry Num. xxi. 30, and from this it
appears to have belonged originally to the Mo-
abites. We find Dibon counted to Reuben in
the lists of Joshua (xiii. 9, 17). In the time
of Isaiah and Jeremiah, however, it was again
fat possession of Moab (Is. xv. 2 ; Jer. xlviii.
18, 22, comp. 24). In the same denunciations
of Isaiah it appears, probably under the name
of Dimom. In modern times the name /Mi-
ban has been discovered by Seetzen, Irby and
Mangles and Burckhardt, as attached to exten-
sive ruins on the Roman road, about throe
miles north of the Arnon ( Wady Modjeb). All
agree, however, in describing these ruins as ly-
ing low. — 2. One of the towns which was re-
inhabited by the men of Jndah after the return
from captivity (Neh. xi. 25). From its men-
tion with Jckabzeel, Moladah, and other towns
of the south, there can be no doubt that it is
identical with Dmoxin,
Di'bon-Grad, one of the halting-places of
the Israelites (Num. xxxiii. 45, 46). It was no
donbt tho same place which is generally called
Dibon.
Dib'ri, a Danite, father of Shelomith (lev.
xxiv. 11).
Didrachmon. [Mowbt; Shekel.]
Did'ymua, that is, the Twin, a surname of
the apostle Thomas (John xi. 16, xx. 24, xxi
2). IThomasJ
Diklah (Gen. x. 27 ; 1 Chr. i. 21), a son
of Joktan, whose settlements, in common with
those of the other sons of Joktan, must be
looked for in Arabia, The name in Hebrew
signifies "a palm-tree: " hence it is thought that
Diklah is a part of Arabia containing many
palm-trees. Bex-hart, and after him Gcsenius,
refer the descendants of Diklah to theMinsei, a
people of Arabia Felix inhabiting a palmifer-
ous country. No trace of Diklah is known to
exist in Arabic works, except the mention of a
place called Dakalah in El -Yemdneh, with many
palm-trees. Nakhleh also signifies a palm-tree,
and is the name of manv places, especially
Nakhleh el -Yemdneeyeh, and Nakhleh esh-Sh'd
mea/eh, two well-known towns si tnntc near each
other. Therefore, 1 . Diklah may probably be
recovered in the place called Dakalah above
mentioned ; or, possibly, 2. in one of the places
named Nakhleh.
Dil'oan, one of the cities in the lowlands of
Jndah (Josh. xv. 38). It has not been identi-
fied with certainty. Van de Velde suggests
that it may be the modern place Tina, about
three miles north of TeU-et-Safieh in the mari-
time plain of Philistia, south of Ekron.
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DIONYSIUS
•204
DISPERSION
Dim'nah, a city in the tribe of Zebulun,
stven to the Merante Levites (Josh. xxi. 35).
Kimmon (1 Chr. vi. 77) may possibly be a va-
riation of Dimnah.
Di'mon. the Waters of, some streams on
the east of the Dead Sea, in the land of Moab,
against which Isaiah is here uttering denuncia-
tions (Is. xt. 9). Gesenios conjectures that
the two names Dimon and Dibon are the same.
Di'monah, a city in the south of Judah,
(Josh. xt. 22), perhaps the same as Dibon in
Nch. xi. 25.
Di'rjah, the daughter of Jacob by Leah,
(Gen. xxx. 21). She accompanied her father
from Mesopotamia to Canaan, and, having
ventured among the inhabitants, was violated
by Shechem the son of Hamor, the chieftain of
the territory in which her father had settled
{Gen. xxxiv.). Her age at this time, judging
by the subsequent notice of Joseph's age (Gen.
xxxvii. 2), may have been from 13 to 15, the
ordinary period of marriage in Eastern coun-
tries. Shechem proposed to make the usual
reparation by paying a sum to the father and
marrying her (Gen. xxxiv. 12). But in this
■case the suitor was an alien, and the crown of
the offence consisted in its having been com-
mitted by an nlicn against the favored people of
God ; he had " wrought folly in Israel (xxxiv.
7). The proposals of Hamor, who acted as his
deputy, were framed on the recognition of the
hitherto complete separation of the two peo-
ples ; he proposed the fusion of the two by the
establishment of the rights of intermarriage
and commerce. The sons of Jacob, bent upon
revenge, availed themselves of the eagerness,
which Shechem showed, to effect their purpose ;
they demanded, as a condition of the proposed
anion, the circumcision of the Shechemitcs.
They therefore assented ; and on the third day,
when the pain and fever resulting from the op-
eration were at the highest, Simeon and Levi,
■own brothers to Dinah, as Josephus observes,
attacked them unexpectedly, slew all the males,
and plundered their city.
Dl'naites (Ezr. iv. 9), the name of some of
the Cuthaean colonists who were placed in the
-cities of Samaria after the captivity of the ten
tribes. Nothing more is known of them.
Dinliabah (Gen. xxxvi. 32 ; 1 Chr. i. 43),
the capital city, and probably the birthplace, of
Bela, son of Beor, king of Edom. It has not
been identified.
Dionys'ia, " the feast of Bacchus," which
was celebrated, especially in later times, with
wild extravagance, and licentious enthusiasm.
Women, as well as men, joined in the proces-
sions, acting the part of Msenads, crowned
with ivy, and bearing the thyrsus. Shortly be-
fore the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes,
1 68 B.C., in which the Jews " were compelled to
go in procession to Bacchus carrying ivy" (2
Mace. Ti. 7), the secret celebration of the Bac-
chanalia in Italy had been revealed to the Ro-
man senate (b.c. 186). A decree was passed
forbidding its observance in Rome or Italy.
This fact offers the best commentary on the
-conduct of Antiochus. Ap.
Dionys'ius the Axeopagite (Acts wii.
94), an eminent Athenian, converted to Chris-
tianity by the preaching of St. Paul. Euse-
bius makes him, on the authority of Dionysiat
bishop of Corinth, to have been first bishop of
Athens. The writings which were once attrib-
uted to him are now confessed to be the pro-
duction of some neo-Platonists of the sixth,
century.
Diony'sus (2 Mace. xiv. 33 ; 3 Mace. ii.
29), also called Bacchus, was properly the
god of wine. The eastern wanderings of Dio-
nysus are well known, but they do not seem to
have left any special trace in Palestine. His
worship, however, was greatly modified by the
incorporation of Eastern elements, and assumed
the twofold form of wild orgies and mystic
rites. To the Jew, Dionysus would necessarily
appear as the embodiment of paganism in its
most material shape, sanctioning the most tu-
multuous passions and the worst excesses. Ap.
Dioscorin'thiUS. (Months.]
Diot'rephes, a Christian mentioned in 3
John 9, but of whom nothing is known.
Disciple. (Education ; Schools.]
Discus, a circular plate of stone or metal,
made for throwing to a distance as an exercise
of strength and dexterity (2 Mace. iv. 14).
Diseases. [Medicine.]
Dish. [Basin ; Chakger.] In ancient
Egypt, and also in Judtea, guests at the table
handled their food with the fingers. The same
is the case in modern Egypt. Each person
breaks off a small piece of bread, dips it in the
dish, and then conveys it to his mouth, together
with a small portion of the meat or other con-
tents of the dish. To pick out a delicate
morsel and hand it to a friend is esteemed a
compliment, and to refuse such an offering
is contrary to good manners. Judas dipping
his hand in the same dish with our Lord was
showing especial friendliness and intimacy.
Dis'han, the youngest son of Seir the Ho-
rite (Gen. xxxvi. 21, 28, 30; 1 Chr. i. 38, 42).
DisTion. 1. The fifth son of Seir (Gen.
xxxvi. 21, 26, 30 ; 1 Chr. i. 38). — 2. The son
of Anah and grandson of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 25 ;
I Chr. i. 38). Dishon and Dishan belong to
the same root. The geographical position of
the tribes descended from these patriarchs is
uncertain. Knobel places them to E. and S.E.
of the GulfofAkaba.
Dispersion of the Jews, or simply
The Dispersion, was the general title ap-
plied to those Jews who remained settled in for-
eign countries after the return from the Babylo-
nian exile, and during the period of the second
Temple. The Dispersion, as a distinct element
influencing the entire character of the Jews,
dates from the Babylonian exile. Outwardly
and inwardly, by its effects both on the Gen-
tiles and on the people of Israel, the Dispersion
appears to have been the clearest providential
preparation for the spread of Christianity. At
the beginning of the Christian era the Disper-
sion was divided into three great sections, the
Babylonian, the Syrian, the Egyptian. Prece-
dence was yielded to the first. From Babylon
the Jews spread throughout Persia, Media, and
Parthia ; but the settlements in China belong
to a modern daw. The Greek conquests in
Asia extended the limits of the Dispersion.
Seleucus Nicator transplanted large bodies of
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DIVINATION
205
DIVINATION
Jewish colonists from Babylonia to the capitals
of his western province*. His policy was fol-
lowed by his successor Antiochus the Great;
and the persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes
only served to posh forward the Jewish emigra-
tion to the remoter districts of his empire.
Large settlements of Jews were established in
Cyprus, in the islands of the ASgean, and on the
western coast of Asia Minor. The Jews of the
Syrian provinces gradually formed a closer con-
nection with their new homes, and together with
the Greek language adopted in many respects
Greek ideas. This Hellenising tendency, how-
ever, found its most free development at Alex-
andria. The Jewish settlements established
there by Alexander and Ptolemy I. became the
source of the African Dispersion, which spread
over to* north coast of Africa, and perhaps in-
land to Abyssinia. At Cyrene and Berenice
(Tripoli) the Jewish inhabitants formed a con-
riderable portion of the population. The Afri-
can Dispersion, like all other Jews, preserved
their veneration for the " hcly city," and recog-
nised the universal claims of the Temple by
the annual tribute. But the distinction in Ian-
gcage led to wider differences, which were
irerted in Babylon by the currency of an Ara-
maic dialect. After tne destruction of the Tem-
ple the JTealots found a reception in Cyrene ; and
towards the close of the reign of Trajan, a.d.
US, the Jewish population in Africa rose with
terrible ferocity. The Jewish settlements in
Rome were consequent upon the occupation of
Jerusalem by Pompey, B.C. 63. The captives
and emigrants whom ne brought with him were
located in the trans-Tibcrine quarter. In the
reign of Claudius the Jews became objects of
suspicion from their immense numbers; and
the internal disputes led to their banishment
from the city (Acts xviii. 2). This expulsion,
if general, can only have been temporary, for In
a few years the Jews at Rome were numerous
(Acts xxviii. 17 ff.). The influence of the
Dispersion on the rapid promulgation of Chris-
tianity can scarcely be overrated. The course
of the apostolic preaching followed in a regular
progr e ss the line of Jewish settlements. The
mixed assembly from which the first con-
ferts were gathered on the day of Pentecost
represented each division of the Dispersion
(Acts ii. 9-11; (1) Parthians . . . Mesopo-
tamia ; (2) Judsa (i. e. Syria). . . Pampny-
k*; (') Egypt . . . Greece; (4) Romans . . .),
sod these converts naturally prepared the way
for the apostles in the interval wnich preceded
the beginning of the separate apostolic mis-
son*.
Divination. (Ex. xiii. 7 ; Wisd. xvii. 7 ;
Is. xlvii. 9). This art " of taking an aim of
divine matters by human, which cannot but
breed mixture or imaginations " (Bacon, Eu
xvii), has been universal in all ages, and all na-
tions alike civilized and savage. The first kind
of divination was called Natural, in which the
medium of inspiration was transported from his
own individuality, and became the passive in-
strument of supernatural utterances. The
other kind of divination was artificial, and prob-
ably originated in an honest conviction that
external nature sympathised with and fre-
quently indicated the condition and prospects
of mankind ; a conviction not in itself ridicu-
lous, and fostered by the accidental synchronism
of natural phenomena with human catastro-
phes. When once this feeling was established
the supposed manifestations were infinitely mul-
tiplied. The invention of divination is as-
cribed to Prometheus, to the Phrygians and
Etrurians, especially sages, or to the devil. In
the same wav Zoroaster ascribes all magic to
Ahriman. Similar opinions have prevailed in
modern times. Many forms of divination arc
mentioned in Scripture, and the subject is so
frequently alluded to that it deserves careful ex-
amination. Diviners are first mentioned as a
prominent body in the Egyptian court, Gen.
xli. 8. — L Cnartummhm. They were a class of
Egyptian priests, eminent for learning. — 2.
Cnacamim (Ex. vii. 11). Possibly these, as welt
as their predecessors, were merely a learned
class, invested by vulgar superstition with hid-
den power. Daniel was made head ot the col-
lege by Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. v. 1 1 ). — 8. Me-
camhephim (Ex. vii. 1 1, canhaphhm). The word
seems to denote mere jugglers, of the class to
which belonged Jannes and Jambres (2 Tim.
iii. 8). How they produced the wonders which
hardened the heart of Pharaoh is idle to con-
jecture. Michaelis explains them to be "as-
trologers," snch as in ancient times were sup-
posed to be able to control the sun and moon
by spells. Women were supposed to be pecu-
liarly addicted to these magical arts (Ex. xxii.
18). — 4. Yidd/'dnSm (Lev. xix. 31, x*. 6),
wizards. Those that could by whatever means
reveal the future. — 5. OMra (Lev. xx. 6; Is.
viii. 19, xix. 3). The word properly means
" spirits of the dead," and then by an easy me-
tonymy those who consulted them. They are
also called Pythones. Hence the "spirit of
Python," Acts xvj. 16. These ventriloquists
" peeped and muttered " from the earth to imi-
tate the voice of the revealing familiar (Is.
xxix. 4, Ac ; 1 Sam. xxviii. 8 ; Lev. xx. 27).
06 properly means a bottle (Job xxxii. 19),
and was applied to the magician, because he
was supposed to be inflated by the spirit. Of
this class was the witch of Endor. — 6. Kottm
Icfnamim (Dent, xviii. 10). This word mav
be taken to mean astrologers, magi, Ac. ~tf.
Mf'dnSn (Mk. v. 12; 2 K. xxi. 6; A. V. "an
observer of times"). It is derived by some
from 'Anon, to cover, and may mean gtm raU w
" using hidden arts " (Is. ii. 6 ; Jer. xxvii. 9).
If it be derived from am, an eye, it will mean
" one who fascinates with the eyes," as in the
Syr. Vers. A belief in the evil eye was uni-
versal, and is often alluded to in Scripture
(Dent, xxiii. 6; Matt. xx. 15; Tob. iv. 7; 1
Sam. xviii. 9. "Saul ssW David"). Others
again make the 'omtntm (Is. ii. 6, Ac. J "sooth-
sayers," who predicted " times," as in A. V.,
from the observation of the clouds. In Judg.
ix. 37, the expression " terebinth of MMniktm
refers not so much to the general sacredness of
great trees as to the fact that (probably) here
Jacob had buried his amulets (Gen. xxxr.
4). — 8. MtnachatUm (Ps. lviii. 5 ; 2 K. xvii.
17, xxi. 6, Ac., A. V. enchanters) who were
supposed to render serpents innocuous and
obedient (Ex. vii. 9 ; Jer. viii. 17 ; Eccl.x. 11),
chiefly by the power of music; bnt also no
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DIVINATION
206
DODANIM
doubt by the possession of some genuine and
often hereditary secret. They had a similar
power over scorpions. The root has, however,
a general meaning of " learning by experience,"
like " to augur," in English, Gen. xxx. 27. —9.
Chdbfr chebarim. Those who acquired power by
uttering spells, tc. — 10. BdomcaiU Alluded
to in Ez. xxi. 21, where Nebuchadnezzar, at the
parting of two ways, uses divination by arrows
to decide whether he shall proceed against Je-
rusalem or Kabbah. Jerome explains it of
mingling in a quiver arrows on which were in-
scribed the names of various cities, that city be-
ing attacked the name of which was drawn out
Estius says he threw np a bundle of arrows to
see which way they would light, and falling on
the right hand be inarched towards Jerusa-
lem. — 11. Closely connected with this was div-
ination by rods (Hos. iv. 12). — 12. Cnp divi-
nation (Gen. xliv. 5). Parkhurst and others,
denying that divination is intended, make it a
mere cup of office " for which he would search
carefully." But in all probability the A. V. is
right. The divination was by means of radia-
tions from the water, or from magically inscribed
genu, &c., thrown into it — 18. Consultation
of Teraphim (Zech. x. 2 ; Ez. xxi. 21 ; 1 Sam.
xv. 23). These were wooden images (1 Sam.
xix. 13) consulted as " idols," from which the
xcited worshippers fancied that they received
oracular responses ITbbapbim]. — 14. Divi-
nation by the liver (Ez. xxi. 21 ). The liver
aras the most important part of the sacrifice.
Thus the deaths of both Alexander and He-
phssstion were foretold. — 16. Divination by
dreams (Dent. xiii. 2, 3; Judg. vii. 13; Jer.
xxiii. 32). Many warnings occur in Scripture
against the impostures attendant on the inter-
£ relation of dreams (Zech. x. 2, *c.). We find
owever no direct trace of letting for dreams.
— 16. The consultation of oracles may be
considered as another form of divination (Is.
xli. 21-24, xliv. 7). The term oracle is applied
to the Holy of Holies (1 K. vi. 16 ; Ps. xxviii.
2). That there were several oracles of heathen
gods known to the Jews we may infer both from
the mention of that of Baal-zebub at Ekron (2
K. i. 2-6), and from the towns named Debir.
Moses forbade every species of divination be-
cause a prying into the future clouds the mind
with superstition, and because it would have
been an incentive to idolatry ; indeed the fre-
quent denunciations of the sin in the prophets
tend to prove that these forbidden arts presented
peculiar temptations to apostate Israel. But
pod supplied his people with substitutes for div-
ination, which would have rendered it super-
fluous, and left them in no doubt as to his will
in circumstances of danger, had they continued
faithful. It was only when they were unfaith-
ful that the revelation was withdrawn (1 Sam.
xxviii. 6 , 2 Sam. ii. 1, v. 23, *c.). Supersti-
tion not unfrequently goes hand in hand with
scepticism, and hence, amid the general infi-
delity prevalent though the Roman empire at
our Lord's coming, imposture was rampant ;
as a glance at the pages of Tacitus will suffice
to prove. Hence the lucrative trades of such
men as Simon Magus (Acts viii. 9), Bar-jesus
(Acts xiii. 6, 8), the slave with the spirit of Py-
thon (Acts xvi. 16), the vagabond Jews, exor-
cists (Luke xi. 19 ; Acts xix. 13), and others (2
Tim. iii. 13; Rev. xix. 20, Ac.), as well a* the
notorious dealers in magical books at Epbesus
(Acts xix. 19).
Divorce. The law regulating this subject
is found Deut. xxiv. 1-4, ana the cases in which
the right of a husband to divorce his wife was
lost are stated ib. xxii. 19, 29. The ground
of divorce is a point on which the Jewish doc-
tors of the period of the N. T. widely differed ;
the school of Shammai seeming to limit it to a
moral delinquency in the woman, whilst that
of Hillel extended it to trifling causes, e.g., if
the wife burnt the food she was cooking for her
husband. The Pharisees wished perhaps to
embroil our Saviour with these rival schools by
their question (Matt. xix. 3) ; by His answer
to which, as well as by His previous maxim
(v. 31 ), he declares that but for their hardened
state of heart, such questions would have no
place. Yet from the distinction made, " Bnt I
say unto you," v. 31, 32, it seems to follow,
that He regarded all the lesser causes than
"fornication " as standing on too weak ground,
and declined the question of how to interpret
the words of Moses. It would be unreasonable,
therefore, to suppose that by " some unclean-
ness," to which be limited the remedy of divorce,
Moses meant " fornication," i.e. adultery, for
that would have been to stultify the law " that
such should be stoned " (John viii. 5 ; Lev. xx.
10). The practical difficulty, however, which
attends on the donbt which is now found in in-
terpreting Moses' words, will be lessened if wo
consider that the mere giving " a bill (or rather
" book ") of divorcement " (comp. Is. 1. I ; Jer.
iii. 8) would in ancient times require the in-
tervention of a Levite, not only to secure the
formal correctness of the instrument, but be-
cause the art of writing was then generally un-
known. This would bring the matter under
the cognizance of legal authority, and tend to
check the rash exercise of the right by the hus-
band. But the absence of any case in point in
the period which lay nearest to the lawgiver
himself, or in any, save a much more recent
one, makes the whole question one of great
uncertainty.
Di'sahab, a place in the Arabian Desert,
mentioned Deut. i. I, as limiting the position
of the spot in which Moses is there represented
as addressing the Israelites. It is by Robinson
identified with Dahab, a cape on the W. shore
of the Gulf of Akabah.
Do'cUB, a " little bold " near Jericho ( 1 Msec.
xvi. 15, comp. verse 14) built by Ptolemeus the
son of Abubus. The name still remains at-
tached to the copious and excellent springs of
Ain-D&Jc, which burst forth in the WadwNawt-
'imek, at the foot of the mountain of Qusran-
tania (Kunmtui), about 4 miles N. W. of Jeri-
cho. Above the springs are traces of ancient
foundations, which may be those of Ptolemy's
castle, but more probably of that of the Tem-
plars, one of whose stations this was. Ap.
Dod'ai, an Abohite who commanded the
course of the 2d month (1 Chr. xxvii. 4). It
is probable that he is the same as Dodo, 2.
Do'danim, Gen. x. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 7 (in some
copies and in marg. of A. V. 1 Chr. i. 7, Roda-
nim), a family or race descended from Javan.
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DOR
207
DOVE
the *on of Japbet (Gen. x. 4; t Chr. i. 7).
The weight of authority ia in fovor of the
former name. Dodanim is regarded at identical
with Dardani. The Dardani were found in
historical times in Illyricum and Troy : the
former district was regarded as their original
seat. They were probably a semi-Pelasgic
race, and are grouped with the Chittim in the
genealogical table, as more closely related to
them than to the other branches of the Pelas-
ric race. !C»li«»-li identifies Dodanim with the
Pasnians, who occupied the coast of Apulia.
Do'davah, a man of Maresha in Judah,
father of Bliexer who denounced Jehoshaphat's
alliance with Ahaziah (S Chr. xx. 37).
Do'do. L. A man of Bethlehem, father
of Klbanan. who was one of Darid'a thirty
captains (a Sam. xxiii. 24 ; I Chr. xi. 36). He
is a different person from — 2. Dodo thb
Ahohitb, father of Eteazar, the second of the
three mighty men who were orer the thirty (S
Sam. xxiii. 9 ; 1 Chr. xi IS). He or his son
— in which case we must suppose the words
' Eleazar son of " to hare escaped from the
text — probably had the command of the sec-
ond monthly coarse (1 Chr. xxvii. 4). In the
latter passage the name is Dodai. — 3. A man
of Issachar, forefather of Tola the Judge ( Judg.
Do'&K, an Idanuean, chief of Saul's herds-
men. He was at Nob when Ahimelech gave
Darid the sword of Goliath, and not only gave
isJbnnation to Saul, but when others declined
the office, himself executed the king's order to
destroy the priests of Nob, with their families,
la the number of 85 persons, together with all
their property (1 Sam. xxi. 7, xxii. 9, 18, 22;
Ps-bX).
Dog, aa animal frequently mentioned in
Scripture. It was used by the Hebrews as a
watch for their houses (Is. lvi. 10), and for
guarding their flocks (Job xxx. 1). Then also
at now, troops of hungry and semi-wild dogs
ated to wander about the fields and streets of
the cities, devouring dead bodies and other
offd (I K. xiv. 11, xvi. 4, xxi. 19,93, xxii.
88; 2 K. ix. 10, 36; Jer. xr. 3; Ps. lix. 6, 14),
sad thns became such objects of dislike that
feres and cruel enemies are poetically styled
dogs in Pa. xxii. 16, 20. Moreover, the dog
being an andean animal (Is. lxvi. 3), the terms
<*>?■ <**** *!?• d*}'" *•»■» were used as terms of
reproach or of humility in speaking of one's
self (1 Sam. xxiv. 14 ; 2 Sam. in. 8, ix. 8, xvi.
*; 2 K. riiL 13). Stanley mentions that he
taw on the very site of Jesreel the descendants
of the dogs that devoured Jezebel, prowling on
the mounds without the walls for offal and car-
rion thrown out to them to consume.
Doors. [Gates.]
Doph'kaxL, a place mentioned Nam. xxxiii.
11, as a station in the Desert where the Israel-
ites encamped ; see Wildbbnbss.
Dor (Josh. xvii. 11 ; 1 K. iv. 11 ; I Mace
xv. 11), an ancient royal city of the Canaan-
ites (Josh. xii. 23), whose ruler was an ally of
Jabin king of Hasor against Joshua (Josh. xi.
1, 2). It was probably the most southern set-
dement of the rbosnicianson the coast of Syria.
Jnaaphus describes it as a maritime city, oii the
t border of Manasteh, and the north border
of Dan near Mount Carmel. It appears to
have been within the territory of the tribe of
Asher, though allotted to Manaaseh (Josh. xvii.
1 1 ; Judg. i. 27). The original inhabitants
were never expelled ; but during the prosper-
ous reigns of David and Solomon they were
made tributary (Judg. i. 27, 28), and the latter
monarch stationed at Dor one of his twelve
purveyors (1 K. iv. 11). Trypbon, the mur-
derer of Jonathan Maccabasus and usurper of
the throne of Syria, having sought an asylum
in Dor, the city was besieged and captured by
Antiochus Sidetes (1 Mace. xv. 11). Of the
site of Dor there can be no doubt. The de-
scriptions of Josephus and Jerome are clear
and full. The latter places it on the coast,
" in the ninth mile from Cassarea, on the way
to Ptolemais." Just at the point indicated is
the small village of Tantira, probably an Arab
corruption of Dora, consisting of about thirty
houses, wholly constructed of ancient mate-
rials.
Dors. 1 Mace xv. 11, 13,25. [Dob.] Ap.
Dor/CSS. ITabitha.]
Dorym'enes, father of Ptolemy, surnamed
Macron (I Mace. hi. 38; 2 Mace ir. 45). It
is probable that he is the same Dorymenes who
fought against Antiochus the Great. Ap.
Doeitaeus. 1. "A priest and Lerite,"
who carried the translation of Esther to Egypt
iEsth. xi. 1, 2). — 2. One of the captains of
udns Maccabeus in the battle against Timo-
thcus (2 Mace. xii. 19, 24). — 3. A horse-sol-
dier of Bacenor's company, a man of prodi-
gious strength, who, in attempting to capture
Gorgias, was cut down by a Thracian (2 Mace.
xii. 35). — 4. The son of Drimylus, a Jew,
who had renounced the law of his fathers, and
was in the camp of Ptolemy Philopator at
Raphia (3 Mace. i. 3). He was perhaps a
chamberlain. Ap.
Do'thaim. [Dothan.]
Do'thail, a place first mentioned (Gen.
xxxvii. 17) in connection with the history of
Joseph, and apparently as in the neighborhood
of Shechem. It next appears as the residence
of Elisha (2 K. vi. 13). Later still we encoun-
ter it as a landmark in the account of Holo-
fernes' campaign against Bethulia (Jnd. iv. 6,
vii. 3, 18, viii. 3). Dothaim is dne to the
Greek text, from which this book is translated.
Dothain was known to Eusebiua, who places it
12 miles to the N. of Sebaste (Samaria) , and
here it has been at length discovered in our
own times, still bearing its ancient name un-
impaired, and situated at the south end of a
plain of the richest pasturage, 4 or 5 miles S.W.
of Jenin, and separated only by a swell or two
of hills from the plain of Esdraelon.
Dove (Heb. itnah). The first mention of
this bird occurs in Gen. viii. The dove's ra-
pidity of flight is alluded to in Ps. Iv. 6 ; the
beauty of its plumage in Ps. Ixviii. 13 ; its
dwelling in the rocks and valleys in Jer. xlviii.
28, and Ex. vii. 16 ; its mournful voice in Is.
xxxviii. 14, lix. 11 ; Nah. ii. 7; its harmless-
ness in Matt x. 16 ; its simplicity in Hot. vii.
11 ; and its amativeness in Cant. i. 15, ii. 14.
Doves are kept in a domesticated state in many
parts of the East. The pigeon-cot it a uni-
versal feature in the houses of Upper Egypt.
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DRAGON
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DREAMS
In Penis pigeon-houses ore erected at a dis-
tance from the dwellings, for the purpose of
collecting the dung as manure. There is prob-
ably an allusion to such a custom in Is. lx. 8.
Dove's Dung. Various explanations have
been given of the passage in 2 K. vi. 25, which
describes the famine of Samaria to have been
so excessive, that " an ass's head was sold for
fourscore pieces of silver, and the fourth part
of a cab of dove's dung for five pieces of silver."
The old versions and very many ancient com-
mentators are in favor of a literal interpreta-
tion of the Heb. word. Bochart has labored to
show that it denotes a species of deer, " chick-
pea," which he says the Arabs coll mndn, and
sometimes improperly " dove's or sparrow's
dang." Linnaeus suggested that the chirydnim
may signify the Ornitiimalum umbcllatum, " Star
of Bethlehem." With regard to Bochort's
opinion, Celsius, who advocates the literal in-
terpretation, has shown that it is founded on an
error. It can scarcely be believed that even in
the worst horrors of a siege a substance so vile
sa is implied by the literal rendering should
have been used for food, and in the absence of
further evidence we must refrain from decid-
"ibo
iwry. [Makjuaok.]
Drachm (2 Mace. iv. 19, x. 20, xii. 43 ;
Luke xv. 8, 9), a Greek silver coin, varying in
weight on account of the use of different tal-
ents. The Jews must have been acquainted
with three talents, the Ptolemaic, the Phoeni-
cian, and the Attic. The drachmae of these
talents weigh respectively, during the period of
the Maccabees, about 55 grs. troy, 585, and
66. In Luke (A V. "piece of sHver") denarii
l to be
OJ»J
V. "pi
d. [M<
seem to be intended. [Monet ; Silver, Piece
Dragon. The translators of the A V., ap-
parently following the Vulgate, have rendered
by the some word " dragon " the two Hebrew
words Tan and Tannin, which appear to be
quite distinct in meaning. — I. The former is
used, always in the plural, in Job xxx. 29 ;
Is. xxxiv. 13, xliii. 20 ; in Is. xiii. 22 ; in Jer.
x. 22, xlix. 33 ; in Ps. xliv. 19 ; and in Jer. ix.
II, xiv. 6, li. 37 ; Mic. * 8. It is always ap-
plied to some creatures inhabiting the desert,
and we should conclude from this that it refers
rather to some wild beast than to a serpent.
The Syriac renders it by a word which, accord-
ing to Pococke, means a "jackal." — II. The
word tannin seems to refer to any great monster,
whether of the land or the sea, being indeed
more usually applied to some kind of serpent
or reptile, but not exclusively restricted to that
sense. When we examine special passages we
find the word used in Gen. '. 21, of the great
sea-monsters, the representatives of the inhab-
itants of the deep. On the other hand, in Ex.
vii. 9, 10, 12, Deut. xxxii. 33, Ps. xci. 13, it
refers to land-serpents of a powerful and dead-
ly kind. In the N. T. it is found only in the
Apocalypse (Rev. xii. 3, 4, 7, 9, 16, 17, 4c.),
as applied metaphorically to " the old serpent,
called the Devil and Satan," tho description of
the "dragon" being dictated by the symboli-
cal meaning of the image rather than by any
reference to any actually existing creature.
The reason of this scriptural symbol is to
be sought not only in the union of gigantic
power with craft and malignity, of which the
serpent is the natural emblem, but in the rec-
ord of the serpent's agency in the temptation
(Gen. Hi.).
Dram. [Daric.1
Dreams. — I. The main difference between
our sleeping and waking thoughts appears to
lie in this — that, in the former case, the per-
ceptive faculties of the mind ore active, while
the reflective powers are generally asleep. Yet
there is a class of dreams in which the reason
is not wholly asleep. In these cases it seems
to look on as it were from without, and so to
have a double consciousness. In either cose
the ideas suggested ore accepted by the mind
in dreams st once and inevitably, 'instead of
being weighed and tested, as in our waking
hours. But it is evident that the method or
such suggestion is still undetermined, and in
fact is no more capable of being accounted for
by any single cause than the suggestion of
waking thoughts. The material of these latter
is supplied either by ourselves, through the
senses, the memory, and the imagination, or by
other men, generally through the medium of
words, or lastly by the direct action of the
Spirit of God, or of crested spirits of orders
superior to our own, or the spirit within us.
So also it is in dreams. On the first two points
experience gives undoubted testimony ; as to
the third, it can, from the nature of the case,
speak but vaguely and uncertainly. The
Scripture declares, not as any strange thing,
but as a thing of course, that the influence of
the Spirit of God upon the soul extends to its
sleeping as well as its waking thoughts. — II.
It is, of course, with this last class of dreams
that we have to do in Scripture. The dreams
of memory or imagination are indeed referred
to in Eccl. v. 3 ; Is. xxix. 8 ; but it is the his-
tory of the Revelation of tho Spirit of God to
the spirit of man, whether sleeping or waking,
which is the proper subject of Scripture itself.
It most be observed that, in accordance with
the principle enunciated by St. Paul in 1 Cor.
xiv. 15, dreams, in which the understanding is
asleep, are recognized indeed as a method of
divine revelation, bnt placed below the visions
of prophecy, in which the understanding plays
its port. It is true that the book of Job, stand-
ing as it does on the basis of " natural religion,*'
dwells on dreams and " visions in deep sleep "
as the chosen method of God's revelation of
Himself to man (see Job iv. 13, vii. 14, xxxiii.
15). But in Num. xii. 6, Deut xiii. I, 3, 5,
Jer. xxvii. 9, Joel ii. 28, 4c, dreamers of
dreams, whether true or false, are placed below
" prophets," and even below " diviners ; " and
similarly in the climax of 1 Sam. xxviii. 6, we
read that "Jehovah answered Soul not, neither
by dreams, nor by Urim [by symbol], nor by
prophets." Under the Christian dispensation,
while we read frequently of trances and visions,
dreams ore never referred to ss vehicles of di-
vine revelation. In exact accordance with this
principle ore the actual records of the dreams
sent by God. The greater number of such
dreams were granted, for prediction or for warn-
ing, to those who were aliens to the Jewish
covenant. And, where dreams are recorded as
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menu of God's revelation to His chosen scr-
vants, they are almost always referred to the pe-
riods of their earliest and most imperfect knowl-
edge of Him. The general conclusion there-
fore is, first, that the Scripture claims the dream
as a medium through which God may speak to
nun either directly, or indirectly in virtue of a
general influence upon all his thoughts ; and
secondly, that it lays far greater stress on that
divine influence by which the understanding
also is affected, and leads us to believe that
as such influence extends mom and more, rev-
elation by dreams, unless in very peculiar
riremmtances, might be expected to pass
Dress.
This subject includes the following
particulars: — 1. Materials. 2. Color and dec-
oration. 3. Name, form, and mode of wear-
ing the various articles. 4. Special usages re-
lating thereto. — 1 . The earliest and simplest
robe was made out of the leaves of a tree, por-
tions of which were sewn together, so as to
farm an apron (Gen. iii. 7). After the fall, the
tkins of animals supplied a more durable ma-
terial (Gen. iii. 21), which was adapted to a
rode state of society, and is stated to have been
osed by various ancient nations. Skins were
not wholly disused at later periods : the " man-
tle " worn by Elijah appears to have been the
ikin of a sheep or some other animal with tho
wool left on. It was characteristic of a proph-
et's office from its mean appearance (Zech.
xiii- 4 ; cf. Matt. vii. 15). Pelisses of sheep-
«kin still form an ordinary article of dress in
the East. The art of weaving hair was known
id the Hebrews at an early period (Ex. xxvi.
7, xxxv. 6) ; the sackcloth used by mourners
wis of this material. John the Baptist's robe
was of camel's hair (Matt. iii. 4). Wool, we
nay presume, was introduced at a very early
period, the flocks of the pastoral families being
kept partly for their wool (Gen. xxxviii. 12) :
it was at all times largely employed, particu-
larly for the outer garments (Lev. xiii. 47 ;
Djnt xxii. 11, &c.). It is probable that the
acquaintance of the Hebrews with linen, and
perhaps cotton, dates from the period of the
captivity in E»ypt, when they were instructed
in the manufacture ( 1 Chr. iv. 21 ). After their
return to Palestine we have frequent notices of
linen. Silk was not introduced until a very
hue period (Rev. xviii. 12). The use of mixed
material, such as wool and flax, was forbidden
(Lev. xix. 19; Deut. xxii. 11). — 2. Color and
decoration. The prevailing color of the Hebrew
dress was the natural white of the materials
employed, which might be brought to a high
state of brilliancy by the art of the fuller
(Mark ix. 3). It is uncertain when the art of
dyeing became known to the Hebrews ; the
dress worn by Joseph (Gen. xxxvii. 3, 23) is
variously taken to be either a " coat of divers
colors," or a tunic furnished with sleeves and
reaching down to the ankles. Tho latter is
probably the correct sense. The notice of scar-
let thread (Gen. xxxviii. 28) implies some ac-
quaintance with dyeing. The Egyptians had
carried the art of weaving and embroidery to a
high state of perfection, and from them the
Hebrews learned various methods of producing
decorated stuffs. The elements of ornamenta-
2T
tion were — (1) weaving with threads previ-
ously dyed (Ex. xxxv. 25); (2) the introduc-
tion of gold thread or wire (Ex. xxviii. 6 ff.) ;
(3) the addition of figures. These devices may
have been either woven into the stuff, or cut
out of other stuff and afterwards attached by
needle-work : in the former case the pattern
would appear only on one side, in the latter
the pattern might be varied. Robes decorated
with gold (l's. xlv. 13), and at a later period
with silver thread (cf. Acts xii. 21), were wom
by royal personages ; other kinds of embroid-
ered robes were worn by the wealthy both of
Tyre (Ex. xvi. 13) and Palestine (Jndg. v. 30;
Ps. xlv. 14). The art does not appear to have
been maintained among the Hebrews: the
Babylonians and other Eastern nations (Josh,
vii. 21 ; Ex. xxvii. 24), as well as the Egyp-
tians (Ez. xxvii. 7), excelled in it Nor does
the art of dyeing appear to have been followed
up in Palestine : dyed robes were imported
from foreign countries (Zeph. i. 8), particularly
from Phoenicia, and were not much used on ac-
count of their expensiveness : purple (Prov.
xxxi. 22; Luke xvi. 19) and scarlet (2 Sam.
i. 24) were occasionally worn by the wealthy.
The surrounding nations were more lavish in
their use of them : the wealthy Tynans (Ez.
xxvii. 7), the Midianitish kings (Juug. viii. 20),
the Assyrian nobles (Ez. xxiii. 6), and Persian
officers (Esth. viii. 15), are all represented in
purple. — 3. The names, forms, and mode of wear-
ing the robes. It is difficult to give a satisfacto-
ry account of the various articles of dress men-
tioned in the Bible. Tho general characteris-
tics of Oriental dress have indeed preserved a
remarkable uniformity in all ages : the modern
Arab dresses much as tho ancient Hebrew did ;
there are the same flowing robes, the same dis-
tinction between tho outer and inner garments,
tho fonn-.T heavy and warm, the latter light,
adapted to the rapid and excessive changes of
temperature iu those countries; and there is
the same distinction between the costume of
the rich and the poor, consisting in the multi-
plication of robes of a finer texture and more
ample dimensions. Hence the numerous illus-
trations of ancient costume, which may be
drawn from the usages of modern Orientals,
supplying in great measure the want of con-
temporaneous representations. The costume
of the men and women was very similar ; there
was sufficient difference, however, to mark the
sex, and it was strictly forbidden to a woman
to wear the appendages such as the staff, signet-
ring, and other ornaments, or, according to
Joscphus, the weapons of a man ; as well as to
a man to wear the outer robe of a woman
(Deut. xxii. 5). We shall first describe the
robes which were common to the two sexes,
and then those which were peculiar to woman.
(1.) The dlhoneth was the most essential article
of dress. It was a closely fitting garment, re-
sembling in form and use our shirt, though un-
fortunately translated cunt in the A. V. The
material of which it was mode was cither wool,
cotton, or linen. The primitive ceTlioneth was
without sleeves, and reached only to the knee.
Another kind reached to the wrists and ankles.
It was in either cose kept close to the body by
a girdle, and the fold formed by the overlap
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ping of the robe nerved as an inner pocket.
A person wearing the dthoneth alone was de-
scribed as naked, A. V. (2.) The tadin appears
to have been a wrapper of fine linen, which
might be used in various ways, but especially
as a uight-shirt (Mark xiv. 51 ). (3.) The mtil
was an upper or second tunic, the difference be-
ing that it was longer than the first. As an
article of ordinary dress it was worn by kings
(1 Sam. xxiv. 4), prophet* (1 Sam. xxviii. 14),
nobles (Job i. 20), and youths (1 Sam. ii. 19).
It may, however, be doubted whether the term
is used in its specific sense in these passages,
and not rather for any robe that chanced to be
worn over the ctlhoneth. Where two tunics are
mentioned (Luke iii. 11) as being worn at the
same time, the second would be a nUCU; travel-
lers generally wore two, but the practice was
forbidden to the disciples (Matt. x. 10; Luke
ix. 3). The dress of the middle and npper
classes in modern Egypt illustrates the customs
of the Hebrews. (4.) The ordinary outer gar-
ment consisted of a quadrangular piece of
woollen cloth, probably resembling in shape a
Scotch plaid. The size and texture would vary
with the means of the wearer. The Hebrew
terms referring to it are — simlah, sometimes
put for clothes generally (Gen. xxxv. 2,
xxxvii. 34; Ex. hi. 22, xxii. 9 ; Dcut x. 18;
Is. iii. 7, iv. 1); beged, which is more usual in
speaking of robes of a handsome and substan-
tial character (Gen. xxvii. 15, xli. 42; Ex.
xxviii. 2; IK. xxii. 10; 2 Chr. xviii. 9; Is.
'xiii. 1 ) ; clsuth, appropriate to passages where
covering or protection is the prominent idea
(Ex. xxii.^26; Job xxvi. 6, xxxi. 19); and
lastly libush, usual in poetry, but specially
applied to a warrior's cloak (2 Sara. xx. 8),
priests' vestments (2 K. x. 22), and royal ap-
parel (Esth. vi. 11, viii. 15). Another term,
mad, is specifically applied to a long cloak
(Judg. iii. 16 ; 2 Sam. xx. 8), and to the priest's
coat (Lev. vi. 10). The beged might bo worn
in various ways, either wrapped round the
body, or worn over the shoulders, like a shawl,
with the ends or "skirts" hanging down in
front ; or it might be thrown over the head, so
as to conceal the face (2 Sam. xv. 30; Esth.
vi. 12). The ends were skirted with a fringe
and bound with a dark purple ribbon (Num.
xv. 33) : it was confined at the waist by a gir-
dle, and the fold, formed by the overlapping of
the robe, served as a pocket. The dress of tho
women differed from that of the men in regard
to the outer garment, the c&hdneth being worn
equally by both sexes (Cant. v. 3). The names
of their distinctive robes were as follows: —
(1 ) mitpachath (bbiV, wimple, A. V.), a kind of
shawl (Ruth iii. 15; Is. iii. 22) ; (2) ma'ata-
phah (mantle, A. V.), another kind of shawl
(Is. iii. 22) ; (3) ts&'iph (veil, A. V.), probably
a light summer dress of handsome appearance
and of ample dimensions; (4) radid (veil,
A. V.), a similar robe (Is. iii. 23 ; Cant. v. 7) ;
(5) pethigU (stomacher, A. V.), a term of doubt-
ful origin, but probably significant of a gay
holiday dress (Is. iii. 24) ; (6) gilyonim (Is.
iii. 23), also a doubtful word, probably means,
as in the A. V., glasses. The garments of fe-
males were terminated by an ample border or
fringe (tkiru, A. V.), which concealed the feet
(Is. xlvii. 2 ; Jer. xiii. 22). Having now com-
pleted onr description of Hebrew dress, we add
a few remarks relative to the selection of equiv-
alent terms in our own language. CSmmC*
answers in many respects to " frock." In to*
sacerdotal dress a more technical term might
be used : " vestment," in its specific sense as
= the chasuble, or casula would represent it
very aptly. Mi'il may perhaps be best ren-
dered " gown." In sacerdotal dress " alb "
exactly meets it. Addereth answers in several
respects to "pelisse," although this term is
now applied almost exclusively to female dress.
Sadin = " linen wrapper." Simlah we would
render " garment," and in the plural " clothes,"
as the broadest term of the kind ; beged " vest-
ment," as being of superior quality ; letmsh
" robe," as still superior ; mad " cloak," as be-
ing long ; and maUmsh " dress," in the specific
sense in which the term is not unfrequently
used as —fine dress. In female costume mit-
pachath might be rendered " shawl," ma 'ataphah
" mantle," tsa'iph " handsome dress," radid
" cloak." The dresses of foreign nations are
occasionally referred to in the Bible ; that of
the Persians is described in Dan. iii. 21 in terms
which have been variously understood, but
which may be identified in the following man-
ner: — (I) The tarbalin (A. V.J "coats") or
drawers, which were the distinctive feature in
the Persian as compared with the Hebrew
dress; (2) the pattish (A. V. "hosen") or in-
ner tunic ; (3) the carbda (A. V. " hat ") or
upper tunic, corresponding to the mtit of the
Hebrews; (4) tho Wmsh (A. V. "garment ")
or cloak, which was worn, like the beged, over
all. In addition to these terras, we have notice
of a robe of state of fino linen, tactic, so called
from its ample dimensions (Esth. viii. 15).
The references to Greek or Roman dress are
few : tho xhyivs (2 Mace. xii. 35 ; Matt,
xxvii. 28) was either the paludamentum, the mili-
tary scarf of the Roman soldiery, or the Greek
chlami/3 itself, which was introduced under the
Emperors : it was especially worn by officers.
The travelling doalc referred to by "St. Panl
(2 Tim. iv. 13) is generally identified with the
Roman pamula, of which it may be a corrup-
tion. It is, however, otherwise explained as a
travelling case for carrying clothes or books. —
4. Special usages relating to dress. The length
of the dress rendered it inconvenient for active
exercise; hence the outer garments were either
left in the house by a person working close by
(Matt. xxiv. 18), or were thrown off when the
occasion arose (Mark x. 50 ; John xiii. 4 ; Acta
vii. 58), or if this was not possible, as in the
case of a person travelling, they were girded
up (1 K. xviii. 46 ; 2 K. iv. 29, ix. I ; 1 Pet.
i. 13) ; on entering a house the upper garment
was probably laid aside, and resumed on going
out (Acts xii. 8). In a sitting posture, the gar-
ments concealed the feet; this was held to be
an act of reverence (Is. vi. 2). The number
of suits possessed by the Hebrews was consid-
erable : a single suit consisted of an under and
upper garment The presentation of m robe in
many instances amounted to installation or in-
vestiture (Gen. xli. 42; Esth. viii. 15; Is.
xxii. 21 ) ; on the other hand, taking it away
amounted to dismif 1 from office (2 Mace
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t*. 38). The production of the best robe waa
a mark of special honor in a household (Luke
xt. S3). The number of robes thus received
or kept in store for presents was very large,
tod formed one of the main elements of wealth
in the East (Job zxrii. 16 : Matt. ri. 19 ; James
v. 2), so that to have dothing — to be wealthy
and powerful (Is. iii. 6, 7). On grand occa-
sions the entertainer offered becoming robes to
his guests. The business of making clothes
devolved upon women in a family (Pror.
TTti 22 ; Acts ix. 3D) ; little art was required
in vhat we may term the tailoring department ;
the garments came forth for the most part
ready made from the loom, so that tho weaver
supplanted the tailor.
Drink, Strong. The Hebrew terra Mcar,
in its etymological sense, applies to any bev-
sage that had intoxicating qualities. We may
infer from Cant. viii. 2 that the Hebrews wero
in the habit of expressing the juice of other
fruits besides the grape for the purpose of mak-
ing vine ; the pomegranate, which is there nc~
tiad, was probably one out of many fruits so
tied. With regard to the application of the
torn ia later times we hare the explicit state-
Bent of Jerome, as well as other sources of in-
fcmation, from which we may state that the
fclWing beverages wore known to the Jews : —
1. Bar, which was largely consumed in Egypt
under the name of zgthm, and was thence intro-
duced into Palestine. It was made of barley ;
«min herbs, such as lupine and skirrett, were
wed as substitutes for hops. 2. Cider, which
i» noticed in the Mishna as apple-wine. 3. Bon-
■Hene, of which there were two sorts, one con-
sating of a mixture of wine, honey, and pep-
per; die other a decoction of the juice of the
grape, termed dtbash (honey) by the Hebrews,
snd id* by the modem Syrians. 4. Date-vine,
vakh was also manufactured in Egypt It
to made by mashing the fruit in water in cer-
ain proportions. 5. Various other fruits and
regetthlei are enumerated by Pliny as supply-
ing materials for factitious or home-made wine,
neb as figs, millet, the carob fruit, &c. It is not
improbable that the Hebrews applied raitine to
this purpose in the simple manner followed by
the Arabians, viz., by putting them in jars of
water, and burying them in the ground until
fermentation takes place.
Dromedary. The representative in the
A.V. of the Heb. words becer or bicrah, rtctsh
ud rammac. As to the two former terms, see
Knder Camx. 1. Raxth is variously inter-
preted in our version by " dromedaries " ( 1 K.
"•»), "mules" (Esth. vui. 10, 14), "swift
"Ms" (Hie. i. 13). There seems to be no
•oubt that it denotes "a superior kind of
tone." 2. Rammac (Esth. viii. 10) is properly
i "mare."
Brasilia, daughter of Herod Agrippa I.
(Acts xil 1, 19 ff.) and Cypros. She was at
'"t betrothed to Antiochus Epiphanes, prince
of Commagene, but was married to Azizus,
tine of Emesa. Soon after, Felix, procurator
"f Jndssa, brought about her seduction by
"was of die Cyprian sorcerer Simon, and toot
(** as his wife. In Acts xxiv. 24, we find her
in company with Felix at Csesarea. Felix had
l>J Drosflla a «>n named Agrippa, who, together
with his mother, perished in the eruption of
Vesuvius under Titus.
Dulcimer (Heb. Suntpkoniah), a musical
instrument, mentioned in Daniel iii. 5, 15.
Rabbi Saadia Gaon describes the Sump/umiak
as the bagpipe, an opinion adopted by the ma-
jority of biblical critics. The same instrument
is stdl in use amongst peasants in the N.W.
of Asia and in Southern Europe, where it is
known by the similar name Sampogna or
Zampogna. With respect to the etymology
of the word a great difference of opinion pre-
vails.
Du'mah, a son of Ishmael, most probably
the founder of an Ishmaelite tribe of Arabia,
and thence the name of the principal place, or
district, inhabited by that tribe (Gen. xxv. 14;
I Chr. i. 30; Is. xxi. 11). The name of a
town in the north-western part of the peninsula,
Doomat-eUJendei, is held by Gescnius and others
to have been thus derived. It signifies " Du-
mah of the stones or blocks of stone," and
seems to indicate that the place was built of
unhewn or Cyclopean masonry, similar to that
of very ancient structures.
Du'mah, a city in the mountainous district
of Judah, near Hebron (Josh. xv. 52). Robin-
son passed 'he ruins of a village called ed-
Daumeh, 6 miles south-west of Hebron, and
this may posiihly be Dumah.
Dung. The uses of dung were twofold, as
manure, and as fuel. The manure consisted
either of straw steeped in liquid manure (Is.
xxv. 10), or the sweepings (Is. v. 25) of the
streets and roads, which were caret'ully removed
from about the houses, and collected in heaps
outside the walls of the towns at fixed spots
(hence the dung-gate at Jerusalem, Neh. ii. 13),
and thence removed in due course to the fields
The mode of applying manure to trees was by
digging holes about their roots and inserting it
(Luke xiii. 8), as still practised in Southern
Italy. In the case of sacrifices, the dung was
burnt outside the camp (Ex. xxix. 14 ; Lev. iv.
II, viii. 17 ; Num. xix. 5) : hence the extreme
opprobrium of the threat in Mai. ii. 3. Partic-
ular directions were laid down in the law to en-
force cleanliness with regard to human ordure
(Dent xxiii. 12 ff.) : it was the grossest insult
to turn a man's house into a receptacle for it
(2 K. x. 27; Ear. ri. 11 ; Dan. ii. 5, iii. 29,
"dunghill" A. V.); public establishments of
that nature are still found in the large towns of
the East. The difficulty of procuring fuel in
Syria, Arabia, and Egypt, has made dung in all
ages valuable as a substitute: it was probably
used for heating ovens and for baking cakes
(Ex. iv. 12, 15), the equable heat, which It pro-
duced, adapting it peculiarly for the latter ope-
ration. Cow's and camel's mine is still used for
a similar purpose by the Bedouins.
Dungeon. [Prison.]
Du'ra, the plain where Nebuchadnesxar set
up the golden image (Dan. iii. 1), has been
sometimes identified with a tract a little below
Tekrit, on the left bank of the Tigris, where
the name Dur is still found. M. Oppert places
the plain (or, as he calls it, the "valley ) of
Dura to the south-east of Babylon in the vi-
cinity of the mound of Dotoair or Dtknr.
Dust. [Monawnro.]
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E.
Eagle (Heb. nether). The Hebrew word,
which occurs frequently in the O. T., may de-
note a particular specie* of the Falconuta, as in
Lev. xi. 13 ; Deut. xiv. 12, where the maker is
distinguished from the ossifiagt, osprei/, and
other raptorial birds; but the term is used
also to express the griffon vulture ( Vultur ful-
vus) in two or three passages. At least tour
distinct kinds of eagles have been observed in
Palestine, viz. the golden eagle (Aquila Chrysa-
Hot), the spotted eagle (A. ruxvia), the com-
monest species in the rocky districts (see Ibis,
i. 23), the imperial eagle (Aquila Heliaca), and
the very common Circatot gallicus, which preys
on the numerous reptilia of Palestine. The
Heb. nether may stand for any of these differ-
ent species, though perhaps more particular ref-
erence to the golden and imperial eagles and
the griffon vulture mav be intended. The pas-
sage in Mic. i. 16, "Enlarge thy baldness as
the eagle," has been understood by Bochart and
others to refer to the eagle at the time of its
moulting in the spring. But if the nether is
supposed to denote the griffon vulture ( Vultur
(turns), the simile is peculiarly appropriate, for
the whole head and neck of this bird are desti-
tute of true feathers. The " eagles " of Matt,
xxiv. 28, Luke xvii. 87, may include the Vul-
tur Jithus and Neopliron percnopterus ; though, as
eagles frequently prey upon dead bodies, there
is no necessity to restrict the Greek word to the
Vutturida. The figure of an eagle is now and
has been long a favorite military ensign. The
Persians so employed it ; a fact which illustrates
the passage in Is. xlvi. 1 1 . The same bird was
similarly employed by the Assyrians and the
Romans.
E'anes, 1 Esd. ix. 21, a name which stands
fat the place of Hakim, Maareiah, and Eli-
jah, in the parallel list of Ezra x.
Earnest (2 Cor. i. 22, v. 5; Eph. i. 14).
The equivalent in the original is aphafluv, a
Grecized form of the Heb. 'erabin, which was
introduced by the Phoenicians into Greece, and
also into Italy, where it re-appears under the
forms arrhabo and arrha. It mar again be
traced in the French arrhes, and in the old Eng-
lish expression Earl's or Arle's money. The
Hebrew word was used generally for pledge
(Gen. xxxviii. 17), and in its cognate forms for
surety (Prov. xvii. 18) and hostage (2 K. xiv.
14). The Greek derivative, however, acquired
a more technical sense as signifying the deposit
paid bv the purchaseron entering into an agree-
ment for the purchase of any thin?;.
Ear-rings. The word nezem, bv which
these ornaments arc usually described, is unfor-
tnnately ambiguous, originally referring to the
nose-ring (as its root indicates), and thence
transferred to the ear-ring. The material of
which enr-rin^s were made was generally gold
(Ex. xxxii. 2), and their form circular. Thev
were worn by women and by youth of both
sexes (Ex. I.e.). It has beeninl'crred from the
passage quoted, and from Judg. viii. 24, that
they were not wom by men : these passages
UK, however, by ao means conclusive. The
car-ring appears to have been regarded with u
perstitious reverence u an amulet. On this
account they were surrendered along with tb*
idols by Jacob's household (Gen. xxxv. 4).
Chardin describes car-rings, with talismanic fig-
ures and characters on them, as still existing in
the East. Jewels were sometimes attached to
the rings. The size of the ear-rings still worn
in Eastern countries far exceeds what is usual
among ourselves ; hence they formed a hand-
some present (Job xlii. 1 1 ), or offering to tha
servico of God (Num. xxxi. 80).
EcTPttcn Ear-rin(t , from WllktaM*.
Earth. The term is used In two widely
different senses : (1) for the material of which
the earth's surface is composed ; (2) as the
name of the planet on which man dwells. The
Hebrew language discriminates between these
two by the use of separate terms, Adamah for
the former, Erets for the latter. As the two
arc essentially distinct we shall notice tbcm sep-
arately. — I. Adamah is the earth in the sense
of soil or ground, particularly as being suscep-
tible of cultivation. The earth supplied the ele-
mentary substance of which man s body was
formed, and the terms adam and adamah are
brought into juxtaposition, implying an ety-
mological connection (Gen. ii. 7). — II. Erets
is applied in a more or less extended sense.-
— 1. to the whole world (Gen. i. 1); 2. to
land as opposed to sea (Gen. i. 10) ; 3. to a
country (Gen. xxi. 32) ; 4. to a plot of ground
(Gen. xxiii. 15) ; and 5. to the ground on which
a man stands (Gen. xxxiii. 3). The two for-
mer senses alone concern us, the first involving
nn inquiry into the opinions of the Hebrews on
Cosmogony, the second on Geography. — L
Cosmogony. — The views of the Hebrews on
this subject are confessedly imperfect and ob-
scure. 1. The earth was regarded not only a*
the central point of the universe, but as the
universe itself, every other body — the heavens,
sun, moon, and stars — being subsidiary to, and,
as it were, the complement of the earth. The
Hebrew language has no expression equivalent
to our universe; "the heavens and the earth"
(Gen. i. I, xiv. 19; Ex. xxxi. 17) has been re-
garded as snch ; but it is clear that the heavens
were looked upon as a necessary adjunct of the
earth — the curtain of the tent in which man
dwells (Is. xl. 22), the sphere above which fit-
ted the sphere below (comp. Job xxii. 1 4, and
Is. xl. 22) — designed solely for purposes of be-
neficence in the economy of the earth. As with
the heaven itself, so also with the heavenly bod-
ies ; they were regarded solely as the ministers
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KARTH
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EARTH
of the earth. SL The earth was regarded in a
twofold aspect : in relation to God, an the mani-
festation of His infinite attributes; in relation
to man, as the scene of his abode. (1.) The
Hebrew cosmogony is based upon the leading
principle that the universe exists, not independ-
ently of God by any necessity or any inherent
power, nor yet contemporaneously with God, as
being co-existent with Him, nor yet in opposi-
tion to God, as a hostile element, but depend-
ently upon Him, subsequently to Him, and in
subjection to Him. (2.) The earth was re-
garded in relation to man, and accordingly each
act of creation is a preparation of the earth for
his abode — light, as the primary condition of
all life ; the heavens, for purposes already de-
tailed ; the dry land, for his home ; " grass for
the cattle, and herb for the service of man " (Ps.
civ. 14) ; the alternations of day and night, the
one for bis work and the other for his rest (Ps.
civ. S3) ; fish, fowl, and flesh for his food ; the
beasts of harden, to lighten his toil. The work
of each day of creation has its specific applica-
tion to the requirements and the comforts of
man, and is recorded with that special view.
3. Creation was regarded as a progressive work
— a gradual development from the inferior to
the superior orders of things. Thus it was
with the earth's surface, at first a chaotic mass,
and thence gradually brought into a state of
order and beauty. Thus also with the differ-
ent portions of the universe, the earth before
the light, the light before the firmament, the
firmament before the dry land. Thus also with
the orders of living beings ; firstly, plants ; sec-
ondly, fish and birds ; thirdly, cattle ; and last-
ly, man. 4. Order involves time ; a succession
of events implies a succession of periods ; and
accordingly Moses assigns the work of creation
to six days, each having its specific portion.
The manner in which these acts are described
as having been done precludes all idea of timo
in relation to their performance : it was mirac-
ulous and instantaneous : " God said," and then
" it was." But the progressiveness, and conse-
quently the individuality, of the acts, does in-
volve an idea of time as elapsing between the
completion of one and the commencement of
another; otherwise the work of creation would
have resolved itself into a single continuous act
The period assigned to each individual act is a
day — the only period which represents the en-
tire cessation of a work through the interposi-
tion of night. That a natural day is represented
under the expression " evening was and morn-
ing was," admits, we think, of no doubt. The
interpretation that " evening and morning "=
beginning and end, is opposed not only to the
order in which the words stand, but to the
sense of the words elsewhere. 5. The Hebrews,
though regarding creation as the immediate act
of God, did not ignore the evident fact that ex-
isting materials and intermediate agencies were
employed both then and in the subsequent ope-
rsuous of nature. 6. With regard to the earth's
body, the Hebrews conceived its surface to be
an immense disk, supported like the flat roof of
an Eastern house by pillars (Job ix. 6 ; Ps.
htxv. 3), which rested on solid foundations (Job
xxxviii. 4, 6 ; Ps. civ. 5 ; Prov. viii. 29) ; but
where those foundations were on which the
" sockets " of the pillars rested, none could teH
(Job xxxviii. 6). The more philosophical view
of the earth being suspended in free space seems
to be implied in Job xxvi. 7. Other passages
(Ps. xxiv. 2, exxxvi. 6) seem to imply the exist-
ence of a vast subterraneous ocean ; the words,
however, are susceptible of die sense that
the earth was elevated above the level of the
seas. Beneath the earth's surface was sheol, the
hollow place, "heU"( Num. xvi. 30 ; Dent, xxxii.
22 ; Job xi. 8). It extended beneath the sea
(Job xxvi. 5, 6), and was thus supposed to be
conterminous with the upper world. — H. Ge-
ography. — We shall notice (1) the views of
the Hebrews as to the form and size of the
earth, its natural divisions, and physical fea-
tures; (2) the countries into which they divided
it, and their progressive acquaintance with those
countries. — (1.) There seem to be traces of
the same ideas as prevailed among the Greeks,
that the world was a disk (Is. xl. 22), bordered
by the ocean (Dent. xxx. 13; Job xxvi. 10;
Ps. exxxix. 9; Prov. viii. 27), with Jerusalem
as its centre (Ex. v. 5), which was thus re-
garded, like Delphi, as the navel (Jndg. ix. 37 ;
Ex. xxxviii. 12), or, according to another view,
the highest point of the world. But Jerusalem
might be regarded as the centre of the world, not
only as the seat of religious light and truth, but
to a certain extent in a geographical sense. A
different view has been gathered from the expres-
sion " four corners," as though implying the
quadrangular shape of a garment stretched
out; but the term "corners" may be applied
in a metaphorical sense for the extreme ends of
the world (Job xxxvii. 3 ; la. xi. 12 ; Ex. 'vii
2). As to the size of the earth, the Hebrews
had but a very indefinite notion. Without un-
duly pressing the language of prophec \ it may
be said that their views on this point Vitended
but little beyond the nations with which they
came in contact; its solidity is frequently no-
ticed, its dimensions but seldom (Job xxxviii.
18; Is. xlii. 6). The earth was divided into
four quarters or regions corresponding to the
four points of the compass; these were de-
scribed in various ways, sometimes according
to their positions relatively to a person facing
the east, before, behind, the tight hand, and the
left hand, representing respectively E., W., S.,
and N. (Job xxiii. 8, 9) ; sometimes relatively
to the sun's course, the ruing, the tetting (Ps. 1.
1), the brilliant quarter (Ex. xl. 24), and the
dark quarter (Ex. xxvi. 20) ; somfimes as the
seat of the four winds (Ez. xxxvii. 9) ; and some-
times according to the physical characteristics,
the tea for the W. (Gen. xxviii. 14), the parched
for the S. (Ex. xxvii. 9), and the mouniaim for
the N. (Is. xiii. 4). The north appears to have
been regarded as the highest part of the earth's
surface, in consequence perhaps of the mountain
ranges which existed there, and thus the heavi-
est part of the earth (Job xxvi. 7). The north
was also the quarter in which the Hebrew el-
Dorado lay, the land of gold mines (Job xxxvii.
22; margin; comp. Her. iii. 116). — (2.) We
proceed to give a brief sketch of the geographi-
cal knowledge of the Hebrews down to the
period when thoir distinctive names and ideas
were superseded by those of classical writers.
Of the physical objects noticed we may make the
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EARTHQUAKE
following summary, omitting of course the de-
tails of the geography of Palestine : — 1 . Secu
— the Mediterranean, which was termed the
"gnot tea." (Num. xxxiv. 6), the "sea of the
Philistines" (Ex. xxiii. 81), and the "western
sea" (Deut. xi. 24); the Red Sea, under the
names of the " Sea of Suph or sedge " (Ex. x.
19), and the " Egyptian Sea " (Is. xi. 15) ; the
Dead Sea, under the names " Salt Sea" (Gen.
xiv. 3), "Eastern Sea" (Joel ii. 20), and " Sea
of the Desert" (Deut. iv. 49) ; and the Sea of
Chinnereth, or Galilee (Num. xxxiv. 11); 2.
Riven — the Euphrates, which was specifically
"tfe river" (Gen. xxxi. 21), or " the great river
(Deut i. 7); the Nile, which was named either
Yeor (Gen. xli. 1), or Sihor (Josb. xiii. 3) ; the
Tigris, under the name of Hiddekel (Dan. x.
4) ; the Chebar, Choboroa, a tributary to the
Euphrates (Ez. i. 3) ; the Habor, probably the
same, but sometimes identified with the Choboros
that falls into the Tigris (2 K. xvii. 6) ; the
river of Egypt (Num. xxxiv. 5) ; and the rivers
of Damascus, Abana (Baroda), and Pharpar (2
K. t. 12). For the Gihon and Pison (Gen. ii.
11, 13), see Eden. 3. Mountains — Ararat or
Armenia (Gen. viii. 4); Sinai (Ex. xix. 2);
Horeb (Ex. iii. 1) ; Hor (Num. xx. 22) near
Petra; Lebanon (Deut. iii. 25); and Sephar
(Gen. x. 30) in Arabia. The distribution of
the nations over the face of the earth is system-
atically described in Gen. x. ; to which account
subsequent, though not very important, addi-
tions are made in chaps, xxv. and xxxvi., and in
the prophetical and historical books. Although
the table in Gen. x. is essentially ethnographi-
cal, yet the geographical element is also strongly
developed : the writer had in his mind's eye not
only the descent but the residence of the various
nations. Some of the names indeed seem to be
purely geographical designations. Commen-
cing from the west, the " isles of the Gentiles,"
i.e. the coasts and islands of the Mediterranean
sea, were occupied by the Japhetites in the fol-
lowing order : — Javan, the Ionian*, in parts of
Greece and Asia Minor ; Elishah, perhaps the
sEoliant, in the same countries ; Dodanim, the
Dardani, in Dlyricum ; Tiras in Thrace; Kit-
tim, at Citium, in Cyprus ; Ashkcnaz in Phry-
gia ; Gomer in Cappauociu, and Tarshish in Ci-
ricia. In the north, Tubal, the Tibareni, in
Pontus; Meshech, the Moschici in Colchis; Ma-
gog, Gogarene, in northern Armenia; Togar-
mah in Armenia ; and Madai in Media. The
Hamites represent the southern parts of the
known world. This sketch is filled up, as far
as regards northern Arabia, by a subsequent ac-
count, in chap, xxv., of the settlement of the de-
scendants of Abraham by Kcturah and of Ish-
mael. The countries, however, to which his-
torical interest attaches are Mesopotamia and
Egypt. The hereditary connection of the He-
brews with the former of these districts, and the
importance of the dynasties which bore sway
in it, make it by far the most prominent feature
in the man of the ancient world. The Egyptian
captivity introduces to our notice some of the
localities in Lower Egypt, viz. the province of
Goshen, and the towns Rameses (Gen. xlvii.
11); On, Hdiopolis (Gen. xli. 45); Pithom,
Pahamu ? (Ex. Ill); and Migdol, Afagdolam ?
(Ex. xiv. 2). It is difficult to estimate the
amount of information which the Hebrews de
rived from the Phoenicians ; but there can be no
doubt that it was from them that they learned
the route to Ophir, and that they also became
acquainted with the positions and production*
of a great number of regions comparatively un-
known. From Ez. xxvii. we may form some
idea of the extended ideas of geography which
the Hebrews had obtained. The progress of
information on the side of Africa is clearly
marked: the distinction between Upper and
Lower Egypt is shown by the application of
the name Pathros to the former (La, xxix. 14).
Memphis, the capital of Lower Egypt, is first
mentioned in Hosea (ix. 6) under the name
Moph, and afterwards frequently as Noph (Is.
xix. )3) ; Thebes, the capital of Upper Egypt,
at a 'later period, as No-Ammon (Nah. in. 8)
and No (Jer. xlvi. 25) ; and the distant Syene
(Ez. xxix. 10). Several other towns are no-
ticed in the Delta. The wars with the Assyri-
ans and Babylonians, and the captivities which
followed, bring us back again to the geography
of the East Incidental notice is taken of seve-
ral important places in connection with these
events. The names of Persia (2 Chr. xxxvi.
20) and India (Esth. i. 1 ) now occur : whether
the far-distant China is noticed at an earlier pe-
riod under the name Sinim (Is. xlix. 12) admits
of donbt The names of Greece and Italy are
hardly noticed in Hebrew geography : the ear-
liest notice of the former, subsequently to Gea.
x., occurs in Is. lxvi. 19, under the name of
Javan. If Italy is described at all, it is under
the name Chi trim (Dan. xi. 30). In the Mk-
cabssan era the classical names came into com-
mon use ; and henceforward the geography of
the Bible, as far as foreign lands are concerned,
is absorbed in the wider field of classical geog-
raphy.
Earthenware. [Pottkrt.]
Earthquake. Earthquakes, more or less
violent, are of frequent occurrence in Palestine,
as might be expected from the numerous traces
of volcanic agency visible in the features of
that country. The recorded instances, how-
ever, are but few ; the most remark able oc-
curred in the reign of Uzziah (Am. i. 1 ; ZecJh.
xiv. 5), which Josephus connected with the
sacrilege and consequent punishment of that
monarch (2 Chr. xxvi. 16 ff.). From Zech.
xiv. 4 we are led to infer that a great convul-
sion took place at this time in the Mount of
Olives, the mountain being split so as to leave,
a valley between its summits. Josephus re-
cords something of the sort, but his account is
by no means clear. We cannot but think that
the two accounts have the same foundation,
and that the Mount of Olives was really affect-
ed by the earthquake. An earthquake occurred
at the time of our Saviour's crucifixion (Matt,
xxvii. 51-54), which may be deemed miracu-
lous rather from the conjunction of circum-
stances than from the nature of the phenomenon
itself. Earthquakes are not unfrequently ac-
companied by fissures of the earth s surface ;
instances of this are recorded in connection
with the destruction of Korah and his com-
pany (Num. xvi. 32), and at the time of our
Lord's death (Matt xxvii. 51); the former
may be paralleled by a similar occurrence at
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KBAL
215
EBIASAPH
Oppido in Calabria a.d. 1783, where the earth
opened to the extent of 500, and a depth of
more than 200 feet.
East. The Hebrew terms, descriptive of
die ecu*, diner in idea, and, to a certain extent,
ia application ; (1) kedem properly means that
which is before or in front of a person, and was
applied to the east from the custom of turning
in that direction when describing the points of
the compass, before, behind, the rwjkt and tho left,
representing respectively E., W., S., and N.
(Job xxiii. 8, 9) ; (2) marack means the place
of the ma's rising. Bearing in mind this ety-
mological distinction, it is natural that kedem
should be used when the four quarters of the
world are described (as in Gen. xiii. 14, xxviii.
U; Job xxiii. 8, 9; Ez. xlvii. 18 ft".), and
Munich when the east is only distinguished
from the west (Josh. xi. 3; Ps. 1. 1, ciii. 12,
criii. 3 ; Zech. viii. 7), or from some other one
quarter (Dan. riii. 9, xi. 44; Am. viii. 12) ;
exceptions to this usage occur in Ps. cvii. 3,
sad Is. xliiL 5, each, however, admitting of
explanation. Again, kedem is used in a strictly
geographical sense to describe a spot or country
immediately before another in an easterly direc-
tion ; hence it occurs in such passages as Gen.
ii. 8, iii. 24, xi. 2, xiii. 11, xxv. 6; and hence
the subsequent application of the term, as a
proper name (Gen. xxv. 6, outward, unto the
had of Kedem), to the lands lyinfj immediately
eastward of Palestine, via. Arabia, Mesopota-
mia, and Babylonia ; on the other hand mo-
nth is used of the far east with a less definite
signification (Is. xli. 2, 25, xliii. 5, xlvi. 11).
Easter. The occurrence of this word in
the A V. of Acts xii. 4, is chiefly noticeable
si an example of the want of consistency in
the translators. In the earlier English ver-
sions Easter had been frequently used as the
translation of moxa. At the last revision
Passover was substituted in all passages bnt
thk [PtJSOVBB.]
East Wind. [Wiwds.)
Ebal. L One of the sous of Shobal the
no of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 23 ; I Chr. i. 40). —
2. Obal the son of Joktan (1 Chr. i. 22;
eomp. Gen. x. 28).
Krbal, Mount, a mount in the Promised
Land, on which, according to the command of
Hoses, the Israelites were, after their entrance
on the promised land, to "put" the curse
which should fail upon them if they disobeyed
the commandments of Jehovah. The blessing
consequent on obedience was to be similarly
localiad on Mount Gerizim (Dent xi. 26-29).
Where then were Ebal and Gerizim situated 1
The all bnt unanimous reply to this is, that
mey are the mounts which form the sides of
the fertile valley in which lies Nablus, the an-
cient Sbzchex — Ebal on the north and Geri-
timon the south. (1.) It is plain that they
*ere situated near together, with a valley be-
tween. (2.) Gerizim was very near Shechero
(Jadg. ix. 7), and in Joeephus's time the names
■ppeu to have been attached to the mounts,
which were then, as now, Ebal on the north
and Gerizim on the south. Eusebins and Je-
rome place them in the Jordan valley, near Gil-
pi ; not they speak merely from hearsay. It ,
» well known that one of the most serious va- ]
nations between the Hebrew text of the Penta-
teuch and the Samaritan text is in reference
to Ebal and Gerizim. In Deut. xxvii. 4, the
Samaritan has Gerizim, while the Hebrew (as
in A. V.) has Ebal, as the mount on which the
altar to Jehovah, and the inscription of the law
were to bo erected. Upon this basis they ground
the sanctity of Gerizim and the authenticity of
the temple and holy place, which did exist and
still exist there. Two points may merely be
glanced at here which have apparently escaped
notice. 1 . Both agree that Ebal was the mount
on which the cursings were to rest, Gerizim
that for the blessings. It appears inconsistent,
that Ebal, the mount of cursing, should be the
site of the altar and the record of the law,
while Gerizim, the mount of blessing, should
remain unoccupied by a sanctuary of any kind.
2. Taking into account the known predilection
of Orientals for ancient sites on wnich to fix
their sanctuaries, it is more easy to believe (in
the absence of any evidence to the contrary)
that in building their temple on Gerizim, the
Samaritans were making use of a spot already
enjoying a reputation tor sanctity, than that
they built on a place upon which the curse was
laid in the records which they received equally
with the Jews. Thus the very fa».t of the oc-
cupation of Gerizim by the Samaritans would
seem an argument for its original sanctity. The
structure of Gerizim is nummulitic limestone
with occasional outcrops of igneous rock, and
that of Ebal is probably similar. At its base
above the valley of Nablus are numerous caves
and sepulchral excavations. The modern name
of Ebal is Sitti Saiamigah, from a Mohammedan
female saint, whose tomb is standing on the
eastern part of the ridge, a little before the
highest point is reached.
Etied, 1. (many MSS., and the Syr. and
Arab. Versions, have Ebbs), father of Gaal,
who with his brethren assisted the men of
Shechem in their revolt against Abimelech
(Judg. ix. 26, 28, 30, 31, 35). — 2. Son of Jon-
athan ; one of the Bene-Adin who returned from
Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 6). In 1 Esdras
the name is given Obbth.
Bb'ed-Mel'eoh, an Ethiopian eunuch in
the service of king Zedekiah, through whose
interference Jeremiah was released from prison
(Jer. xxxviii. 7 ft, xxxix. 15 ff). His name
seems to be an official title =» King's slam, i.e.
minister.
Eb'en-e'zer (" the stone of help "), a stone
set np by Samuel after a signal defeat of the
Philistines, as a memorial of the " help " re-
ceived on the occasion from Jehovah (1 Sam.
vii. 12). Its position is carefully denned as
between Mizpbh and Siiek. Neither of these
points, however, has been identified with any
certainty — the latter not at all.
ETjer. 1. Son of Salah, and great-grand-
son of Shem (Gen. x. 24 ; 1 Chr. T. 19). For
confusion between Eber and Hebet see Hsbeb.
— 2. Son of Elpaal and descendant of Sha-
haraim of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii.
12). — 3. A priest in the days of Joiakim the
son of Joshua (Neh. xii. 20).
Ebi'asaph, a Kohathite Levite of the fam-
ily of Koran, one of the forefathers of the
prophet Samuel and of Heman the singer (1
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KCBATANA
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ECCLESIA8TE8
Chr. vi. 23, 37 ). The same man is probably in-
tended in ix. 19. The name appears also to
be identical with Abiasaph, and in one pas-
sage (I Chr. xxvi. 1) to be abbreviated to
Asaph.
Ebony (Heb. hobnhn) occurs only in Ex.
xxvii. 15, as one of the valuable commodities
imported into Tyre by the men of Dedan.
The best kind of ebony is yielded by the Dim-
pyrot ebenum, a tree which grows in Ceylon and
Southern India; but there are many trees of
the natural order Ebenaaa which produced
this material. There is every reason for be-
lieving that the ebony afforded by the Diotpyros
ebenum was imported from India or Ceylon by
Phoenician traders ; though it is equally proba-
ble that the Tyrian merchants were supplied
with ebony from trees which grew in Ethiopia.
It is not known what tree yielded the Ethiopian
ebony.
Ebronah. [Adroit ah.]
Eca'nufi, one of the five swift scribes who
attended on Esdras (2 Esdr. xiv. 24). Ap.
Eobatfana (Heb. AchmOha). It is doubt-
ful whether the name of this place is really con-
tained in the Hebrew Scriptures. Many of the
best commentators understand the expression,
in Ext. vi. 2, diflferently, and translate it " in a
cofler." If a city is meant, there is little doubt
of one of the two Ecbatanas being intended,
for except these towns there was no place in
the province of the Medes which contained a
palace, or where records are likely to have been
deposited. In the apocryphal books Ecbatana
is frequently mentioned (Tob. iii. 7, xiv. 12, 14;
Jud. i. 1,2; 2 Mace. ix. 3, 4c.). Two cities of
the name of Ecbatana seem to have existed in
ancient times, one the capital of Northern
Media, the Media Atropatene" of Strabo; the
other the metropolis of the larger and more
important province known as Media Magna.
The site of the former appears to be marked
by the very curious ruins at Takht-i-Sult&man
ilat. 36° 28', long. 47° 9') ; while that of the
itter is occupied by Hamadan, which is one of
the most important cities of modem Persia.
There is generally some difficulty in determin-
ing, when Ecbatana is mentioned, whether the
northern or the southern metropolis is intended.
Few writers are aware of the existence of the
two cities, and they lie sufficiently near to one
another for geographical notices in moat cases
to suit either site. The northern city was the
" seven-walled town " described by Herodotus,
and declared by him to have been the capital
of Cyrus (Herod, i. 98-99, 153); and it was
thus most probably there that the roll was
fonnd which proved to Darius that Cyrus had
really made a decree allowing the Jews to re-
build their temple. The peculiar feature of
the site of TaiM-i-Suldman, which it is pro-
posed to identify with the northern Ecbatana,
is a conical hill rising to the height of about
150 feet above the plain, and covered both on
its top and sides with massive ruins of the most
antique and primitive character. A perfect en-
ceinte, formed of large blocks of squared stone,
may be traced round the entire hill alone its
brow ; within there is an oval enclosure about
800 yards in its greatest and 400 in its least
diameter, strewn with ruins, which cluster
round a remarkable lake. On three sides —
the south, the west, and the north — the ac-
clivity is steep and the height above the plain
uniform, but on the east it abuts upon a hilly
tract of ground, and here it is but slightly ele-
vated above the adjacent country. The north-
ern Ecbatana continued to be an important
place down to the 13th century after Christ.
By the Greeks and Romans it appears to have
been known as Gaza, Gazaca, or Canzaca, " the
treasure city," on account of the wealth laid up
in it; while by the Orientals it was termed
Shu. Its decay is referable to the Mogul con-
quests, ab. a.d. 1200 ; and its final ruin is sap-
posed to date from about the 15th or 16th
century. In the second book of Maccabees (ix.
3, &c.) the Ecbatana mentioned is undoubtedly
the southern city, now represented both in
name and site by Hamadan. This place, situ-
ated on the northern flank of the great moun-
tain called formerly Orontes, and now Elwend,
was perhaps as ancient as the other, and is far
better known in history. If not the Median
capital of Cyrus, it was at any rate regarded
from the time of Darius Hystaspis as the chief
city of the Persian satrapy of Media, and ms
such it became the summer residence of the
Persian kings from Darius downwards. The
Ecbatana of the book of Tobit is thought by
Sir H. Rawlinson to be the northern city. Ap.
Eoolesias'tes (Heb. KoheUth).— 1 Tide.
The title of this book is taken from the name
by which the son of David, or the writer who
personates him, speaks of himself throughout
it. The apparent anomaly of the feminine
termination indicates that the abstract noon
has been transferred from the office to the per-
son holding it ; and hence, with the single
exception of Eccl. vii. 27, the noun, notwith-
standing its form, is used throughout in the
masculine. The word has been applied to one
who speaks publicly in an assembly, and there
is, to say the least, a tolerable agreement in
favor of this interpretation. On the other hand,
Grotius has suggested " compiler " as a better
equivalent. — H. Canonicity. In the Jewish
division of the books of the Old Testament,
Ecclesiastes ranks as one of the five Megilioth
or Bolls, and its position, as having canonical
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authority, appears to have been recognized by
the Jews from the time in which the idea of a
canon first presented itself. We find it in all
die Jewish catalogues of the sacred books, and
from them it has been received universally by
the Christian Church. Some singular passages
in the Talmud indicate, however, that the rec-
ognition was not altogether unhesitating, and
that it was at least questioned how far the book
was one which it was expedient to place among
the Scriptures that were read publicly. — lit
Author and Date. The hypothesis which is natu-
rally suggested by the account that the writer
gives ofniroself in en. i. and ii. is that it was
written by the only "son of David" (i. 1 ), who
was "king over Israel in Jerusalem" (i. 12).
The belief that Solomon was actually the au-
thor was, it need hardly be said, received gene-
rally by the Rabbinic commentators and the
whole series of Patristic writers. Grotius was
indeed almost the first writer who called it in
question and started a different hypothesis.
The objections which have been urged against
the traditional belief by Grotius and later crit-
ics, and the hypotheses which they have substi-
tuted for it, are drawn chiefly from the book
itself. 1. The language of the book belongs to
the time when the older Hebrew was becoming
largely intermingled with Aramaic forms and
wontt, and as such takes its place in the latest
group of books of the Old Testament. The
prevalence of abstract forms is urged as belong-
ing to a later period than that of Solomon in
the development of Hebrew thought and lan-
guage The answers given to these objections
Dvthe defenders of the received belief ore (a)
that many of what we call Aramaic or Chaldee
forms may have belonged to the period of pure
Hebrew, though they nave not come down to
as in any extant writings ; and (6) that so far
ss they are foreign to the Hebrew of the time
of Solomon, he may have learnt them from his
"strange wives," or from the men who came as
ambassadors from other countries. 3. It has
been asked whether Solomon would have been
likely to speak of himself as in i. IS, or to de-
scribe with bitterness the misery and wrong of
which his own misgovemment had been the
cause, as in Ui. 16, iv. 1. On the hypothesis
that be was the writer, the whole book is an
acknowledgment of evils which he had occa-
sioned, while yet there is no distinct confession
sad repentance. The question here raised is,
of course, worth considering, but it can hardly
be looked on as leading in either direction to a
conclusion. 3. It has been urged that the state
of society indicated in this book leads to the
same conclusion as its language, and carries
as to a period after the return from the Baby-
lonian captivity, when the Jews were enjoying
comparative freedom from invasion, but were
exposed to the evils of misgovemment under
the satraps of the Persian king. Significant,
though not conclusive, in either direction, is
the absence of all reference to any contempo-
raneous prophetic activity, or to any Messianic
hopes. The use throughout the book of Elo-
hun instead of Jehovah as the divine Name,
leaves the question as to date nearly where it
was. The indications of rising questions as to
dbe end of man's life, and the constitution of
as
his nature, of doubts like those which after-
wards developed into Sadduceeism (iii. 19-21),
of a copious literature connected with those
questions, confirm, it is urged, the hypothesis
of the later date. It may be added too, that
the absence of any reference to such a work at
this in the enumeration of Solomon's writings
in 1 K. iv. 33, tends, at least, to the same con-
clusion. In this case, however, as in others,
the arguments of recent criticism are stronger
against the traditional belief than in support
of any rival theory, content to rest tbeir case
upon the discordant hypotheses of their oppo-
nents. On the assumption that the book be-
longs, not to the time of Solomon, but to the
period subsequent to the Captivity, the dates
which have been assigned to it occupy a range
of more than 300 years. Grotius supposes
Zerubbabcl to be referred to in xii. 11, as the
" One Shepherd," and so far agrees with Keil,
who fixes it in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah.
Ewald and De Wette conjecture the close of
the period of Persian or the commencement of
that of Macedonian rule ; Bertholdt the period
between Alexander the Great and Antiochus
Epiphanes ; Hitzig, circ. 304, B.C. ; Hartraann,
the time of the Maccabees. — IV. Plan. The
book of Ecclesiastes comes before us as being
conspicuously, among the writings of the O. T.,
the great stumbling-block of commentators.
Some, at least, of the Rabbinical writers were
perplexed by its teachings. Little can be
gathered from the series of Patristic interpret-
ers. The book is comparatively seldom quoted
by them. No attempt is made to master its
plan and to enter into the Bpirit of its writer.
When we descend to the more recent develop-
ments of criticism, we meet with .in almost in-
credible divergence of opinion. 1 uther sees in
it a noble "Politica vel (Econom.ca," 1 jading
men in the midst of all the troubles and dis-
orders of human society to a true endurance
and reasonable enjoyment. Grotius finds in it
only a collection or many maxims, connected
more or less closely with the great problems of
human life. Others reject these views as par-
tial and one-sided, and assert that the object of
the writer was to point out the secret of a true
blessedness in the midst of all the distractions
and sorrows of the world as consisting in a
tranquil calm enjoyment of the good that comes
from God. The variety of these opinions indi-
cates sufficiently that the book is as far removed
as possible from the character of a formal trea-
tise. It is that which it professes to be — the
confession of a man of wide experience looking
back upon his past life and looking out upon
the disorders and calamities which surround
him. The true utterances of such a man are
the records of his straggles after truth, of his
occasional glimpses of it, of his ultimate dis-
covery. The writer of Ecclesiastes is not a
didactic moralist, nor a prophet, but a man
who has sinned in giving way to selfishness and
sensuality, who has paid the penalty of that sin
in satiety and weariness of life ; in whom the
mood or spirit, over-reflective, indisposed to
action, has become dominant in its darkest
form, but who has through all this been under
the discipline of a divine education, and has
learnt from it the lesson which God meant to
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teach him. What that lesson was will be seen
from an examination of the book itself. It in
tolerably clear that the recurring burden of
" Vanity of vanities " and the teaching which
recommends a life of calm enjoyment, mark,
whenever they occur, a kind of halting-place
in the succession of thoughts. Taking this,
accordingly, as our guide, we may look on the
whole book as falling into four divisions, and
closing with that which, in its position no less
than its substance, is " the conclusion of the
whole matter." (1.) Ch. i. and ii. This por-
tion of the book more than any other has
the character of a personal confession. The
Preacher starts with reproducing the phase of
despair and weariness into which his experi-
ence had led him (i. 2, 3). To the man who is
thus satiated with life the order and regularity
of nature are oppressive (i. 4-7). That which
seems to be new is but the repetition of the old
(i. 8-11). Then, having laid bare the depth to
which he had fallen, he retraces the path by
which he had travelled thitherward. First he
had sought after wisdom as that to which God
teemed to call him (i. 13), but the pursuit of it
was a sore travail, and there was no satisfaction
in its possession. The first experiment in the
search after happiness had failed, and he tried
another (ii. 1-9). But this also failed to give
him peace (ii. 11). The first section closes
with that which, in different forms, is the main
lesson of the book — to make the best of what
is actually around one (ii. 24) — to substitute
for the reckless feverish pursuit of pleasure the
calm enjoyment which men may yet find both
for the senses and the intellect (2.) Ch. iii. 1-
vi. 9. The order of thought in this section has
a different starting-point. One who looked out
upon the infinitely varied phenomena of men's
life might yet discern, in the midst of that
variety, traces of an order. There are times
and seasons for each of them in its turn, even
as there are for the vicissitudes of the world of
nature (iii. 1-8). The heart of man with its
changes is the mirror of the universe (iii. 11),
and is, like that, inscrutable. And from this
there comes the same conclusion as from the
personal experience. Calmly to accept the
changes and chances of life, entering into what-
ever joy they bring, as one accepts the order of
nature, this is the way of peace (iii. 13). The
thought of the ever-recurring cycle of nature,
which had before been irritating and disturbing,
now whispers the same lesson. The transition
from this to the opening thoughts of ch. iv.
seems at first somewhat abrupt. Instead of the
self-centred search after happiness he looks out
upon the miseries and disorders of the world,
and learns to sympathize with suffering (iv. 1).
And in this survey of life on a large scale, as in
that of a personal experience, there is a cycle
which is ever being repeated. The opening of
ch. v. again presents the appearance of abrupt-
ness, but it is because the survey of human life
takes a yet wider range. The eye of the
Preacher passes from the dwellers in palaces to
the worshippers in the Temple, the devout and
religious men. Have they found out the secret
of life, the path to wisdom and happiness? The
answer to that question is that there the blind-
aess and folly of mankind show themselves in
their worst forms. The command, " Fear tho*
God," meant that a man was to take no part is
a religion such as this. But that command also
suggested the solution of another problem, of
that prevalence of injustice and oppression
which had before weighed down the spirit of
the inquirer. The section ends as before with
the conclusion, that to feed the eves with what
is actually before them is better than the cease-
less wanderings of the spirit. (3.) Ch. vi. 10-
viii. 15. So far the lines of thought all seemed
to converge to one result The ethical teaching
that grew oat of the wise man's experience had
in it something akin to the higher forms of
Epicureanism. But the seeker could not rest
in this, and found himself beset with thoughts
at once more troubling, and leading to a higher
truth. The spirit of man looks before and
after, and the uncertainties of the future vex it
(vi. 12). So far there are signs of a clearer in-
sight into the end of life. Then comes an
oscillation which carries him back to the old
problems (vii. IS). The repetition of thoughts
that bad appeared before is perhaps the natu-
ral consequence of such an oscillation, and ac-
cordingly in ch. viii. we find the seeker moving
in the same round as before. There are the old
reflections on the misery of man (viii. 6), and
the confusions in the moral order of the uni-
verse (viii. 10, 11); the old conclusion that en-
joyment, such enjoyment as is compatible with
the fear of God, is the only wisdom (viii. 15).
(4.) Ch. viii. 16-xii. 8. After the pause implied
in his again arriving at the lesson of ver. 15, the
Preacher retraces the last of his many wander-
ings. This time the thought with which be
started was a profound conviction of the in-
ability of man to unravel the mysteries by
which he is surrounded ( viii. 1 7), of the nothing-
ness of man when death is thought of as end-
ing all things (ix. 3-6), of the wisdom of enjoy-
ing life while we may (ix. 7-10), of the evils
which affect nations or individual man (ix. II,
12). The wide experience of the Preacher sug-
gests sharp and pointed sayings as to these evils
(x. 1-20), each true and weighty in itself, but
not leading him on to any firmer standing-
ground or clearer solution of the problems which
oppressed him. It is here that the traces of
plan and method in the book seem most to fail
us. In ch. xi., however, the progress is mora
rapid. The tone of the Preacher becomes mors
that of direct exhortation, and he speaks in
clearer and higher notes. The end of man's
life is not to seek enjoyment for himself only,
bnt to do good to others, regardless of the un-
certainties or disappointments that may attend
his efforts (xi. 1-4). The secret of a true life
is that a man should consecrate the vigor of
his youth to God (xii. 1). It is well to do that
before the night comes, before the slow decay
of age benumbs all the faculties of sense (xii. 2,
6), before the spirit returns to God who gave it
The thought of that end rings out once mora
the knell of the nothingness of all things earth-
ly (xii. 8) ; but it leads also to " the conclusion
of the whole matter," to that to which all trains
of thought and all the experiences of life had
been leading the seeker after wisdom, that " to
fear God ana keep his commandments " was the
highest good attainable. If the re pre sen tation
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which has been given of the plan and meaning
of die book be at all a true one, we find in it,
no lest than in the book of Job, indications of
die straggle with the doubts and difficulties
which in all age* of the world have presented
themselves to thoughtful observers of the con-
dition of m««iiriiiH The writer of the book of
Job deals with the great mystery presented by
the sufferings of the righteous. In the words
of the Preacher, we trace chiefly the weariness
or satiety of the pleasure-seeker, and the fail-
are of all schemes of life but one. In both,
though by very diverse paths, the inquirer is led
to take refuge in the thought that God's king-
dom is infinitely great, and that man knows
but the smallest fragment of it ; that he must
refrain from things which are too high for him,
and be content with the duties of his own life
sad the opportunities it presents for bis doing
the will of God.
Kcclesiaa'tious, the title given in the
Latin Version to the book which is called in
the Septuagint The Wisdom op Jesus the
So* or Sirach. The word, like many others
of Greek origin, appears to have been adopted
in the African dialect. The right explanation
of the word is given by Ruflnns, who remarks
that " it does not designate the author of the
book, but the character of the writing," as pub-
licly used in the services of the Church. Ac-
cording to Jerome the original Hebrew title was
Pre se nt ; and the Wisdom of Sirach shared
with the canonical book of Proverbs and the
Wisdom of Solomon the title of The boek of all
wittmm. In the Syriac version the book if enti-
tled The book of Jena the mm of Simeon Atiro
(lc. the bound) ; and the tame book it called the
Wisdom of the Son of Astro. In many places it
b simply styled Wisdom. 2. The writer of the
present book describes himself as Jena (i.e.
5eth.ua) the son of Sirach, of Jerusalem (ch. 1. 37 ),
but the conjectures which have been made to
111 op this short notice are either unwarrant-
ed or absolutely improbable. The Palestinian
origin of the author is, however, substantiated
by internal evidence, ejg. xxiv. 10 f. 3. The
language in which «I— book was originally
composed was Hebrew, i\e. perhaps the Ara-
Buean dialect. Jerome says that be had met
with the " Hebrew " text. * The internal char-
acter of the present book bears witness to its
foreign source. 4. Nothing however remains
of the original proverbs of Ben Sira except the
few fragments in pure Hebrew which occur in
the Talmud and later Rabbinic writers ; and
even these may have been derived from tradi-
tion, and not from any written collection. The
Greek translation incorporated in the LXX.,
which is probably the source from which the
other translations were derived, was made by
the grandson of the author in Egypt, " in the
reign of Euergetes," for the instruction of those
"in a strange country who were previously
prepare d to live after the law." The date
which is thus given is unfortunately ambigu-
ous. Two kings of Egypt bore the surname
Euergetes, — Ptol. HI., the son and successor
of Ptol. H. Philadelphia*, b. c. 347-322 ; and
PtoL VIL Physeon, the brother of Ptol. VI.
Phuometor, b.o. 170-117. Some have sup-
posed that the reference in chap. iv. is to Si-
mon the Just, and that the grandson of Ben
Sirach, who is supposed to have been his young-
er contemporary, lived in the reign of Ptolemy
HI. : others again hare applied the eulogy to
Simon 11., and fixed the translation in the time
of Ptolemy VU. But both suppositions are
attended with serious difficulties. From these
considerations it appears best to combine the
two views. The grandson of the author was
already past middle age when he came to Egypt,
and if his visit took place early in the reign
of Ptolemy Physeon, it is quite possible that
the book itself was written while the name and
person of the last of " the men of the great syn-
agogue " was still familiar to his countrymen.
3. The name of the Greek translator is un-
known. He is commonly supposed to have
borne the same name as his grandfather, but
this tradition rests only on conjecture or mis-
understanding. 6. It is a more important fact
that the book itself appears to recognize the in-
corporation of earlier collections into its text.
Jesus the son of Sirach, while he claims for
himself the writing of the book, characterizes
his father as one " who poured forth a shower
of wisdom from his heart." From the very
nature of his work the author was like " a
gleaner after the grape-gathxTers " (xxxiii. 16).
7. The Syriac ami Old Latin versions, which
latter Jerome adopted without alteration, differ
considerably from the present Greek text, and
it is uncertain whether they were derived from
some other Greek recension or from the He-
brew original. The Arabic version is directly
derived from the Syriac. 8. The existing
Greek MSS. present great discrepancies in
order, and numerous interpolations. The ar-
rangement of xxx. 35-xxxvi. 17, In the Vati-
can and Complutensian editions is very differ-
ent. 9. It is impossible to make any satisfac-
tory plan of the book in its present shape. The
latter part, xlii. 15-1. 21, is distinguished from
all that precedes in style and subjnet ; and " the
praise of noble men seems to form a complete
whole in itself (xliv.-l. 24). The words of
Jerome imply that the original text presented a
triple character answering to the three works of
Solomon, the Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Can-
ticles. Eichborn supposed that the book was
made up of three distinct collections which
were afterwards united : i.-xxiii. ; xxiv.-xlii.
14 ; xlii. 15-1. 24. Bretschneidcr sets aside this
hypothesis, and at the same time one which he
had formerly been inclined to adopt, that the
recurrence of the some ideas in xxiv. 32 ff.,
xxxiii. 16, 17 (xxx.), 1. 27, marks the conclu-
sions of three parts. The last five verses of
ch. 1. (1. 25-29) form a natural conclusion to the
book ; and the prayer, which forms the lost
chapter (li.), is wanting in two MSS. 10. The
earliest clear coincidence with the contents
of the book occurs in the epistle of Barnabas
(ch. xix. = Ecclus. iv. 31 ), and there is no mark
of quotation. The parallels which have been
discovered in the New Testament arc too gene-
ral to show that they were derived from the
written text, and not from popular language.
The first distinct quotations occur in Clement
of Alexandria ; but from the end of the second
century the book was much used and cited with
respect. Clement speaks of it continually as
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EDEN
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EDEN
Scripture, as the work of Solomon. Origen cites
passages with the same formula as the Canoni-
cal books. The other writers of the Alexan-
drine school follow the same practice. Angus-
tine quotes the book constantly himself as the
work of a prophet, the word of God, " Scrip-
ture," bat he expressly notices that it was not in
the Hebrew Canon. Jerome, in like manner,
contrasts the book with " the Canonical Scrip-
tares " as " doubtful," while they are " sure."
The book is not quoted by Irenaus, Hippoly-
tus, or Eusebins ; and is not contained in the
Canon of Melito, Origen, Cyril, Laodicea, Hi-
lary, or Rufinus. It was never included by the
Jews among their Scriptures. 11. But while
the book is destitute of the highest canonical
authority, it is a most important monument of
the religious state of the Jews at the period of
its composition. As an expression of Palestin-
ian theology it stands alone; for there is no
sufficient reason for assuming Alexandrine inter-
polations or direct Alexandrine influence. Ap.
Eclipse of the Sun. No historical no-
tice of an eclipse occurs in the Bible, but there
are passages in the prophets which contain
manifest allusion to this phenomenon (Am. riii.
9; Mic. iii. 6; Zech. xiv. 6; Joel ii. 10,31, iii.
15). Some of these notices probably refer to
eclipses that occurred about the time of the re-
spective compositions : thus the date of Amos
coincides with a total eclipse, which occurred
Feb. 9, B.C. 784, and was visible at Jerusalem
shortly after noon; that of Micah with the
eclipse of Jane 5, B.C. 716. A passing notice
in Jer. xv. 9 coincides in date with the eclipse
of Sept. 30, B.C. 610, so well known from He-
rotodus' account (i. 74, 103). The darkness
that overspread the world at the crucifixion
cannot with reason be attributed to an eclipse,
as die moon was at the full at the time of the
Passover.
Ed, i* " witness," a word inserted in the
Auth. Vers, of Josh. xxii. 34, apparently on
the authority of a few MSS., and also of the
Syriac and Arabic Versions, but not existing
in the generally received Hebrew text.
E'dar, Tower Of (accur. Edeb), a place
named only in Gen. xxxv. 21. Jacob's first
halting-place between Bethlehem and Hebron
was "beyond the tower Eder." According to
Jerome it was 1 ,000 paces from Bethlehem.
Edd'ias. I Esdr. ix. 26. IJbziahJ Ap.
E'den, the first residence of man. "It would
1>e difficult, in the whole history of opinion, to
find any subject which has so invited, and at
the same time so completely baffled, conjecture,
as the Garden of Eden. In order more clearly
to understand the merit of the several theories,
it will be necessary to submit to a careful ex-
amination the historic narrative on which they
are founded. Omitting those portions of the
text of Gen. ii. 8-14 which do not bear upon
the geographical position of Eden, the descrip-
tion is as follows : — " And the Lord God
planted a garden in Eden eastward. . . . And
a river goeth forth from Eden to water the
garden ; and from thence it is divided and be-
comes four heads (or arms). The name of the
first is Pison : that is it which compasseth the
whole land of Havilah, where is the gold. And
the gold of that land is good: there is the
bdellium and the onyx stone. And the
of the second river is Gibon : that is it which
compasseth the whole land of Cash. And the
name of the third river is Hiddekel : that is it
which fioweth before Assyria. And the fourth
river, that is Euphrates. In the eastern por-
tion then of the region of Eden was the gar-
den planted. The nver which flowed through
Eden watered the garden, and thence branched
off into four distinct streams. The first prob-
lem to be solved then is this: — To find a
river which, at some stage of its course, is
divided into four streams, two of which are the
Tigris and Euphrates. The identity of these
rivers with the Hiddekel and P'rath has never
been disputed, and no hypothesis which omits
them is worthy of consideration. Setting aside
minor differences of detail, the theories which
have been framed with regard to the situation
of the terrestrial paradise naturally divide
themselves into two classes. The first class
includes all those which place the Garden of
Eden below the junction of the Euphrates and
Tigris, and interpret the names Pison and
Ginon of certain portions of these rivers : the
second, those which seek for it in the high
table-land of Armenia, the fruitful parent of
many noble streams. The old versions supply
us with little or no assistance. It would be a
hopeless task to attempt to chronicle the opin-
ions of all the commentators upon this ques-
tion : their name is legion. Phfio is the first
who ventured upon an allegorical interpreta-
tion. He conceived that by paradise is darkly
shadowed forth the governing faculty of the
soul; that the tree of life signifies religion,
whereby the soul is immortalized ; and by the
faculty of knowing good and evil the middle
sense, by which are discerned things contrary
to nature. The four rivers he explains of the
several virtues of prudence, temperance, cour-
age, and justice; while the main stream of
which they are branches is the generic virtue,
goodness, which goeth forth from Eden, the
wisdom of God. The opinions of Philo would
not be so much worthy of consideration, were
it not that he has been followed by many of
the Fathers. Among the Hebrew traditions
enumerated by Jerome is one that paradise was
created before the world was formed, and is
therefore beyond its limits. Among the literal
interpreters there is an infinite diversitv of
opinions. What is the river which goes forth
from Eden to water the garden 1 is a question
which has been often asked, and still waits for
a satisfactory answer. That the ocean stream
which surrounded the earth was the source
from which the four rivers flowed was the opin-
ion of Josephus. It was the Shat-ei-Arab, ac-
cording to those who place the garden of Eden
below the junction of the Tigris and Euphrates,
and their conjecture would deserve considera-
tion were it not that this stream cannot, with
any degree of propriety, be said to rise in Eden.
By those who refer the position of Eden to the
highlands of Armenia, the " river " from which
the four streams diverge is conceived to mean
" a collection of springs," or a well-watered
district But this signification of the word is
wholly without a parallel. According to some,
it wss the Caspian Sea. That the Hiddekel is
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EDEN
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EDEN
the Tigris, and the P'rnth the Euphrates, has
never been denied, except by those who assume
that the whole narrative is a myth which origi-
nated elsewhere, and was adapted by the He-
brews to their own geographical notions. With
regard to the Pison, the most ancient and most
entrersaUy received opinion identifies it with
the Ganges. Josephus, Eusebius, and many
others, held this. But Rashi maintained that
the Pison was the Nile. That the Pison was
the Indus was an opinion current long before
it was revived by Ewald and adopted by Ka-
bsch. Phikxtorgios conjectured that it was
the Hydaspes. Some have found the Pison in
the Naharmalca, one of the artificial canals
which formerly joined the Euphrates with the
Tigris. Even those commentators who agree
in placing the terrestrial Paradise on the Shat-
i-ijvt, the stream formed by the junction of
the Tigris and Euphrates, between Ctesiphon
<nd Apamea, are by no means unanimous as to
which of the branches, into which this stream
if again divided, the names Pison and Gihon
are to be applied. Calvin conjectured that the
Kaon was the most easterly of these channels ;
Haet that it was the westernmost. The advo-
cates of the theory that the true position of
Eden is to be sought for in the mountains of
Armenia have identified the Pison with the
Phans. Kanmer endeavored to prove that it
«as the Aras or Araxes, which flows into the
Caspian Sea. Colonel Chesney, from the re-
tail* of extensive observations in Armenia, was
"led to infer that the rivers known by the
comparatively modern names of Hairs and
Ames are those which, in the book of Genesis,
hat the names of Pison and Gihon ; and that
the country within the former is the land of
Banish, whilst that which borders upon the
laoer is the still more remarkable country of
Cask." In the narrative of Genesis the river
Puoo is defined as that which surrounds the
whole land of Uavilah. It is, then, absolutely
necessary to fix the position of Havilah beforo
proceeding to identify the Pison with any par-
Bcnlar river. In Gen. ii. 11, 12, it is described
s» the land where the best gold was found, and
which was besides rich in the treasures of the
h'detach and the stone ttio/wn. If the Havilah
of Gen. ii. be identical with any one of the
countries mentioned in Gen. x. 29, xxv. 18,
1 Sam. xv. 7, we must look for it on the east
or tooth of Arabia, and probably not far from
the Persian Gulf. That Havilah is that part
of India through which the Ganges flows, and,
Bore generally, the eastern region of the earth,
that it is to be found in Susiana, in Ava, or in
the Ural region, are conclusions necessarily fol-
lowing upon the assumptions with regard to
the PUon. Hartmann, Reland, and Rosen-
mailer are in favor of Colchis, the scene of
the legend of the Golden Fleece. For all these
hypotheses there is no more support than the
nerwt conjecture. The second river of Para-
<hse presents difficulties not less insurmountable
than the Pison. Those who maintained that
•«• Pison was the Ganges held also that the
Gihon was the Nile. The etymology of Gihon
Mems to indicate that it was a swiftly-flowing
impetuous stream. According to Golius, Jichoon
is the name given to the Oxus, which has, on
this account, been assumed by Kosenmuller,
Hartmann, and Michaelis to be the Gihon of
Scripture. But the Araxes, too, is called by
the Persians Jichoon ar-Iias, and from this cir-
cumstance it has been adopted by Reland,
Calmet, and Col. Chesney, as the modern repre-
sentative of the Gihon. Bochart and Huet
contended that it was the easternmost of these
channels by which the united streams of the
Euphrates and Tigris fell into the Persian
Gulf. Calvin considered it to be the most
westerly. That it should be the Orontes, the
Ganges, the Kur, or Cyrus, necessarily fol-
lowed from the exigencies of the several theo-
ries. Rask and Verbrugge are in fevor of the
Gyndes of the ancients. From etymological
considerations, Huet was induced to place Cash
in Chusistan (2 K. xvii. 24), Leclerc in CassiotU
in Syria, and Rei uid in the " regio Cossav
orum." Bochart identified it with Susiana,
Link with the country about the Caucasus, and
Hartmann with Bactria or Balkh, the site of
Paradise being, in this case, in the celebrated
vale of Kashmir. The term Cush is generally
applied in the Old Testament to the countries
south of the Israelite*. It was the southern
limit of Egypt (Ex. xxlx. 10), and apparently
the most westerly of the provinces over which
the rule of Ahasuerus extended, " from India
even unto Ethiopia " (Esth.i. I, viii. 9). Egypt
and Cush are associated in the majority of in-
stances in which the word occurs ( Ps. lxviii. 31 ;
Is. xviii. 1 ; Jcr. xlvi. 9, 4c.| : but in two pas-
sages Cush stands in close juxtaposition with
Elam (Is. xi. 11) and Persia (Ez. xxxviii. S)
The Cushite king, Zerah, was utterly defeated
by Asa at Marcshah, and pursued as far as
Gerar, a town of the Philistines, on the south-
ern border of Palestine, which was apparently
under his sway (2 Chr. xiv. 9, &c.). In 2 Chr.
xxi. 16, the Arabians are described as dwelling
" beside the Cushitcs," and both are mentioned
in connection with the Philistines. The wife
of Moses, who, we leam from Ex. ii., was the
daughter of a Midianite chieftain, is in Num.
xii. 1 denominated a Cushite. Further, Cush
and Seba (Is. xliii. 3), Cush and the Subssans
(Is. xlv. 14) are associated in a manner conso-
nant with the genealogy of the descendants of
Horn (Gen. x. 7), in which Seba is the son of
Cush. From all these circumstances it is evi-
dent that under the denomination Cush were
included both Arabia and the country south of
Egypt on the western coast of the Red Sea.
It is possible, also, that the vast desert tracts
west of Eitypt were known to the Hebrews ait
the land of Cush, but of this we have no cer-
tain proof. In the midst of this diversity of
opinions, what is the true conclusion at which
wc arrive ? All the theories which have been
advanced share the inevitable fate of conclu-
sions which are based upon inadequate prem-
ises. The problem may be indeterminate be-
cause the data are insufficient. It would
scarcely, on any other hypothesis, have admit-
ted of so many apparent solutions.
E den, 1. One of the marts which supplied
the luxury of Tyre with richly embroidered
stuffs. It is associated with Haran, Sheba, and
Asshur. In 2 K. xix. 12, and Is. xxxvii. 12,
" the sons of Eden " are mentioned with Gozan.
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EDOM
222
EDOM
flaran, and Rezeph, as victim* of the Assyrian
greed of conquest. According to Bochart, it
may be Addan, or Addono, which geographers
place on the Euphrates. Michaelis is in favor
of the modern Aden, as the Eden of Ezekiel.
In the absence of positive evidence, probability
seems to point to the N. W. of Mesopotamia
as the locality of Eden. — 2. Beth-Edkh,
' house of pleasure ; " probably the name of a
country residence of the kings of Damascus
(Am. i. 5). Michaelis, misled by an apparent
resemblance in name, identified it with Ehden,
about a day's journey from Baalbek. But
Grotius, with greater appearance of probability,
pointed to the Paradisus of Ptolemy as the lo-
cality of Eden. The ruins of the village of
Justeh el-Kadimeh, now a paradise no longer,
are supposed by Dr. Robinson to mark its site.
Others nave conjectured that Beth-Eden is no
other than hat-Jam, " the house of Paradise,"
not far to the south-west of Damascus, on the
casjern slope of the Hermon, and a short dis-
tance from Medjel.
E'den, 1. A Gershonite Levite, son of
Joah, in the days of Hczekiah (2 Chr. xxix.
12). — 2. Also a Levite, contemporary and
probably identical with the preceding (2 Chr.
xxxi. 15).
E'der, 1. One of the towns of Judah in
the extreme south, and on the borders of Edom
(Josh. xv. 21). No trace of it has been dis-
covered in modern times, unless, as has been
suggested, it is identical with Arad, by a trans-
position of letters. — 2. A Levite of the family
of Merari, in the time of David (1 Chr. xxiii.
*3, xxiv. 30).
E'des, 1 Esdr. ix. 35. [Jadac.J Ap.
Edna, the wife of Ragticl (Too. vii. 2, 8,
14, 16, x. 12, xi. 1). Ap.
E'dom, Idume'a, or Idumse'a, The
name Edom was given to Esau, the first-born
son of Isaac, and twin brother of Jacob, when
he sold his birthright to the latter for a meal
of lentil pottage. The peculiar color of the
pottage gave rise to the name Edom, which sig-
nifies " red " (Gen. xxv. 29-34). Thecountry
which the Lord subsequently gave to Esau was
hence called the "field of Edom" (Gen. xxxii.
3), or " land of Edom " ( Gen. xxxvi. 1 6 ; Num.
xxxiii. 37). Probably its physical aspect may
have hod something to do with this. Edom
was previously colled Mount Seir (Gen. xxxii.
3, xxxvi. 8), from Scir the progenitor of the
Horites (Gen. xiv. 6, xxxvi. 20-22). The
name Seir was perhaps adopted on account of
its being descriptive of the " rugged " character
of the territory. The original inhabitants of
the country were called Horites, from Bori, the
grandson of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 20, 22), because
that name was descriptive of their habits as
" Troglodytes," or " dwellers in caves." The
boundaries of Edom, though not directly, are
yet incidentally defined with tolerable distinct-
ness in the Bible. The country lay along the
route pursued by the Israelites from the penin-
sula of Sinai to Kadcsh-barnea, and thence
back again to Elath (Dcut. i. 2, ii. 1-8) ; that
is, along the nut side of the great valley of
Arabah. It reached southward as far as Elath,
which stood at the northern end of the gulf of
Oath, and was the seaport of the Edomitcs ;
but it does not seem to have extended farther,
as the Israelites on passing Elath struck out
eastward into the desert, so as to pass round
the land of Edom (Dent. ii. 8). On the north
of Edom lay the territory of Moab, through
which the Israelites were also prevented from
going, and were therefore compelled to go from
Kadesh bv the southern extremity of Edom
(Judg. xi.* 17, 18; 2 K. iii. 6-9). The bound-
ary between Moab and Edom appears to have
been the " brook Zered " (Dent. ii. 13, 14, 18),
probably the modern Wady-d-Ahsy, which still
divides the provinces of Kerak (Moab) and
Jebal (Gebalene). But Edom was wholly a
mountainous country. It only embraced the
narrow mountainous tract (about 100 miles long
by 20 broad) extending along the eastern side
of the Arabah from the northern end of the
gulf of Elath to near the southern end of the
Dead Sea. The mountain-range of Edom is
at present divided into two districts. The
northern is called Jebal. It begins at Wadg-ti-
Ahsy, which separates it from Kerak, and it
terminates at or near Petra. The southern
district is called eth-Sherah, a name which,
though it resembles, bears no radical relation
to, the Hebrew Seir. The physical geography
of Edom is somewhat peculiar. Along the
western base of the mountain-range are low
calcareous hills. To these succeed lofty masses
of igneous rock, chiefly porphyry, over which
lies red and variegated sandstone in irregular
ridges and abrupt cliffs, with deep ravines be-
tween. The latter strata give the mountains
their most striking features and remarkable col-
ors. The average elevation of the summit is
about 2,000 feet above the sea. Along the east-
ern side runs an almost unbroken limestone
ridge, a thousand feet or more higher than the
other. This ridge sinks down with an easy
slope into the plateau of the Arabian desert.
While Edom is thus wild, rugged, and almost
inaccessible, the deep glens and flat terraces
along the mountain sides are covered with rich
soil, from which trees, shrubs, and flowers now
spring up luxuriantly. The ancient capital of
Edom was Bozrah (Buseireh) near the northern
Ixmler (Gen. xxxvi. 33; Is. xxxiv. 6, Ixiii. 1 ;
Jer. xlix. 13, 22). But Sela (Perm) appears
to have been the principal stronghold in the
days of Amaziah (B.C. 838; 2 K. xiv. 7):
Elath, and Eziongeber were the seaports (2
Sam. viii. 14 ; IK. ix. 26). When the king-
dom of Israel began to decline, the Edomitcs
not only reconquered their lost cities, but made
frequent inroads upon southern Palestine (2
Chr. xxviii. 17). It was probably on account
of these attacks, and of their uniting with the
Chaldsaans against the Jews, that the Edomites
were so fearfully denounced by the later proph-
ets (Obad. 1 sq. ; Jer. xlix. 7 sq. ; Exek. xxv.
12 sq., xxxv. 3 sq.). During the Captivity
they advanced westward, occupied the whole
territory of their brethren the Amalekites (Gen.
xxxvi. 12 ; I Sam. xv. 1 sq.), and even took
possession of many towns in southern Palestine,
including Hebron. The name Edom, or rather
its Greek form, Idumssa, was now given to the
country lying between the valley of Arabah
and the snores of the Mediterranean. While
Idunuea thus extended westward, Edom Proper
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EDOMITE8
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EDBBI
was token possession of by the Nabatheans.
They were a powerful people, and held a great
part of southern Arabia. They took Petra,
and established themselves there at least three
centuries before Christ. Leaving oft" their
nomad habits, they settled down amid the
mountains of Edom, engaged in commerce,
and founded the little kingdom called by Roman
writers Arabia Petraa, which embraced nearly
the same territory as the ancient Edom. To
the Nabatheans Petra owes those great monu-
ments which are still the wonder of the world.
Early in the Christian era Edom Proper was
included by geographers in Palestine, hut in the
fifth century a new division was made of the
whole country into Palaatina Prima, Stcunda,
and Tertia. The last embraced Edom and
lome neighboring provinces, and when it be-
came an ecclesiastical division its metropolis
was Petra.
E'domites, the descendants of Esau, or
Edom. Their first form of government appears
to have resembled that of the modern Bedawin ;
each tribe or clan having a petty chief or shi-ik
("Duke " in the A. V., Gen. xxxvi. 15). The
Horites, who inhabited Mount Seir from an
early period, and among whom the Edomites
Hill' lived, had their sheiks also (Gen. xxxvi.
i) sq.). At a later period, probably when the
Edomites began a war of extermination against
the Horitex, they felt the necessity of united
action under one competent leader, and then a
bog was chosen. Against the Horites the
children of Edom were completely successful.
Having either exterminated or expelled them,
they occupied their whole country (Deut. ii.
II). A statement made in Gen. xxxvi. 31
serves to fix the period of the dynasty of the
eight kings. They " reigned in the land of
Edom before there reigned any king over the
children of Israel ; " that is, before the time
of Moses, who may be regarded as the first
virtual kmg of Israel (comp. Deut. xxxiii. 5 ;
Ex-xviU. 16—19). Esau s bitter hatred to his bro-
ther Jacob for fraudulently obtaining his bless-
ing appears to have been inherited by his
latest posterity. The Edomites peremptorily
refused to permit the Israelites to pass through
their land (Nam. xx. 18-21 ). For a period of
too years we hear no more of the Edomites.
They were then attacked and defeated by Saul
( 1 Sam. xiv . 47 ) . Some foi ty years later David
overthrew their army in the " Valley of Salt,"
sod his general, Joab, following up the victory,
destroyed nearly the whole male population ( 1
K. xi 15, 16), and placed Jewish garrisons in
til the strongholds of Edom (2 Sam. viii. 13,
(4). Hadad, a member of the royal family of
Edom, made his escape with a few followers to
Egypt, where he was kindly received by Pha-
raoh. After the death of David he returned,
and tried to excite his countrymen to rebellion
■gainst Israel, but failing in the attempt he
went on to Syria, where he became one of
Solomon's greatest enemies (1 K. xi. 14-22).
In the reign of Jehoahaphat (b.c. 914) the
Edomites attempted to invade Israel in con-
junction with Amnion and Moab, but were
miraculously destroyed in the valley of Bera-
ehah (2 Chr. xx. 22). A few years later they
revolted against Jehoram, elected a king, and
for half a century retained their independence
(2 Chr. xxi. 8). They were then attacked by
Amaziah, and Sela their great stronghold was
captured (2 K. xiv. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 11, 12). Yet
the Israelites were never able again completely
to subdue them (2 Chr. xxviii. 17). When
Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem, the Edom-
ites joined him, and took an active part in the
plunder of the city and slaughter of the Jews.
Their cruelty at that time seems to be specially
referred to in the 137th Psalm. It was on ac-
count of these acts of cruelty committed upon
the Jews in the day of their calamity that the
Edomites were so fearfully denounced by the
later prophets (Is. xxxiv. 5-8, lxiii. 1-4; Jer.
xlix. 17 ; Lam. iv. 21 ; E». xxv. 13, 14 ; Am.
i. 11, 12; Obad. 10 sq.). On the conquest of
Judah, the Edomites, probably in reward for
their services during the war, were permitted
to settle in southern Palestine, and too whole
plateau between it and Egypt ; bnt they were
about the same time driven out of Edom Proper
by the Nabatheans. For more than four cen-
turies they continued to prosper. But during
the warlike rule of the Maccabees they were
again completely subdued, and even forced to
conform to Jewish laws and rites, and submit
to the government of Jewish prefects. Tho
Edomites were now incorporated with the Jew-
ish nation, and the whole province was often
termed by Greek and Roman writers Idumaa.
Immediately before the siege of Jerusalem by
Titus, 20,000 Idunueaiu were admitted to the
Holy City, which they filled with robbery and
bloodshed. From this time the Edomites, as
a separate people, disappear from the page of
history. Little is known of their religion ; but
that little shows them to have been idolaters
(2 Chr. xxv. 14, 15, 20). Josephus refers to
both the idols and priests of the Idumssans.
The habits of the ldunueons were singular.
The Horites, their predecessors in Mount
Seir, were, as their name implies, troglodytes, or
dwellers in caves ; and the Edomites seem to
have adopted their dwellings as well as their
country. Everywhere we meet with caves and
grottoes hewn in the soft sandstone strata.
Those at Petra are well known. The nature
of the climate, the dryness of the soil, and
their great size, render them healthy, pleasant,
and commodious habitations, while their secu-
rity made them specially suitable to a country
exposed in every age to incessant attacks of
robbers.
Ed'rei.1. One of the two capital cities of
Bashan (Num. xxi. 33; Deut. i. 4, iii. 10;
Josh. xii. 4). In Scripture it is only men-
tioned in connection with the victory gained by
the Israelites over the Amorites under Og their
king, and the territory thus acquired. The
ruins of this ancient city, still bearing the name
Edr'a, stand on a rocky promontory which
projects from the S. W. corner of the Lejah.
The site is a strange one — without water,
without access, except over rocks and through
defiles all but impracticable. The ruins are
nearly three miles in circumference, and have a
strange wild look, rising up in black shattered
masses from the midst of a wilderness of black
rocks. A number of the old houses still re-
main ; they are low, massive, and gloomy, and
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EDUCATION
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EGLON
wme of them are half buried beneath heaps
of rubbish. The identity of thin site with
the Edrei of Scripture has been questioned by
many writers, who follow the doubtful testi-
mony of Eusebius, and place the capital of
Bashan at the modern Dor 'a, a few miles far-
ther south, - 2. A town of northern Palestine,
allotted to the tribe of Naphtali, and situated
near Kedcsh (Josh. xix. 37). About two miles
south of Kedesh is a conical rocky hill called
TtU Khumibeh, the "Tell of the ruin." It is
evidently an old site, and it may be that of
the long-lost Edrei. The strength of the posi-
tion, and its nearness to Kodesh, give proba-
bility to the supposition.
Education. Although nothing is more
carefully inculcated in the Law than the duty
of parents to teach their children its precepts
ana principles (Ex. xii. 26, xiii. 8, 14; Dent,
iv. 5, 9, 10, vi. 2, 7, 20, &c.), yet there is little
trace among the Hebrews in earlier times of
education in any other subjects. The wisdom
therefore and instruction, of which so much is
said in the Book of Proverbs, are to be under-
stood chiefly of moral and religious discipline,
imparted, according to the direction of the
Law, by the teaching and under the exam-
ple of parents (Prov. i. 2, 8, ii. 2, 10, iv. l,
7, 20, viii. 1, ix. 1, 10, xii. 1, xvi. 22, xvii. 24,
xxxi.). Exceptions to this statement may per-
haps be found in the instances of Moses him-
self, who was brought up in all Egyptian learn-
ing (Acts vii. 22) ; of the writer of the book
of Job, who was evidently well versed in nat-
ural history and in the astronomy of the day
(Job xxxviii. 31, xxxix., xl., xii.) ; of Daniel
and his companions in captivity (Dan. i.4, 17) ;
and above oil, in the intellectual gifts and ac-
quirements of Solomon, which were even more
renowned than his political greatness (1 K. iv.
29, 34, x. 1-9 ; 2 Chr. ix. 1-8), and the memo-
ry of which has, with much exaggeration, been
widely preserved in Oriental tradition. In la-
ter times the prophecies, and comments on them
as well as on the earlier Scriptures, together
with other subjects, were studied. Jerome adds
that Jewish children were taught to say by
heart the genealogies. Parents were required
to teach their children some trade. Previous
to the Captivity, the chief depositaries of learn-
ing were the schools or colleges, from which in
most cases (see Am. vii. 14) proceeded that suc-
cession of public teachers, who at various times
endeavored to reform the moral and religious
conduct of lioth rulers and people. Besides
the prophetical schools, instruction was given
by the priests in the Temple and elsewhere,
but their subjects were doubtless exclusively
concerned with religion and worship (Lev.
x. 11 ; Ez. xliv. 23, 24 ; 1 Chr. xxv. 7, 8 ;
Mai. ii. 7). From the time of the settlement
in Canaan there must hive been among the
Jews persons skilled in writing and in ac-
counts. Perhaps the neighborhood of the
tribe of Zcbulun to the commercial district of
Phoenicia may have been the occasion or their
reputation in this resiiect (Judg. v. 14). The
municipal officers of the kingdom, especially in
the time of Solomon, must have required a
staff of well-educated persons in their various
departments isn'ler the recorder or historiog-
rapher, whose business was to compile memo-
rials of the reign (2 Sam. viii. 16, xx. 24;
2 K. xviii. 18 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 8). To the schools
of the Prophets succeeded, after the Captivity,
the synagogues, which were either themselves
used as schools, or had places near them for that
purpose. After the destruction of Jerusalem,
colleges were maintained for a long time at
Japhne in Galilee, at Lydda, at Tiberias, the
most famous of all, and Sepphoris. According
to the principles laid down in the Mishna, boys
at five yean of age were to begin the Scrip-
tures, at ten the Mishna, at thirteen they be-
came subject to the whole law, at fifteen they
entered the Gemara. Teachers were treated
with great respect, and both pupils and teach-
ers were exhorted to respect each other. Phys-
ical science formed part of the course of in-
struction. In the schools the Rabbins sat on
raised seats, and the scholars, according to their
age, sat on benches below or on the ground.
Of female education we have little account in
Scripture. Needlework formed a large but by
no means the only subject of instruction im-
parted to females, whose position in society and
in the household must by no means be consid-
ered as represented in modern Oriental usage
(see Prov. xxxi. 16, 26 ; Luke viii. 2, 3, x.
39, &c.). Among the Mohammedans, educa-
tion, even of boys, is of a most elementary kind,
and of girls still more limited. In one respect
it may be considered as the likeness or the car-
icature of the Jewish system, vis. that besides
the most common rules of arithmetic, the
Kuran is made the staple, if not the only sub-
ject of instruction.
Eglah, one of David's wives during his
reign in Hebron, and the mother of his son
Ithreom (2 Sam. iii. 5 ; 1 Chr. iii. 31. Accord-
ing to the ancient Hebrew tradition, sJe was
Mielial.
Egla'im, a place named only in Is. xv. 8,
and there apparently as one of the most remote
points on the boundary of Moab. It is probs-
blythe same as En-kc.laim.
"Eg Ion, a king of the Moabites (Judg. iii
12 ffT), who, aided by the Ammonites and th*
Amalckitcs, crossed the Jordan and took "the
city of palm-trees." Here, according to Jose-
{>hus, he built himself a palace, and continued
or eighteen years to oppress the children of
Israel, who paid him tribute. The circumstances
of his death are somewhat differently given in
Judges and in Josephus. In Judges the Is-
raelites send a present by Ehud (iii. IS); in
Josephus, Ehud wins his favor by repeated pres-
ents of his own. In Judges we have two scenes,
the offering of the present and the death-scene
( 18, 19) ; in Josephns there is but one scene. la
Judges the place seems to change from the re-
ception-room into the " summer-parlor," where
Ehud found him upon his return (cf. 18, 20).
In Josephus the entire action takes place in the
grimmer-parlor. The obesity of Kglon, and
the consequent impossibility of recovering the
dagger, are not mentioned by Josephus. After
this desperate achievement, Ehud repaired to
Seirah in the mountains of Ephraim (iii. 26, 27\
or Mount Ephraim (Josh. xix. 50). To this
wild central region, commanding, as it did, the
plains E. and W., he summoned the Israelites
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by sound of born. Descending from the hills
they fell upon the Moabites, and not one of
the fiuritires escaped.
Egflon, a town of Judah in the low country
(Josh. xt. 39). Daring the straggles of the
conquest, Eglon was one of a confederacy of
fire towns, which under Jerusalem attempted
resistance, by attacking Gibson after the treaty
of the latter with Israel (Josh. x.). The name
doubtless survives in the modern Ajlan, a shape-
less mass of rains, about 10 miles from Beit
Jibrit (Eleutheropolis) and 14 from Gaza, on
the S. of the great maritime plain.
Sgypt, a country occupying the north-east-
era angle of Africa, and lying between N. lat.
»1° sr and 84° I', and E. long. 27° 13' and 34°
\t. Its limits appear always to hare been very
nearly the same. In Ezekiel (xxix. 10, xxx.
C) the whole country is spoken of as extending
from Migdol to Syenc, which indicates the same
limits to the east and the south as at present.
— N oma . The common name of Egypt in the
Bible is " Mizraim," or more fully " the land
of Miznum." In form Mizraim is a dual, and
accordingly it is generally joined with a plural
verb. When, therefore, in Gen. x. 6, Mizraim
is mentioned as a son of Ham, we must not
conclude that any thing more is meant than that
Egypt was colonized by descendants of Ham.
The dual number doubtless indicates the natu-
ral division of the country into an upper and a
lower regi o n. The singular Mazor also occurs,
aad some suppose that it indicates Lower Egypt,
but there is no sure ground for this assertion.
The Arabic name of Egypt Mvtr signifies " red
Bud." Egypt Is also called in the Bible " the
land of Ham" (Ps. cv. 23, 27 ; comp. lxxviii.
51), a name most probably refining to Ham
the son of Noah ; and " Rahab," the proud or
insolent : both these appear to be poetical ap-
pellations. The common ancient Egyptian name
of the country is written in hieroglyphics KEM,
which was perhaps pronounced Chera ; the de-
motic form is KEMEE. This name signifies,
alike in the ancient language and in Coptic,
" black,'* and may be supposed to have been
riven to the land on account of the blackness of
as alluvial soil. We may reasonably conjecture
that Kent is the Egyptian equivalent of Ham,
and also of Mazor, these two words being simi-
lar or even the same in sense. Under the Pha-
raohs Egypt was divided into Upper and Lower,
"the two regions" TA-TEE? called respec-
tively "the Southern Begion" TA-RES, and
"the'Xorthern Region "TA-MEHEET. There
were different crowns for the two regions. In
su b s eque nt times this donble division obtained.
In the time of the Greeks and Romans Upper
Egypt was divided into the Heptanomis and the
Tbebais, making altogether three provinces,
bat the division of the whole country into two
was even then the most usual. — Superficies.
Egypt has a superficies of about 9,582 square
geographical miles of soil, which the Nile either
does or can water and fertilize. This computa-
tion includes the river and lakes as well as sandy
tracts which can be inundated ; but the whole
space either cultivated or fit for cultivation is
so more than about 5,624 square miles. An-
ciently 2,735 square miles more may have been ;
cultivated, and now it would be possible at once |
as
to reclaim about 1,295 square miles. — Nemm
From a remote period t(rypt wus divided into
Nomes HESPU, sing. HESr, each one of which
had its special objects of worship. There is no
distinct reference to them in the Bible. — Gene-
ral Appearance, Climate, 4rc- The general appear-
ance of the country cannot have greatly changed
since the days of Moses. The Delta was always
a vast level plain, although of old more perfectly
watered than now by the branches of the Nile
and numerous canals, while the narrow valley
of Upper Egypt must have suffered still less al-
teration. Anciently, however, the rushes must
have been abundant; whereas now they have
almost disappeared, except in the lakes. The
whole country is remarkable for its extreme fer-
tility, which especially strikes the beholder when
the rich green of the fields is contrasted with
the utterly bare yellow mountains or the sand-
strewn rocky desert on either side. The climate
is equable and healthy. Rain is not very un-
frequent on the northern coast, but inland very
rare. Cultivation nowhere depends upon it.
This absence of rain is mentioned in Dent (xi
10, 11) as rendering artificial irrigation neces-
sary, unlike the case of Palestine, and in Zech.
(xiv. 18) as peculiar to the country. Egypt has
been visited in all ages by severe pestilences, but
it cannot be determined that any of those of an-
cient times were of the character of the modern
Plague. Famines are frequent, and one in the
middle ages, in the time of the Fatimee Khalee-
feh El-Mustansir-billah, seems to have been even
more severe than that of Joseph. — Geology.
The fertile plain of the Delta and the valley of
Upper Egypt are bounded by rocky deserts
covered or strewn with sand. On either side of
the plain they are low, but they overlook the
valley, above which they rise so steeply as from
the river to present the aspect of clifis. The
formation is limestone as far as a little above
Thebes, where sandstone begins. The First
Cataract, the southern limit of Egypt, is caused
by granite and other primitive rocks, which rise
through the sandstone and obstruct the river's
bed. An important geological change has in
the course of centuries raised the country near
the head of the Gulf of Suez, and depressed that
on the northern side of the isthmus. Since the
Christian era the head of the Gulf has retired
southwards. — The Nik. In Egyptian the Kile
bore the sacred appellation HAPEEorHAPEE-
MU, " the abyss," or " the abyss of waters."
As Egypt was divided into two regions, we find
two Niles, HAPEE-RES, " the Southern Nile,"
and HAPEE-MEHEET, " the Northern Nile,"
the former name being given to the river in
Upper Egypt and in Nubia. The inundation
fertilizes and sustains the country, and makes
the river its chief blessing. The Nile was on
this account anciently worshipped. The rise
begins in Egypt about the summer solstice, and
the inundation commences about two months
later. The greatest height is attained about or
somewhat after the autumnal equinox. The
inundation lasts about three months. — Cultiva-
tion, Agriculture, 4rc. The ancient prosperity of
Egypt is attested by the Bible as well as by the
numerous monuments of the country. As early
as the age of the Great Pyramid it must have
been densely populated. The contrast of the
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present state of Egypt to its former prosperity
u more to be ascribed to political than to phys-
ical causes. Egypt is naturally an agricultural
country. As far back as the days of Abraham,
we find that when the produce failed in Pales-
tine, Egypt was the natural resource. In the
time of Joseph it was evidently the granary, at
least during famines, of the nations around.
The inundation, as taking the place of rain, has
always rendered the system of agriculture pecu-
liar ; and the artificial irrigation during the
time of low Nile is necessarily on the same prin-
ciple. Watering with the foot (Dent. xi. 10,
1 1 ) may refer to some mode of irrigation by a
machine, but the monuments do not afford a
representation of it. That now called the sha~
tree, of old common in the country. The chief
fruits are the date, grape, fig, sycamore-fig,
pomegranate, banana, many kinds of melons,
and the olive ; and there are many others lew
common or important. These were also of
^sU
"'4fr//,)
Y «4tt,
»*v
RiMoor, or pole and bucket for watniaf lb* swdan. ( WU-
klneon.)
doof is depicted, and seems to have been the
common means of artificial irrigation. There
are detailed pictures of breaking up the earth,
or ploughing, sowing, harvest, threshing, and
storing the wheat in granaries. Vines were
extensively cultivated. Of other fruit-trees, the
date-palm was the most common and valuable.
The gardens resembled the fields, being watered >
in the same manner by irrigation. On the ten-'
ure of land much light is thrown by the history
of Joseph. Before the famine each city and
large village had its field (Gen. xli. 48) ; but
Joseph gained for Pharaoh all the land, except
that of the priests, in exchange for food, and
required for the right thus obtained a fifth of
the produce, which became a law (xlvii. 20-26).
The evidence of the monuments, though not
very explicit, seems to show that this law was
ever afterwards in force under the Pharaohs.
The great lakes in the north of Egypt were
anciently of high importance, especially for their
fisheries and the growth of the papyrus. The
canals are now far less numerous than of old,
and many of them are choked and comparatively
useless. — Botany. The cultivable land of Egypt
consists almost wholly of fields, in which are
very few trees. There are no forests and few
f-oves, except of date-palms, and in Lower
gypt a few of orange and lemon trees. There
are also sycamores, mulberry-trees, and acacias,
either planted on the sides of roads or stand-
ing singly in the fields. The Theban palm
grows in the Thebais, generally in clumps.
These were all, except perhaps the mulberry-
Granary, ihowing how the train vu pat In. and that the
doom a i> ware intended for taking it out. (WUluneon.)
old produced in the country. The vegetables
are of many kinds and excellent, and form the
chief food of the common people. The most
important field-produce in ancient times was
wheat; after it must be placed barley, millet,
flax, and among the vegetables, lentils, peas,
and beans. It is clear from the evidence of
the monuments and of ancient writers, that,
of old, reeds were far more common in Egypt
than now. The byblus or papyrus is almost or
quite unknown. Anciently it was a common
and most important plant : boats were made of
its stalks, and of their thin leaves the famous
paper was manufactured. The lotos was an-
ciently the favorite flower, and at feasts it took
the place of the rose among the Greeks and
Arabs : it is now very rare. — Zoology. Of old,
Egypt was far more a pastoral country than at
present The neat cattle are still excellent,
but lean kine are more common among them
than they seem to have been in the days of Jo-
seph's Pharaoh (Gen. xli. 19). Sheep and
goats have always been numerous. Anciently
swine were kept, but not in great numbers ;
now there are none, or scarcely any. Under
the Pharaohs the horses of the country were in
repute among the neighboring nations, who
purchased them as well as chariots out of
Egypt. Asses were anciently numerous : the
breed at the present time is excellent. Dogs
were formerly more prized than now ; for being
held by most of the Muslims to be extremely
unclean, they are only used to watch the houses
in the villages. The camel has nowhere been
found mentioned in the inscriptions of Egypt,
or represented on the monuments. It is proba-
ble that camels were not kept in Egypt, but
only on the frontier. The deserts have always
abounded in wild animals, especially of the ca-
nine and antelope kinds. Anciently the hip-
popotamus was found in the Egyptian Nile,
and bunted. Now this animal is rarely seen
even in Lower Nubia. The elephant may have
been, in the remotest historical period, an in-
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habitant of Egypt, and, as a land animal, have
been driven further south than the hippopota-
mus. Bats abound in the temples and tombs.
The birds of Egypt are not remarkable for
beauty of plumage : in so open a country this
is natural The Bapacu are numerous, but
the most common are scavengers, as vultures
and the kite. The GraUatore* and Antera
abound on the islands and sand-banks of the
river and in the sides of the mountains which
approach or touch the stream. Among the
reptiles, the crocodile must be especially men-
tioned. In the Bible it is usually called tannin
or lamia, "dragon," a generic word of almost
ss wide a signification as " reptile," and is used
u a symbol of the king of Egypt (Ez. xxix.
J-5). But " leviathan ' r appears to be the
special name of that animal. Frogs are very
sjuaerous in Egypt, and their loud and con-
uant croaking in the autumn makes it not dif-
fcnlt to picture the Plague of Frogs. Serpents
•ad makes are also common, but the more ven-
omous have their home, like the scorpion, in
toe desert (comp. Dent. viii. 15). The Nile
sad lakes have an abundance of fish. Among
the insects the locusts must be mentioned,
which sometimes come upon the cultivated
hod in a cloud. As to the lice and flics, they
ire still plagues of Egypt. — Ancient Inhab-
tints. Toe old inhabitants of Egypt appear
from their monuments and the testimony of
udent writers to have occupied in race a place
between the Nigritians and the Caucasians.
They were in character very religious and con-
templative, bat given to base superstition, patri-
otic, respectful to women, hospitable, generally
frugal, but at times luxurious, very sensual, ly-
ing, thievish, treacherous and cringing, and
intensely prejudiced, through pride of race,
•gainst strangers, although kind to them. This
u very much the character of the modern inhab-
itants, except that Mohammedanism has taken
•wty the respect for women. — Language. The
ancient Egyptian language, from the earliest
period at which it is known to us, is an ag-
glutinate monosyllabic form of speech. It is
expressed by the signs which we call hiero-
glyphics. The character of the language is
compound : it consists of elements resembling
those of the Nigritian languages and the Chi-
nese language on the one hand, and those of
the Shemirje languages on the other. As early
u the age of the xxvith dynasty a vulgar dia-
lect was expressed in the demotic or enchorial
writing. This dialect forms the link connect-
ing the old language with the Coptic, which
does not very greatly differ from the monu-
mental language, except in the presence of
man/ Greek words. — Religion. The basis of
the religion was Nigritian fetichism, the low-
est kind of nature-worship, differing in differ-
ent parts of the country, and hence obviously
indigenous. Upon this were ingrafted, first,
cosmic worship, mixed up with traces of pri-
mers] revelation, as in Babylonia ; and then a
*Pttm of personifications of moral and intel-
kttasi abstractions. There were three orders
"gods— the eight great gods, the twelve les-
ser, and the Osirian group. There was no
prominent hero-worship, although deceased
*Mg> and other individuals often received di-
vine honors. The great doctrines of the im-
mortality of the soul, man's responsibility, and
future rewards and punishments, were taught.
Among the rites, circumcision is the most re-
markable : it is as old as the time of the ivth
dynasty. The Israelites in Egypt appear dar-
ing the oppresion, for the most part, to have
adopted the Egyptian religion (Josh. xxiv. 14 ;
Ez. xx. 7, 8). The golden calf, or rather steer,
was probably taken from the bull Apis, cer-
tainly from one of the sacred bulls. Remphan
and Chiun were foreign divinities adopted into
the Egyptian Pantheon. Ashtoreth was wor-
shipped at Memphis. Doubtless this worship
was introduced by the Phoenician shepherds. —
Law*. We have no complete account of the
laws of the ancient Egyptians either in their
own records or in works of ancient writers.
The paintings and sculptures of the monu-
ments indicate a very high degree of personal
safety, showing us that the people of all ranks
commonly went unarmed, and without milita-
ry protection. Capital punishment appears to
have been almost restricted, in practice, to mur-
der. Crimes of violence were more severely
treated than offences against religion and mor-
als. Popular feeling seems to have taken the
duties of the judge upon itself in the case
of impiety alone (Ex. viii. 26). — Government.
The government was monarchical, but not of
an absolute character. The sovereign was not
superior to the laws, and the priests had the
power to check the undue exercise of his au-
thority. Nomes and districts were governed
by officers whom the Greeks called nomarchs
and toparchs. There seems to have been no
hereditary aristocracy, except perhaps at the
earliest period. — Foreign Policy. The foreign
policy of the Egyptians must be regarded in its
relation to the admission of foreigner* into
Egypt and to the treatment of tributary and
allied nations. In the former aspect it was
characterized by an exclusivcness which sprang
from a national hatred of the yellow and white
races, and was maintained by the wisdom of
.cserring the institutions of the country from
the influence of the pirates of the Mediterra-
nean and the Indian Ocean, and the robbers
of the deserts. Hence the jealous exclusion of
the Greeks from the northern ports until Nau-
cratis was opened to them, and hence too the
restriction of Shemite settlers in earlier tiroes
to the land of Goshen, scarcely regarded as
part of Egypt. The general policy of the
Egyptians towards their eastern tributaries
seems to have been marked by great modera-
tion. The Pharaohs intermarried with tbem,
and neither forced upon them Egyptian garri-
sons, except in some important positions, nor
attempted those deportations that are so marked
a feature of Asiatic policy. In the case of
those nations which never attacked them they
do not appear to have even exacted tribute.
So long as their general supremacy was uncon-
tested they would not be unwise enough to
make favorable or neutral powers their enemies.
Of their relation to the Israelites we have for
the earlierpart of this period no direct infor-
mation. The explicit account of the later part
is folly consistent with the general policy of
the Pharaohs. Shishak and Zerah are the only
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exceptions in a series of friendly Icings, and
they were almost certainly of Assyrian or
Babylonian extraction. — With respect to the
African nations a different policy appears to
have been pursued. The Rebu (Lebu) or Lu-
bim, to the west of Egypt, on the north coast,
were reduced to subjection, and probably em-
ployed, like the Shayrctana or Cherethrai, as
mercenaries. Ethiopia was made a purely
Egyptian province, ruled by a viceroy, "the
Prince of Kesh (Cush)," and the assimilation
was so complete that Ethiopian sovereigns
seem to have been received by the Egyptians
as native rulers. Further south, the Negroes
were subject to predatory attacks like the slave
hunts of modern times. — Army. There are
some notices of the Egyptian army in the
O. T. They show, like the monuments, that
its most important branch was the chariot-
force. The Pharaoh of the Exodus led 600
chosen chariots besides his whole chariot-force
in pursuit of the Israelites. The
fighting in chariots are probably the " hone-
men " mentioned in the relation of this event
and elsewhere, for in Egyptian they are called
the " horse " or " cavalry. We have no sub-
sequent indication in the Bible of the constitu-
tion of an Egyptian army until the time of the
xxiid dynasty, when we find that Shishak's
invading force was partly composed of foreign-
ers ; whether mercenaries or allies, cannot as
yet be positively determined, although the mon-
uments make it most probable that they were
of the former character. The army of Necho,
defeated at Carchemish, seems to have been
similarly composed, although it probably con-
tained Greek mercenaries, who soon afterwards
became the most important foreign element
in the Egyptian forces. — Domestic Life. The
sculptures and paintings of the tombs give us
a very full insight into the domestic life of the
ancient Egyptians, as may be seen in Sir Q.
Disciplined Troopi uf the time of the XVIIIth Dynafty. (Wilkinion.)
Wilkinson's great work. What most strikes
us in their manners is the high position occu-
pied by women, and the entire absence of the
harem system of seclusion. Marriage appears
to have been universal, at least with the richer
class ; and if polygamy were tolerated it was
rarely practised. Concubinage was allowed,
the concubines taking the place of inferior
wives. There were no castes, although great
classes were very distinct. The occupations of
the higher class were the superintendence of
their fields and gardens ; their diversions, the
pursuit of game in the deserts, or on the river,
and fishing. The tending of cattle was left to
the most despised of the lower class. The
Egyptian feasts, and the dances, music, and
feats which accompanied them, for the diversion
of the guests, as well as the common games,
were probably introduced among the Hebrews
in the most luxurious days of the kingdoms of
Israel and Judah. The account of the noon-
tide dinner of Joseph (Gen. xliii. 16, 31-34)
agrees with the representations of the monu-
ments. The funeral ceremonies were far more
important than any events of the Egyptian
life, as the tomb was regarded as the only true
home. — Literature and Art. The Egyptians
were a very literary people, and time has pre-
terred to us, besides the inscriptions of their
tombs and temples, many papyri, of a religious
or historical character, and ono tale. They
bear no resemblance to the books of the O. T.,
except such as arises from their sometimes en-
forcing moral truths in a manner not wholly
different from that of the Book of Proverbs.
The moral and religious system is, however,
essentially different in its principles and then-
application. In science, Egyptian influence
may be distinctly traced in the Pentateuch.
Moses was " learned in all the wisdom of the
Egyptians " (Acts vii. 22), and probably de-
rived from them the astronomical knowledge
which was necessary for the calendar. The
Egyptians excelled in geometry and mechanics.
In medicine and surgery, high proficiency was
probably of but little use to the Hebrews after
the Exodus. In the arts of architecture, sculp-
ture, and painting, the former of which wag
the chief, there seems to have been but a very
slight influence. — Magicians. We find frequent
reference in the Bible to the magicians of Egypt
(Gen. xli. 8; Ex. vii. 11, *c.). The monu-
ments do not recognize any such art, and we
must conclude that magic was secretly prac-
tised, not because it was thought to be unlaw-
ful, but in order to give it importance. — Indus-
trial Art*. The industrial arts held an impor-
tant place in the occupations of the Egyptia
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The workers in fine flax and the weavers of
white linen are mentioned in a manner that
shows they were among the chief contributors
to the riches of the country (Is. xix. 9). The
fine linen of Egypt found its way to Palestine
(Ptot. Til 16). Pottery was a great branch of
the native manufactures, and appears to hare
furnished employment to the Hebrews during
the bondage (Ps. lxxxi. 6, lxviii. 13; comp.
Ex. i. 14). — Festivals. The religious festivals
were numerous, and some of them were, in the
day* of Herodotus, kept with great merry-
making and license. The feast which the Is-
raelites celebrated when Aaron had made the
golden calf seems to have been very much of
the same character. — Manners of Modern In-
habitants. The manners of the modern inhabit-
ants are more similar to those of the ancient
Hebrews, on account of Arab influence, than
the manners of their predecessors. — Chbo-
iologt axd History. The subject may be
divided into three main branches, — technical
chronology, historical chronology, and history :
— 1. Technical Chronology. That the Egyp-
tians used rations periods of time, and made
astronomical observations from a remoto age, is
equally attested by ancient writers, and by their
monuments. There appear to hare been at
least three years in use with the Egyptians
before the Roman domination, — the Vague
Year, the Tropical Year, and the Sothic Year,
— bat it is not probable that more than
two of these were employed at the same time.
The Vague Year contained 355 days without
any additional fraction, and therefore passed
through all the seasons in about 1,500 years.
It was both used for civil and for religious pur-
poses. The Vague Tear was divided into twelve
months, each of thirty days, with rive addition-
al days, after the twelfth The months were
assigned to three seasons, each comprising four
mouths, called respectively the 1st, 2d, 3d, and
4th of those seasons. The names by which the
Egyptian months are commonly known, Thoth,
Paophi, *c, are taken from the divinities to
which they were sacred. The seasons are
called, according to our rendering, those of
Vegetation, Manifestation, and the Waters or
the Inundation : the exact meaning of their
names has however been much disputed. They
evidently refer to the phenomena of a Tropical
Tear, and such a year we must therefore con-
clude the Egyptians to have had, at least in a
remote period of their history. The Sothic
Tear was a supposed sidereal year of 365 J days,
commencing with the so-called heliacal rising
of Sothis. The Vague Year, having no inter-
calation, constantly retreated through the Sothic
Tear, until a period of 1 ,461 years of the for-
mer kind ana 1,460 of the latter had elapsed,
from one coincidence of commencements to
another. The Egyptians are known to have
ased two great cycles, the Sothic Cycle and the
Tropical Cycle. The former was a cycle of the
coincidence of the Sothic and Vague Years, and
therefore consisted of 1 ,460 years of the former
kind. The Tropical Cycle was a cycle of the
coincidence of the Tropical and Vague Tears.
It has been supposed by M. Biot to have a du-
ration of 1,505 years ; but the length of 1,500
Vague Tears is preferable. The monuments
make mention of Panegyrical Months, which
can only, we believe, be periods of thirty yean
each, and divisions of a year of the same kind.
— 2. Historical Chronology. The materials for
historical chronology are the monuments and
the remains of the historical work of Manetho.
The remains of Manetho 's historical work con-
sist of a list of the Egyptian dynasties and two
considerable fragments, one relating to the
Shepherds, the other to a tale of the Exodus.
The list is only known to us in the epitome
given by Afrieauus, preserved by Syncellus, and
that given by Eusebius. These present such
great differences that it is not reasonable to
hope that we can restore a correct text The
series of dynasties is given as if they were suc-
cessive, in which case the commencement of
the first would be placed full 5,000 years B.C.,
and the reign of the king who built the Great
Pyramid 4,000. The monuments do not war-
rant so extreme an antiquity, and tho great
majority of Egyptologers have therefore held
that the dynasties were partly contemporary.
The evidence of the monuments leads to the
same conclusion. Kings who unquestionably
belong to different dynasties are shown by them
to be contemporary. The monuments will not,
in our opinion, justify any great extension of
the period assigned to the first seventeen dy-
nasties (b.c. 2700-1500). The last date, that
of the commencement of the xviiitb dynasty,
cannot be changed more than a few yeses. The
date of the beginning of the 1st dynasty, which
we are disposed to place a little before B.C. 2700,
is more doubtful, but a concurrei.ee of astro-
nomical evidence points to the twenty-eighth
century. Some have supposed a much greater
antiquity for the commencement of Eg'atian
history. Lepsius places the accession of Menes
B.C. 3892, and Bunscn two hundred years later.
Their system is founded upon a passage in the
chronological work of Syncellus, which aligns
a duration of 3,555 years to the thirty dynasties.
It is by no means certain that this number is
given on the authority of Manetho ; but apart
from this, the whole statemont is unmistakably
not from the true Manetho. — 3. History. That
Egypt was colonised by the descendants of Noah
in a very remote age is shown by the mention
of the migration of the Philistines from Caph-
tor, which had taken place before the arrival of
Abraham in Palestine. Before this migration
could occur the Caphtorim and other Mizraites
must have occupied Egypt for some time. A
remarkable passage points to a knowledge of
the date at which an ancient city of Egypt wa»
founded. The evidence of the Egyptians as to
the primeval history of their race and country
is extremely indefinite. They seem to hav«
separated mankind into two great stocks, and
each of these again into two branches, for they
appear to have represented themselves and
the Negroes, the red and black races, as the
children of the god Horus, and the Shemites
and Europeans, the yellow and white races, as
the children of the goddess Pesht They seem,
therefore, to have held a double origin of the
species. The absence of any important tradi-
tional period is very remarkable in the frag-
ments of Egyptian history. These commence
with the divine dynasties, and pass abruptly to
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230
EGYPT
the human dynasties. The indications are
of a sudden change of seat, and the settlement
in Egypt of a civilized race, which, either wish-
ing to be believed autochthonous, or having lost
all ties that could keep up the traditions of its
first dwelling-place, filled up the commencement
of its history with materials drawn from mythol-
ogy. There is no trace of the tradition of the
Deluge, which is found in almost every other
country of the world. The priests are indeed
reported to have told Solon when he spoke of
one deluge that many had occurred, out the
reference is more likely to have been to great
floods of the Nile than to any extraordinary
catastrophes. The history of the dynasties pre-
ceding the xviiith is not told by any continuous
series of monuments. Except those of the ivth
and xiith dynasties, there are scarcely any
records of the age left to the present day, and
thence in a great measure arises the difficulty
of determining the chronology. From the time
of Menes, the first king, until the Shepherd-
invasion, Egypt seems to have enjoyed perfect
tranquillity. During this age, the Memphite
line was the most powerful, and by it, under
the ivth dynasty, were the most famous pyra-
mids raised. The Shepherds were foreigners
who came from the East, and, in some manner
unknown to Manetho, gained the rule of Egypt
Those whose kings composed the xvth dynasty
were the first and most important. They ap-
pear to have been Phoenicians. Most probably
the Pharaoh of Abraham was of this line. The
period of Egyptian history to which the Shep-
herd-invasion should be assigned is a point of
dispute. It is generally placed after the xiith
dynasty, for it is argued that this powerful line
could not have reigned at the same time as one
or more Shepherd-dynasties. We are of opin-
ion that this objection is not valid, and that the
Shepherd-invasion was anterior to the xiith dy-
nasty. The rule of the xiith dynasty, which
was of Thcbans, lasting about 160 years, was
a period of prosperity to Egypt, but after its
close those calamities appear to have occurred
which made the Shepherds hated by the Egyp-
tians. During the interval to the xviiith dy-
nasty there seems to have been no native line
of any importance but that of the Thebans,
and more than one Shepherd-dynasty exercised
a severe rule over the Egyptians. — Wo must
here notice the history of the Israelites in Egypt
with reference to the dynasty of the Pharaohs
who favored them, and that of their oppressors.
According to the scheme of Biblical Chronology,
which we believe to be the most probable, the
whole sojourn in Egypt would belong to the
period before the xviiith dynasty. The Israel-
ites would have come in and gone forth during
that obscure age for the history of which we
have little or no monumental evidence. This
would explain the absence of any positive men-
tion of them on the Egyptian monuments.
Since the Pharaoh of Joseph must have been a
powerful rnler, and held Lower Egypt, there can
be no question that he was, if the dates be cor-
rect, a shepherd of the xvth dynasty. The " new
king " " which knew not Joseph, is generally
thought, by those who hold with us as to the
previous history, to have been an Egyptian,
and head of the xviiith dynasty. It seems at
first sight extremely probable that the Mag
who crushed, if be did not expel the Shepherds,
would be the first oppressor of the nation which
they protected. If we conclude that the Exo-
dus most probably occurred before the xviiith
dynasty, we have to ascertain, if possible, whe-
ther the Pharaohs of the oppression appear to
have been Egyptians or Shepherds. The
change of policy is in favor of their having
been Egyptians, but is by no means conclusive.
If the chronology be correct, we can only de-
cide in favor of the Shepherds. During the
time to which the events are assigned there
were no important lines but the Theban, and
one or more of Shepherds. Manetho, according
to the transcript of Africanus, speaks of three
Shepherd-dynasties, the xvth, xvith, and xviith,
the last of which, according to the present
text, was of Shepherds and Thebans, but this
is probably incorrect, and the dynasty should
rattier be considered as of Shepherds alone. A
passage in Isaiah (lii. 4) indicates that the op
pressor was an Assyrian, and therefore not of
the xvth dynasty, which, according to Manetho,
in the epitomes, was of Phoenicians, and op-
posed to the Assyrians. 'Among the Barnes of
kings of this period in the Royal Turin Papy-
rus are two which appear to be Assyrian, so
that we may reasonably suppose that some of
the foreign rulers were of that race. It is not
possible at present to decide whether they were
of the xvith or the xviith dynasty. Toe his-
tory of the xviiith, xixth, and xxth dynasties
is that of the Egyptian empire. Aahmes, the
head of the first of these ( B.C. dr. 1525), over-
threw the power of the Shepherds, and prob-
ably expelled them. Queen Amennemt and
Thothmes II. and III. are the earliest sover-
eigns of whom great monuments remain in the
temple of El-Karnak, the chief sanctuary of
Thebes. The lost of these rulers was a great
foreign conqueror, and reduced Nineveh, and
erhaps Babylon also, to his sway. Amenoph
I., his great-grandson, states on scans ban,
struck apparently to commemorate his mar-
riage, that his northern boundary was in Meso-
potamia, his southern in Kara (Choloe ?) The
head of the xixth dynasty, Sethee I., or Sethos,
B.C. cir. 1340, waged great foreign wars, par-
ticularly with the Hittites of the valley of the
Orontes, whose capital Ketesh, situate near
Emesa, he captured. His son Barneses II.
was the most illustrious of the Pharaohs. If
he did not exceed all others in foreign con-
quests, he far outshone them in the grandeur
and beauty of the temples with which he adorned
Egypt and Nubia. His chief campaign was
against the Hittites and a great confederacy
they had formed. Menptah, the son and suc-
cessor of Rameses U., is supposed by the advo-
cates of the Rabbinical date of the Exodus to
hare been the Pharaoh in whose time the Is-
raelites went out. One other king of this period
must be noticed, Rameses in., of the xxth dy-
nasty, B.C. cir. 1200, whose conquests, recorded
on the walls of his great temple of Medeenci
Haboo in western Thebes, seem to have been
not less important than those of Rameses n
Under his successors the power of Egypt evi-
dently declined, and towards the rlose of the
dynasty the country seems to have fallen intr
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Em
231
ELAH
anarchy, the bigh-priesta of Amen having
uurped regal power at Thebes and a Lower
Egyptian dynasty, the xxist, arisen at Tanis.
Probably the Egyptian princess who became
Solomon's wife was a daughter of a late king
of the Tanite dynasty. The head of the xxiid
dynasty, Sbeshonk L, the Shishak of the Bi-
ble, restored the unity of the kingdom, and re-
vivid the credit of the Egyptian arms, B.C. cir.
990 Probably bis successor, Osorkon I., is the
Zerah of Scripture, defeated by Asa. Egypt
makes or figure in Asiatic history during the
xxiiid and xxirth dynasties : under the xxrth
it regained, in port at least, its ancient impor-
tance. This was an Ethiopian line, the warlike
sovereigns of which strove to the utmost to re-
pel the onward stride of Assyria. So, whom
we are disposed to identify with Shebek II. or
Sebichus, the second Ethiopian, rather than
with Shebek L of Sabaco, the first, made an
alliance with Hoshea the last king of Israel.
Tchrak or Tirhakah, the third of this house,
advanced against Sennacherib in support of
HezekL'ih. After this, a native dynasty again
occupied the throne, the xxvith, of Saite kings.
Psametek L or Psammetichus I. (B.C. 664),
who may be regarded as the head of this dy-
nasty, warred in Palestine, and took Ashdod,
Azotns, after a siege of twenty-nino years.
Neku or Necho, the son of Psammetichus, con-
tinaed the war in the East, and marched along
the coast of Palestine to attack the king of
Assyria. At Megiddo Josiah encountered him
(b.?. 608-7), notwithstanding the remonstrance
of tbe Egyptian king, which is very illustrative
of the policy of the Pharaohs in the East (2
Chr. xxxv. SI ), no less than is his lenient con-
duct after the defeat and death of the king; of
Jodah. The army of Necho was after a short
space routed at Carchemish bv Nebuchadnezzar,
B.C. 605-4 ( Jcr. xlvi. 2). The second successor
of Necho, Apries, or Phoraoh-Hophra, sent his
army into Palestine to the aid of Zedckiah
(Jer. xxxvii. 5, 7, 11), so that the siege of
Jerusalem was raised for a time, and kindly re-
ceived the fugitives from the captured city.
He seems to have been afterwards attacked by
Nebuchadnezzar in his own country. There
it, however, no certain account of a complete
mbjuiration of Egypt by the king of Babylon.
Amasis, the successor of Apries, had a long
and prosperous reign, and somewhat restored
the weight of Egypt in the East. But the new
power of Persia was to prove even more ter-
rible to his house than Babylon had been to the
bouse of Psammetichus, and the son of Amasis
had reigned but six months when Cambyscs
reduced the country to the condition of a prov-
ince of his empire B.C. 525. It is not neces-
sary here to give an outline of the subsequent
hUtory of Egypt Its connection with the his-
tory and literature of the Jews is discussed in
the articles on the Greek kings of Egypt [Ptol-
mtJ and Alexandria.
Egyptian, Egyptian^. Natives of
Egypt. The word most conjmonly rendered
Egyptians (Mitsraim) is the nthie of the coun-
try, and might be appropriately so transited
to many cases. *V
ETu, head of one of the Benjamite houses
ai-tordrag to the list in Gen. xlvi. JU, He
seems to be the same as Ahiram la the list m
Nuin.'xxvi. 36; and if so, Ahiram is probably
the right name, as tbe family were called
Ahirxmita. In 1 Chr. viii. 1, the same person
seems to be called Aharah, and perhaps also
Ahoah, in ver. 4; Ahiah, ver. 7; and Ahcr,
1 Chr. vii. 12.
Etud. L Ehud, the son of Bilhan, and
great-grandson of Benjamin the Patriarch
7l Chr. vii. 10, viii. 6). — 2. Ehud, the son of
Gera of the tribe of Benjamin (Judg. iii. 15),
the second Judge of the Israelites (B.C. 1336).
In the Bible he is not called a Judge, but a de-
liverer (1. c.) : so Othniel (Judg. iii. 9) and all
the Judges (Neh. ix. 27). As a Benjamite he
was specially chosen to destroy Eglon, who had
established "himself in Jericho, which was in-
cluded in the boundaries of that tribe. He was
very strong, and left-handed. So A. V. ; but
the more literal rendering is, as in the margin,
" shut of his right hand. The words are dif-
ferently rendered : — 1. left-handed, and unable
to use his right; 2. using his left hand as
readily as his right. The fact of drawing tha
dagger from the right thigh (Judg. iii. 21) is
consistent with either opinion.
Elier, a descendant of Jndah through tbe
families of Hezron and Jerahmeel (1 Chr
ii. 27).
Ek'rebel, a place named in Jud. vii. 14
only, apparently somewhere in the hill country
to the south-east of the Plain of Esdraclou
and of Dothain. The Syriac reading of th<,
word points to the place Acrabbein, mentioned
by Eusebius in the Ommattiam as the capital
of a district called AcrabaUine, and still stand-
ing as Akrabih, about 6 miles south-east of
Ek'ron, one of the five towns belonging to
the lords of the Philistines, and the most
northerly of the five (Josh. xiii. 3). Like the
other Philistine cities its situation was in the
lowlands. It fell to the lot of Judah /Josh. xv.
45, 46 ; Judg. i. 18), and indeed formed one of
the landmarks on his north border, (he bound-
ary running from thence to the SAa at Jab-
nbel. We afterwards, however, fin%l it men-
tioned among the cities of Dan (Josh. .cix. 43).
But it mattered little to which tribe it nomi-
nally belonged, for before the monarchy it was
again in mil possession of the Philistines
(1 Sam. v. 10). 'Alar, the modern represen-
tative of Ekron, lies at ahont 5 miles S. W. of
Ramleh, and 3 due E. of Yebna, on the northern
side of the important valley Wadij Surar. In
the Apocrypha it appears as Accaron (1 Mace,
x. 89, only), bestowed with its borders by
Alexander Balas on Jonathan Maccabasus as
a reward for his services. It was known in
the middle ages by the same name.
Ek'roniteS. This word appears in Josh,
xiii. 3, and 1 Sam. v. 10. In the former it
should be singular — " the Ekronite."
E'la, 1 Estl. ix. 27. [Elam.1 Ap.
El adah, a descendant of Epnraim through
Shuthelah (1 Chr. vii. 20).
Elah. L The son and successor of Baasha,
king of Israel (1 K. xvi.8-10) ; his reign lasted
for little more than a year (comp. ver. 8 with
10). He was killed, while drunk, by Zimri, in
the house of his steward Ana, who was proba-
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ELAM
232 .
EL-BETHEL
bly a confederate in the plot. — 2. Father of
Hoshea, the last king of Israel (2 K. xv. 30,
xvii. 1).
Elah. 1. One of the dukes of Edom
(Gen. xxxvi. 41; 1 Chr. i. 52). — 2. Shimei
ben-Elah, was Solomon's commissariat officer
in Benjamin (1 K. iv. 18). — 3. A son of Caleb
the son of Jephunneh (1 Chr. iv. 15). — 4. Son
of Uzzi, a Benjamin; (1 Chr. ix. 8), and one
of the chiefs of the tribe at the settlement of
the country.
Elah, the Valley of ( = Valley of the
Terebinth), a valley in (not " by," as the A.V.
has it) which the Israelites were encamped
against the Philistines when David killed
Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 2, 19). It is once more
mentioned in the same connection (xxi. 9).
We have only the most general indications of
its position. It lay somewhere near Socoh of
Judith, and Azckah, and was nearer Ekron
than any other Philistine town. So much may
be gathered from the narrative of 1 Sam. xvii.
Socoh has been with great probability identified
with SuweikeA, near to Beit Netif, some 14 miles
8. W. of Jerusalem, on the road to Beit jibrin
and Gaza. The village stands on the south
slopes of the Wady a Sumt, or Valley of the
Acacia. There seems no reason to doubt that
this is the Valley of the Terebinth. It has
changed its name, and is now called after
another kind of tree, but the terebinth appears
to be plentiful in the neighborhood. The tra-
ditional " Valley of the Terebinth " is the
Wady Beit Ilanina, which lies about 4 miles
to the N. W. of Jerusalem, and is crossed by
the road to Nebi Samvcil.
IMam seems to hare been originally the
name of a man, the son of Shem (Gen. x. 22 ;
1 Chr. i. 17). Commonly, however, it is used
as the appellation of a country (Gen. xiv. 1,9 ;
Is. xi. 11, xxi. 2; Jer. xxv. 25, xlix. 34-39;
Ez. xxxii. 24; Dan. viii. 2). The Elam of
Scripture appears to be the province lying
south of Assyria and cast of Persia Proper, to
which Herodotus gives the name of Cissia
(iii. 91, v. 49, &c.), and which is termed Susis
or Susiana by the geographers. It includes a
portion of the mountainous country separating
between the Mesopotamian plain and the high
table-land of Iran, together with a fertile and
valuable low tract at the foot of the range, be-
tween it and the Tigris. It appears from Gen.
x. 22, that this country was originally peopled
by descendants of Shem, closely allied to the
Aramteans (Syrians) and the Assyrians ; and
from Gen. xiv. 1-12, it is evident that by the
time of Abraham a very important power had
been built up in the same region. It is plain
that at this early time the predominant power
in Lower Mesopotamia was Elam, which for a
while held the place possessed earlier by Baby-
lon (Gen. x. 10), and later by either Babylon
or Assyria. Discoveries made in the country
itself confirm this view. The Elamitic empire
established at this time was, however, but of
short duration. Towards the close of the As-
syrian period she is found allied with Babylon
and engaged in hostilities with Assyria; but
she seems to have declined in strength after
the Assyrian empire was destroyed. It is un-
certain at what time the Persians added Elam
to their empire. Possibly it only fell under
their dominion together with Babylon ; bat
there is some reason to think that it may have
revolted and joined the Persians before the city
was besieged (see Is. xxi. 2, xxii. 6). She now
became merged in the Persian empire, forming
a distinct satrapy. Susa, her capital, was made
the ordinary residence of the court, and the
metropolis of the whole empire. — 2. A Kor-
hite Levite, fifth son of Mesnelemiah ; one of
the Bcne-Asaph, in the time of Ring David
(1 Chr. xxvi. 3). — 3. A chief man of the
tribe of Benjamin, one of the sons of Shishak
(1 Chr. viii. 24).— 4. " Children of Elam," to
the number of 1,254, returned with Zcrobbabei
from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 7 ; Nch. vii. 12 ; 1 Esd.
v. 12), and a further detachment of 71 men
with Ezra in the second caravan (Ezr. viii. 7 ;
1 Esd. viii. 33). Elam occurs amongst the
names of those, the chief of the people, who
signed the covenant with Kehcmiah (Nen. x. 1 4).
— 5. In the same lists is a second Elam, whose
sons, to the same number as in the former case,
returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 31 ; Nch. vii.
34), and which for the sake of distinction is
called "the other Elam." — 6. One of the
priests who accompanied Kehcmiah at the
dedication of the new wall of Jerusalem (Nch.
xii. 42).
ElamiteB. This word is found only in
Ezr. iv. 9 ; and is omitted in that place by the
Septuagint writers, who probably regarded it
as a gloss upon " Susancnites," which had oc-
curred only a little before. The Elamitcs were
the original inhabitants of the country called
Elam ; they were descendants of Shem, and
perhaps drew their name from an actual man
Elam (Gen. x. 22). In Jud. i. 6 the namo is
given in the Greek form as Eltilsaks.
El'asah. 1. One of the Bcne-Pashnr, a
priest, in the time of Ezra, who had married
a Gentile wife (Ezr. x. 22). — 2. Son of Sha-
phan ; one of the two men who were sent on
a mission by King Zedekiah to Nebuchadnezzar
at Babylon (Jer. xxix. 3).
Elath, Eloth, the name of a town of the
land of Edom, commonly mentioned together
with Ezion-geber, and situate at the bead of
the Arabian Gulf, which was thence called the
Elanitic Gulf. It first occurs in the account
of the wanderings (Dent. ii. 8), and in later
times must have come under the rule of David
in his conquest of the land of Edom (2 Sam.
viii. 14). We find the place named again in
connection with Solomon's navy (1 K. ix. 26 ;
comp. 2 Chr. viii. 17). It was apparently in-
cluded in the revolt of Edom against Joram
recorded in 2 K. viii. 20; but it was taken by
Azariah (xiv. 22). After this, however, " Rezin
king of Syria recovered Elath, and drave out
the Jews from Elath, and the Syrians came to
Elath and dwelt there to this day" (xvi. 6).
From this time the place is not mentioned until
the Roman period, during which it became a
frontier town of the south, and the residence
of a Christian bishop. The Arabic name is
Eyleh. VTnder the rule of the Greeks and
Romans it lost its former importance ; bnt in
Mohammedan times it again became a place
of some note. It is now quite insignificant.
El-Beth'el, the name which Jacob is said
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ELDER
288
ELEAZAR
to hare bestowed on the place at which God
appeared to him when he was flying from Esau
(Gen. xxt. 7).
jBTcUk. one of the forefathers of Judith,
and therefore belonging to the tribe of Simeon
(Jod. viii. 1 ). Ap.
KTdaah (Gen. xxt. 4; 1 Chr. i. 33), the
last, in order, of the sons of Midian. No sat-
isfactory trace of the tribe which we may sup-
pose to hare taken the appellation has yet been
ETdad and Me'dad, two of the 70 elders
a> whom was communicated the prophetic
power of Moses (Nnm. xi. 16, 26)'. Although
their names were upon the list which Moses
had drawn up (xi. 26), they did not repair with
the rest of their brethren to the tabernacle, bnt
continued to prophesy in the camp. Moses, be-
ing requested by Joshua to forbid this, refused
so do so, and expressed a wish that the gift
of prophecy might be diffused throughout the
people. The mode of prophecy in the case of
Eldad and Medad was probably the extempore
production of hymns, chanted forth to the
people (Hammond): comp. the case of Saul,
1 Sam, x. 11.
SldeT. The term elder or old man, as the
Hebrew literally imports, was one of extensive
use, as an official title, among the Hebrews and
the surrounding nations. It had reference to
various offices (Gen. xxiv. 2, 1. 7 ; 2 Sam. xii.
17 ; Ex. xxvii. 9). As betokening a political
offior, it applied not only to the Hebrews, but
also to the Egyptians (Gen. 1. 7), the Moabites,
and Midianites (Num. xxii. 7). Wherever a
patriarchal system is in force, the office of the
■Uer will be found, as the keystone of the social
and political fabric ; it is so at the present day
among the Arabs, where the Sheik (= the
aid sua) is the highest authority in the tribe.
The earliest notice of the Men acting in con-
cert as a political body is at the time of the
E T nHn« They were the representatives of
the people, so much so that Ma% and people
are occasionally used as equivalent terms
(comp. Josh. xxiv. 1 with 2, 19, 21 ; 1 Sam.
Tin. 4 with 7, 10, 19). Their authority was
undefined, and extended to all matters con-
cerning the public weal. When the tribes be-
came settled the elders were distinguished by
different titles according as they were acting as
national representatives, as district governors
over the several tribes (Dent. xxxi. 28 ; 2 Sam.
xix. 1 1 ), or as local magistrates in the provin-
cial towns, whou duty it was to sit in the gate
and administer Justin (Deut. xix. 12 ; Ruth
ir. 9, II; 1 K. xxi- *). Their number and
influence may be inferred from 1 Sam. xxx.
26 ft They retained their position under all
the political changes which the Jews under-
went : under the Judges (Jndg. ii. 7 ; 1 8am.
hr. 3) ; under the kings (2 Sam. xvii. 4) ; dur-
ing the captivity ( Jer. xxix. 1 ; Ez. viii. 1 ) ;
subsequently to the return (Ear. v. 5, vi. 7, 14,
x. 8, 14) ; under the Maccabees, when they
were described sometimes as the senate ( 1 Mace,
xii. 6 ; 2 Mace. i. 10, ir. 44, xi. 27), sometimes
by their ordinary title ( 1 Mace. vii. 33, xi. 23,
xii- 35) ; and, lastly, at the commencement of
the Christian era, when they are noticed as a
distinct body from the Sanhedrija. St. Luke
30
describes the whole order by the collective term
TtptoPvTipim (Lnke xxii. 66 ; Acts xxii. 5).
STead, a descendant of Ephraim (1 Car.
vii. 21).
Ele'alell, a place on the east of Jordan,
in the pastoral country, taken possession of
and rebuilt by the tribe of Reuben (Num.
xxxii. 3, 37). By Isaiah and Jeremiah it is
mentioned as a Moabite town (Is. xv. 4, xvi.
9 ; Jer. xlviii. 34). The extensive ruins of
the place are still to be seen, bearing very
nearly their ancient name, El-A'ai, a little more
than a mile N. of Heshbon.
Ele'asa, a place at which Judas Maccabama
encamped before the fatal battle with Bacchi-
des, in which he lost his life ( 1 Mace. ix. 5). It
was apparently not far from Azotus (comp.
15). Ap.
Ele'asah. L Son of Helez, one of tho
descendants of Judah, of the family of Hezron
(1 Chr. ii. 39). — 2. Son of Kapha, or Repha-
iah ; a descendant of Saul through Jonathan
and Merib-baol or Mephibosheth (1 Chr. viii.
37,ix. 43).
ELea'zar. L Third son of Aaron, by Eli-
sheba, daughter of Amminadab. After tho
death of Nadab and Abihu without children
(Lev. x. 1 ; Num. iii. 4), Eleazar was appointed
chief over the principal Levites (Nnm. iii. 32).
With his brother .Uhamar he ministered as a
Sriest during their father's lifetime, and imme-
iately before his death was invested on Mount
Hor with the sacred garments, as the successor
of Aaron in the office of high-priest (Num. xx.
28). One of his first duties was in conjunction
with Moses to superintend \be census of the
people (Num. xxvi. 3). After the conquest of
Canaan by Joshua he took part in the distribu-
tion of the land (Josh. xiv. 1 ). The time of
his death is not mentioned in Scripture. — 2.
The son of Abinadab, of the hill o! Kiriath-
jearim ( I Sam. vii. 1 ). — 3. The son of Dodo
the Ahohite, — i.e., possibly a descendant of
Ahoah of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii.
4) ; one of the three principal mighty men of
David's army (2 Sam. xxiii. 9 ; 1 Chr. xi. 12).
— 4. A Merarite Levite, son of Mahli, and
grandson of Merari (1 Chr. xxiii. 21, 22, xxiv.
28). — 6. A priest who took part in the feast
of dedication under Nehcmiah (Neh. xii. 42).
— 6. One of the sons of Parosh ; an Israelite
(i.e. a layman) who had married a foreign wife,
and had to put ber away (Ezr. x. 25; 1 Esdr.
ix. 26). — 7. Son of Phmehas a Levite (Esr.
viii. 33 [1 Esdr. viii. 63). — 8. Emcaza* sur-
named A varan (I Mace. ii. 5). The fourth
son of Mattathias, who fell by a noble act of
self-devotion in an engagement with Antiochus
Eupator, B.C. 164 (1 Mace. vi. 43 ff.). In a
former battle with Nicanor, Eleazar was ap-
pointed by Judas to read " the holy book " be-
fore the attack, and the watchword in the fight
— " The help of God " — was his own name
(2 Mace. viii. 23). — 9. A distinguished scribe
(2 Mace. vi. 18) of great age, who suffered
martyrdom during the persecution of Antiochus
Epiphanes (2 Mace. vi. 18-31). — 10. The fa-
ther of Jason, ambassador from Judas Macca-
bams to Rome (1 Mace. viii. 18). Ap.]. — 1L
The son of Eliud, in the genealogy of Jesus
Christ (Matt. i. 15).
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ELI
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ELIAKIM
Eleazu'rUB (1 Esd. ix. 24), Eliashib 4.
El-El'ohe-Is'rael, the name bestowed by
Jacob on the altar which he erected facing the
cityof Shechem (Gen. xxxiii. 19, 20).
ETeph, one of the towns allotted to Benja-
min, and named next to Jerusalem (Josh. xnii.
28).
Elephant. The word does not occur in
the text of the Canonical Scriptures of the A. V.,
but is found as the marginal reading to Behe-
moth, in Job xl. IS. "Elephants' teeth " is the
marginal reading for "ivory" in 1 K. x. 22;
2 Chr. ix. 41 . Elephants however are repeat-
edly mentioned in the 1st and 2d books of Mac-
cabees, as being used in warfare (1 Mace. vi.).
Eleu'therus, a river of Syria mentioned
in 1 Mace. xi. 7 ; xii. 30. In early ages it was
a noted border stream. According to Strabo
it separated Syria from Phoenicia, and formed
the northern limit of Coele-Syria. Of the iden-
tity of the Elentherus with the modern Nahr-
el-Ktbir, "Great River," there cannot be a
doubt. Its highest source is at the north-east-
em base of Lebanon; it sweeps round the
northern end of the range, through the open-
ing called in Scripture " the entrance of Ha-
math " (Num. xxxiv. 8) ; and falls into the
Mediterranean about 18 miles north of Tripolis.
Elha'nan. 1. A distinguished warrior in
the time of King David, who performed a mem-
orable exploit against the Philistines, though
in what that exploit exactly consisted, and who
the hero himself was, it is not easy to deter-
mine. — (a.) 2 Sam. xxi. 19 says that he was
the " son of Jaare Oregim the Bethlehemite,"
and that he " slew Goliath the Gittite, the staff
of whose spear was like a weaver's beam."
Here, in the A. V., the words " the brother of"
are inserted, to bring the passage into agree-
ment with, — (6.) 1 Chr. xx. 5, which states
that " Elhanan son of Jair (or Jaor) slew Lahmi
the brother of Goliath the Gittite, the staff of
whose spear," &c. Of these two statements
the latter is probably the more correct — the
differences between them being much smaller
in the original than in English. — 2. The son
of Dodo of Bethlehem, one of " the thirty "
of David's guard, and named first on the list
(2 Ram. xxiii. 24 ; 1 Chr. xi. 26).
Eli was descended from Aaron through
Ithamar, the youngest of his two surviving
sons (Lev. x. 1, 2, 12; comp. 1 K. ii. 27 with
2 Sam. viii. 17 ; 1 Chr. xxiv. 3). As the his-
tory makes no mention of nnv high-priest of
the line of Ithamar before Eli, he is generally
supposed to have been the first of that line who
hela the office. From him, his sons having
died before him, it appears to have passed to
his grandson, Ahitub (1 Sam. xiv. 3), and it
certainly remained in his family till Abiathar,
the grandson of Ahitub, was " thrust out from
being priest unto the Lord " by Solomon for
his share in Adonijah's rebellion (1 K. ii. 26,
27 ; i. 7). and the high-priesthood passed back
•gain to the family of Eleazar in the person of
Zodok (I K. ii. 35). Its return to the elder
branch was one part of the punishment which
had been denounced against Eli during his life-
time, for his culpable negligence (1 Sam. ii.
22-25) when his sons by their rapacity and
licentiousness profaned the priesthood, and
brought the rite* of religion into abhorrence
among the people (1 Sam. ii. 27-36, with 1 K.
ii. 27). Notwithstanding this one great blem-
ish, the character of Eli is marked by eminent
Siety, as shown by his meek submission to the
ivine judgment (1 Sam. iii. 18), and his su-
preme regard for the ark of God (iv. 18). In
addition to the office of high-priest he held that
of judge, being the immediate predecessor of
his pupil Samuel (1 Sam. vii. 6, 15-17), the last
of the judges. He died at the advanced age of
98 years (l Sam. iv. 15), overcome by the dis-
astrous intelligence that the ark of God had
been taken in battle by the Philistines, who
hod also slain his sons Hophni and Phinehas.
Eli'ab. 1. Son of Helon and leader of the
tribe of Zebulun at the time of the census in
the wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 9, ii. 7, vii.
24, 29, x. 16). — 2. A Renbenite, son of Pallet
or Phallu, father or progenitor of Dathan and
Abiram (Num. xxvi. 8, 9, xvi. 1, 12 ; Dent. xi.
6). — 8. One of David's brothers, the eldest of
the family (I Chr. ii. 13 ; 1 Sam. xvi. 6, xvii.
13, 28). Ilis daughter Abihail married her sec-
ond cousin Rehoboam, and bore him three chil-
dren (2 Chr. xi. 18) ; although it is difficult not
to suspect that the word " daughter " is here
used in the less strict sense of grand-daughter
or descendant. — 4. A Levite in the time of
David, who was both a " porter " and a musi-
cian on the "psaltery" (I Chr. xv. 18, 20, xvi.
5). — 6. One of the warlike Oadite leaders who
came over to David when he was in the wilder-
ness taking refuge from Saul (1 Chr. xii. 9).
— 6. An ancestor of Samuel the prophet; a
Kohathite Levite, son of Nahath (1 Chr. vi.
27). — 7. Son of Nathanael, one of the fore-
fathers of Judith, and therefore belonging to
the tribe of Simeon (Jud. viii. 1 ).
El'iada. 1. One of David's sons ; accord-
ing to the lists, the youngest but one of the
family born to him after his establishment in
Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 16 ; 1 Chr. iii. 8). From
the latter passage it appears that be was tbe
son of a wife and not of a concubine. — 2. A
mighty man of war, a Benjamite, who led 200,-
000 of his tribe to the army of Jehoshaphat
(2 Chr. xvii. 17).
ETiadah. Father of Rezon, the captain of
a marauding band of Zobah which annoyed
Solomon (IK. xi. 23).
El'iadas, 1 Esd. ix. 28. [Elicbkai.] Ap.
El'iadun, 1 Esd. v. 58. Possibly altered
from Henadad. Ap.
El'iah. 1. A Benjamite ; one of the sons
of Jeroham, and a chief man of the tribe (1
Chr. viii. 27). — 2. One of the Bene-Elam; an
Israelite (i.e. a layman) in the times of Ezra,
who hod married a foreign wife (Err. x. 26).
Eli'ahba, a Shaalbonite, one of the Thirty
of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 32; 1 Chr. xi.
33).
Eli'akim. 1. Son of Rilkiah ; master of
Hezckiah's household ("over the house," as Is.
xxxvi. 3), 2 K. xviii. 18, 26, 37. He succeeded
Shebna in this office, after he had been ejected
from it as a punishment for his pride (Is. xxii.
15-20). Eliakim was a good man, as appears
bv the title emphatically applied to him by
Or^, " my servant Eliakim ' (Is. xxii. 29), and
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KLIASHD3
285
ELIEZEK
as wu evinced by his conduct on the occasion
of S ennacheri b's invasion (S K. xviii. 37, xix.
1-5), and also in the discharge of the duties
of his high station, in which he acted as a
"father to the inhabitant* of Jerusalem, and to
the house of Judah" (Is. xxii. 21). It was a
special mark of the Divine approbation of his
character and conduct, of which however no
farther details have been preserved to us, that
he was raised to the post of authority and dig-
nity which he held at the time of the Assyrian
invasion. What this office was has been a
subject of some perplexity to commentators.
The ancients, including the LXX. and Jerome,
understood it of the priestly office. But it is
certain from the description of the office in Is.
xxii., and especially from the expression in ver.
23, that it was the King's house, and not the
House of God, of which Eliakim was prefect. —
2. The original name of Jeboiakim king of Ju-
dah (2 K. xxiii. 34 ; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 4).— 3. A
priest in the days of Nehemiah, who assisted at
the dedication of the new wall of Jerusalem
(Neh. xii. 41 ). — 4. Eldest son of Abiud, or
Judah ; brother of Joseph, and lather of Azor
(Matt. i. 13). — S. Son of Melea, and father of
Jonan (Lake iii. SO, 31 ).
Eli'ali, 1 Esd. be. 34. JBiirain.] Ap.
KTiam. 1. Father of Bathshcba, the wife
of David (2 Sam. xi. 3). In the list of 1 Chr.
iii. 5, the names of both father and daughter
ire altered, the former to Ammiel and the lat-
ter to Bathshca. — 2. Son of Ahithophel the
GQooite ; one of David's " thirty " warriors (2
Sam. xxiii. 34). The name is omitted in the
list of 1 Chr. xi., but is now probably dimly
discernible as " Ahijah the Pelonite." The an-
cient Jewish tradition preserved by Jerome is
that the two Eliams ore one and the same person.
SUao"nias, 1 Esd. viii. 31. [Eliikbnai.]
jBli'as, the form in which the name of Eli-
jah is given in the A. V. of the Apocrypha
sad N. Test. : Ecclos. xlviii. 1, 4, 12; 1 Mace.
u- 58; Matt. xi. 14, xvi. 14, xvii. 3, 4, 10, 11,
12, xxvii. 47, 49 ; Mark vi. 15, viii. 28, ix. 4, 5,
11, 12, 13, xr. 35, 36 ; I nke i. 1 7, iv. 25, 26, ix.
8, 19, 30, 33, 54 ; John i. 21, 25; Rom. xi. 2;
James v. 17. In Bom. xi. 2, the reference is
not to the prophet, but to the portion of Scrip-
ture designated by his name, the words being
"in Elias," not as in A. V. "of Elias."
Hi'aaaph. L Son of Deuel ; head of the
tribe of Dan at the time of the census in the Wil-
derness of Sinai ("Nuni. i. 14, ii. 14, vii. 42,
47, x. 20). — 2. Son of Lacl; a Lcvite, and
"chief of the house of the father of the Gcr-
thonite" at the same time (Num. iii. 24).
Eli'asllib. 1. A priest in the time of King
David, eleventh in the order of the ' governors
of the sanctuary (1 Chr. xxiv. 12). — 2. Asonof
Elksnai ; one of the latest descendants of tho
royal family of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 24). — 3.
High-priest at Jerusalem at the time of the re-
building of the walls under Nehemiah (Neh. iii.
1, 20, 21). iJis genealogy is given in xii. 10,
22, 23. — 4. A singer in the time of Ezra who
had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 24). — 6.
A son of Zattu (Ezr. x. 27), and — 6. A son
of Bani (x. 36), both of whom bad transgressed
■a the same manner.
Eli'uis, 1 Esd. ix. 34. This name an-
swers to Mattkxai in Ezr. x. 33 ; bnt is prob-
ably merely a repetition of Enasibos, just pre-
ceding it. Ap.
Ell'athah. one of the sons of Heman, a
musician in the Temple in the time of King
David (1 Chr. xxv. 4), who with twelve of his
sons and brethren baa the twentieth division of
the temple-service (xxv. 27).
ETidad, son of Chislon ; the man chosen to
represent the tribe of Benjamin in the division
of the land of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 21).
Eliel. 1. One of the heads of the tribe of
Manasseh on the east of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24).
— 2. SonofToah; a forefather of Samuel tho
prophet (1 Chr. vi. 34). — 3. One of the Beno-
Shimlii ; a chief man in the tribe of Benjamin
(1 Chr. viii. 20). — 4. Like the preceding, a
Beninmite, but belonging to the Bene-Shashak
(1 Chr. viii. 22). — 6. ,? The Mahavite;" ouo
of the heroes of David's guard in the extended
list of 1 Chr. (xi. 46). — 6. Another of tho samo
guard, bit without any express designation (xi.
47). — 7. One of the Oadite heroes who camo
across Jordan to David when be was in tho
wilderness of Judah hiding from Saul (1 Chr.
xii. II). — 8. A Kohothite Levi to, at die time of
the transportation of the Ark from tho House
of Obed-cdom to Jerusalem (1 Chr. xr. 9, 1 1 ). —
9. A Lcvite in the time of Hczckiah ; one of
the overseers of the offirings mado in the Tem-
plej! Chr. xxxi. 13).
Ellena'i, one or tuo Benc-Shimhi ; a de-
scendant of Benjamin, and a chief man in tho
tribe (1 Chr. viii. 20).
Elie'zer. L Abraham's chief servant, called
by him, as the passage is usually translated,
" Eliczcr of Damascus," or " that Damascene,
Eliczer " (Gen. xr. 2). There is a contradiction
in the A. v., for it does not appear how, if he
was " of Damascus," he could bo " born in Abra-
ham's house " (ver. 3). But tho phrase " son
of my house," only imports that he was ono
of Abraham's household, not that he was born
in his house. In the preceding verse, " tho
steward of my house," &c., should probably be
rendered " the son of possession," «.e. possessor
"of my house, shall be . . . Eliczer." It was,
most likely, this some Eliczcr who is descrilcd
in Gen. xxiv. 2. — 2. Second son of Moses and
Zipporah, to whom his father gave tn';« name,
"because, said he, the God of my father was
my help, that delivered me from the sword of
Pharaoh" (Ex. xviii. 4; 1 Chr. xxiii, 15, 17).
He remained with his mother and brother Gcr-
shom, in the care of Jcthro his grandfather,
when Moses returned to Egvpt (Ex. iv. 18),
she having been sent back to her father by Mo-
ses (Ex. xviii. 2), though she set off to accom-
pany him, and went part of the way with him.
— 3. One of the sons of Bccher, the son of Ben-
jamin (I Chr. vii. 8). — 4. A priest in the reign
of David (1 Chr. xv. 24). — 6. Son of Zichri,
ruler of the Reubenitcs in the reign of David ( 1
Chr. xxvii. 16). — 6. Son of Dodavah, of Ma-
reshah in Judah (2 Chr. xx. 37), a prophet,
who rebuked Jchoshaphat for joining himself
with Ahoziah king of Israel. — 7. A chief Isra-
elite — a " man of understanding " — whom Ez-
ra sent with others from Ahava to Casiphia, to
induce some Levites and Nothinim to acconv
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ELIJAH
236
KT-Ii'AB
pany him to Jeruselem (Est. viii. 16). — 8,
9, 10. A priest, a Levite, and an Israelite of
tb< sons of Harim, who, in the time of Ezra,
had married foreign wires (Ezr. x. 18, 23, 31).
— 11. Son of Jorim, in the genealogy of Christ
(Xukeii. 29).
Elihoena'i, son of Zerahiah, one of the
Bcne-Pahath-Moab, who with 200 men returned
from the Captivity with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 4).
Eliho'reph, son of Shisha, and one of Sol-
omon's scribes (1 K. iv. 3).
ElillU. L One of the interlocutors in the
book of Job. He is described as the " son of
Barochcl the Buzite," and thus apparently re-
ferred to the family of Buz, the son of Nahor,
and nephew of Abraham (Gen. xxii. 21). — 2.
Son of Pohu ; a forefather of Samuel the prophet
(1 Sam. i. 1). — 3. In 1 Chr. xxvii. 18, Elihu
"of the brethren of David" is mentioned as
the chief of the tribe of Judah. — 4. One of the
-captains of the thousands of Manassch ( 1 Chr.
xii. 20) who followed David to Ziklag after he
had left the Philistine vmy on the eve of the
battle of Gilboa, and who assisted him against
the marauding band of the Amolckitcs (comp.
1 Sam. xxx.). — 5. A Korhite Levite in the
time of David ; one of the doorkeepers of
the house of Jehovah. He was a son of She-
maiali, and of the family of Obed-edom (1 Chr.
xxvi. 7).
Elijah. L Elijah the Tishbite has
been well entitled " the grandest and the most
romantic character that Israel ever produced."
Certainly there is no personage in the O. T.
whose career is more vividly portrayed, or who
txerciscs on us a more remarkable fascination.
His rare, sudden, and brief appearances — his
undaunted courage and fiery zeal — the bril-
liancy of his triumphs — the pathos of his de-
spondency — the glory of his departure, and the
calm beauty of his re-appearance on the Mount
of Transfiguration — throw such a halo of
brightness around him as is equalled by none
■of his compeers in the sacred story. The igno-
rance in which we are left of the circumstances
and antecedents of the man who did and who
suffered so much, doubtless contributes to en-
hance our interest in the story and the charac-
ter. "Elijah the Tishbite of the inhabitants
-of Gilead is literally all that is given us to
know of his parentage and locality. To an Is-
raelite of the tribes west of Jordan the title
"Gileadite" must have conveyed a similar
impression, though in a far stronger degree, to
that which the title " Celt " does to us. What
the Highlands were a century ago to the towns
in the Lowlands of Scotland, that, and more
than that, must Gilead have been to Samaria or
Jerusalem. One of the most famous heroes in
the early annals of Israel was " Jephthah the
Gileadite," in whom all these characteristics
were prominent; and Professor Stanley has
well remarked how impossible it is rightly to
estimate his character without recollecting this
fact. With Elijah, of whom so much is told,
and whose part in the history was so much more
important, this is still more necessary. It is
seen at every turn. Of his appearance as he
" stood before " Ahab, with the suddenness of
motion to this day characteristic of the Bedou-
ins from his native hills, we can perhaps realize
something from the touches, few, bat strong, at
the narrative. Of his height little is to be in-
ferred ; that little is in favor of its being beyond
the ordinary size. His chief characteristic was
his hair, long and thick, and hanging down his
back ; which, if not betokening the immense
strength of Samson, yet accompanied powers of
endurance no less remarkable. His ordinary
clothing consisted of a girdle of skin round hu
loins, which he tightened when about to more
quickly (1 K. xviii. 46). But in addition to
this he occasionally wore the " mantle," or cape,
of sheep-skin, which has supplied us with one
of our most familiar figures of speech. In this
mantle, in moments of emotion, he would hide
his face (1 K. xix. 13), or when excited would
roll it up as into a kind of staff. On one occa-
sion we find him bending himself down upon
tho ground with his face between his knees.
The solitary life in which these external pecu-
liarities had been assumed had also nurtured
that fierceness of zeal and that directness of
address which so distinguished him. It was in
the wild loneliness of the hills and ravines of
Gilead that the knowledge of Jehovah, the li>
ing God of Israel, had been impressed on his
mind, which was to form the subject of hi* mis-
sion to the idolatrous court and country of
Israel. The northern kingdom had at this time
forsaken almost entirely the faith in Jehovah.
The worship of the calves had been a departure
from Him; it was a violation of His command
against material resemblances; but still it would
appear that even in the presence of the calves
Jehovah was acknowledged, and they were at
any rate a national institution, not one import-
ed from the idolatries of any of the surrounding
countries. But the case was quite different
when Ahab introduced the foreign religion of
his wife's family, the worship of the Phoenician
Bool. It is as a witness against these two evils
that Elijah comes forward. — 1. What we may
call the first Act in his life embraces between
three and four years — three years and six
months for the duration of the drought, ac-
cording to the statements of the New Testament
(Luke iv. 25; James v. 17), and three or four
months more for the journey to Horcb, and the
return to Gilead (1 K. xvii. 1-xix. 21). His
introduction is of the most startling descrip-
tion : he suddenly appears before Ahab, as with
the unrestrained freedom of Eastern manners
he would have no difficulty in doing, and pro-
claims the vengeance of Jehovah for the apos-
tasy of the king. What immediate action fol-
lowed on this we are not told ; but it is plain
that Elijah had to fly before some threatened
vengeance cither of the king, or more probably
of the queen (comp. xix. 2). Perhaps it was at
this juncture that Jezebel " cut off the prophets
of Jehovah " ( 1 K. xviii. 4). He was directed
to the brook Cherith. There in the hollow of
the torrent-bed he remained, supported in the
miraculous manner with which we are all famil-
iar, till the failing of the brook obliged him to
forsake it. His next refuge was at Zarephatb,
a Phoenician town lying between Tyre and Si-
don, certainly the last place at which the enemy
of Baal would be looked for. The widow wo-
man in whose house he lived seems, however, to
have been an Israelite, and no Baal-worshipper,
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ELIJAH
287
ELIJAH
if we may take her adjuration by " Jehovah thy
God "as an indication. Here Elijah performed
the miracles of increasing the oil and the meal,
■iad restored the son of the widow to life after
his apparent death. In this, or some other re-
treat, an interval of more than two years most
have elapsed. The drought continued, and at
last the fall horrors of famine, caused by the
failure of the crops, descended >•. Samaria.
The sing and his chief domesr- officer divided
between them the mournful uoty of ascertain-
ing that neither round the springs, which are
so frequent a feature of Central Palestine, nor
in the nooks and crannies of the most shaded
torrent-beds, was th*re any of the herbage left,
which in those countries is so certain an indi-
cation of the presence of moisture. It is the
moment for the re-appearance of the prophet,
lie shows himself first to the minister. There,
suddenly planted in his path, is the man whom
be and 'his master have been seeking for more
than three years. Before the sudden appari-
tion of that wild figure, and that stern, unbro-
ken countenance, Obadiah could not but fall on
his face. Elijah, however, soon calms his agi-
tation — " As Jehovah of hosts liveth, before
wboir. I stand, I will surely show myself to
Ahab ; " and thus relieved of his fear, that, as
oa a former occasion, Elijah would disappear
before he could return with the king, Obadiah
departs to inform Ahab that the man they
seek is there Ahab arrived, Elijah makes his
charge — " Tfcou hast forsaken Jehovah and
followed the Baals." He then commands that
all Israel be collected to Mount Carmel with
the four hundred \ni fifty prophets of Baal,
and the four hundred of Asherah (Ashtaroth),
the latter being under the especial protection
of the queen. There are few more sublime
Morass in history than this. On the one hand
the solitary servait of Jehovah, accompanied
by his one attendant, with his wild snaggy
hair, his scanty garb and sheepskin cloak, but
with calm dignity of demeanor and the minut-
est regularity of procedure, repairing the ruined
altar of Jehovah with twelve stones, — on the
other hand the 850 prophets of Baal and Ash-
taroth, doubtless in all the rplendor of their
vestments (S K. x. 82), with I ne wild din of
their vain repetitions and the maddened fury of
their disappointed hopes, and the silent people
surrounding: alL The conclusion of the long
day need only be glanced at. The fire of Je-
hovah consuming both sacrifice and altar — the
prophets of Baal killed, it would seem by Eli-
jah's own hand (xviii. 40) — the king, with an
apathy almost unintelligible, eating and drink-
ing in the very midst of the carnage of his own
adherents — the rising storm — the ride across
the plain to Jezreel, a distance of at least 16
mQes ; the prophet, with true Arab endurance,
fanning before the chariot, but also with true
Arab instinct stopping short of the city, and
going no further than the " entrance of Jez-
reet? 8o far the triumph had been complete ;
but the spirit of Jezebel was not to be so easily
overcome, and her first act is a vow of ven-
geance against the author of this destruction.
Elijah takes refuge in flight. The danger was
great, and the refuge must be distant. The
first stage on the journey was Beersheha. Here
Elijah halted. His servant be left in the town ;
while he himself set nut alone into the wilder-
ness. His spirit is quite broken, and he wan-
ders forth over the dreary sweeps of those rocky
hills, wishing for death. But God, who had
brought His servant into this difficulty, provid-
ed him with the means of escaping from it.
The prophet was wakened from Lis dream of
despondency beneath the solitary bush of the
wilderness, was fed with the bread and the water
which to this day are all a Bedouin's require-
ments, and went forward, in the strength of '
that food, a journey of forty days to the mount
of God, even to Horeb. Here, in the cave, one
of the numerous caverns in those awful moun-
tains, he remained for certainly one night. In
the morning came the " word of Jehovah " —
the question, " What doest thou here, Elijah ? "
In answer to this invitation the Prophet opens
his griefs. The reply comes in that ambiguous
and indirect form in which it seems necessary
that the deepest communications with the hu-
man mind should be couched, to be effectual.
He is directed to leave the cavern and stand on
the mountain in the open air, face to face with
Jehovah. Then, as before with Moses (Ex.
xxxiv. 6), " the Lord passed by," — passed in
all the terror of His most appalling manifesta-
tions ; and penetrating the dead silence which
followed these, came tie myst nrious symbol —
the " still small voice ; " and, still as it was, it
spoke in louder accents to the wounded heart
of Elijah than the roar and blaze which bud
preceded it. To him no less unmistakably than
to Moses, centuries before, it was proclaimed
that Jehovah was " merciful und gracious, long-
suffering, and abundant in goodness and truth. '
Elijah knew the call, and at once stepping for-
ward, and hiding his face in his mantle, stood
waiting for the Divine communication. Three
commands were laid on him — three changes
were to be made. Of these throe « ommuids
the two first were reserved for Elisha to accom-
Elish ; the last only was executed by Elnah
imsclf. His first search was foi Elisha. Ap-
parently he soon found him ; we must conclude
at his native place, Abel-meholah. Elisha was
ploughing at the time, and Elijah "passed
over to nim" — possibly crossed the river —
and cast his mantle, the well-known sheepskin
cloak, upon him, as if, by that familiar action,
claiming him for his son. A moment of hesi-
tation, and then commenced that long period
of service and intercourse which continued till
Elijah's removal, and which after that time pro
cured for Elisha one of the best titles to esteem
and reverence — "Elisha the son of Shaphat,
who poured water on the hands of Elijah.
— 2. Ahab and Jezebel now probably believed
that their threats had been effectual, and that
they had seen the last of their tormentor. Af-
ter the murder of Naboth, Ahab loses no time
in entering on his new acquisition. But his
triumph was a short one. Elijah had received
an intimation from Jehovah of what was taking
place, and rapidly as the accusation and death
of Naboth had been harried over, he was there
to meet his ancient enemy on the very scene
of his crime. And then follows the curse, in
terms fearful to any Oriental — peculiarly ter-
rible to a Jew — and most of all significant to
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ELIJAH
ELKENAI
• successor of the apostate princes of the north-
ern kingdom. The whole of Elijah's denun-
ciation may possibly be recovered by putting
together the words recalled by Jehu, 2 K. ix.
26, 36, 37, and those given in 1 K. xxi. 19-25.
— 3. A space of three or four years now elapses
(comp. 1 K. xxii. 1, SI ; 2 K. i. 17) before
we again catch a glimpse of Elijah. Ahaziah
has met with a fatal accident, and is on his
death-bed (2 K. i. 1, 2 ; 1 K. xxii. 51). In his
extremity he sends to an oracle or shrine of
Baal at the Philistine town of Ekron, to ascer-
tain the issue of his illness. But the oracle is
nearer at hand than the distant Ekron. An
intimation is conveyed to the prophet, probably
at that time inhabiting one of the recesses of
Carmel, and, as on the former occasions, he
suddenly appears on the path of the messen-
gers, without preface or inquiry utters his mes-
sage of death, and as rapidly disappears. But
this check only roused the wrath of Ahaziah.
A captain was despatched, with a party of fifty,
to take Elijah prisoner. " Ana there came
down fire from heaven, and consumed him and
his fifty." A second party was sent, only to
meet the same fate. The altered tone of the
leader of a third party brought Elijah down.
But the king gained nothing. The message
was delivered to his face in the same words as
it had been to the messengers, and Elijah was
allowed to go harmless. — 4. It must have been
shortly after the death of Ahaziah that Elijah
made a communication with the southern king-
dom. When Jehoram the son of Jehoshapbat
began " to walk in the ways of the kings of
Israel," Elijah sent him a letter denouncing
his evil doings, and predicting his death (2 Chr.
xxi. 12-15). In its contents the letter bears a
strong resemblance to the speeches of Elijah,
while in the details of style it is very peculiar,
and quite different from the narrative in which
it is embedded. — 5. The closing transaction of
Elijah's life introduces us to a locality hereto-
fore unconnected with him. It was at Gilo al
— probably on the western edge of the hills of
Ephraim — that die prophet received the di-
vine intimation that his departure was at hand.
He was at the time with Elisha, who seems now
to have become his constant companion, and
whom he endeavors to persuade to remain be-
hind while he goes on an errand of Jehovah.
But Elishawill not so easily give up his master.
They went together to Bethel. Again Elijah
attempts to escape to Jericho, and again Elisha
protests that he will not be separated from
him. At Jericho he makes a final effort to
avoid what they both so much dread. But
Elisha is not to be conquered, and the two
set off across the undulating plain of burning
sand to the distant river, — Elijah in his man-
tle or cape of sheepskin, Elisha in ordinary
clothes. Fifty men of the sons of the proph-
ets ascend the abrupt Heights behind the town
to watch what happens in the distance. Talk-
ing as they go, the two reach the river, and
stand on the shelving bank beside its swift
brown current But they are not to stop even
here. It is as if the aged Gileadite cannot
rest till he again sets foot on his own side
of the river. He rolls np his mantle as into
a staff, and with his old energy strikes the
waters, — strikes them as if they were an en-
emy ; and they are divided hither and thither.
and they two go over on dry ground. "And it
came to pass as they still went on and >«'^~*.
that, behold, a chariot of fire and horses of fire,
and parted them both asunder, and Elijah went
up by the whirlwind into the skies. — And
here ends all the direct information which is
vouchsafed to us of the life and work of this
great Prophet. How deep was the impression
which he made on the mind of the nation may
be judged of from the fixed belief which many
centuries after prevailed that Elijah would
again appear for the relief and restoration of
his country. But on the other hand, the deep
impression which Elijah had thus made on bis
nation only renders more remarkable the de-
parture which the image conveyed by the later
references to him evinces, from that so sharply
presented in the records of his actual life.
With the exception of the eulogiums contained
in the catalogues of worthies in the book of
Jesus the son of Sirach (xlviii.) and 1 Mace- ii.
58, and the passing allusion in Luke ix. 54,
none of these later references allude to bis
works of destruction or of portent They all
set forth a very different side of his character
to that brought out in the historical narrative.
They speak of his being a man of like passions
with ourselves (James v. 17); of his kindness
to the widow of Sarepta (Luke iv. 25) ; of his
" restoring all things A (Matt xvii. 11);" turn-
ing the hearts of the fathers to the children,
and the disobedient to the wisdom of the just "
(Mai. iv. 5, 6 ; Luke i. 17). — 2. A priest of
the sons of Harim, who had married a foreign
wife (Ezr. x. 21).
El'ika, a Harodite, one of David's guard
(2 Sam. xxiii. 25).
Blim (Ex. xv. 27 ; Num. xxxiii. 9), the
second station where the Israelites encamped
after crossing the Red Sea. It is distinguished
as having had " twelve wells (rather ' foun-
tains ') of water, and threescore and ten palm-
trees. Laborde supposed Waia Uadt to be
Elim, the second of four wadys lying between
29° 7', and 29° 2C, which descend from the
range of et-Tih (here nearly parallel to the
shore), towards the sea. Dean Stanley says
" Elim must be Gkunmdd, U»ot, or Tmyib*."
Lepsius takes another view, that Elim is to be
found in W. Shubeikeh.
EMm'elech, a man of the tribt of Judah,
and of the family of the Hezronites, who dwelt
in Bethlehem-Ephratoh in the days of the
Judges. In consequence of a great dearth in
the land, he went with his wife Naomi, and his
two sons, Mahlon and Chilion, to dwell in
Moab, where he and his sons died without pos-
terity (Ruth i. 2, 3, &c.).
r&ioena'i. L Eldest son of Neariah, tho
son of Shemaiah ( 1 Chr. iii. S3, 24). — 2. Head
of a family of the Simeonites (1 Chr. hr. 36).
— 3. Head of one of the families of the sons of
Becher, the son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8). —
4. Seventh son of Meshelemiah, the son of
Kore, of the sons of Asapb, a Korhite Levite,
and one of the doorkeepers of the " house of
Jehovah " (1 Chr. xxvi. 3). — 5. A priest of
the sons of Pashur, in the days of Earn, one
; of those who had married foreign wives (Ezr.
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KLI8HA
239
EL1SHA
*- SI). He is possibly the same as — 6. who
ia mentioned in Neh. xii. 41, as one of the
priests who accompanied Nehemiah with trum-
pet* at the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem.
— 7. An Israelite, of the sons of Zattu, who
had also married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 27).
SUr/nas. 1. 1 Esd. ix. 22. [Eliowaj, 5.]
— 2. 1 Esd. ix. 33. [Euizik, 10.1 Ap.
XTiphal, son of Ur, one of David's guard
(I Chr. xi- 35). (Eliphilkt, 3.]
EUphal'at, 1 Esd. ix. 33. [Euphxlbt, 6.]
EUphal'et. 1. The last of the thirteen
sons born to David, after his establishment in
Jerusalem (2 Sam. t. 16; 1 Chr. xiv. 7).
[EursELET, 2.] — 2. 1 Esdr. viii. 39. [Eura-
bjjtt, 5.1
El'iphas. 1. The son of Esau and Adah,
and father of Teman (Gen. xxxvi. 4 ; 1 Chr. i.
35, 36). — 2. The chief of the "three friends"
of Job. He is called " the Temanite ; " hence
it is naturally inferred that he was a descend-
ant of Teman. On him falls the main burden
of the argument, that God's retribution in this
world is perfect and certain, and that conse-
quently suffering must be a proof of previous
sin (Job iv., v., xv., xxii.). The great truth
brought oat by him is the unapproachable ma-
jesty and parity of God (iv. 12-21, xv. 12-16).
EUph'eleli, a Merarite Levite; one of the
gate-keepers appointed by David to play on the
harp " on the Sheminith " on the occasion of
bringing ap the Ark to the city of David
(1 Chr. xv. 18, 21).
Khphel'ot- 1. The name of a son of Da-
vid, one of the children born to him after his
establishment in Jerusalem (1 Chr. iii. 6). — 2.
Another son of David, belonging also to the
Jerusalem family, and apparently the last of
his sons (1 Chr. iii. 6).— 3. Son of Ahasbal,
son of the Maachathite. One of the thirty
warriors of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 34).
— 4. Son of Eshek, a descendant of King Saul
through Jonathan (1 Chr. viii. 39). — 6. One
of the leaders of the Bene-Adonikam, who re-
turned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 13).
— 8. A man of the Bene-Hashum in the time
of Ezra who had married a foreign wife (Ezr.
x.33).
SUa/abetb, the wife of Zacharias and
■aother of John the Baptist. She was herself
of the priestly family, and a relation (Luke i.
381 of the mother of our Lord.
BlincfTIWj the form in which the name
Kluha appears in the A. V. of the Apocry-
pha and the N. T. (Ecclns. xlviii. 12 ; Luke
iv. 271.
SlTsha, son of Shaphat of Abel-meholah.
The attendant and disciple of Elijah, and sub-
sequently his successor as prophet of the king-
dom of Israel. The earliest mention of his
same is in the command to Elijah in the cave
at Horeb (1 K. xix. 16, 17). But our first in-
troduction to the future prophet is in the fields
of his native place. Abel-meholah was proba-
bly in the valley of the Jordan. Elijah, on his
way from Sinai to Damascus by the Jordan
valley, lights on his successor engaged in the
labors of the field. To cross to him, to throw
over his shoulders the rough mantle — a token
at once of israstiture with the prophet's office,
and of adoption as a son — was to Elijah but
the work of an instant, and the prophet strode
on as if what he had done were nothing —
" Go back again, for what have I done unto
thee?" Elisha was not a man, who, having
put his hand to the plough, was likely to look
back; be delayed merely to give the farewell
kiss to his father and mother, and preside at a
parting feast with his people, and then followed
the great prophet on his northward road Seven
or eight years must have passed between the
call of Elisha and the removal of his master,
and during the whole of that time we hear noth-
ing of him. But when that period had elapsed
he re-appears, to become the most prominent fig-
ure in the history of his country during the
rest of his long life. In almost every respect
Elisha presents the most complete contrast to
Elijah. -The copious collection of his sayings
and doings which, are preserved from the 3d to
the 9th chapter of the 2d book of Kings,
though in many respects deficient in that re-
markable vividness which we have noticed in
the records of Elijah, is yet full of testimonies
to this contrast Elijah was a true Bedouin
child of the desert. The clefts of the Cnerith,
the wild shrubs of the desert, the cave at Horcb,
the top of Carmel, were his haunts and hi*
restiug-places. If he enters a city, it is only to
deliver his message of fire, and be gone. Eli-
sha, on the other hand, is a civilized man, an
inhabitant of cities. And as with his manners
so with his appearance. The touches of the
narrative are *ery align. Vit we can gather that
bis dress was the ordinary garment of an Isra-
elite, the beoed, probably similar in form to the
long abbegeh of the modern Syruns (2 K. ii. 12),
that his hair was wom trimmed behind, in con-
trast to the disordered locks of Elijah (ii. S3,
as explained below), and that he need a walk-
ing-staff (iv. 29) of the kind ordinarily carried
by grave or aged citizens (Zech. viii. 4). If
from these external peculiarities we turn to th>
internal characteristics of the two, and to that
results which they produced on their contem-
poraries, the differences which they present are
highly instructive. In considering these differ-
ences the fact must not be lost sight of, that,
notwithstanding their greater extent and great-
er detail, the notices of Elisha really convey a
much more imperfect idea of the man than those
of Elijah. The prophets of the nation of Is-
rael — both the predecessors of Elisha, like
Samuel and Elijah, and his successors, like
Isaiah and Jeremiah — are represented to us as
preachers of righteousness, or champions of
Jehovah against false gods, or judges and de-
liverers of their country, or counsellors of then-
sovereign in times of peril and difficulty. Their
miracles and wonderful acts are introduced as
means towards these ends, and are kept in the
most complete subordination thereto. But with
Elisha, as he is pictured in these narratives, the
case is completely reversed. With him the
miracles are every thing, the prophet's work
nothing. The man who was for years the in-
timate companion of Elijah, on whom Elijah's
mantle descended, and who was gifted with a
double portion of his spirit, appears in these rec-
ords chiefly as a worker of prodigies, a pre-
dicter of future events, a revealer of secrets.
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ELISHA
240
ELISHA
and things happening out of sight or at a dis-
tance. The call of Elisha seems to have taken
place about four years before the death of Ahab.
He died in the reign of Joash, the grandson of
Jehu. This embraces a period of not less than
65 years, for certainly 55 of which he held the
office of "prophet in Israel" (2 K. v. 8). —
After the departure of his master, Elisha re-
turned to dwell at Jericho (2 K. ii. 18). The
town had been lately rebuilt (1 K. xvi. 34),
and was the residence of a body of the " sons
of the prophets" (2 K. ii. 5, 15). No one who
has visited the site of Jericho can forget how
prominent a feature in the scene are the two
perennial springs which rise at the base of the
steep hills of Quarantania behind the town.
One of the springs was noxious at the time
of Elisha's visit At the request of the nun of
Jericho he remedied this evil. He took salt in
a new vessel, and cast it into the water at its
source in the name of Jehovah. From the
time of Josephus to the present, the tradition
of the cure has been attached to the large spring
N. W. of the present town, which now bears,
probably in reference to some later event, the
name of Ain es-Sullan. — 2. We next meet
with Elisha at Bethel, in the heart of the coun-
try, on his way from Jericho to Mount Carmel
(2 K. ii. 23). His last visit had been made in
company with Elijah on their road down to
the Jordan (ii. 2). The road to the town winds
up the defile of the Wady Suweinit. Here the
boys of the town were clustered, waiting, as
they still wait at the entrance of the villages of
Palestine, for the chance passer-by. In the
short-trimmed locks of Elisha, how were they to
recognize the successor of the prophet, with
whose shaggy hair streaming over his shoulders
they were all familiar ? So with the license of
the Eastern children they scoff at the new-
comer as he walks by — "Go up, roundhead !
Si up, roundhead ! " For once Elisha assumed
e sternness of his master. He turned upon
them and cursed them in the name of Jehovah,
and we all know the catastrophe which fol-
lowed. — 3. Elisha extricates Jetioram king of
Israel, and the kings of Judah and Edom, from
their difficulty in the campaign against Moab,
arising from want of water (iii. 4-27). This
incident probably took place at the S. E. end
of the Dead Sea. — 4. The widow of one of
the sons of the prophets is in debt, and her two
sons are about to be taken from her and sold
as slaves. She has no property but a pot of
oil. This Elisha causes (in his absence, iv. 5)
to multiply, until the widow has filled with it
all the vessels which she could borrow. — 5.
The next occurrence is at Shunem and Mount
Carmel (iv. 8-37). The story divides itself
into two parts, separated from each other by
several years, (a.) Elisha, probably on his
way between Carmel and the Jordan Valley,
calls accidentally at Shunem. Here he is hos-
pitably entertained by a woman of substance,
apparently at that time ignorant of the char-
acter of her guest. There is no occasion here
to quote the details of this charming narrative.
(6.) An interval has elapsed of several years.
The boy is now old enough to accompany his
father to the corn-field, where the harvest is
proceeding. The fierce rays of the morning
sun are too powerful for him, and he is carried
home to his mother only to die at noon. She
says nothing of their loss to her husband, bat,
depositing her child on the bed of the man of
God, at once starts in quest of him to Mount
Carmel. No explanation is needed to tell
Elisha the exact state of the case. The heat
of the season will allow of no delay in taking
the necessary steps, and Gehazi is at once de-
spatched to run back to Shunem with the ut-
most speed. He takes the prophet's walking-
staff in his hand, which he is to lay on the face
of the child. The mother and Elisha follow in
haste. Before they reach the village the sun of
that long, anxious, summer afternoon must
have set Gehazi meets them on the road ; but
he has no re-assuring report to give: the placing-
of the staff on the face of the dead boy had
called forth no sign of life. Then Elisha en-
ters die house, goes up to his own chamber,
"ana he shut the door on them twain, and
prayec' unto Jehovah." The child is restored
to life. — 6. The scene now changes to Gilgal,
apparently at a time when Elisha was residing
there (iv. 38-41). The sons of the prophets
are sitting round him. It is a time of famine.
The food of the party must consist of any herbs
that can be found. "The great caldron is put
on at the command of Elisha, and one of the
company brings bis blanket full of such wild
vegetables as ne has collected, and empties it
into the pottage. But no sooner have they be-
gun their meal than the taste betrays the pres-
ence of some noxious herb, and they cry out,
" There is death in the pot, O man of God ! "
In this case the cure was effected by meal which
Elisha cast into the stew i,n the caldron. — 7.
(iv. 42-44.) This in all probability belongs to
the same time, and also to the same place, as the
preceding. A man from Baal-shalisha brings
the man of God a present of the first-fruits,
which under the law (Num. xviii. 8, 12 ; Deut
xviii. 3, 4) were the perquisite of the ministers
c* the sanctuary. — 8. The simple records of
these domestic incidents amongst the sons of
the prophets arc now interrupted by an occur-
rence of a more important character (v. 1-27).
The chief captain of the army of Syria, to
whom his country was indebted lor some signal
success, was afflicted with leprosy (v. 27). One
of the members of his establishment is an Is-
raelite girl, kidnapped by the marauders of
Syria in one of their forays over the border,
and she brings into that Syrian household the
fame of the name and skill of Elisha. The
news is communicated by Naaman himself to
the king. Benhadad had yet to learn the posi-
tion and character of Elisha. He writes to
the king of Israel a letter very characteristic of
a military prince. With this letter, and with •
present, and a full retinue of attendants (13,
15, 23), Naaman proceeds to Samaria, to the
honse of Elisha. Elisha still keeps in the back-
ground, and, while Naaman stands at the door-
way, contents himself with sending out a mes-
senger with the simple direction to bathe seven
times in the Jordan. The independent be-
havior of the prophet, and the simplicity of
the prescription, all combined to enrage Naa-
man. His slaves, however, knew how to deal
with the quick but not ungenerous temper of
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ELISHA
241
ELISHA
their master, and the result is that he goes
down to the Jordan and dips himself seven
times, " and his flesh canfe again like the flesh
of a little child, and he was clean." His first
business after his cure is to thank his benefac-
tor. He returns with his whole following ; and
this time he will not be denied the presence of
Elisha, bat making his way in, and standing be-
fore him, he gratefully acknowledges the power
of the God of Israel, and entreats him to ac-
cept the present which he has brought from
Damascus. Elisha is firm, and refuses the
oner, though repeated with the strongest ad-
juration. Bat Gehaxi cannot allow such treas-
ons thus to escape him. So he frames a story
by which the generous Naaman is made to send
back with him to Elisha's house a considerable
present in monev and clothes. He then went
ra and stood before his master as if nothing had
happened. But the prophet was not to be so
deceived. His heart haa gone after his servant
through the whole transaction, even to its mi-
nutest details, and he visits Gehaxi with the
tremendous punishment of the leprosy, from
which he has just relieved Naaman. — 9. (vi.
1-7.) We now return to the sons of the
prophets; bat this time the scene appears to bo
changed, and is probably at Jericho, and during
the residence of Elisha there. As one of them
via cutting at a tree overhanging the stream,
the iron of his axe flew off and sank into the
*ater. His cry soon brought the man of God
to his aid. The stream of the Jordan is deep
ap to the very bank, especially when the water
is so low as to leave the wood dry, and is more-
over so turbid that search would be useless.
But the place at which the lost axe entered the
water is shown to Elisha ; he breaks off a stick
and cuts it into the stream, and the iron ap-
pear! on the surface, and is recovered by its
possessor. — 10. (vi. 8-23.) Elisha is now re-
ading at Do than, half way on the road be-
tween Samaria and Jezreel. The incursions of
the Syrian marauding bands (comp. v. 2) still
continue, but apparently with greater boldness.
Their manoeuvres are not hid from the man of
God, and by his warnings he saves the king
"not once nor twice." A strong party with
chariots is despatched to effect the capture of
Hisha. They march by night, and before
morning take up their station round the base
of the eminence on which the ruins of Dothon
•till stand. Elisha's servant is the first to dis-
cover the danger. Bat Elisha remains un-
moved by bis fears. He prays to Jehovah, and
the whole of the Syrian warriors are struck
Wind. Then, descending, he offers to lead them
to the person and the place which they seek.
He conducts them to Samaria. There, at the
pnjrer of the prophet, their sight is restored, and
>«y find themselves, not in a retired country
T >Q&ge, bat in the midst of the capital of Israel,
•ad in the presence of the king and his troops.
After such a repulse it is not surprising that
the marauding foravs of the Syrian troops
«»sed. — u. (»i. 24-vii. 2.) But the king
of Syria could not rest under such dishonor.
He abandons his marauding system, and gath-
*• » regular army, with which he lays siege to
Swaria. The awful extremities to which the
inhabitants of the place were driven need not
ai
here be recalled. — 12. (viii. 1-6.) We now
go back several years to an incident connected
with the lady of Shunem, at a period antece-
dent to the cure of Naaman ana the transfer
of his leprosy to Gehaxi (v. 1, 27). Elisha
had been made aware of a famine which Je-
hovah was about to bring upon the land for
seven years ; and he bad warned his friend the
Shunamite thereof that she might provide for
her safety. At the end of the seven years she
returned to her native place, to find that during
her absence her house with the field-land at-
tached to it had been appropriated by some
other person. To the king, therefore, the Shu-
namite had recourse. And now occurred one
of those rare coincidences which it is impossi-
ble not to ascribe to something more than mere
chance. At the very moment of the entrance
of the woman and her son, the king was listen-
ing to a recital by Gehaxi of " all the great
things which Elisha hod done." The woman
was instantly recognized by Gehaxi. From
her own mouth the king hears the repetition of
the wonderful tale, and, whether from regard
to Elisha, or struck by the extraordinary coin-
cidence, orders her land to be restored with the
value of all its produce during her absence. —
13. (viii. 7-15.) Hitherto we have met with
the prophet only in his own country. We now
find him at Damascus. He is there to carry
out the command given to Elijah on Horeb to
anoint Haxacl to be king over Syria. At the
time of his arrival Bcnhouad was prostrate with
his last illness. The king's first desire is nat-
urally to ascertain his own fate ; and Hazael is
commissioned to be the bearer of a present to
the prophet, and to ask the question on the
part of his master, " Shall I recover of this
disease ? " The present is one of royal dimen-
sions ; a caravan of 40 camels, laden with the
riches and luxuries which that wealthy city
could alone furnish. The reply, probably ori-
ginally ambiguous, is doubly uncertain in the
present doubtful state of the 'Hebrew text ; but
the general conclusion was unmistakable : —
" Jehovah hath showed mo that ho shall surely
die." But this was not all that had been re-
vealed to the prophet. If Bcnhadad died, who
would be king in his stead but the man who
now stood before him t The prospect was one
which drew forth the tears of the man of God.
At Hazacl's request Elisha confesses the reason
of his tears. But the prospect is one which
has no sorrow for Hazael. His only doubt is
the possibility of such good fortune for one so
mean. " But what is thy slave, dog that he is,
that he should do this great thing ? " To
which Elisha replies, " Jehovah hath showed
me that thou wilt be king over Syria." Re-
turning to the king, Hazael tells him only half
the dark saying of the man of God — " He
told me that thou shouldcst surely recover."
But that was the last day of Bcnhadail's life.
— 14. (ix. 1-10.) Two of the injunctions laid
on Elijah had now been carried out ; the third
still remained. The time was come for the ful-
filment of the curse upon Almh by anointing
Jehu king over Israel. Elisha's personal share
in the transaction was confined to giving di-
rections to one of the sons of the prophets.
[Jkhu.] — 15. Beyond this we have no record
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ELIZAPHAN
242
ELON
of Elisha's having taken any part in the revolu-
tion of Jehu, or the events which followed it.
He does not again appear till we find him on
hU deathbed in his own house (xiii. 14-19). —
16. (xiii. 20-22.) The power of the prophet,
however, does not terminate with his death.
Even in the tomb he restores the dead to life.
Before closing this account of Elisha we must
not omit to notice the parallel which he pre-
sents to our Lord ; the more necessary, because,
unlike the resemblance between Elijah and John
the Baptist, no attention is called to it in the
New Testament. It is not merely because he
healed a leper, raised a dead man, or increased
the loaves, that Elisha resembled Christ, but
rather because of that loving, gentle temper, and
kindness of disposition, — characteristic of him
above all the saints of the O. T., — ever ready
to soothe, to heal, and to conciliate, which at-
tracted to him women and simple people, and
made him the universal friend and " father,"
not only consulted by kings and generals, but
resorted to by widows and poor prophets in
their little troubles and perplexities.
ELi'ahah, the eldest son of Javan (Gen.
x. 4). The residence of his descendants is de-
scribed in Ez. xxvii. 7, as the " isles of Eli-
shah," whence the Phoenicians obtained their
purple and blue dyes. Josephus identified the
race of Elishah with the jEolians. His view is
adopted by Knobel in preference to the more
generally received opinion that Elishah = Elis,
and in a more extended sense Peloponnesus, or
even Hellas. It appears correct to treat it as the
designation of a race rather than of a locality.
Elish'ama. 1. Son of Ammihud, the
" prince " or " captain " of the tribe of
Ephraira in the wilderness of Sinai (Num. i.
10, ii. 18, vii. 48, x. 22). From 1 Chr. vii. 26,
we find that he was grandfather to the great
Joshua. — 2. A son of King David, born to
him of his wives after his establishment in
Jerusalem (! Sam. v. 16 ; 1 Chr. iii. 8, xiv. 7).
^-3. Another son of David (1 Chr. iii. 6),
who in the other lists is called Elishca. — 4.
A descendant of Judah ; the son of Jckamiah
(1 Chr. ii. 41). — 6. The father of Nethaniah
and grandfather of Ishmael (2 K. xxv. 25 ;
Jer. xli. 1). — 6. Scribe to King Jehoiakim
(Jer. xxxvi. 12, 20, 21). — 7. A priest in the
time of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 8).
Elish'aphat. son of Zichri ; one of the
captains of hundreds in the time of Jehoiada
(2 Chr. xxiii. 1).
Elishe'ba, the wife of Aaron (Ex. vi. 23).
She was the daughter of Amminadab, and sis-
ter of Naashon the captain of the host of
Judah (Num. ii. 3).
Eliahu'a, one of David's sons, born after
his settlement in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 15; 1
Chr. xiv. 5).
EU'simufl, 1 Esd. ix. 28. [Ei.i asrib.] Ap.
Eli'u, one of the forefathers of Judith (Jud.
viii. 1). Ap.
El'iud, son of Achim in the genealogy of
Christ (Matt. i. 15).
Eliz'aphan. 1. A Levite, son of Uzziel,
chief of the house of the Kohathites at the
time of the census in the wilderness of Sinai
(Num. iii. 30). — 2. Son of Parnach; prince
of the tribe of Zebulun (Num. xxxiv. 25).
Elinor, son of Shedeur ; prince of the
tribe, and over the host of Reuben (Num. i. 5,
ii. 10, vii. 30, 35, x. 18).
ETkanah. L Son, or rather grandson
(see 1 Chr. vi. 22, 23 [7, 8]), of Korah, accord-
ing to Ex. vi. 24. — 2. A descendant of the
above in the line of Ahimoth, otherwise Ma-
hath, 1 Chr. vl. 26, 35 (Hebr. 11, 20). — 3.
Another Kohathite Levite, in the line of Heman
the singer. He was son of Jcroham, and
father of Samuel the illustrious Judge and
Prophet (1 Chr. vi. 27, 34). All that is known
of him is contained in the above notices and in
1 Sam. i. 1, 4, 8, 19, 21, 23, and ii. 2, 20. — 4.
A Levite (1 Chr. ix. 16). — 6. A Korhite who
joined David while he was at Ziklag (1 Chr.
xii. 6). — 6. An officer in the household of
Ahaz, king of Judah, who was slain by Zichri
the Ephraimite, when Pekah invaded Judah.
He seems to have been the second in com-
mand under the prefect of the palace (2 Chr.
xxviii. 7).
ETkosh, the birthplace of the prophet Na-
hum, hence called " the Elkoshite, Nah. i. 1.
Two widely differing Jewish traditions assign as
widely different localities to this place. In the
time of Jerome it was believed to exist in a
small village of Galilee. According to Schwartz,
the grave of Nahum is shown at Kefr Tunckum,
a village 24 English miles north of Tiberias.
But mediaeval tradition attached the fame of
the prophet's burial-place to Alkush, a village
on the east bank of the Tigris near the monas-
tery of Rabban Hormuzd, and about two miles
north of Mosul. The former is more in ac-
cordance with the internal evidence afforded by
the prophecy, which gives no sign of having
been written in Assyria.
Ellasar, the city of Arioch (Gen. xiv. 1 ),
seems to be the Hebrew representative of the
old Chaldean town called in the native dialect
Larta or Larancha. Larta was a town of Lower
Babylonia or Chaldasa, situated nearly half way
between Ur (Mvgheir) and Erech ( rYarka), on
the left bank of the Euphrates. It U now
Senkereh.
Elm, Hos. iv. 13. See Oak.
Elmo'dam, son of Er, in the genealogy of
Joseph (Luke hi. 28).
Elna'am.the father of Jeribai and Josha-
viah, two of David's guard, according to 1 Chr.
xi. 46.
ETnathan. 1. The maternal grandfather
of Jehoiacbin, distinguished as " E. of Jerusa-
lem" (2 K. xxiv. 8). He is doubtless the
same man with Elnathan the son of Achbor
(Jer. xx vi. 22, xxxvi. 12, 25). — 2. The name
of three persons, apparently Levites, in the time
of Ezra (Ezr. viii. 16).
Elon. 1. A Hittite, whose daughter was
one of Esau's wives (Gen. xxvi. 34, xxxvi. 2).
— 2. The second of the Jiree sons attributed
to Zebulun (Gen. xlvi. 14; Num. xxvi. 86) ;
and the founder of the family of the Elohitxs.
— 3. Elon the Zebulonite, who judged Israel
for ten years, and was buried in Aijalon in
Zebulun (Judg. xii. 11, 12).
Elon, one of the towns in the border of
the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 43). No town
corresponding in name has yet been dis-
covered.
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EMBALMING
243
EMBROIDERER
Blon-beth'-hanan, is named with two
Danite towns as forming one of Solomon's
commissariat districts (IK. ir. 9).
Slonites, the. Num. xxvi. 26. [Eloh,
Sloth. 1 K. ix. 26 ; S Chr. viii. 17, xxri.
». [Elath.]
Klpft'al, a Benjamite, son of Hnshim and
brother of Abitub (1 Chr. viii. 11). He was
the founder of a numerous family.
Elpalet, one of David's sons born in Je-
rusalem (1 Chr. xir. 5).
El-pa'ran. literally "the terebinth of
Paran ,i (Gen. xiv. 6). [Pabab.J
ETtekob, one of the cities in the border
of Dan (Josh. xix. 44), which with its sub-
urbs was allotted to the Kohatbitc Lerites
(xxi. 23).
ETtekon, one of the towns of the tribe of
Jadah, in the mountains (Josh. XT. 59). It
has not yet been identified.
El'tolad, one of the cities in the south of
Jadah (Josh. xv. 30) allotted to Simeon (Josh,
xix. 4), and in possession of that tribe until
the time of David (1 Chr. iv. 29).
JClul, Nehe. ti. 15; 1 Macca. xir. 27.
[MO!tTHS-l
Baal , one of the warriors of Benjamin,
whojoined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5).
Efymfle'ans, Jud. i. 6. [Elamiteb]
ETymas, the Arabic name of the Jewish
uncus or sorcerer Bar-jesus (Acts xiii. 6 ff.).
HTzabad. L One of the Gadite heroes
who came across the Jordan to David (1 Chr.
xu. 12). — 2. A Korhite Levite (1 Chr. xxvi.
?)•
aphan, second son of TTzziel, who was
the son of Kohath son of Levi (Ex. vi. 22).
Embalming, the process by which dead
bodies are preserved from putrefaction and de-
cay. It was most general among the Egyp-
tians, and it is is connection with this peoples
that the two instances which we meet with in
the 0. T. are mentioned (Gen. 1. 2, 26). Of
the Egyptian method of embalming there re-
sum two minute accounts, which have a gene-
ral kmd of agreement, though they diner in
details. Herodotus (ii. 86-89) describes three
nodes, varying in completeness and expense,
and practised by persons regularly trained to
the profession, who were initiated into the mys-
teries of the art by their ancestors. The most
costly mode, which is estimated by Diodorus
Sicnlus (i. 91 ) at a talent of silver, was said by
the Egyptian priests to belong to him whoso
name in such a matter it was not lawful to
mention, vix. Osiris. The embalmers first re-
stored part of the brain through the nostrils,
by means of a crooked iron, and destroyed the
rest by injecting caustic drugs. An incision
was then made along the flank with a sharp
Ethiopian stone, and the whole of the intestines
removed. The cavity was rinsed ont with
palm-wine, and afterwards scoured with pound-
ed perfumes. It was then filled with pure
myrrh pounded, cassia, and other aromatics,
except frankincense. This done, the body was
sewn np and steeped in natron for seventy
davs. When the seventy days were accom-
plished, the embalmers washed the corpse and
swathed it in bandages of linen, cut in strips
and smeared with gum. They then gave it up
to the relatives of the deceased, who provided
for it a wooden case, made in the shape of a
man, in which the dead was placed, and de-
posited in an erect position against the wall
of the sepulchral chamber. Diodorus Sicnlus
gives some particulars of the process which
are omitted by Herodotus. The second mode
of embalming cost about 20 minav In this
case no incision was made in the body, nor
were the intestines removed, but cedar-oil was
injected into the stomach by the rectum. The
oil was prevented from escaping, and the body
was then steeped in natron for the appointed
number of days. On the last day the oil was
withdrawn, and carried off with it the stomach
and intestines in a state of solution, while the
flesh was consumed by the natron, and nothing
was left but the skin and bones. The body in
this state was returned to the relatives of the
deceased. The third mode, which was adopted
by the poorer classes, and cost but little, con-
sisted in rinsing out the intestines with syr-
nuea, an infusion of senna »nd cassia, and
steeping the body for the usual number of days
in natron. The medicaments employed in
embalming were various. From a chemical
nnalysis of the substances found in mummies,
M. Rouellc detected three modes of embalm-
ing — 1. with asphaltum, or Jew's pitch, called
also funeral gum, or gum of mummies ; 2. with a
mixture of asphaltum and ccdria, the liquor
distilled from the cedar ; 3. with this mixture
together with some resinous and aromatic in-
gredients. The powdered aromatics mentioned
by Herodotus were not mixed with the bitumi-
nous matter, but sprinkled into the cavities of
the body. It does not appear that embalming,
properly so called, was practised by the He-
brews.
Embroiderer. This term is given in the
A. V. as the equivalent of rdlcem, the produc-
tions of the art being described as " needle-
work" (rikmah). In Exodus the embroiderer
is contrasted with the "cunning workman"
tchdsheb). Various explanations nave been of-
fered as to the distinction between them, but
most of these overlook the distinction marked
in the Bible itself, viz. that the rik&m wove sim-
ply a variegated texture, without gold thread
or figures, and that the ch6shS> interwove gold
thread or figures into the variegated texture.
The distinction, as given by the Talmudists, is
this, that rikmah, or " needlework," was where
a pattern was attached to the stuff by being sewn
on to it on one side, and the work of the cMsheb
when the pattern was worked into the stuff by
the loom, and so appeared on both sides. Thi*
view appears to be entirely inconsistent with
the statements of the Bible, and with the sense
of the word rikmah elsewhere. The absence of
the figure or the gold thread in the one, and its
presence in the other, constitute the essence of
the distinction. Again, looking at the general
sense of the words, we shall find that chdtheo
involves the idea of invention, or designing pat-
terns ; rikmah, the idea of texture as well as
variegated color. Further than this, rikmah in-
volves the idea of a regular disposition of colors,
which demanded no inventive genius. We
have lastly to notice the incorrect rendering of
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EMMAUS
244
ENCAMPMENT
the Heb. word sltabats in the A. V. — " broidcr,"
"embroider" (Ex. xxviii. 4, 39). It meuns
ctuff worked in a tessellated manner, i.e. with
square cavities such as stones might be set in
(comp. ver. 20). The art of embroidery by
the loom was extensively practised among the
nations of antiquity. In addition to the Egyp-
tians, the Babylonians were celebrated for it ;
but embroidery in the proper sense of the term,
ijt. with the needle, was a Phrygian invention
of later date (Plin. viii. 48).
Emerald, a precious stone, first in the
second row on the Breastplate of the high-priest
(Ex. xxviii. 18, xxxix. 11), imported to Tyro
from Syria (Ez. xxvii. 16), used as a seal or sig-
net (Ecclus. xxxii. 6), as an ornament of cloth-
ing and bedding (Ez. xxviii. 13 ; Jud. x. 21 ),
and spoken of as one of the foundations of
Jerusalem (Rev. xxi. 19; Tob. xiii. 16). The
rainbow round the throne is compared to emer-
ald in Rev. iv. 3.
Emerods (Ilcb. 'Spholim, tSch&rtm ; Deut.
xxviii. 27; 1 Sam. v. 6, 9, 12, vi. 4, 5, 11).
The probabilities as to the nature of the disease
are mainly dependent on the probable roots of
these two Hebrew words. It appears that the
former word means the disease, and the bitter
the part affected, which must necessarily have
been included in the actually existing image,
and have struck the eye as the essential thing
represented, to which the disease was an inci-
dent. As some morbid swelling, then, seems
the most probable nature of the disease, so no
more probable conjecture has been advanced
than that hemorrlioiaal fumora„or bleeding piles,
are intended. These are very common in Syria
at present, Oriental habits of want of exercise
and improper food producing derangement of
the liver, constipation, &c., being such as to
cause them.
E'mims, a tribe or family of gigantic stat-
ure which originally inhabited the region along
the eastern side of the Dead Sea. They were
related to the Anakim, and were generally
called by the same name ; but their conquerors
the Moabitcs termed them Emim — that is " ter-
rible men" (Deut. ii. 11) — most probably on
account of their fierce aspect.
Emmanuel, Matt. i. 23. [Immanuel.]
Emma'UB, the village to which the two
disciples were going when our Lord appeared
to them on the way, on the day of His resurrec-
tion (Luke xxiv. 13). Luke makes its distance
from Jerusalem sixty stadia (A. V. " threescore
furlongs "), or about 74 miles ; and Josephus
mentions " a village called Emmaus " at the
same distance. From the earliest period of
which we have any record, the opinion prevailed
among Christian writers that the Emmaus of
Luke was identical with the Emmaus on the
border of the plain of Philistia, afterwards
called Nieopolis, and which was some 20 miles
from Jerusalem. Then, for some reason un-
known to us, it began to be supposed that the
site of Emmaus was at the little village of Au-
betbeJi, about 3 miles west of AVfcy Samvril ( the
ancient Mizpeh), and 9 miles from Jerusalem.
There is not, however, a shadow of evidence for
this supposition. In fact the site of Emmaus
remains yet to be identified.
Emma'us, or Nicop'olis (l Mace. Hi.
40), a town in the plain of Philistia, at the foot
of the mountains of Judah, 22 Roman miles
from Jerusalem, and 10 from Lydda. It was
fortified by Baeehidcs, the general of Antiochas
Epiphanes, when be was engaged in the war
with Jonathan Maccabeus ( 1 Mace. ix. SO). It
was in the plain beside this city that Jndas Mac-
calueus so signally defeated the Syrians with •
mere handful of men, as related in 1 Mace. iii.
57, iv. 3, &c. A small miserable village called
'Amnios still occupies the site of the ancient
city. Ap.
Em'mer, l Esd. ix. 21. [Immek.] Ap.
Em'mor, the father of Sychem (Acts vii.
16). [Hamob.]
Enam, one of the cities of Judah in the
Shefelah or lowland (Josh. xv. 34). From its
mention with towns which are known to have
been near Timnath, this is very probably the
place in the " doorway " of which Tamar sat
before her interview with her father-in-law ( Gen.
xxxviii. 14).
E'nan. Ahira bcn-Enan was " prince " of
the tribe of Naphtali at the time of the number-
ing of Israel in the wilderness of Sinai (Num.
i. 15).
Ena'sibus, 1 Esd. ix. 34. [Eliabkib.] Ap.
Encampment (Hcb. machaneh, in all
places except 2 K. vi. 8, where tachindtk is
used). The word primarily denoted the rest-
ing-place of an army or company of travellers
at night (Ex. xvi. 13 ; Gen. xxxii. 21 ), and was
hence applied to the army or caravan when on
its march (Ex. xiv. 19 ; Josh. x. 5, xi. 4 ; Gen.
xxxii. 7, 8). Among nomadic tribes war never
attained to the dignity of a science, and their en-
campments were consequently devoid of all the
appliances of more systematic warfare. The
description of the cainp of the Israelites, on
their march from Egypt (Num. ii., iii.), sup-
plies the greatest amount of information on the
subject : whatever else may be gleaned is from
scattered hints. The tabernacle, corresponding
to the chieftain's tent of an ordinary encamp-
ment, was placed in the centre, and around and
facing it (Num. ii. 1), arranged in four grand
divisions, corresponding to the four points of
the compass, lay the host of Israel, according
to their standards (Num. i. 52, ii. 2). In the
centre, round the tabernacle, and with no stand-
ard but the cloudy or fiery pillar which rested
over it, were the tents of the priests and Le-
vites. The former, with Moses and Aaron at
their head, were encamped on the eastern side.
The order of encampment was preserved on the
march (Num. ii. 17), the signal for which was
given by a blast of the two silver trumpets
(Num. x. 5). In this description of the order
of the encampment no mention is made of sen-
tinels, who, it is reasonable to suppose, were
placed at the gates (Ex. xxxii. 26, 27) in the
four quarters ot the camp. This was evidently
the case in the camp of the Levites (comp. 1
Chr. ix. 18, 24 ; 2 Chr. xxxi. 2). The sanitary
regulations of the camp of the Israelites were
Ibr the twofold purpose of preserving the health
of the vast multitude and the purity of the
camp as the dwelling-place of God (Num. v. 3 ;
Dent, xxiii. 14). The execution of criminals
took place without the camp (Lev. xxiv. 14;
Num. xv. 35, 36 ; Josh. vii. 24), as did the bum-
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ENCHANTMENTS
245
ENGEDI
big of the young bullock for the sin-offering
(Lev. ■▼. 13). These circumstances combined
explain Heb. xiii. 12, and John xix. 17, 20.
High ground appears to hare been uniformly
•elected for the position of a camp, whether it
were on a hul or mountain side, or in an inacces-
sible pass (Judg- rii. 18). The carelessness of
the Midianites in encamping in the plain ex-
posed them to the night surprise by Gideon,
and resulted in their consequent discomfiture
(Judg. ri. 33, rii. 8, 12). Bnt another impor-
tant consideration in fixing upon a position for
a camp was the propinquity of water : hence it
is found that in most instances camps were
pitched near a spring or well (Judg. rii. 3 ; 1
Msec ix. 33). The camp was surrounded by
the ma'yaldh (1 Sam. xrii. 20), or ma' gal (I Sam.
xxvt 5, 7), which some explain as an earthwork
thrown up round the encampment, others as the
harrier formed by the baggage-wagons. We
burr that, in the case of a siege, the attacking
artsy, if possible, surrounded the place at-
tacked (1 Mace xiii. 43), and drew about it a
Ene of rircumrallation (2 K. xxv. 1), which
was marked by a breastwork of earth (Is. lxii.
10; Ex. xxi. 27 [22] ; comp. Job xix. 12) for the
doable purpose of preventing the escape of the
be sie ged and of protecting the besiegers from
their sallies. But there was not so much need
of a formal intrenchment, as but few instances
occur in which engagements were fought in the
camps themselves, and these only when the at-
tack was made at night. To guard against
then attacks, sentinels were posted (Judg. rii.
20; 1 Mace, xn 27) round the camp, and the
neglect of this precaution by Zeban and Zal-
mnnna probably led to their capture br Gideon,
and the ultimate defeat of their army (Judg. vii.
19). The rallcy which separated the hostile
camps was generally selected as the fighting
ground (1 Sara. iv. 2, xir. 15 ; 2 Sam. xviii. 6),
apoa which the contest was decided, and hence
tin valleys of Palestine hare played so con-
spicuous a part in its history (Josh. riii. 13 ;
Judg. ri. 33; 2 Sara. v. 22, riii. 13, 4c.). When
the fighting men went forth to the place of
marshalling (1 Sam. xvii. 20), a detachment was
left to protect the camp and baggage (1 Sam.
xrii. 22, xxx. 24). The beasts of burden were
probablr tethered to the tent-pegs (2 K. rii. 10;
Zech. xir. 15).
Bnchantments. i . Heb. lattm or IfhAHm
fEx. rii. 1 1, 22, riii. 7), secret arts.— 2. COM-
alia (2 K. ix. 22; Mic. r. 12; Nah. Hi. 4),
" muttered spells." The belief in the power
of certain formula: was universal in the ancient
world. — 3. Uchathim ( Eccl. x. 1 1 ). This word
i« espeetaflr used of the charming of serpents,
Jer.riiL 17*(cf. Ps. lriii. 5; Ecclus. xii. 13; Eccl.
x.11). — 4. The word nSMMm is used of the
enchantments sought by Balaam (Num. xxir.
1 ). It properly alludes to ophiomancy, bnt in
this place has a general meaning of endeavor-
ing to gain omens. — 5. Cheber is used for magic
(Is. xlnL 9, 12). Any resort to these methods
of imposture was strictly forbidden in Scripture
(Ler. xix. 26 ; Is. xlrii. 9, &c.), but to eradicate
the tendency is almost impossible (2 K. xrii. 17 ;
2 Chr. xxxni. 6), and we find it still flourishing
at the Christian era (Acts xiii. 6, 8, riii. 9, 11 ;
GaLr. «0; Eer.ix.21).
En'-dor, a place in the territory of Issaehar,
and yet possessed by Manasseh (Josh. xrii. 11).
Endor was long held in memory by the Jewish
people as connected with the great victory over
Sisera and Jabin. It was known to Eusebins,
who describes it as a large village 4 miles 8. of
Tabor. Here to the N. of Jeba ththy the name
still lingers, attached to a considerable but now
deserted Tillage. The distance from the slopes
of Gilboa to Endor is 7 or 8 miles, over diffi-
cult ground.
En-egla'lm, a place named only by Ezekiel
(xlrii. \0), apparently as on the Dead Sea; but
whether near to or far from Engedi, on the west
or east side of the sea, it is impossible to ascer-
tain from the text.
Enemefl'sar is the name under which Shal-
raancser appears in the book of Tobit (i. 2, IS,
Ac-)- Ap.
Ene'niug, <me °f tb* leaaers of the people
who retained from captivity with Zorobabel
(1 Esdr. v. 8). Ap.
Engad'cU, Ecclus. xxir. 14. [Ehokdi.] Ap.
Kn-gan'nim. L A dry in the low coun-
try of Judah, named between Zanoah and Tap.
push (Josh. xr. 34). — 2. A city on the border
of Issachar (Josh. xix. 21), allotted with its
" suburbs " to the Gershonite Levites (xxi. 29).
There is great probability in the conjecture of
Robinson (ii. 315) that it is identical with the
Ginaia of Josephus ( Ant. xx. 6, {I ), which again,
there can be little doubt, survives in the modern
JatSn, the first village encountered on the ascent
from the great j^Hin of Esdraelon into the hills
of the central coujtry.
Enged'i, a town m the wilderness of Judah
(Josh. xr. 62), on the western shore of the Dead
Sea (Ex. xlrii. 10). Its original name was
Hazazon-Tamar, doubtless, as Josephus says,
on account of the palm-groves which sur-
rounded it (2 Chr. xx. 2 ; EccVjs. xxir. 14).
Its site is now well known. It .s about the
middle of the western shore of the lake. Here
is a rich plain, half a mile square, sloping rery
gently from the base of the mountains to the
water, and shut in on the north by a lofty prorc-
ontory. About a mile up the western ac-
clivity, and at an elevation of some 400 feet
above the plain, is the fountain of .tin July,
from which the place gets its name. Its banks
are now cultivated by a few families of Arabs,
who generally pitch their tents near this spot.
Traces of the old city exist upon the plain and
lower declivity of the mountain, on the south
bonk of the brook. The history of Engedi,
though it reaches back nearly 4,000 years, may
be told in a few sentences. It was immediately
after an assault upon the " Amorites, that dwelt
in Hazazon-Tamar," that the five Mesopotamian
kings were attacked by the rulers of the plain of
Sodom (Gen. xir. 7 ; comp. 2 Chr. xx. 2). Saul
was told that Darid was in the "wilderness of
Engedi ;" and he took " 3,000 men, and went
to seek Darid and his men upon the rocks of
the wildgoati" (1 Sam. xxir. 1-4). At a later
period Engedi was the gathering-place of the
Moabites and Ammonites who went up against
Jerusalem, and fell in the ralley of Berachah
(2 Chr. xx. 2). The vinerards of Engedi were
celebrated by Solomon (Cant. i. 14), its t
by Josephus, and its palms by Pliny.
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ENOCH
246
ENOCH
Engine, a term exclusively applied to mili-
tary aflairs in the Bible. The enjnnes to which
the term is applied in 2 Chr. xxvi. 15 were de-
signed to propel various missiles from the walls
of a besieged town : one, like the baluta, was
for stones, consisting probably of a strong spring
and a tnbe to give the right direction to the
atone; another, like the catapuha, for arrows,
an enormous stationary bow. Another war-
engine, with which the Hebrews were ac-
quainted, was the battering-ram, described in
Ez. xxvi 9, and still more precisely in Ex. ir. 2,
xxi. 23. The marginal rendering, "engines of
■hot " ( Jer. vi. 6, xxxii. 24 ; Ex. xxvi. 8), is in-
correct.
r<s>
<■>
s>
tm
^7
Anyriu w»r-«n»lii«. (FTott Bottt, pL MB.)
Engraver. The specific description of an
moraoer was ck&rxuh men (Ex. xxvui. 11), and
his chief business was cutting names or devices
on lings and seals ; the only notices of engrav-
ing are in connection with the high-priest's
dress — the two onyx-stones, the twelve jewels,
and the mitre-plate having inscriptions on them
(Ex. xxvui. 11, 21, 36).
En-had'dah, one of the cities on the bor-
der of Issachar named next to Engannim (Josh,
xix. 21 ). Van de Velde would identify it with
Ain-haud on the western side of Carmel, and
*bout 2 miles only from the sea ; but this is
rarely out of the limits of the tribe of Issachar,
and rather in Asher or Manasseh.
En-hak'kore, the spring which burst out
in answer to the cry of Samson after his ex-
ploit with the jawbone (Judg. xv. 19). Van de
velde endeavors to identify Lechi with TeU-d-
Ldciyeh 4 miles N. of Beersheba, and Enhak-
kore with the large spring between the Tell and
fOuwelfeh.
En-ha'zor, one of the fenced cities in the
Inheritance of Naphtali, distinct from Hazor
(Josh. xix. 37). It has not yet been identi-
fied.
En-mish'pat, Gen. xiv. 7. [KadbshJ
E'noch. 1. The eldest son of Cain (Gen.
tv. 17), who called the city which he built after
his name (18). Ewald fancies that there is a
reference to the Phrygian Iconium. Other
places have been identified with the site of
Enoch with little probability : e.g. Anachta in
8usiana, the Haiiochi in the Caucasus, &c. —
2. The son of Jared and father of Methuselah
' Gen. v. 21 ff. ; Luke iii. 28). In the Epistle of
Jude (ver. 24) be is described as " the levatth froir.
Adam;" and the number is probably noticed
as conveying the idea of divine completion and
rest, while Enoch was himself a type of per-
fected humanity. The other numbers con-
nected with his history appear too symmetrical
to be without meaning. After the birth of
Methuselah it is said (Gen. v. 22-4) that Enoch
" walked with God 300 years . . . and he was
not ; for God took him." The phrase "walked
with God" is elsewhere only used of Noah
(Gen. vi. 9; cf. Gen. xvii. 1,4c.), and is to be
explained of a prophetic life spent in immediate
converse with the spiritual world. In the Epis-
tle to the Hebrews the spring and issue of
Enoch's life are clearly marked. The biblical
notices of Enoch were a fruitful source of spec-
ulation in later times. Some theologians dis-
puted with Bubtilty as to the place to which he
was removed. Both the Latin and Greek fathers
commonly coupled Enoch and Elijah as historic
witnesses of the possibility of a resurrection of
the body, and of a true human existence in
glory ; and the voice of early ecclesiastical tra-
dition is almost unanimous in regarding them
aa "the two witnesses" (Rev. xi. 3 ff) who
should fall before " the beast."— 3. In 2 Esdr.
vi. 49, 51, Enoch stands in the Latin (and Eng.)
Version for Behemoth in the Ethiopic.
Enoch, the Book of, is one of the most
important remains of that earlv apocalyptic
literature of which the book of "baniel is the
great prototype. 1. The history of the book is
remarkable. The first trace of its existence is
generally found in the Epistle of St. Jude (14,
15 ; cf. Enoch i. 9), but the words of the Apos-
tle leave it uncertain whether he derived his quo-
tation from tradition or from writing, though
the wide spread of the book in the second cen-
tury seems almost decisive in favor of the latter
supposition. It appears to have been known to
Justin, Irenasus, and Anatolius. Clement of
Alexandria and Origen both make use of it
Tertullian expressly quotes the book as one
which was " not received by some, nor admit-
ted into the Jewish canon." Considerable frag-
ments are preserved in the Chronograpkia of
Georgius Syncellus (c. 792 A.D.), and these, with
the scanty notices of earlier writers, constituted
the sole remains of the book known in Europe
till the close of the last century. Meanwhile,
however, a report was current that the entire
book was preserved in Abyssinia ; and at length,
in 1773, Bruce brought with him on his re-
turn from Egypt three MSS. containing the
complete Ethiopic translation. — 2. The Ethi-
opic translation was made from the Greek, and
probably towards the middle or clow of the
fourth century. The general coincidence of the
translation with the patristic quotation* of cor-
responding passages shows satisfactorily that
the text from which it was derived was the same
as that current in the early Church. Bnt it
is still uncertain whether the Greek text was
the original, or itself a translation. One of the
earliest references to the book occurs in the He-
brew Book of Jubilees, and the names of the
angels and winds are derived from Aramaic
roots. In addition to this a Hebrew book of
Enoch was known and used by Jewish writes*
till the thirteenth century, so that on
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EMUS
•247
ENSIGN
grounds, among others, many hare supposed
that the book was first composed in Hebrew
(Aramaean). — S. In its present shape the book
consists of a series of revelations supposed to
hare been given to Enoch and Noah, which ex-
tend to the most varied aspects of nature and
life, and are designed to offer a comprehensive
vindication of the action of Providence. It is
divided into five parts. The first part (Cc 1-
36), after a general introduction, contains an
account of the fall of the angels (Gen. vi. 1)
and of the judgment to come upon them, and
anon the giants, their offspring (6-16); and
this is followed by the description of the jour-
ney of Enoch through the earth and lower
heaven in company with an angel, who showed
to him many of the great mysteries of nature,
the treasure-houses of the storms and winds,
and fires of heaven, the prison of the fallen and
the land of the blessed (17-36). The second
part (37-71) is styled "a vision of wisdom,"
and consists of three "parables," in which
Enoch relates the revelations of the higher
secrets of heaven and of the spiritual world
which were given to him. The first parable
(38-44) gives chiefly a picture of the future
blessings and manifestations of the righteous,
with further details as to the heavenly bodies :
the second (45-57) describes in splendid im-
agery the coming of Messiah, and the results
which it should work among "the elect" and
the gainsayers : the third (58-69) draws out at
farther length the blessedness of " the elect and
holy," and the confusion and wretchedness of
the sinful rulers of the world. The third part
(72-82) is styled " the book of the course or the
lights of heaven," and deals with the motions
of the sun and moon, and the changes of the
seasons; and with this the narrative of the
journey of Enoch closes. The fourth part (83
-91) is not distinguished by any special name,
bat contains the record of a dream which was
granted to Enoch in his youth, in which he saw
the history of the kingdoms of God snd of the
world up to the final establishment of the
throne of Messiah. The fifth part (92-105)
contains the last addresses of Enoch to his
children, in which the teaching of the former
chapters is made the groundwork of earnest ex-
hortation. The signs which attended the birth
of Noah are next noticed (106-7) ; and an-
other short "writing of Enoch" (108) forms the
dose to the whole book. — 4. The general
unity which the book possesses in its present
form marks it, in the main, as the work of one
man ; bnt internal coincidence shows with equal
clearness that different fragments were incorpo-
rated by the author into his work, and some
additions have been probably made afterwards.
The whole book appears to be distinctly of Jew-
ish origin, and it may be regarded as describing
an important phase of Jewish opinion shortly
before the coming of Christ. Notwithstanding
the quotation in St. Jade, and the wide circu-
lation of the book itself, the apocalypse of
Enoch was uniformly and distinctly separated
from the Canonical Scriptures.
E'non. [Mho*.]
E'nosk The son of Seth; properly called
Enosh, as in 1 Chr. i. 1 (Gen. iv. 26, v. 6, 7, 9, 10,
11; Luke iii. 38).
E'noah. The same as the preceding (I
Chr. i. 1.
En-rim'mon, one of the places which the
men of Judah re-inhabited after their return
from the Captivity (Neh. xi. 29). Perhaps the
same as "Ain and Rimmon" (Josh. xv. 32),
and " Ain, Remmon " (xix. 7 ; and see 1 Chr.
iv. 32).
J3n-ro'gel, a spring which formed one of
the landmarks on the boundary-line between
Judah (Josh. xv. 7) and Benjamin (xviii. 16).
Here, apparently conceal«d from the view of the
city, Jonathan and Ahimaaz remained, after the
flight of David, awaiting intelligence from with-
in the walls (2 Sam. xvii. 17) ; and here, by
the stone Zohelcth, which is close to En-rogel,
Adonijah held the feast, which was the first and
last act of his attempt on the crown (1 K. i. 9).
These are all the occurrences of the name in the
Bible. By Josephus on the last incident its sit-
uation is given as " without the city, in the
royal garden." In more modern times, a tra-
dition, apparently first recorded by Brocardus,
would make En-rogel the well of Job or Nehe-
miah (Bir Et/ub), below the junction of the val-
leys of Kedron and Hinnom, and south of the
Pool of Siloam. Against this general belief,
some strong arguments are urged by Dr. Bonar
in favor of identifying En-rogel with the pres-
ent " Fountain of the Virgin," 'Ain Umm td-
Daraj — the perennial source from which the
Pool of Siloam is supplied.
En-8hem'e8h, a spring which formed one
of the landmarks on the north boundary of Ju-
dah ("Josh. xv. 7) and the south boundary of
Benjamin (xviii. 17). The Ain-tlaud or Ain-
CMt, — the " Well of the Apostles," — about a
mile below Bethany, is generally identified with
En-Shemesb.
Ensign (net ; in the A. V. generally " en-
sign," sometimes " standard ; dead, " stan-
dard," with the exception of Cant. li. 4, " ban-
ner ; " tth, " ensign " ) . The distinction between
stop*
dardi. (From WUkluon.)
these three Hebrew terms is sufficiently marked
by their respective uses : net is a signal; degel, a
military standard for a large division of an army ;
and tth, the same for a small one. Neither of
them, however, expresses the idea which " stan-
dard " conveys to our minds, viz. a flag ; the
standards in use among the Hebrews probably
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EPHES1ANS
248
EPHESIANS
resembled those of the Egyptians and Assyrians
— a figure or device of some kind elevated on a
pole. (1.) The notices of the net or "ensign"
are most frequent; it consisted of some well
understood signal which was exhibited on the
top of a pole from a bare mountain top (Is. xiii.
2, xviii. 3). What the nature of the signal was,
we have no means of stating. The important
point to be observed is, that the nit was an oc-
casional signal, and not a military standard. —
(2.) The term dtgd is used to describe the stan-
dards which were given to each of the four divi-
sions of the Israelite army at the time of the
Exodus (Nam. i. 53, ii. 2 ffi, x. 14 ff.). The
character of the Hebrew military standards is
quite a matter of conjecture ; they probably re-
sembled the Egyptian, which consisted of a
sacred emblem, such as an animal, a boat, or
the king's name.
En-tappu'ah. It is probably identical
with Tappuah, the position of which will be
elsewhere examined (Josh. xvii. 7).
Epse'netUS, a Christian at Rome, greeted
by St. Paul in Rom. xvi. 5, and designated as
his beloved, and " the first-fruits of Achaia unto
Christ."
Ep'aphras, a fellow -laborer with the
Apostle Paul, mentioned Col. i. 7, as having
taught die Colossian church the grace of God
in truth, and designated a faithful minister of
Christ on their behalf. He was at that time
with St. Paul at Rome (Col. iv. 12), and seems
by the expression there used to have been a Co-
lossian by birth. We find him again mentioned
in the Epistle to Philemon (ver. 23), which was
sent at the same time as that to the Colossians.
Epaphras may be the same as Epaphroditus,
but the notices in the N. T. do not enable us to
speak with any confidence.
Epaphroditus (Phil. ii. 25, iv. 18). See
above under Epaphras.
E'phah, the first, in order, of the sons of
Midian (Gen. xxv. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 33), afterwards
mentioned by Isaiah (lx. 6, 7). No satisfactory
identification of this tribe has been discovered.
E'phah. L Concubine of Caleb, in the
line of Jndah (1 Chr. ii. 46). —2. Son of Jah-
dai ; also in the line of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 47).
Sphah. [Measures.]
Sphai, a Netophathite, whose sons were
among the " captains of the forces " left in Ju-
dah after the deportation to Babylon (Jer. xl.
8, xli. 3, comp. xl. 13).
E'pher, the second, in order, of the sons of
Midian (Gen. xxv. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 33). His set-
tlements have not been identified with any prob-
ability.
E'pher. 1. A son of Ezra, among the de-
scendants of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 17). — 2. One
of the heads of the families of Manasseh on the
east of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24).
rTphon rlflm'mim. a place between Socoh
and Azekah, at which the Philistines were en-
camped before the affray in which Goliath was
killed (1 Sam. xvii. 1). Under the shorter
farm of Pasdamkih it occurs once again in a
similar connection (1 Chr. xi. 13). [Blah.]
EpheniftTiH, the Epistle to the, was
written by the Apostle St. Paul during his first
captivity at Rome (Acts xxviii. 16), apparently
immediately after he had written the Epistle to
the Colossians [Colossi aks, Ep. to], and das.
ing that period (perhaps the early part of aj>.
62) when his imprisonment had not ■asiunul
the severer character which seems to have m—*««l
its close. This sublime epistle was addressed
to the Christian church at the ancient and fa-
mous city of Ephesus, that church which the
Apostle had himself founded (Acts xix. 1 sq-»
comp. xviii. 19), with which he abode so long
(Acts xx. 31 ), and from the elders of which he
parted with such a warm-hearted and affecting
farewell (Acts xx. 18-35). The contents of tbia
epistle easily admit of being divided into two
portions, the first mainly doctrinal (ch. i.-iii.),
the second hortatory and practical. With regard
to the authenticity and genuinenat of this epistle,
it is not too much to say that there are no just
grounds for doubt. The testimonies of antiquity
are unusually strong. Even if we do not press
the supposed allusions in Ignatius and Polycarp,
we can confidently adduce Ireuasus, Clem. Alex.,
Origcn, Tertullian, and after them the constant
and persistent tradition of the ancient Church.
Even Marcion did not deny that the epistle was
written by St. Paul, nor did heretics refuse oc-
casionally to cite it as confessedly due to him as
its author. In recent times, however, its genu-
ineness has been somewhat vehemently called in
question. De Wette labors to prove that it is
a mere spiritless expansion of the Epistle to the
Colossians, though compiled in the Apostolic
age: Schwegler, Baur, and others, advance •
step further, and reject both epistles as of no
higoer antiquity than the age of Montanism
and early Gnosticism. For a detailed reply to
the arguments of De Wette and Baur, the stu-
dent may be referred to Meyer, Einldt. *. Epk.
p. 19 sq. (ed. 2) ; Davidson, Introd. to N. T., ii.
p. 352 sq. ; and Alford, Prokoomau, p. 8. Two
special points require a brief notice: — (I.) The
reader* for whom this epistle was designed. Ib
the opening paragraph the words h> 'Efroy are
omitted by g, B, 67, Basil, and possibly Tertul-
lian. This, combined with the somewhat no-
ticeable omission of ail greetings to the members
of a Church with which the Apostle stood in
such affectionate relation, and some other inter-
nal objections, have suggested a doubt whether
these words really formed a part of the original
text. At first sight these doubts seem plausi-
ble ; but when we oppose to them (a) the over-
whelming weight of diplomatic evidence for the
insertion of the words, (i) the testimony of all
the versions, (c) the universal designation of
this epistle by the ancient Church (Marcion
standing alone in his assertion that it was writ-
ten to the Laodiceans) as an epistle to At Epho.
tiant, (d) the extreme difficulty in giving any
satisfactory meaning to the isolated participle,
and the absence of any parallel usage in the
Apostle's writings, — we can scarcely feel any
doubt as to the propriety of removing the brack-
ets in which these words are enclosed in the 2d
edition of Tiscbendorf, and of considering them
an integral part of the original text. — (2.) The
question of priority in respect of composition
between this epistle and that to the Colossians
is very difficult to adjust. On the whole, both
internal and external considerations seem some-
what in favor of the priority of the Bpiade to
the Colossians.
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EPHESUS
249
EPHESUS
Eph'eaTOS, an illustrious city in the district
of Ionia, nearly opposite the island of Samoa,
and about the middle of the western coast of
the peninsmla commonly called Asia Minor.
Of the Roman prorince of Asia, Ephesus was
the capital. — 1. Geographical Relations. — All
the cities of Ionia were remarkably well situated
for the growth of commercial prosperity, and
none more so than Ephesos. In the time of
Augusta* it was the great emporium of all
the regions of Asia within the Taurus: its
harbor (named Panormus), at the mouth of the
Cayster, was elaborately constructed. St. Paul's
life alone furnishes illustrations of its mercantile
relations with Acbaia on the W., Macedonia on
the N., and Syria on the E. As to the relations
of Ephesos to the inland regions of the con-
tinent, these also are prominently brought before
as in the Apostle's travels. The'" upper coasts "
(Acts xix. 1 ) through which he passed, when
about to take up his residence in the city, were
the Phrygian table-lands of the interior. Two
great roads at least, in the Roman times, led
eastward from Ephesos ; one through the passes
of Traolos to Sardis (Rev. >ii- 1 ) and thence to
Galatia and the N. E., the other round the
extremity of Pactyas to Magnesia, and so up
the TaHey of the Meander to Iconium, whence
the communication was direct to the Euphrates
and to the Syrian Antioch. There seem to
hare been Sardian and Magnesian gates on the
E. side of Ephesos corresponding to these roads
respectively. T h er e we r e also coast-roads leading
Borthwards to Smyrna and southwards to Mile-
Ms. By the latter of these it is probable that
me Ephesian elders travelled when summoned
to meet Paul at the latter city (Acts XX. 17,18).
— X. Temple and Worship of Diana. — Conspic-
uous at the bead of the harbor of Ephesos was
the great temple of Diana or Artemis, the
tatelarv divinitv of the city. This building
was raised on immense substructions, in con-
sequence of the swampy nature of the ground.
The earlier temple, which had been begun
before the Persian war, was burnt down in the
night when Alexander the Great was born;
and another structure, raised by the enthusiastic
co-operation of all the inhabitants of " Asia,"
bad taken its place. The magnificence of this
sanctuary was a proverb throughout the civilized
world. In consequence of this devotion the city
of Ephesos was called viiMopoc (Acts xix. 35)
or " warden " of Diana. Another consequence
of the celebrity of Diana's worship at Epbosus
was, that a large manufactory grew up there of
portable shrines, which strangers purchased, and
devotees carried with them on journeys or set
ap in their booses. Of the manufacturers
e ngaged in this business, perhaps Alexander
the " coppersm ith" (8 Tim. iv. 14) was one.
The case of Demetrius the "silversmith" is
explicit. — 3. Study and Practice of Magic. —
Not unconnected with the preceding subject
was the remarkable prevalence of magical arts
at Epbetus. In illustration of the magical
books which were publicly burnt (Acts xix. 19)
under the influence of St Paul's preaching, it
is enough here to refer to the 'Efiom ypaftfurra
(mentioned hy Plutarch and others), which
were regarded as a charm when pronounced,
ad when written down were carried about as
St
amulets. — 4. Provincial and Municipal Govern-
ment. — It is well known that Asia was a
proconsular province; and in harmony with
this fact we find proconsuls (A. V. " deputies,")
specially mentioned (vcr. 38). Again we learn
from Pliny (v. 31) that Ephesos was an assize-
town ; and in the sacred narrative (ver. 38) we
find the court-days alluded to as actually being
held (A. V. " the law is open ") during the
uproar. Ephesus itself was a " free city, and
had its own assemblies and its own magistrates.
The senate is mentioned by Josephus ; and St
Luke, in the narrative before us, speaks of the
Hipoc (ver. 30, 33, A.V. " the people ") and of
its customary assemblies (ver. 39, A. V. " a law-
ful assembly"). We even find conspicuous
mention made of one of the most important
municipal officers of Ephesus, the "Town-
Clerk or keeper of the records, whom we
know from other sources to have been a person
of great influence and responsibility. It is
remarkable how all these political and religious
characteristics of Ephesus, which appear in the
sacred narrative, are illustrated by inscriptions
and coins. The coins of Ephesus are rail of
allusions to the worship of Diana in various
aspects. That Jews were established there in
considerable numbers is known from Josephus
(U. c), and might be inferred from its mercan-
tile eminence ; but it is also evident from Acts
ii. 9, vi. 9. It is here, and here only, that we
find disciples of John the Baptist explicitly
mentioned after the ascension of Christ
(Acts xviii. 25, xix. 3). The case of Apollo*
(xviii. 34) is an exemplification further of the
intercourse between this place and Alexandria.
The first seeds of Christian truth were possibly
sown at Ephesus immediately after the Great
Pentecost (Acts ii.). In St Paul's stay of
more than two years (xix. 8, 10, xx. 31),
which formed the most important passage of
his third circuit, and daring which he labored,
first in the synagogue (xix. 8), and then in the
school of Tyrannus (ver. 9), and also in private
houses (xx. 30), and daring which he wrote
the First Epistle to the Corinthians, we have
the period of the chief evangelization of this
shore of the jEgean. The addres.! at Miletus
shows that the church at Ephetus was thor-
oughly organized under its presbyters. At a
later period Timothy was set over them, a* we
learn from the two epistles addressed to him.
Among St Paul's other companions, two,
Trophimus and Tychicus, were natives of
Asia (xx. 4), and the latter probably (3 Tim.
iv. 13), the former certainly (Acts xxi. 39),
natives of Ephesus. In the same connection w*
ought to mention Onesiphorus (2 Tim. i. 16—18)
ana his household (iv. 19). On the other hand
must be noticed certain specified Ephesian
antagonists of the Apostle, the sons of Sceva
and his party (Acts xix. 14), Hvmenssus and
Alexander (1 Tim. i. 30; 3 Tim. iv. 14),
and Phygellns and Hermogenes (3 Tim. i. 15).
The site of ancient Ephesus has been visited
and examined by many travellers during the
last 200 years. The whole place is now utterly
desolate, with the exception of the small Turk-
ish village at Ai/asaluk. The ruins are of vast
extent, both on Coressns and on the plain ; but
there is great doubt as to many topographical
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EPHKAIM
250
EPHRAIM
details. It is satisfactory, however, that the
position of the theatre on Mount Prion is
absolutely certain.
Ephl&l, a descendant of Judah, of the family
of Hczron and of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 37).
Ephod. a sacred vestment originally appro-
priate to the high-priest (Ex. xxviii. 4), but
afterwards worn by ordinary priests (1 Sam.
xxii. 18), and deemed characteristic of the
office ( 1 Sam. ii. 28, xiv. 3 ; Hos. iii. 4). For a
description of the robe itself see Hiqh-Pkibst.
The importance of the ephod as the receptacle
of the oreastplate led to its adoption in the
idolatrous forms of worship instituted in the
time of the Judges (Judg. viii. 27, xvii. 5,
xviii. 14 ft*.).
E"phod. Father of Hanniel of the tribe
of Manasseh (Num. xxxiv. 23).
E'phraim, the second son of Joseph by
his wife Asenath. The first indication we hare
of that ascendency over his elder brother
Manasseh, which at a later period the tribe of
Ephraim so unmistakably possessed, is in the
blessing of the children by Jacob, Gen. xlviii.
— a passage on the age and genuineness of
which the severest criticism has cast no doubt.
Ephraim would appear at that time to have
been about 21 years old. He was born before
the beginning of the seven years of famine,
towards the latter part of which Jacob had
come to Egypt, 17 years before his death
(Gen. xlvii. 28). Before Joseph's death Ephra-
im's family had reached the third generation
(Gen. 1. 23), and it must have been about this
time that the affray mentioned in 1 Chr. vii. 21
occurred. To this early period too must
probably be referred the circumstance alluded
to in Ps. lxxviii. 9. The numbers of the tribe
do not at once fulfil the promise of the blessing
of Jacob. At the census in the wilderness of
Sinai (Num. i. 32, 33, ii. 19) its numbers were
40,500, placing it at the head of the children of
Rachel ; Manasseh's number being 32,200, and
Benjamin's 35,400. But 40 years later, on the
eve of the conquest (Num. xxvi. 37), with-
out any apparent cause, while Manasseh had
advanced to 52,700, and Benjamin to 45,600,
Ephraim had decreased to 32,500, the only
smaller number being that of Simeon, 22,200.
It is at the time of the sending of die spies
that we are first introduced to the great hero
to whom the tribe owed much of its subsequent
greatness. Under Joshua, and in spite of the
smallness of its numbers, the tribe must have
taken a high position in the nation, to judge
from the tone which the Ephraimites assumed
on occasions shortly subsequent to the conquest
The boundaries of the portion of Ephraim are
given in Jos. xvi. 1-10. The south boundary
was coincident for part of its length with the
north boundary of Benjamin. Commencing at
the Jordan, at the reach opposite Jericho, it ran
to the " water of Jericho," probably the Ain
Dik or Ain StMn : thence by one of the
ravines, the Wady Harith or W . Suweinit, it
ascended through the wilderness — Midbar, the
uncultivated waste hills — to Mount Bethel
and Luz ; and thence by Ataroth, " the Japh-
letite," Bethboron the lower, and Gczer — all
with one exception unknown — to the Mediter-
ranean, probably about Joppa. The general
direction of this line is N. E. by E. In Josh,
xvi. 8 we probably have a fragment of the
northern boundary (comp. xvii. 10), the torrent
Kanah being the NaAr dAkhdar just below the
ancient Csesarca. But it is very possible that
there never was any definite subdivision of the
territory assigned to the two brother tribes.
Among the towns named as Manasseh's were
Bethshean in the Jordan Valley, Endor on the
slopes of the "Little Hermon," Taanach on
the north side of Carmel, and Dor on the see-
coast south of the same mountain. Here the
boundary — the north boundary — joined that
of Ashcr, which dipped below Carmel to take
in an angle of the plain of Sharon : N. and
N. W. of Manasseh lay Zebulnn and Issachar
respectively. The territory thus allotted to the
" house of Joseph " may be roughly estimated
at 55 miles from E. to W. by 70 from N. to S.,
a portion about equal in extent to the counties
of Norfolk and Suffolk combined. But though
similar in size, nothing can be more different in
its nature from those level counties than this
broken and hilly tract. Central Palestine con-
sists of an elevated district which rises from the
flat ranges of the wilderness on the south of
Judah, and terminates on the north with the
slopes which descend into the great plain of
Esdraelon. On the west a flat strip separates it
from the sea, and on the east another fiat strip
forms the valley of the Jordan. Of this district
the northern half was occupied by the great
tribe we are now considering. This was the
Har-Ephraim, the " Mount Ephraim," a district
which seems to extend as far south as Ramah
and Bethel (1 Sam. i. 1, vii. 17 ; 2 Chr. xiii.
4, 19, compared with xv. 8), — places but a few
miles north of Jerusalem, and within the limits
of Benjamin. In structure it is limestone —
rounded hills separated bv valleys of denuda-
tion, but much less regular and monotonous
than the part more to the south, about and
below Jerusalem ; with wide plains in the heart
of the mountains, streams of running water,
and continuous tracts of vegetation. The
wealth of their possession had not the same
immediately degrading effect on this tribe that
it had on some of its northern brethren. Va-
rious causes may have helped to avert this
evil. 1. The central situation of Ephraim, in
the highway of all communications from one
part of the country to another. 2. The posi-
tion of Shechem, with the two sacred mountains
of Ebal and Gerizim, and of Shiloh, and further
of the tomb and patrimony of Joshua. 3. There
was a spirit about the tribe itself which may
have been both a cause and a consequence of
these advantages of position. That spirit,
though sometimes taking the form of noble
remonstrance and reparation (2 Chr. xxviii.
9-15), usually manifests itself in jealous com-
plaint at some enterprise undertaken or ad-
vantage gained in which they had not a chief
share. The unsettled state of the country
in general, and of the interior of Ephraim
in particular (Judg. ix.), and the continual
incursions of foreigners, prevented the power
of the tribe from manifesting itself In a more
formidable manner than by these murmurs,
during the time of the Judges and the first
stage of the monarchy. Bat the reign of
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EPHRAIN
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EPISTLE
Solomon, splendid in appearance bat oppressive
to the people, developed both the circumstances
of revolt, and the leader who was to turn them
to account. Solomon saw through the crisis,
and if he could have succeeded in killing Jero-
boam as he tried to do (1 K. xi. 40), the
disruption might have been postponed for
another century. As it was, the outbreak was
deferred for a time, but the irritation was not
allayed, and the insane folly of his son brought
the mischief to a head From the time of the
revolt, in two senses the history of Ephraim is
the history of the kingdom of Israel, since not
only did the tribe become a kingdom, but the
kingdom embraced little besides the tribe. This
is not surprising, and quite susceptible of ex-
planation. North of Ephraim the country ap-
pears never to have been really taken possession
of by the Israelites. And in addition to this
original defect there is much in the physical
formation and circumstances of the upper por-
tion of Palestine to explain why those tribes
never took any active part in the kingdom.
But on the other hand the position of Ephraim
was altogether different. It was one at once
of great richness and great security. Her fer-
tile plains and well-watered valleys could only
be reached by a laborious ascent through steep
and narrow ravines, all but impassable for an
army. There is no record of any attack on
the central kingdom, either from the Jordan
valley or the maritime plain. On the north
side, from the plain of Esdraelon, it was more
accessible, and it was from this side that the
final invasion appears to have been made.
B'rjthraim. In " Baal-hazor which is by
Ephraim " was Absalom's sheep-farm, at which
took place the murder of Amnon, one of the
earliest precursors of the great revolt (2 Sam.
xiii. 33). There is unfortunately no clew to its
situation.
S'pbxaim, a city " in the district near the
wilderness " to which our Lord retired with his
disciples when threatened with violence by the
priests (John xi. 54). Dr. Robinson conjee-
tares that Ophrah and Ephraim are identical,
and that their modem representative iset-Tai-
jfAbL It is situated 4 or 5 miles east of Bethel,
and 16 from Jerusalem.
Ephraim, Grate of, one of the gates of
the city of Jerusalem (2 K. xiv. 13 ; 2 Chr. xxv.
S3; Keh. viii. 16, xii. 39), probably at or near
thepoaition of the present " Damascus gate."
B'phraim, the Wood of, a wood, or
rather a forest, on the E. of Jordan, in which
the fatal battle was fought between the armies
of David and of Absalom (2 Sam. xviii. 6).
The suggestion is due to Grotius that the name
was derived from the slaughter of Ephraim at
the fords of Jordan by the GUeadites under
Jephthah ( Judg. xii. 1 , 4, S). Is it not at least
squally probable that the forest derived its
name from this very battle 1
Eph'raimite. Of the tribe of Ephraim ;
elsewhere called " Ephrathite " (Judg. xii. 5).
Bphra'in, a city of Israel, which with its
dependent hamlets Abijah and the army of Ju-
dan captured from Jeroboam (2 Chr. xiii. 19).
It has been conjectured that this Ephrain or
Ephron is identical with the Ephraim by which
Absalom's sheep-farm of Baal-basor was situat-
ed ; with the city called Ephraim near the wil-
demess in which our Lord lived for some time ;
and with Ophrah, a city of Benjamin, appar-
ently not far from Bethel. But nothing more
than conjecture can be arrived at on these
points.
Ephratah, or Eph'rath. 1. Second wife
of Caleb the son of Hezron, mother of Hur,
and grandmother of Caleb the spy, according
to 1 Chr. ii. 19, 50, and probably 24, and iv. 4.
— 2. The ancient name of Bethlehem Judali,
as is manifest from Gen. xxxv. 16, 19, xlviii. 7.
It cannot therefore have derived its name from
Ephratah, the mother of Hur. It seems obvi-
ous, therefore, to infer that, on the contrary,
Ephratah, the mother of Hur, wad so called
from the town of her birth, and that she prob-
ably was the owner of the town and district.
Another possible explanation is, that Ephratah
may have been the name given to some daugh-
ter of Benjamin to commemorate the circum-
stance of Rachel his mother having died close
to Ephrath. But it would not account for
Ephratah's descendants being settled at Bethle-
hem. — 3. Gesenius thinks that, in Ps. exxxii. 6,
Ephratah means Ephraim.
Eph'rathite. 1. An inhabitant of Beth-
lehem (Ruth i. 2). — 2. An Ephraimite (1 Sam.
I. 1: 1 K. xi. 26).
Eph'ron, the son of Zochar, a Hittite, from
whom Abraham bought the field and cave of
Machpelah (Gen. xxiii. 8-17, xxv. 9, xlix. 29,
30J. 13).
Eph ron, a very strong city on the east of
Jordan between Carnaim (Ashteroth-Karnoim)
and Bcthshean, attacked and demolished by
Judas Haccabseus (1 Mace. v. 46-52 ; 2 Mace,
xii. 27). Ap.
Eph'ron, Mount. The " cities of Mount
Ephron " formed one of the landmarks on the
northern boundary of the tribe of Judah (Josh,
xv. 9). Ephron is probably the range of hills
on the west side or Wadg Bat-Hanina, oppo-
site Lifla.
Epioure'anfl, the, derived their name
from Epicurus (342-271 B.C.), a philosopher of
Attic descent, whose " Garden at Athens ri-
valled in popularity the " Porch " and the
" Academy." The doctrines of Epicurus found
wide acceptance in Asia Minor ana Alexandria,
and they gained a brilliant advocate at Rome in
Lucretius (95-50 b.c). The object of Epicu-
rus was to find in philosophy a practical guide
to happiness. True pleasure and not absolute
truth was the end at which he aimed ; experi-
ence and not reason the test on which he relied.
It is obvious that a system thus framed would
degenerate by a natural descent into mere ma-
terialism ; and in this form EpicureUm was the
popular philosophy at the beginning of the
Christian era (cf. Diog. L. x. 5, 9). When St
Paul addressed " Epicureans and Stoics " (Acts
xvii. 18) at Athens, the philosophy of life was
practically reduced to the teaching of those
two antagonistic schools.
Epiph'anea (iMacc. i. 10, x. i). [Anti-
ochds Epiphakes.] Ap.
Ep'iphi (3 Mace. vi. 38), name of the
eleventh month of the Egyptian Vague year,
and the Alexandrian Or Egyptian Julian year.
Epistle. It is proposed in the present
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ERASTUS
252
ESAU
article to speak of the Epistle or letter as a I
means of communication. The use of written
letters implies, it needs hardly be said, a con-
siderable progress in the development of civil-
ized life. In the early nomadic stages of so-
ciety accordingly, we find no traces of any but
oral communications. The first recorded letter
in the history of the O. T. was that which
David wrote to Joab, and sent by the hand of
Uriah (2 Sam. xi. 14), and this must obviously
have been sealed with the king's seal. The
material used for the impression of the seal was
probably the " clay " of Job xxxviii. 14. Writ-
ten communications become more frequent in
the later history. The king of Syria sends a
letter to the king of Israel (2 K. v. 5, 6). Eliiah
the prophet sends a writing to Jehoram (2 Chr.
xxi. 12). The books of Ezra and Nehemiah
contain or refer to many such documents (Ezr.
iv. 6, 7, II, t. 6, vii. 11 ; Neh. ii. 7, 9, tj. 5).
The Epistles of the N. T. in their outward
form are such as might be expected from men
who were brought into contact with Greek and
Roman customs, themselves belonging to a
different race, and so reproducing the imported
style with only partial accuracy. They begin
(the Epistle to the Hebrews and 1 John except-
ed) with the names of the writer, and of those
to whom the Epistle is addressed. Then fol-
lows the formula of salutation. Then the letter
itself commences, in the first person, the sin-
gular and plural being used indiscriminately.
When the substance of the letter has been com-
pleted, come the individual messages. The
conclusion in this case was probably modified
by the fact that the letters were dictated to an
amanuensis. When he had done his work, the
Apostle took up the pen or reed, and added,
in his own large characters (Gal. vi. 11), the
authenticating autograph. In one instance,
Rom xvi. 22, the amanuensis in his own name
adds his salutation. An allusion in 2 Cor. iii. 1
brings before us another class of letters which
must have been in frequent nse in the early
ages of the Christian Church, by which travel-
lers or teachers were commended by one church
to the good offices of others.
Br. 1. First-born of Judah. Er "was
wicked in the sight of the Lord ; and the Lord
slew him." It does not appear what the nature
of his sin was ; but, from his Canaanitish birth
on the mother's side, it was probably connected
with the abominable idolatries of Canaan (Gen.
xxxviii. 3-7; Num. xxvi. 19). — 2. Descend-
ant of Shelah the son of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 21 ).
— 3. Son of Jose, and father of Elmodam
(Luke iii. 28).
E'ran, son of Shuthelah, eldest son of
Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 36). Eran was the head
of the family of
E'ranites, the (Num. xxvi. 36).
Er/ech, one of the cities of Nimrod's king-
dom in the land of Shinar (Gen. x. 10). It is
doubtless the same as Orchoc, 82 miles S., and
43 E. of Babylon, the modern designations of
the site, Wanxt, Irha, and Irak, bearing a con-
siderable affinity to the original name. This
place appears to have been the necropolis of
the Assyrian kings.
Eras'tUS. 1> One of the attendants or
beacons of St. Paul at Ephesus, who with Tim-
othy was sent forward into Macedonia while
the Apostle himself remained in Asia (Acta
xix. 22). He is probably the same with Erastus
who U again mentioned in the salutations to
Timothy (2 Tim. iii. 20), though not the same
with Erastus the chamberlain of Corinth (Rom.
xvi. 23). — 2. Erastus the chamberlain, or
rather the public treasurer of Corinth, who was
one of the early converts to Christianity (Rom.
xvi. 23). According to the traditions of the
Greek Church, he was first treasurer to the
Church at Jerusalem, and afterwards Bishop
of Paneas.
E'ri, son of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16), and ances-
tor of the Eritbs (Num. xxvi. 16).
Esa'ias. The form of the name of the
prophet Isaiah in the N. T.
Esar-haddon. One of the greatest of
the kings of Assyria. He was the son of Sen-
nacherib (2 K. xix. 37), and the grandson of
Sargon who succeeded Shalmaneser. Nothing
is really known of Esar-haddon until his acces-
sion (ab. B.C. 680 ; 2 K. xix. 37 ; Is. xxxvii. 38).
He appears by his monuments to have been one
of the most powerful — if not the most power-
ful — of all the Assyrian monarchs. He car-
ried his arms over all Asia between the Persian
Gulf, the Armenian mountains, and the Medi-
terranean. In consequence of the disaffection
of Babylon, and its frequent revolts from for-
mer Assyrian kings, Esar-haddon, having sub-
dued the sons of Merodach-Baladan who head-
ed the national party, introduced the new policy
of substituting, for the former government by
viceroys, a direct dependence upon the Assyrian
crown. He is the only Assyrian monarch whom
we find to have actually reigned at Babylon,
where he built himself a palace, bricks from
which have been recently recovered bearing his
name. His Babylonian reign lasted thirteen
years, from B.C. 680 to B.C. 667. As a builder
of great works Esar-haddon is particularly dis-
tinguished. Besides his palace at Babylon,
which has been already mentioned, he built at
least three others in different parts of his domin-
ions, cither for himself or his son ; while in a
single inscription he mentions the erection by
his hands of no fewer than thirty temples in
Assyria and Mesopotamia. The south-west
palace at Nimrud is the best preserved of bis
constructions. It is impossible to fix the length
of Esar-haddon's reign or the order of the
events which occurred in it. It has been con-
jectured that he died about b.c. 660, after oc-
cupying the throne for twenty years.
E'sau, the eldest son of Isaac, and twin-
brother of Jacob. The singular appearance
of the child at his birth originated the name
( Gen. xxv. 25 ) . This was not the only remark-
able circumstance connected with the birth of
the infant. Even in the womb the twin-brothers
struggled together (xxv. 22). Esau's robust
frame and " rough " aspect were the types of
a wild and daring nature. The peculiarities
of his character soon began to develop them-
selves. He was, in fact, a thorough Brdcucy, a
" son of the desert," who delighted to roam
free as the wind of heaven, and who was impa-
tient of the restraints of civilized or settled life.
His old father, by a caprice of affection not un-
common, loved nis wilful, vagrant boy ; and
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ESDRAKLON
253
ESDRAS
Hi* keen relish for savory food being gratified
by JEsaa's venison, he liked him all the better
for bis skill in hunting (xxv. 28). An event
occurred which exhibited the reckless character
of Esau on the one hand, and the selfish, grasp-
ing nature of his brother on the otbe.'. There
is something revolting in this whole transac-
tion. Jacob takes advantage of his brother's
distr s» to rob him of that which was dear as
life itself to an Eastern patriarch. Esau mar-
ried at the age of 40, and contrary to the wish
of his parents. His wives were both Canaan-
Hes ; and they " were bitterness of spirit unto
Isaac and to Robekah " (Gen. xxvi. 34, 35).
The next episode in the history of Esau and
Jacob is sail more painful than the former.
Jacob, through the craft of his mother, is again
successful, and secures irrevocably the cove-
nant Messing. Esau vows vengeance. But he
knew not a mother's watchful care. By a
characteristic piece of domestic policy Rebekah
s ne c erded both in exciting Isaac s anger against
Earn, and obtaining his consent to Jacob's de-
parture. When Esau heard that his father had
commanded Jacob to take a wife of tb« daugh-
ters of his kinsman Laban, he also resolved to
try whether by a new alliance he could propi-
tiate his parents. He accordingly married his
eooat'n Mahal ath, the daughter of Ishmael
(xxviii. S, 9). This marriage appears to have
brought him into connection with the Ishmael-
itrth tribes beyond the valley of Arabah. He
soon afterwards established himself in Mount
Seir ; still retaining, however, some interest in
his father's property in Southern Palestine.
He was rending in Mount Seir when Jacob re-
turned frn.-» Padan-arera, and had then become
so rich and powerful tuat the impressions of
his brother s early offences seem to have been
almost completely effaced. It does not appear
that the brothers again met until the death of
their t-uhcr about 80 years afterwards. They
united in laying- Isaac's body in the cave of
Mjcbpeloh. Of Esau's subsequent history
iiothingis known ; for that of his descendants,
tee Eixm and Eoomitbs.
E Ban, 1 Esd. v 29. [Ziba.] Ap.
E say, Ecclus. xlviii. 20, 22 ; 2 Esd. ii. 18.
[Isaiah ] Ap.
Badrae'lon. This name is merely the
Greek form of the Hebrew word Jezhkel. It
occurs in this exact shape only twice in the
A. V. (Jnd. iii. 9. iv. 6). In Jud. iii. 3 it is
Esdkaelom. and in i. 8. Esdkklom, with the
addition of "the ercat plain." In the O. T.
the plain is called the Valley op Jezreei. ;
l>y Josephus " the great plain." The name is
derived from the old royal city of Jezmkei.,
v-!ri<h occupied a commanding site, near the
fa ten extremity of the plain, on a spur of
Mount Gilbou. " The great plain of Esdrae-
Ion " extends across Central Palestine from
the Mediterranean to the Jordan, separating
the mount i in ranges of Carmel and Samaria
from those of Galilee. The western section of
it is pronerlv the plain of Acciio, or 'Aklai.
The main body of ihe p'ain is a triangle. Its
base on the emit extends from Jenin (the ancient
Engannim) to he foot of the nil's below Naza-
reth, and is rboct 15 miles long; the north
side, formed by the hills of Galilee, is about 12
miles long; and the south side, formed by the
Samaria range, is about 18 miles. The apex
on the west is a narrow pass opening into the
plain of 'Alcka. From the base of this trian-
gular plain three branches stretch out eastward,
like fingers from a hand, divided by two bleak,
gray ridges — one bearing the familiar name of
Mount Uilboa; the other called by Franks
Little Hennon, bnt by natives Jebd ed-Duhy.
The antral branch is the richest as well as the
most celebrated. This is the " Valley of Jes-
reel " proper — the battle-field on which Gideon
triumphed, and Saul and Jonathan were over-
thrown (Judg. vii. 1, sq. ; I Sam. xxix. and
xxxi.). Two things are worthy of special
notice in the plain of Esdraelon. 1. Its won-
derful richness. 2. Its desolation. If we ex-
cept the eastern branches, there is not a single
inhabited village on its whole surface, and not
more than one-sixth of its soil is cultivated.
It is the home of the vild wandering Bedawin.
Es'dras. The form of the name of Ezra,
the scribe in 1 and 2 Esdr. Ap.
Esdras, First Book of, the first in order
of the Apocryphal books in the English Bible.
In the Vatican and other quasi-modern editions
of the LXX., our 1 4 Esdr. is called the firtt
book of Esdras, in relation to the canonical
book of Ezra which follows it, and is called
the ttcond Esdras. Bnt in the Vulgate, 1st
Esdr. means the canonical book of Ezra, and
2d Esdr. means Nehemiali, according to the
Srimitive Hebrew arrangement, mentioned by
erome, in which Ezra and Nthaniah made up
two parts of the one book of Ezra; and 3d
and 4 th Esdr. are what we now coll 1 and 2
Esdras. In all the earlier editions of the
English Bible the books of Esdras are num-
bered as in the Vulgate. The Geneva Bible
first adopted the classification cred in our pres-
ent Bibles. As regards the an.iquity of this
hook and the rank assigned to it in the early
Church, it may suffice to mention that Jonephua
? notes largely from it, and follows its authority.
t is quoted also by Clemens Alcxandiiuus, by
Cyprian, Augustine, Athanasius, and other
fathers. Nothing can be clearer on tho other
hand than that it is rightly included by us
among the Apocrypha. That it was never
known to exist in Hebrew, and formed no part
of the Hebrew Canon, is admitted by all. As
regards the contents of the book, and the
author or authors of it, the first chapter is a
transcript of the two last chapters of 2 Chr.
for the most part nrhalim, and only in one or
two parts slightly anridged and paraphrased,
and snowing some corruptions of the text, the
use of a different Greek version, and some
various readings Chapters iii., iv., and v., to
the end of v. 6, are the original portions of
the book, and the rest is a transcript more or
less exact of the book of Ezra, with the chap-
ters transposed and quite otherwise arranged,
and a portion of Nehcmiah. Hence a twofold
design in the compiler is discernible. One to
introduce and give Scriptural sanction to the
legend about Zerubbabcl ; the other to explain
the great obscurities of the book of Ezra, in
which however he has signally failed. As re
gards the time and place when the compilation
was made, the original portion is that which
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ESDRAS
alone affords much clew. This seems to indi-
cate that the writer was thoroughly conversant
with Hebrew, even if he did not write the book
in that language. He was well acquainted too
with the books of Esther and Daniel { 1 Esdr.
iii. 1, 2 sqq.), and other books of Scripture (16.
20, 21, 39, 41, Ac., and 45 compared with Ps.
exxxvii. 7). But that he did not live under
the Persian kings, appears by the undiscrimi-
nating way in which he uses promiscuously the
5hrase Medes and Persians, or, Persians and
ledes, according as he happened to be imitating
the language of Daniel or of the book of Es-
ther. Ap.
Es'dras, the Second Book of, in the
English Version of the Apocrypha, and so
called by the author (2 Esdr. i. I ), is more com-
monly known, according to the reckoning of
the Latin Version, as the fourth book of Ezra.
The original title, " The Apocalypse of Ezra,"
is far more appropriate. — 1 . For a long time
this book of Ezra was known only by an old
Latin version, which is preserved in some MSS.
of the Vulgate. A second Arabic text was
discovered by Mr. Gregory about the middle of
the 17th century in two Bodleian MSS. A
third Ethiopic text was published in 1820 by
[Archbp.] Lawrence with English and Latin
translations, likewise from • Bodleian MS. —
2. The three versions were all made directly
from a Greek text ; and in default of direct evi-
dence to the contrary, it must be supposed that
the book was composed in Greek. — 3. The
common Latin text, which is followed in the
English version, contains two important inter-
polations (ch. i., ii. ; xv., xvi.), which are not
found in the Arabic and Ethiopic versions, and
are separated from the genuine Apocalypse in
the best Latin MSS. Both of these passages
are evidently of Christian origin. Another
smaller interpolation occurs in the Latin ver-
sion in vii. 28, where Jili us meus Jesus answers
to " Sfu Messiah " in the Ethiopic, and to
" My Son Messiah " in the Arabic. On the
other hand, a long passage occurs in the Ethi-
opic and Arabic versions after vii. 35, which
is not found in the Latin. — 4. The original
Apocalypse (iii.-xiv.) consists of a series of
angelic revelations and visions in which Ezra
is instructed in some of the great mysteries of
the moral world, and assured of the final tri-
umph of the righteous. The subject of the
first revelation (iii.-v. 15) is the nnscarchablc-
ncss of God's purposes, and the signs of the
last age. The second revelation (v. 20.- vi. 34)
carries out this teaching yet further, and lays
open the gradual progress' of the plan of Prov-
idence, and the nearness of the visitation be-
fore which evil must attain its most terrible
climax. The third revelation (vi. 35-ix. 25)
answers the objections which arise from the ap-
parent narrowness of the limits within which
the hope of blessedness is confined, and de-
scribes the coming of Messiah and the last
scene of Judgment. After this follow three
visions. The first vision (ix. 26-x. 59) is of a
woman (Sion) in deep sorrow, lamenting the
death, upon his bridal day, of her only son
(the city built by Solomon), who had lieeii liorn
to her after she had had no child for thirty
/ears. But while Ezra looked, her face " upon
a sudden shined exceedingly," and " thei
appeared no more, but there was a city builded."
The second vision (xi., xii.), in a dream, U of
an eagle (Rome) which "came up from the
sea" and " spread her wings over all the earth."
The third vision (xiii.), in a dream, is of a man
(Messiah) "flying with the clouds of heaven,"
against whom the nations of the earth are
gathered, till he destroys them with the blast
of his mouth, and gathers together the lost
tribes of Israel, and oners Sion, " prepared and
builded," to His people. The last chapter
(xiv.) recounts an appearance to Ezra of the
Lord who showed Himself to Moses in the bush.
— 5. The date of the book is much disputed,
though the limits within which opinions vary
are narrower than in the case of the book of
Enoch. Liicke places it in the time of Cesar ;
Van der VI is shortly after the death of Caesar.
Lawrence brings it* down somewhat lower, to
28-25 b.c. On the other hand, Gfrdrer assigns
the book to the time of Domitian. — 6. The
chief characteristics of the " three-headed eagle,"
which refer apparently to historic details, are
" twelve feathered wings " (duodecim ale pen-
narum), "eight counter-feathers" (contrariss
pennse), and " three heads ; " but though the
writer expressly interprets these of kings (xii-
14, 20) and " kingdoms " (xii. 23), he is, per-
haps intentionally, so obscure in his allusions,
that the interpretation only increases the diffi-
culties of the vision itself. One point only
may be considered certain, — the eagle can
typify no other empire than Rome. But when
it is established that the interpretation of the
vision is to be sought in the history of Rome,
the chief difficulties of the problem begin. AU
is evidently as yet vague and uncertain, and
will probably remain so till some clearer light
can be thrown upon Jewish thought and his-
tory during the critical period 100 b.c.-IOO a.d.
— 7. But while the date of the book must be
left undetermined, there can be no doubt that
it is a genuine product of Jewish thought.
The Apocalypse was probably written in
Egypt ; the opening and closing chapters cer-
tainly were. — 8. In tone and character, the
Apocalypse of Ezra offers a striking contrast
to that of Enoch. Triumphant anticipations
are overshadowed by gloomy forebodings of the
destiny of the world. The idea of victory is
lost in that of revenge, — 9. One tradition
which the book contains obtained a wide recep-
tion in early times, and served as a pendant to
the legend of the origin of the LXX. Ezra,
it is said, for forty days and forty nights dictated
to his scribes, who wrote ninety-four books, of
which twenty-four were delivered to the people
in place of the books which were lost (xiv. 20-
48). This strange story probably owed it*
origin to the tradition which regarded Ezra as
the representative of the men of die " Great
Synagogue." — 10. Though the book was as-
signed to the " prophet " Ezra by Clement of
Alexandria, it did not maintain its ecclesiastical
position in the Church. Jerome speaks of it
with contempt, and it is rarely found in MSS.
of the Latin Bible. It is found, however, in
the printed copies of the Vulgate older than
the Council of Trent. On the other hand,
though this book is included among those
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ESHTEMO..
255
ESSENES
which are " read for examples of life " by the
English Chnrch, no use of it is there made in
public worship.
Etfebon, Jad. v. is. [Hxshbon.] Ap.
Bsebri'SB, 1 Esd. viii. 54. [Shuucbiah. ]
B'aek, a well, which die herdsmen of Isaac
das in the valley of Gerar (Gen. xxvi. SO).
Esh-ba'al, the fourth son of Saul, accord-
ing to the genealogies of 1 Chr. viii. 33 and ix.
39. He is doubtless the same person as Ish-
BOSKXTH.
Bahtjan, a Horite ; one of the four sons of
Disarm (Gen. xxxvi 26 ; 1 Chr. i. 41 1.
Bsh'coL, brother of Mamre the Amorite,
«n J of Aner ; and one of Abraham's compan-
ions in his pursuit of the four kings who nad
carried off Lot (Gen. xiv. 13, 24).
Bah'coL, the Valley, or the Brook,
of, a waiy in the neighborhood of Hebron,
explored by the spies who were sent by Moses
from Kadesh-barnea. From the terms of two
of the notices of this transaction (Num. xxxiii.
» ; Dent. i. 24) it might be gathered that Esh-
col was the farthest point to which the spies
penetrated. But this would be to contradict
the express statement of Num. xiii. 21, that
they went as for as Behob. The name has been
Wlv obeerred still attached to a spring of re-
markably fine water called 'Ain-EshhJi, in a
Taller which cr oss es the rale of Hebron N. E.
and 5. W., and about two miles north of the
town.
Bah'ean, one of the cities of Judah (Josh.
xr. 52>
BwtelL, a Benjamite, one of the late de-
scendants of Saul (1 Chr. riii. 39).
Eab/kalonites, the, Josh. xiii. 3. [Ash-
axtOTt.l
Bsh taol, a town in the lo<r country — the
SktJUak — of Judah. It is the (Vst of the first
group of cities in that district (Josh. xr. 33)
enumerated with Zoreah, in company with
which it is commonly mentioned. Zorah and
Edhtaol were two of the towns allotted to the
tribe of Dan out of Judah (Josh. xix. 41 ). Here,
among the old warriors of the tribe, Samson
<pent nis boyhood, and hither after his last ex-
ploit his body was brought ( Judg. xiii. 25, xri.
31, xriii. 2, 8, 11, 12). In the Onomastiam of
Etuebros and Jerome, Eshtaol is twice men-
tioned — (1) as Astaol of Jndah, described as
then existing between Azotus and Ascalon
wider the name of Attho; (2) as Esthaul of
Dan, ten miles N. of Eleutheropolis. In more
modern times, however, the name has vanished.
Bsh taulitee, the, with the Zareathites,
were among the families of Kirjatb-jearim (1
Chr. ii. 53).
Bahtemo'a, and in shorter form Bshte-
moh', a town of Jndah, in the mountains
(Josh. xr. 50). With its suburbs Eshtemoa
was allotted to the priests |xxi. 14 ; 1 Chr. vi.
57). It was one of the places frequented by
David and his followers during the long period
of their wanderings (1 Sam. xxx. 28, comp. 31).
The place was known in the time of Ensebins
and Jerome. There is little doubt that it has
been disc ov e r ed by Dr. Robinson at Semu'a, a
village seven miles south of Hebron. Eshtemoa
appears to have been founded by the descendants
of the Egyptian wife of a certain Mered (1 Chr.
iv. 171.
Eah'ton, a name which occurs in the gene-
alogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. II, 12).
Bali, son of Nagge or Naggai, in the gene-
alogy of Christ (Luke iii. 251.
Eao'ru, a place fortified by the Jews on the
approach of the Assyrian army under Holofer-
nes ( Jnd. iv. 4). Perhaps Haxor, or Zorah, but
it is not certain. Ap.
Es'ril, 1 Esd. ix. 34. [Acakbbl, or Sha-
RAI.] Ap.
Es'rom, Matt i. 3 ; Lake iii. 33. [Hsz-
Btox.]
Esse'nes. 1. In the description of Jose-
phus the E—ena appear to combine the ascetic
virtues of tlie Pythagoreans and Stoics with •
spiritual knowledge of the Divine Law. 2. The
name E—ene or Eaaan is itself full of difficulty.
Various derivations have been proposed for it,
and all are more or less open to objection. It
seems probable that Eugene signifies " weer," or
" the riloU, the nyterhtii." 3. The obscurity of
the Essenes as a distinct body arises from the
fact that they represented originally a tendency
rather than an organization. As a sect they
were distinguished by an aspiration after ideal
purity rather than bv any special code of doc-
trines. From the M a e cabsaan age there was a
continuous effort among the stricter Jews to at-
tain an absolute standard of holiness. Each
class of devotees was looked upon as practically
impure by their successors, who carried the laws
of purity still further ; and the Essenes stand at
the extreme limit of the mystic asceticism which
was thus gradually reduced to shape. To the
Pharisees they stood nearly in the same relation
as that in which the Pharisees themselves stood
with regard to the mass of the people. 4. The
traces of the existence of Essenes in common
society are not wanting, nor confined to individ-
ual cases. Not only was a gate at Jerusalem
named from them, but a later tradition mentions
the existence of a congregation there which de-
voted " one third of the day to study, one third
to prayer, and one third to labor." The isolat-
ed communities of Essenes furnished the type
which is preserved in the popular descriptions.
These were regulated by strict rules, analogous
to those of the monastic institutions of a later
date. 5. The order itself was regulated by an
internal jurisdiction. Excommunication was
equivalent to a slow death, since an Essene
could not take food prepared by strangers for
fear of pollution. All things were held in com .
mon, without distinction of property or house ;
and special provision was made for the relief of
the poor. Self-denial, temperance, and labor —
especially agriculture — were the marks of the
outward life of the Essenes ; purity and divine
communion the objects of their aspiration. Sla-
very, war, and commerce were alike forbidden.
6. In doctrine, as has been seen already, they
did not differ essentially from strict Pharisees.
Moses was honored by them next to God. They
observed the Sabbath with singular strictness,
turned their attention specially to the mysteries
of the spiritual world, and looked upon the body
as a mere prison of the soul. 7. The number
of the Essenes is roughly estimated by Philo at
4.000. Their best-known settlements were on
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ESTHER
256
ETAM
the N. W. shore of the Dead Sea. 8. In the
Tulmudic writings there is, as has been already
said, no direct mention of the Essencs, but their
existence is recognized by the notice of peculiar
points of practice and teaching. 9. The char-
acter of Essenism limited its spread. Out of
Palestine Levitical purity was impossible, for
the very land was impure ; and thus there is no
trace of the sect in Babylonia. The case was
different in Egypt, and the tendency which gave
birth to the Essencs found a fresh development
in the pure speculation of the Thcrapeutss. 10.
From the nature of the case Essenism in its ex-
treme form could exercise very little influence
on Christianity. In all its practical bearings it
was diametrically opposed to the Apostolic
teaching. The only real similarity between
Essenism »nd Christianity lay in the common
element of true Judaism. Nationally, however,
the Essenes occupy the same position as that to
which John the Baptist was personally called.
They mark the close of the old, the longing for
the new, hut in this case without the promise.
At a later time traces of Essenism appear in the
Clementines.
Esther, the Persian name of Hadassah,
daughter of Abihail the son of Shimei, the son
of Kish, a Benjamite. Esther was a beautiful
Jewish maiden, whose ancestor Kisli had been
among the captives led away from Jerusalem
by Nebuchadnezzar when Jchoiuchin was taken
captive. She was an orphan without father or
mother, and had been brought up by her cousin
Mordecai, who had an office in the household
of Ahasuerus king of Persia, and dwelt at " Shu-
shan the palace." When Vashti was dismissed
from being queen, and all the fairest virgins of
the kingdom had been collected nt Shushan for
the king to make choice of a successor to her
from among thcin, the clvicc fell upon Esther.
The king was not aware, however, of her race
and parentage ; and so, on the representation
of Hainan the Agagite that the Jews scattered
through his empire were a pernicious race, he
gave him full power and authority to kill them
all, young and old, women and children, and
lake possession of all their property. The means
taken by Esther to avert this great calamity from
her people and her kindred are rally related in
the book of Esther. History is wholly silent
both about Vashti and Esther. Herodotus only
happens to mention one of Xerxes' wives ;
Scripture only mentions two, if indeed cither of
them were wives at all. It seems natural to
conclude that Esther, a captive, and one of the
harem, was not of the highest rank of wives, but
that a special honor, with the name of queen,
may have been given to her, us to Vashti before
her, as the fovorite concubine or inferior wife,
whose offspring, however, if she had any, would
not have succeeded to the Persian throne.
Es'ther, Book Of, one of the latest of the
canonical l>ooks of Scripture, having been writ-
ten late in the reign of Acrxes, or early in that
of his son ArmxcrxesLongimanns. Theauthor
is not known, but may very probably have been
Mordecai himself. Those who ascribe it to
Ezra, or the men of the Great Synagogue, may
have merely meant that Ezra edited and added
it to the canon of Scripture, which he probably
did. The book of Esther appears in a different
form in the LXX., and the translations there-
from, from that in which it is found in the He-
brew Bible. In speaking of it we shall first
speak of the canonical book found in Hebrew,
to which also the above observations refer ; and
next of the Greek book with its apocryphal ad-
ditions. The canonical Esther then is placed
among the hagiographa by the Jews, and in that
first portion of them which they call " the five
rolls. It is sometimes emphatically called
Mmillah ("roll"), without other distinction,
and is read through by the Jews in their syna-
gogues at i he feast of Purim. It has often been
remarked as a peculiarity of this book that the
name of God docs not once occur in it. It was
always reckoned in the Jewish canon, and is
named or implied in almost every enumeration
of the books composing it, from Josephus down-
wards. Jerome mentions it by name, as do
Augustine, Origen, and many others. The
style of writing is remarkably chaste and simple.
It does not in the least savor of romance. The
Hebrew is very like that of Ezra and parts of
the Chronicles ; generally pure, but mixed with
some words of Persian origin, and some of Chal-
daic affinity. In short it is just what one would
expect to find in a work of the age to which the
book of Esther professes to belong. As regards
the LXX. version of the book, it consists of the
canonical Esther with various interpolations
prefixed, interspersed, and added at the close.
Though, however, the interpolations of the
Greek copy are thus manifest, they make > con-
sistent and intelligible story. Bnt the Apocry-
phal additions as they are inserted in some edi-
tions of the Latin Vulgate, and in the English
Bible, arc incomprehensible ; the history of
which is this : — When Jerome translated the
Book of Esther, ho first gave the version of the
Hebrew alone as being alone authentic. He
then added at the end a version in Latin of those
several passages which he found in the LXX.,
and which were not in the Hebrew, stating
where each passage came in, and marking them
all with an obelus. Having annexed this con-
clusion, he then gives the Proamium, which he
says forms the beginning of the Greek Vulgate,
beginning with what is now verse 2 of chapter
xi. ; and so proceeds with the other passages.
But in subsequent editions all Jerome's explan-
atory matter has been swept away, and the dis-
jointed portions have been printed as chapters
xi., xii., xiii., xiv., xv., xvi., as if they formed a
narrative in continuance of the canonical book.
As regards the place assigned to Esther in the
LXX., in the Vatican edition, and most others,
it comes between Judith and Job. Tobit and
Judith have been placed between it and Nehe-
mioh, doubtless for chronological reasons. But
in the very ancient Codex published by Tischen-
dorf, and called C. Friderico-Augtalanua, Esther
immediately follows Nehemiah, and precedes
Tobit.
E'tam. 1. A village of the tribe of Simeon,
specified only in the list in 1 Chr. iv. 32 (comp.
Josh. xix. 7). — 2. A place in Judoh, fortified
and garrisoned by Reholioam (2 Chr. xi. 6).
From its position in this list we may conclude
that it was near Bethlehem and Tekoah. Here,
according to the statements of Josephus and to*
Talmudists, were the sources of the water from
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ETHIOPIA
257
EUMENES II.
•which Solomo n's gardens and pleasure-grounds
were fed, and Bethlehem and the Temple sup-
plied. — 3. A name occurring in the lists of
Jodi i's descendants ( 1 Chr. iv. 3), bat probably
refer ing to the last mentioned place.
E tarn, the Book, a cliff or lofty rock,
into a cleft or chasm of which Samson retired
after h» slaughter of the Philistines (Jodg. xt.
8, 11). This natural stronghold was in the
tribe of Judah ; and near it, probably at its foot,
was Lett or Ramath-lehi, and En-hakkore (xt.
9, 14, 17, 19). The name Etam was held by a
city in the neighborhood of Bethlehem (2 Chr.
xi. 6), which la known to have been situated
in the extremely uneven and broken country
round the modern Urteu. Here is a fitting scene
for the adventure of Samson. In the abundant
springs and the numerous eminences of the dis-
trict round Urtas, the cliff Etam, Ramath-lehi,
and En-hakkore may be yet discovered.
E'tham. [ExOttBS, THE, p. 261.]
Ethan. L. Ethaj» thi Ezbahitb, one
ef the foor sons of Mahol, whose wisdom was
excelled by Solomon ( 1 K. iv. 31 ; 1 Chr. ii. 6).
His name sin the title of P». lxxxix. — 2. Son
of Kkhi or Knshaiah ; a Merarite Levite, bead
sf that family in the time of king David (1 Chr.
vi. 44 ; Heb. 29), and spoken of as a " singer."
With Heman and Asaph, the heads of the other
two sssnilies of Lerite*, Ethan was appointed to
with cymbals (xt. 17, 19). It has been
conjectured that the two names Ethan and Jed-
■than belonged to one man, or are identical,
bat there is no direct evidence of this. —8. A
Genhoaite Lerite, one of the ancestors of Asaph
the siaaer (1 Chr. vi. 42 ; Heb. 37).
Ethanim. [Mouths.]
Ethba'al, king of Sidoa sod father of Jese-
'seJ ( 1 K. xvi. 31 ). Josephns represents hhn as
king of the Tyrians as well as the Sidonians.
We may thus identify him with Eithobalus,
aooced by Menander, a priest of Astute, who,
after having assassinated Pheles, usurped the
throne of Tyre for 32 years. The date of Eth-
baal's reiga may be given as about B.C. 940-
908.
E'ther, one of the cities of Judah in the
low country, the StyikA (Josh. xv. 43), allotted
to Simeon (xix. 7). The name of Ether has
not yet been identified with any existing re-
ams; bat Van de Velde beard of a TA Atitar
a the desert country below Hebron.
Sttur/pia. The country which the Greeks
sad Romans described as "JKthiopia" and the
Hebrews as "Cash" lay to the S. of Egypt,
sad embraced, in its most extended sense, the
modern MsWa, Stmtaar, Kanbjbn, and northern
A tgmm i a, and in its more definite sense the
kingdom of Meroe. The only direction in
which a dear boundary can be Axed is hi the
H., where Syene marked the division between
Ethiopia sad Egypt (Ex. xxix. 10) : in other
directions the boundaries can be only generally
described as the Red Sea on the E., the Libyan
assert oa (he W., and the Abyssinian highlands
on the 8. The name " Ethiopia " is probably
an adaptation of the native Egyptian name
"Ethaash," which bears a tolerably dose re-
sanhlanre to the Gentile form " Jtmam." The
Hebrews do not appear to have had much prac-
tical arquaratance with Ethiopia itself, though
la-
the Ethiopians were well known to them through
their intercourse with Egypt. They were, how.
ever, perfectly aware of its position (Es. xxix.
10) and its tropical characteristics, and they
carried on commercial intercourse with it. The
country is for the most part mountainous,
the ranees gradually increasing in altitude to-
wards the S., until they attain an elevation of
about 8,000 feet in Abyssinia. The inhabitants
of Ethiopia were an Hamitic race (Gen. x. 6).
They were divided into various tribes, of which
the Sabasans were the most powerful. The his-
tory of Ethiopia is closely interwoven with that
of Egypt. The two countries were not nnfre-
quently united under the rule of the same sov-
ereign. Esarhaddon is stated in the Assyrian
inscriptions to have conquered both Egypt and
Ethiopia. At the time of the conquest of Egypt^
Cambyses advanced against Meroe and subdued
it; bat the Persian rule did not take any root
there, nor did the influence of the Ptolemies
generally extend beyond Northern Ethiopia.
Shortly before our Saviour's birth a native dy-
nssty of females, holding the official title of
Candace (Plin. vi. 35), held sway in Ethiopia,
and even resisted the advance of the Roman
arms. One of these is the queen noticed in
Acts viii. 27.
Ethiopian. Properly " Cushife " (Jer.
xiii. 23) ; used of Zerah (2 Chr. xiv. 9 \%]), and
Ebed-melecb (Jer. xxxviii. 7, 10, 12, xxxlx. 16).
Ethio'pian Woman. The wife of Moses
is so described in Num. xii. 1. She is elsewhere
said to have been the daughter of a Midianite,
and in consequence of this some have supposed
that the allusion is to another wife whom Hoses
married after the death of Zipporah.
Ethiopians. Properly "Cnsh" or "Ethi-
opia" in two passages (Is. xx. 4; Jer. xlvi. 9).
Elsewhere " Cushites," or inhabitants of Ethi-
opia (3 Chr. xii. 3, xiv. 12 [111, 13 [12], xvi.
8, xxi. 16 ; Dan. xi. 43 ; Am. ix. 7 ; Zeph. ii.
Bth'ma, 1 Esd. ix. SB ; apparently a cor-
ruption of Nbbo in the parallel list of Esra x.
43. An.
Eth nan, one of the sons of Helab the wife
of Ashur (1 Chr.hr. 7).
Bth'ni, a Gershonite Levite (1 Chr. vi. 41 ;
Heb. 26).
BubulUB, a Christian at Rome mentioned
by St. Paul (2 Tim. iv. 21).
Ener'setes, a common surname and title
of honor in Greek states. The title was borne
by two of the Ptolemies, Ptol. III., Euergete*
I., B.C. 347-222, and Ptol. VII., Euergetcs II.,
B.C. (170) 146-1 17. The Euergetes mentioned
in the prologue to Ecclesiasncus has been iden-
tified with each of these. Ap.
Eu'menes II., king of Pergamns, suc-
ceeded his father Attalus I., B.C. 197. In the
war with Antiochus the Great he rendered the
most important services to the growing repub-
lic. After peace was made (b.c. 189) be re-
paired to Rome to claim the reward of his loy-
alty ; and the Senate conferred on him the prov-
inces of Mysia, Lydia, and Ionia (with some
exceptions), Phrygia, Lvcaonis, and the Thra-
eian Chersonese. The exact date of his death
is not mentioned, but it must have taken pises
in B.C. 1S9. Ap.
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EUPHRATES
258
EUBOCLYDON
Eu'natan, l Esd. viii. 44. [Euuthan.]
Euni'ce, mother of Timotbeni (8 Tim. i.
BunUOh. The original Hebrew word clear-
ly implies the incapacity which mutilation in-
volves, and perhaps includes all the classes
mentioned in Matt. xix. 12, not signifying an
office merely. The law (Deut. xxiii. 1 ; comp.
Lev. xxii. 24) is repugnant to thus treating any
Israelite; and Samuel, when describing the
arbitrary power of the future king ( 1 Sam. viii.
15, marg.), mentions " his eunuchs," but does
not say that he would make " their sons " such.
This, if we compare 2 K. xx. 18, Is. xxxix. 7,
possibly implies that these persons would be
foreigners. It was a barbarous custom of the
East thus to treat captives (Herod, iii. 49, vi.
32), not only of tender age, but, it should seem,
when past puberty. The "officer" Potiphar
(Gen. xxxvii. 36, xxxix. 1, marg. "eunuch" )
was an Egyptian, was married, and was the
" captain of the guard ; " and in the Assyrian
monuments a eunuch often appears, sometimes
armed, and in a warlike capacity, or as a scribe,
noting the number of heads and amount of
spoil, as receiving the prisoners, and even as
officiating in religious ceremonies. The origi-
nation of the practice is ascribed to Semiramis,
and is no doubt as early, or nearly so, as East-
ern despotism itself. The complete assimilation
of the kingdom of Israel, and latterly of Judah,
to the neighboring models of despotism, is
traceable in the rank and prominence of eu-
nuchs (2 K. viii. 6, ix. 32, xxiii. II, xxv. 19;
Is. lvi. 3, 4; Jer. xxix. 2, xxxiv. 19, xxxviii.
7, xli. 16, Hi. 25). They mostly appear in one
of two relations, either military as " set over the
men of war," greater trustworthiness possibly
counterbalancing inferior courage and military
vigor, or associated, as we mostlv recognize
them, with women and children. We find the
Assyrian Rab-Saris, or chief eunuch (2 K.
xviii. 17), employed together with other high
officials as ambassador. It is probable that
Daniel and his companions were thus treated,
in fulfilment of 2 K. xx. 17, 18 ; Is. xxxix. 7 ;
comp. Dan. i. 3, 7. The court of Herod of
course had its eunuchs, as had also that of Queen
Candace (Acts viii. 27).
Euo'dias, a Christian woman at Philippi
(Phil. iv. 2). The name is correctly Euodia.
Euphra'tes is probably a word of Aryan
origin, signifying "the good and abounding
river." It is most frequently denoted in the
Bible by the term " the river." The Euphrates
is the largest, the longest, and by far the most
important of the rivers of Western Asia. _ It
rises from two chief sources in the Armenian
mountains, one of them at Domli, 25 miles N.E.
of Erzeroum, and little more than a degree from
the Black Sea ; the other on the northern slope
of the mountain range called Ala-Tagh, near
the village of Diyadin, and not far from Mount
Ararat. Both branches flow at first towards
the W. or S.W., passing through the wildest
mountain districts of Armenia ; they meet at
Krtiban-Afaden, nearly in long. 39° E. from
Greenwich, having run respectively 400 and
270 miles. Here the stream formed bv their
combined waters is 120 yards wide, rapid, and
very deep ; it now flows nearly southward, but
in a tortuous course, forcing a way through the
ranges of Taurus and Anti-Taurus, and still
seeming as if it would empty itself into the
Mediterranean; but prevented from so doing
by the longitudinal ranges of Amanus and Leb-
anon, which here run parallel to the Syrian
coast, and at no great distance from it; the
river at last desists from its endeavor, and in
about lat. 36° turns towards the S. E., and pro-
ceeds in this direction for above 1,000 miles to
its embouchure in the Persian Gulf. The entire
course is calculated at 1,780 miles, and of this
distance more than two-thirds (1,200 miles) is
navigable for boats. The width of the river
is greatest at the distance of 700 or 800 miles
from its mouth — that is to say, from its junc-
tion with the Khabour to the village of Werai.
It there averages 400 yards. The annual inun-
dation of the Euphrates is caused by the melting
of the snows in the Armenian highlands. 15
occurs in the month of May. The great hy-
draulic works ascribed to Nebuchadnezzar had
for their great ooject to control the inundation.
The Euphrates has at all times been of some
importance as furnishing a line of traffic be-
tween the East and the West Herodotus
speaks of persons, probably merchants, using it
regularly on their passage from the Mediterra-
nean to Babylon. There are sufficient grounds
for believing that throughout the Babylonian
and Persian periods this route was made use
of by the merchants of various nations, and
that by it the East and West continually inter-
changed their most important products. The
Euphrates is first mentioned in scripture as one
of the four rivers of Eden (Gen. li. 14). Its
celebrity is there sufficiently indicated by the
absence of any explanatory phrase, such as ac-
companies the names of the other streams. We
next hear of it in the covenant made with Abra.
ham (Gen. xv. 18), where the whole country
from " the great river, the river Euphrates," to
the river of Egypt, is promised to the fJiosen
race. During the reigns of David and Solomon
the dominion of Israel actually attained to th*
full extent both ways of the original promise,
the Euphrates forming the boundary of their
empire to the N. E., and the river of Egypt to
the S. W. This wide-spread territory was lost
upon the disruption of the empire under Rebo-
boam ; and no more is heard in Scripture of
the Euphrates until the expedition of Necho
against the Babylonians in the reign of Josiah. .
The river still brings down as much water as
of old, bnt the precious element is wasted by
the neglect of man ; the various watercourses
along which it was in former times conveyed
are dry ; the main channel has shrunk ; and
the water stagnates in unwholesome marshes.
Eupolemua, the " son of John, the son
of Accos," one of the envoys sent to Rome by
Judas Maccatueus, cir. B.C. 161 (1 Msec viii.
17 ; 2 Mace. iv. 11). He has been identified
with the historian of the same name, bnt it is
by no means clear that the historian was of
Jewish descent. Ap.
Euroclydon, the name given (Acts xxVli.
14) to the gale of wind which off the sooth
coast of Crete seized the ship in which St. Paul
was ultimately wrecked on the coast of Malta.
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It earns down from the island, and therefore
most have blown, more or less, from the north-
ward. Next, the wind is described as being
like a typhoon or whirlwind. The long dura-
tion of the gale, the overclouded state of the
sky, and even the heavy rain which concluded
the storm (xxviii. 2), could easily be matched
with parallel instances in modern times. We
have seen that the wind was more or less north-
erly. The context gives us full materials for
determining its direction with great exactitude.
We come to the conclusion that it blew from
the N. E. or E. N. E. This is quite in harmony
with the natural sense of EipaKvXuv (Euroa-
<piik>, Vulg.), which is regarded as the true read-
log by Bentley, and is found in some of the
best MSS. ; but we are disposed to adhere to
the Received Text.
Ea'tychos, a youth at Troas (Acts xx. 9),
who sitting in a window, and having fallen
(sleep while St. Paul was discoursing far into
the night, fell from the third story, and, being
taken up dead, wan miraculously restored to
ii& by the Apostle.
Evangelist. The constitution of the Apos-
tolic Church included an order or body of men
known as Evangelists. The meaning of the
name, " The publishers of glad tidings," seems
common to the work of the Christian ministry
generally, yet in Eph. iv. 11, the "evangelists
appear on the one hand after the " apostles "
anil " prophets : " on the other before the " pas-
tori " and " teachers." This passage accord-
ingly would lead us to think of them as stand-
ing between the two other groups — sent forth
as missionary preachers of the Gospel by the
first, and as such preparing the way for the la-
bors oi the second. The same inference would
seem to follow the occurrence of the word as
applied to Philip in Acts xxi. 8. It follows
from what has been said that the calling of the
Evangelist is the proclamation of the glad tid-
ings to those who have not known them, rather
than the instruction and pastoral care of those
who have believed and been baptized. It fol-
lows also that the name denotes a work rather
than an order. The Evangelist might or might
sot be a Bishop-Elder or a Deacon. The Apos-
tles, so far as they evangelized (Acts viii. 25,
*". 7; 1 Cor. i. 17), might claim the title,
though there were many Evangelists who were
aot Apostles. Theodoret describes the Evan-
gelists as travelling missionaries. The account
giro by Eusebius, though somewhat rhetorical
and vague, gives prominence to the idea of
itinerant missionary preaching. If the Gospel
*as a written book, and the office of the Evan-
gelists was to read or distribute it, then the
writers of such books were «rrffo^7v thb Evan-
gelists. In later liturgical language the word
*as applied to the reader of the Gospel for the
Ere, the name given in Scripture to the first
"ornan. The account of Eve's creation is found
at Geo. u. 21 , 22. Various explanations of this
"arranve have been offered. Perhaps that which
*e are chiefly intended to learn from it is the
foundation upon which the union between man
and wife is built, viz. identity of nature and one-
ness of origin. Through the subtlety of the ser-
pent, Eve was beguiled into a violation of the
one commandment which had been imposed
upon her and Adam. The different aspects
under which Eve regarded her mission as a
mother are seen in the names of her sons. The
Scripture account of Eve closes with the birth
ofSeth.
E'vi, one of the five kings or princes of
Midian, slain by the Israelites (Num. xxxi. 8 ;
Josh. xiii. 21).
B'vil-Mer'odaoh (2 K. xxv. 27) accord-
ing to Berosus and Abydenus, was the son and
successor of Nebuchadnezzar. He reigned but
a short time, having ascended the throne on the
death of Nebuchadnezzar in B.C. 561, and being
himself succeeded by Neriglissar in B.C. 559.
At the end of this brief space Evil-Merodach
was murdered by Neriglissar.
Excommunication. Excommnnication
is a power founded upon a right inherent in all
religious societies, and is analogous to the pow-
ers of capital punishment, banishment, and ex-
clusion from membership, which are exercised
by political and municipal bodies. — I. Jewish
Excommunication. — The Jewish system of ex-
communication was threefold. For a first of-
fence a delinquent was subjected to the penalty
of Niddui. The twenty-four offences for which
it was inflicted are various, and range in hein-
ousness from the offence of keeping a fierce dog
to that of taking God's name in vain. The
offender was first cited to appear in court; and
if he refused to appear or to make amends, his
sentence was pronounced. The term of this
punishment was thirty days; and it was ex-
tended to a second and to a third thirty days
when necessary. If at the end of that time the
offender was still contumacious, he was subjected
to the second excommunication, termed Cherem,
a word meaning something devoted to God
(Lev. xxvii. 21, 28; Ex. xxii. 20 [19] ; Num.
xviii. 14). Severer penalties were now attached.
The sentence was delivered by a court of ten,
and was accompanied by a solemn malediction.
Lastly followed Shammathd, which was an entire
cutting off from the congregation. It has been
supposed by some that these two latter forms of
excommunication were undistinguishable from
each other. The punishment of excommuni-
cation is not appointed by the Law of Moses.
It is founded on the natural right of self-pro-
tection which all societies enjoy. The case of
Korah, Dathan, and Abirara (Num. xvl.), the
curse denounced on Meroz (Judg. v. 23), the
commission and proclamation of Ezra (vii.
26, x. 8), and the reformation of Nehemiah
(xiii. 25), are appealed to by the Tolmudists as
J precedents by which their proceedings are regu-
ated. In the New Testament, Jewish excom-
mnnication is brought prominently before us in
the case of the man that was born blind (John
ix). The expressions here used refer, no doubt,
to the first form of excommunication, or Niddui.
In Luke vi. 22, it has been thought thst our
Lord referred specifically to the three forms
of Jewish excommunication : " Blessed are ye
when men shall hate you, and when they shall
teparaU you from their company, and shall rs-
proach you, and cast out your name as evil, for
the Son of Man's sake." The three words very
accurately express the simple separation, the
additional malediction, and the final exclusion
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EXODUS
of niddui, cherem, and shammatha. — II. Chris-
tian Excommunication. — Excommunication, as
exercised by the Christian Church, is not merely
founded on the natural right possessed by all
societies, nor merely on the example of the Jew-
ish Church and nation. It was instituted by
onr Lord (Matt, xviii. 15, 18), and it was prac-
tised and commanded by St. Paul (1 Tim. i.
20 ; 1 Cor. v. 11 ; Tit. iii. 10). In the Epistles
we find St. Paul frequently claiming the right
to exercise discipline over his converts (comp.
2 Cor. i. 29, xiii. 10). In two cases we find him
exercising this authority to the extent of cut-
ting off offenders from the Church. What is
the full meaning of the expression, " deliver
onto Satan," is doubtful. All agree that ex-
communication is contained in it, but whether
it implies any further punishment, inflicted by
the extraordinary powers committed specially
to the Apostles, has been questioned. Intro-
duction into the Church is, in St. Paul's mind,
a translation from the kingdom and power
of Satan to the kingdom and government of
Christ. This being so, he could hardly more
naturally describe the effect of excluding a man
from the Church than by the words, " deliver
him unto Satan." — Apostolic Precept. In ad-
dition to the claim to exercise discipline, and its
actual exercise in the form of excommunication,
by the Apostles, we find Apostolic precepts di-
recting that discipline should be exercised by
the rulers of the Church, and that in some cases
excommunication should be resorted to (2 Thess.
iii. 14; Rom. xvi. 17; Gal. v. 12 ; 1 Tim. vi.
3 ; Tit. iii. 10 ; 2 John 10 ; 3 John 10 ; Rev. ii.
20). There are two passages still more impor-
tant to our subject ( Gal. i. 8, 9 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 22).
It has been supposed that these two expressions,
" let turn be Anathema," " let him be Anathema
Maranatha," refer respectively to the two later
stages of Jewish excommunication — the cherem
and the shammdthd. — Restoration to Communion.
Two cases of excommunication are related in
Holy Scripture ; and in one of them the restitu-
tion of the offender is specially recounted (2
Cor. ii.). — The Nature of Excommunication is
made more evident by these acts of St. Paul
than by any investigation of Jewish practice or
of the etymology of words. We thus find, ( 1 )
that it is a spiritual penalty, involving no tem-
rral punishment, except accidentally ; (2) that
consists in separation from the communion of
the Church ; (3) that its object is the good of
the sufferer (1 Cor. v. 5), and the protection
of the sound members of the Church (2 Tim.
iii. 17) ; (4) that its subjects are those who are
guilty of heresy (1 Tim. i. 20), or gross immo-
rality (1 Cor. v. 1) ; (5) that it is inflicted by
the authority of the Church at large ( Matt, xviii.
18), wielded by the highest ecclesiastical officer
(1 Cor. v. 3 ; Tit. iii. 10) ; (6) that this officer's
sentence is promulgated by the congregation to
which the offender belongs (1 Cor. v. 4), in
deference to his superior judgment and com-
mand (2 Cor. ii. 9), and in spite of any opposi-
tion on the part of a minority (if*. 6) ; (7) that
the exclusion may be of indefinite duration, or
for a period ; (8) that its duration may be
abridged at the discretion and by the indulgence
of the person who has imposed the penalty
\ib. 8) ; (9) that penitence is the condition on
which restoration to communion is granted
(16. 7) ; (10) that the sentence is to be publicly
reversed as it was publicly promulgated (il. 10).
Executioner. The Heb. word describes,
in the first instance, the office of executioner,
and, secondarily, the general duties of die body-
guard of a monarch. Thus Potiphar was " cap-
tain of the executioners" (Gen. xxxvii. 36 ; see
margin). That the "captain of the guard '*
himself occasionally performed the duty of an
executioner appears from 1 K. ii. 25, 34. Nev-
ertheless the post was one of high dignity.
The Greek aneKovXarup (Mark vi. 27) is bor-
rowed from the Latin speculator; originally a
military spy or scout, but under the emperors
transferred to the body-guard.
Exile. [Captivity.]
Ex'odUfl, the second book of the Law or
Pentateuch. — A. Contents. The book may be
divided into two principal parts : I. Historical,
i. 1 -xviii. 27 ; and II. Legislative, xix. 1-xJ.
38. The former of these may be subdivided
into (1.) the preparation for the deliverance of
Israel from their bondage in Egypt; (2.) the
accomplishment of that deliverance. L (1.)
The first section (i. 1-xii. 36) contains an
account of the following particulars: — The
great increase of Jacob's posterity in the land
of Egypt, and their oppression under a new dy-
nasty, which occupied the throne after the death
of Joseph (ch. i.) ; the birth, education, and
flight of Moses (ii.) ; his solemn call to be the
deliverer of his people (iii. 1-iv. 17), and his
return to Egypt in consequence (iv. 18-31 ) ;
his first ineffectual attempt to prevail upon
Pharaoh to let the Israelites go, which only re-
sulted in an increase of their burdens ( v. 1-21 ) ;
a further preparation of Moses and Aaron for
their office, together with the account of their
genealogies (v. 22-vii. 7) ; the successive signs
and wonders, by means of which the deliverance
of Israel from the land of bondage is at length
accomplished, and the institution of the Past-
over (vii. 8-xii. 36). (2.) A narrative of events
from the departure out of Egypt to the arrival
of the Israelites at Mount Sinai. II. The sol-
emn establishment of the Theocracy on Mount
Sinai. This book in short gives a sketch of the
early history of Israel as a nation ; and the his-
tory has three clearly marked stages. First we
see a nation enslaved ; next a nation redeemed ;
lastly a nation set apart, and through the blend-
ing of its religious and political life consecrated
to the service of God. — B. Credibility. Almost
every historical fact mentioned in Exodus has
at some time or other been called in question.
But it is certain that all investigation has hith-
erto tended only to establish the veracity of the
narrator. A comparison with other writers and
an examination of the monuments confirm, or
at least do not contradict, the most material
statements of this book. Thus, for instance,
Manetho's story of the Hyksos points at least
to some early connection between the Israelite*
and the Egyptians, and is corroborative of the
fact implied in the Pentateuch, that, at the rime
of the Israelitish sojourn, Egypt was ruled bv
a foreign dynasty. Manetho speaks, too, of
strangers from the east who occupied the east-
ern part of Lower Egypt And his account
shows that the Israelites had become a
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EXODUS
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EXORCIST
rous and formidable people. According to Ex.
xii. 37, the number of men, besides women and
children, who left Egypt, was 600,000. This
would give for the whole nation about two mil-
lion* and a half. There is no doubt some diffi-
culty in accounting for this immense increase,
if we suppose (as on many accounts seems prob-
able) that the actual residence of the children
of Israel was only 215 years. We must remem-
ber indeed that the number who went into
Egypt with Jacob was considerably more than
"threescore and ten souls" [see ChbonolgyJ ;
we most also take into account the extraordi-
nary frnitfulness of Egypt (concerning which
all writers are agreed), and especially of that
part of it in which the Israelites dwelt. Still it
would be more satisfactory if we could allow
430 years for the increase of the nation rather
than any ahorter period. Other objections are
of a Tery arbitrary kind. The ten plagues are
physically, many of them, what might be ex-
pected in Egypt, although in their intensity and
m their rapid succession they are clearly super-
natural. The institution of the Passover (ch.
xii.) has been subjected to severe criticism.
This has also been called a mythic Action. The
critics rest mainly on the difference between the
direction* given for the observance of this the
first, and those given for subsequent passovers.
But there is no reason why, considering the very
remarkable circumstances nnder which it was
instituted, the first Passover should not have
had its own peculiar solemnities, or why instruc-
tions should not then have been given for a
somewhat different observance for the future.
(Passosbb.) In minor details the writer shows
a remar VaMe acquaintance with Egypt Many
other facts have been disputed, such as the pas-
sage of the Red Sea, the giving of the manna,
kc. Bat respecting these it may suffice to refer
to other articles in which they are discussed.
[The Exodus ; Max va ; The Bed Sea.] —
C. The authorship and date of the book are
discussed under Pestathoch.
Kar/odus, the. 1. /"*«*«. — A preponder-
ance of evidence is in favor of the year B.C.
IC5S. The historical questions connected with
this date are noticed under Eotpt. Hales
places the Exodus B.C. 1648, Ussher B.C. 1491,
and Bunsen B.C. 1320.— 2. History. — The
history of the Exodus itself commences with
die close of that of the Ten Plagues.
[Puodes or Eorrr.] In the night in which,
at midnight, the first-born were slain (Ex. xii.
29), Pharaoh urged the departure of the Israel-
ites (ver. 31, 32). They at once set forth from
Barneses (ver. 37, J9), apparently during the
night (ver. 42), but towards morning, on the
15th day of the first month (Num. xxxiii. 3).
They made three journeys, and encamped by
the Red Sea. Here Pharaoh overtook them,
and the great miracle occurred by which they
were saved, while the pursuer and his army were
destroyed. — 3. Geognmkf. — The following
points must be settled exactly or approxi-
mately, — the situation of the Land of Goshen,
the length of each day's march, the position of
the first station (Barneses), and the direction
of the journey. The Land of Goshen must
have been an outer eastern province of Lower
Egypt- The Israelites, setting out from a town
of Goshen, made two days journey towards
the Bed Sea, and then entered the wilderness,
a day's journey or less from the sea. They
could onlv therefore have gone by the valley
now called the Wddi ■ t - Tumn/ldt, for every other
cultivated or cultivable tract is too far from
the Bed Sea. It is not difficult to fix very
nearly the length of each day's march of the
Israelites. As they had with them women,
children, and cattle, it cannot be supposed that
they went more than fifteen miles daily ; at the
same time it is unlikely that they fell far short
of this. The three journeys would therefore
give a distance of about forty-five miles. There
seems, however, to have been a deflection from
a direct course, so that wc cannot consider the
whole distance from the starting-point, Barneses,
to the shore of the Red Sea as much more than
about thirty miles in a direct line. Measuring
from the ancient western shore of the Arabian
Gulf due east of the Wddi-t-Tuma/ldl, a dis-
tance of thirty miles in a direct line places the
site of Barneses near the mound called in
the present day El- 'Abbdteeyeh, not far from the
western end of the valley. After the first
day's journey the Israelites encamped at Suc-
coth (Ex. xii. 37, xiii. 20 ; Num. xxxiii 9, 6).
This was probably a mere resting-place *f car-
avans, or a military station, or else a town
named from one of the two. Obviously snch
a name is very difficult of identification The
next camping-place was Etham, the position of
which may be very nearly fixed in consequence
of its being described as " in the edgt of the
wilderness (Ex. xiii. 20 ; Num. xxxiii. 6, 7).
I!:
It is reasonable to place Etham where the ci
tivahle land ceases, near the Stba Bidr, oi Seven
Well*, about three miles from the western side
of the ancient head of the gulf. After leaving
Etham the direction of the route changed. The
Israelites were commanded " to turn and en-
camp before I'i-hahiroth, between Misdol and
the sea, over against Baal-zcphon " (Ex. xiv.
2). We do not venture to attempt the Identifi-
cation of the places mentioned in the vnurative
with modern sites. Nothing but the discovery
of ancient Egyptian names, and their positive
appropriation to such sites, could enable us to
do so. The actual passage of the sea forms
the subject of another article. Tlieru can be
no doubt that the direction was from the west
to the east, and that the breadth at thiiplace of
crossing was great, since the whole Egyptian
army perished. Prof. Lepsius attempts to
identify Barneses with the ancient Egyptitn
site now called Aboo-Kaheyd, abont eight miles
from the old head of the gulf. [Bambsbs.1
Exoroiflt. The use of the term exorcists
in Acts xix. 13 confirms what we know from
other sources as to the common practice of
exorcism amongst the Jews. That some, s
least, of them not only pretended to, but pos
sessed, the power of exorcising, appears by our
Lord's admission when he asks the Pharisees,
" If I by Beelzebub cast out devils, by whom
do your disciples cast them out t " (Matt. xii.
27.) What means were employed by real exor-
cists we are not informed. David, by playing
skilfully on a harp, procured the temporary de-
parture of the evil spirit which troubled "Saul
(1 Sam. xvi. 28). Justin Martyr has an intsr-
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EZEKIEL
262
EZEKIEL
eating suggestion as to the possibility of a Jew
successfully exorcising a devil, by employing
the name of the God of Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob. But he goes on to say that the Jewish
exorcists, as a class, had sunk down to the su-
perstitious rites and usages of the heathen. It
was the profane use of the name of Jesus as a
mere charm or spell which led to the disastrous
issue recorded in the Acts of the Apostles (xix.
13-16). The power of casting out devils was
bestowed by Christ while on earth upon the
apostles (Matt. x. 8) and the seventy disciples
(Luke x. 17-19), and was, according to His
promise (Mark xvi. 17), exercised by believers
after His Ascension (Acts xvi. 18) ; but to the
Christian miracle, whether as performed by our
Lord himself or by His followers, the N. T.
writers never apply the terms "exorcise" or
"exorcist."
Expiation. [Sacrifice.]
EztJai, father of Naarai, who was one of
David's thirty mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 37).
Ez'bon. 1. Son of Gad, and founder of
one of the Gadite families (Gen. xlvi. 16 ; Num.
xxvi. 16). — 2. Son of Bela, the son of Ben-
jamin, according to 1 Chr. vii. 7.
Ezochi'as. 1. 1 Esd. ix. 14 ; put for Ja-
baziar in Ezr. x. 15. — 2. 2 Esd. vii. 40.
[Hezekiah.] Ap.
Ezeci'as, 1 Esd. ix. 43 ; for Hilkiah in
theparallcl passage, Neh. viii. 4. Ap.
Ezeki OS, Ecclus. xlviii. 17, 22, xlix. 4 ; 2
Mace. xv. 22 ; Matt. i. 9, 10. [Hezekiah.]
Ezelsiel, one of the four greater prophets.
He was the son of a priest named Buzi. The
Rabbis absurdly identify Buzi with Jeremiah.
Another tradition makes Ezekiel the servant of
Jeremiah. Unlike his predecessor in the pro-
phetic office, who gives us the amplest details
of his personal history, Ezekiel rarely alludes
to the facts of his own life, and we have to com-
plete the imperfect picture by the colors of late
and dubious tradition. He was taken captive
in the captivity of Jehoiachin, eleven years be-
fore the destruction of Jerusalem. He was a
member of a community of Jewish exiles who
settled on the banks of the Chebar, a " river "
or stream of Babylonia. It was by this river
"in the land of the Chaldeans " that God's
message first reached him (i. 3). His call took
place " in the fifth year of king Jehoiacbin's
captivity," B.C. 595* (i. 2), "in the thirtieth
year, in the fourth month." The latter expres-
sion is very uncertain. It now seems generally
agreed that it was the 30th year from the new
era of Nabopolassar, father of Nebuchadnezzar,
who began to reign B.C. 625. The use of this
Chatdre epoch is tho more appropriate as the
Srophet wrote in Babylonia, and he gives a
ewish chronology in ver. 2. The decision of
the question is the less important because in all
other places Ezekiel dates from the year of Je-
hoiacbin's captivity (xxix. 17, xxx. 20, ct pas-
sim). We learn from an incidental allusion
(xxi v. 18) — the only reference which he makes
to his personal history — that he was married,
and had a house (viii. 1 ) in his place of exile,
and lost his wife by a sudden and unforeseen
stroke. He lived in the highest consideration
among his companions in exile, anil their elders
consulted him on all occasions (viii. 1, xi. 25,
xiv. 1, xx. 1, &c.). The last date he mention*
is the 27th year of the captivity (xxix. 17), ao
that his mission extended over twenty-two
years, during part of which period Daniel was
probably living, and already famous (Ex. xiv.
14, xxviii. 3). He is said to have been mur-
dered in Babylon by some Jewish prince whom
he had convicted of idolatry, and to have been
buried in the tomb of Shem and Arphaxad, on
tho banks of the Euphrates. The tomb, said to
have been built by Jehoiachin, was shown a
few days' journey "from Bagdad. But, as 11a-
vemick remarks, " by tho side of the scattered
data of his external life, those of his internal
life appear so much the richer." He was dis-
tinguished by his stern and inflexible enenry
of will and character ; and we also observe a
devoted adherence to the rites and ceremonies
of his national religion. Ezekiel is no cosmop-
olite, but displays everywhere the peculiar
tendencies of a Hebrew educated under Lcvit-
ical training. The priestly bias is always
visible. We may also note in Ezekiel the ab-
sorbing recognition of his high calling, which
enabled him cheerfully to endure any depriva-
tion or misery, if thereby he might give any
warning or lesson to his people (iv., xxiv. 15,
16, &c.), whom he so ardently loved (ix. 8, xi.
13). His predictions are marvellously varied.
He has instances of visions ( viii.— xi.), symbol-
ical actions (as iv. 8), similitudes (xii., xv.),
parables (as xvii.), proverbs (as xii. 22, xviii.
1 sq.), poems (as xix.), allegories (as xxiii.,
xxiv.), open prophecies (as vi., vii., xx., 4c.).
The depth of his matter, and the marvellous
nature of his visions, make him occasionally
obscure. Hence his prophecy was placed by
the Jews among the " treasures," those portions
of Scripture which (like the early part of Gen-
esis, and the Canticles) were not allowed to be
read till the age of thirty. The Jews classed
him in the very highest rank of prophets. —
Of the authenticity of Ezekicl's prophecy there
has been no real dispute, although a few rash
critics have raised questions about the last
chapters, even suggesting that they might have
been written by a Samaritan, to incite the Jews
to suffer the co-operation in rebuilding the
Temple. The book is divided into two great
parts — of which the destruction of Jerusalem
is the turning-point ; chapters i.-xxiv. contain
predictions delivered before that event, and xxv.
-xlviii. after it, as we see from xxvi. 2. Again,
chapters i.-xxxii. are mainly occupied with
correction, denunciation, and reproof, while
the remainder deal chiefly in consolation and
promise. A parenthetical section in the mid-
dle of the book (xxv.-xxxii.) contains a group
of prophecies against leven foreign nations, the
septenary arrangement being apparently inten-
tional. Havemick divides the book into nine
sections, distinguished by their superscriptions,
as follows: — I. Ezekiel's call, i.-iii. 15. IL
The general carrying out of the commission,
iii. 16-vii. III. The rejection of the people
because of their idolatrous worship, viii.-xi.
IV. The sins of the age rebuked in detail,
xii.-xix. V. The nature of the judgment, and
the guilt which caused it, xx.-xxiii. VI. The
meaning of the now commencing punish-
ment, xxiv. VII. God's judgment denounced
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EZRA
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EZRA
on seren heathen nations, xxv.-xxxii. VUL
Prophecies, after the destruction of Jerusalem,
concerning the future condition of Israel, xxxiii.
-xxxix. IX. The glorious consummation, xl.
-xlviii. There are no direct quotations from
Ezekiel in the New Testament, but in the Apoc-
alypse there are many parallels and obvious
allusions to the later chapters (xl.-xlviii.).
E'zeL, the Stone. A well-known stone
in the neighborhood of Saul's residence, the
accne of the parting of David and Jonathan
wfcn the former finally fled from the court (1
Sam. xx. 19).
E'zem, one of the towns of Simeon (1
Chr. iv. S9).
E'zer. 1. A son of Ephraim, who was
slain by the aboriginal inhabitants of Gath,
while engaged in a foray on their cattle (1 Chr.
vii. 21). — 2. A priest who assisted in the ded-
ication of the walls of Jerusalem under Nehe-
miah (Neh. xii. 42). — 3. Father of Hushah of
the sons of Hur (1 Chr. iv. 4).
Eieri'aa, 1 Esd. viii. 1. [Azabiah, 7.] Ap.
Ezi'as, 1 Eed. riii. S. [Azabiah ; Aziei.]
E'sion-ga'ber, or Esion-ge'ber (Nam.
xxxiii. 35 ; Dsut. ii. 8 ; 1 K. ix. 26, xxii. 48 ;
I Chr. viii. 17), the last station named for the
encampment of the Israelites before they come
to the wilderness of Zin. According to the la-
test map of Kiepert it stands at Am et-Gkud-
jfja, about ten miles up what is now the dry
wJ of the Arabah, but, as he supposed, was
then the northern end of the gulf, which may
hare anciently had, like that of Suez, a fur-
ther extension.
Ez nite, the. According to the statement
of 1 Sam. xxiii. 8, " Adino the Exnite " was
soother name for " Josheb-basshebeth a Tach-
canonite (1 Chr. xi. 11 ; A. V. 'the Tachmo-
nite that sate in the seat'), chief among the
captains." The passage is most probably cor-
rupt
Ez'ra. L The head of one of the twenty-
two courses of priests which returned from cap-
tivity with Zcrubbabel and Jeshua (Neh. xii. 2).
— 2. A man of Jndah. The name occurs in
the obscure genealogy of 1 Chr. iv. 17. — 3.
The famous Scribe and Priest, descended from
Hilkiah the high-priest in Josiah's reign, from
whose younger son Azariah sprung Seraiah,
Ezra's father, quite a different person from Se-
raiah the high-priest (Ear. vii. 1). All that is
Rally known of Ezra is contained in the four
but chapters of the book of Ezra and in Neh.
viii- ana xii. 26. From these passages we learn
that he was a learned and pious priest residing
at Babylon in the time of Artaxerxes Longi-
naaus. The origin of his influence with the
W„r does not appear, but in the seventh year
of'his reign, in spite of the unfavorable report
tfrich had been sent by Rehum and Shimshai,
ke obtained leave to go to Jerusalem, and to
take with him a company of Israelites, together
with priests, Levites, singers, porters, and Ne-
thinim. The journey of Ezra and his com-
panions from Babylon to Jerusalem took just
four months ; and they brought up with them
a large free-will offering of gold and silver, and
silver vessels. It appears that his great design
was to effect a religions reformation among the
Palestine Jews, and to bring them back to the
observation of the Law of Moses, from which
they had grievously declined. His first step,
accordingly, was to enforce a separation from
their wives upon all who had made heathen
marriages, in which number were many priests
and Levites, as well as other Israelites. This
was effected in little more than six months after
his arrival at Jerusalem. With the detailed ac-
count of this important transaction, Ezra's au-
tobiography ends abruptly, and we hear noth-
ing more of him till, 13 years afterwards, in the
20th of Artaxerxes, we find him again at Jeru-
salem with Nehemiah " the Tirshatho." It
seems probable that after he had effected the
above-named reformation, and had appointed
competent judges and magistrates, with author-
ity to maintain it, he himself returned to the
king of Persia. The functions he executed
under Nehemiah 's government were purely of
a priestly and ecclesiastical character. But in
such he filled the first place. As Ezra is not
mentioned after Nehcmiah's departure for
Babylon in the 32d Artaxerxes, and as every
thing fell into confusion during Nehcmiah's ab-
sence (Neh. xiii.), it is not unlikely that Ezra
may have died or returned to Babylon before
that year. Joscplius, who should be onr next
best authority after Scripture, evidently knew
nothing about the time or the place' of his
death. There was a strong Jewish tradition
that he was buried in Persia. The principal
works ascribed to him by the Jews are: — 1.
The institution of the Great Synagogue 2.
The settling the canon of Scripture, and restor-
ing, correcting, and editing the whole sacred
volume. 3. The introduction of the Chaldce
character instead of the old Hebrew or Sa-
maritan. 4. The authorship of the books of
Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, and, some add,
Esther ; and, many of the Jews say, also of the
books of Ezekiel, Daniol, and tho twelve pro-
phets. 5. Tho establishment of synagogues.
Ez'ra, Book Of. The book of Ezra is
manifestly a continuation of the books of Chron-
icles. Like these books, it consists of tho con-
temporary historical journals kept from time to
time, which were afterwards strung together,
and cither abridged or added to, as tho case re-
quired, by a later hand. That later hand, in
the book of Ezra, was doubtless Ezra's own, as
appears by tho four last chapters, as well as by
other matter inserted in the previous chapters.
It has already been suggested [Chronicles]
that the chief portion of the last chapter of 2
Chr. and Ezr. l. may probably have been writ-
ten by Daniel. The evidonces of this in Ezr. i.
must now be given more fully. Daniel passes
over in utter silence the ,/frst year of Cyrus, to
which pointed allusion is made in Dan. i. 21,
and proceeds in ch. x. to the rti'rrf year of Cy-
rus. But Ezr. i., if placed between Dan. ix.
and x., exactly fills up the gap, and records tht
event of the first year of Cyrus, in which Dan-
iel was so deeply interested. And not only so,
but the manner of the record is exactly Daniel's.
The giving the text of the decree, ver. 2—4 (cf.
Dan. iv.), the mention of tho name of "Mith-
redath tho treasurer," ver. 8 (cf. Dan. i. 3, 11),
the allusion to the sacred vessels placed by
Nebuchadnezzar in the house of his god, ver. 7
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FABLE
264
FALLOW-DEEB
(cf. Dan. i. 2), the giving the Chaldee name of
Zerubbabel, ver. 8, 11 (cf. Dan. i. 7), and the
whole locus standi of the narrator, who evident-
ly wrote at Babylon, not at Jerusalem, are all
circumstances which in a marked manner point
to Daniel as the writer of Ezr. i. As regards
Ezr. ii., and as far as Hi. 1; it is found (with the
exception of clerical errors) in the 7th ch. of
Nehemiah, where it belongs beyond a shadow
of doubt. The next portion extends from iii.
2 to the end of ch. vi. With the exception of
one large explanatory addition by Ezra, extend-
ing from iv. 6 to 23, this portion is the work
of a writer contemporary with Zerubbabel and
Jeshua, and an eye-witness of the rebuilding
of the Temple in the beginning of the reign of
Darius Hystaspis. That it was the prophet
Haggai becomes tolerably sure when we ob-
serve further the remarkable coincidences in
style. Ezr. iv. 6-23 is a parenthetic addition
by a much later hand, and, as the passage most
clearly shows, made in the reign of Artaxorxes
Longunanus. The compiler who inserted ch.
ii., a document drawn up in the reign of Arta-
xerxes to illustrate the return of the captives
under Zerubbabel, here inserts a notice of two
historical facts — of which one occurred in the
reign of Xerxes, and the other in the reign of
Artaxerxes — to illustrate the opposition of-
fered by the heathen to the rebuilding of the
Temple in the reign of Cyrus and Cambyses.
The last four chapters, beginning with ch. vii.,
are Ezra's own, and continue the history after
a gap of fifty-eight years — from the sixth of
Darius to the seventh of Artaxerxes. The text
of the book of Ezra is not in a good condition.
There are a good many palpable corruptions,
both in the names and numerals, and perhaps
in some other points. It is written partly in
Hebrew, and partly in Chaldee. The Chaldee
begins at iv. 8, and continues to the end of vi.
18. The letter or decree of Artaxerxes, vii.
12-26, is also given in the original Chaldee.
There has never been any doubt about Ezra
being canonical, although there is no quotation
from it in the N. T. The period covered by
the book is eighty years, from the first of
Cyrus, b.c. 536, to the beginning of the eighth
of Artaxerxes, B.C. 456.
Ez'rahite, the, a title attached to two per-
sons — Ethan (1 K. iv. 31 ;• Ps. lxxxix. title)
and Heman (Fs. lxxxviii. title).
Ea'ri, son of Chelub, superintendent of
King David's farm-laborers (1 Chr. xxvii. 26).
Fable. Taking the words fable and para-
ble, not in their strict etymological meaning,
but in that which has been stamped upon them
by current usage, looking, i.e., at the Msopic
fable as the type of the one, at the parables of
the N. T. as the type of the other, we have to
ask (1.) in what relation they stand to each
other, as instruments of moral teaching; (2.)
what use is made in the Bible of this or of that
form. Perhaps the most satisfactory summing
up of the chief distinctive features of each is to
be found in the following extract from Ness-
der : — " The parable is distinguished from the
fable by this, that, in the latter, qualities or
acts of a higher class of beings may be attribut-
ed to a lower (eg. those of men to brutes);
while in the former, the lower sphere is kept
perfectly distinct from that which it seems to il-
lustrate. The beings and powers thus intro-
duced always follow the law of their nature, but
their acts, according to this law, are used to fig-
ure those of a higher race." Of the fable, as
thus distinguished from the parable, we have
but two examples in the Bible, (1.) that of the
trees choosing their king, addressed by Jotham
to the men of Shechem (Judg. ix. 8-15) ; (2.)
that of the cedar of Lebanon and the thistle, as
the answer of Jeboash to the challenge of Ama-
ziah (2 K. xiv. 9). The appearance of the far
ble thus early in the history of Israel, and its
entire absence from the direct teaching both of
the O. and N. T., are, each of them in its way,
significant. Taking the received chronology,
the fable of Jotham was spoken about 1209 b.c
The Arabian traditions of Lokman do not as-
sign to him an earlier date than that of David.
The first example in the history of Rome is
the apologue of Menenius Agrippa B.C. 494,
and its genuineness has been questioned on the
ground that the fable could hardly at that time
have found its way to Latium. The land of
Canaan is, so far as we have any data to con-
clude from, the fatherland of fable. The ab-
sence of fables from the teaching of the O. T.
must he ascribed to their want of fitness to be
the media of the truths which that teaching was
to convey. The points in which brutes or in-
animate objects present analogies to man are
chiefly those which bojoog to his lower nature,
his pride, indolence, running, and the like.
Hence the fable, apart from the associations of
a grotesque and ludicrous nature which gather
round it, is inadequate as the exponent of the
higher truths which belong to man's spiritual
life. It may serve to exhibit the relations be-
tween man and man ; it fails to represent those
between man and God. To do that is the of-
fice of the Parable. The fables of false
teachers claiming to belong to the Christian
church, alluded to by writers of the N. T. (1
Tim. i. 4, iv. 7 ; Tit 1. 14 ; 2 Pet. i. 16), do not
appear to have had the character of fables,
properly so called.
Fair Havens, a harbor in the island of
Crete (Acts xxvii. 8), not mentioned in any
other ancient writing. Though not mentioned
by classical writers, it is still known by' its own
Greek name. La&£a too has recently been
most explicitly discovered. In fact Fair Havens
appears to have been practically its harbor.
These places are situated four or five miles* to
the E. of Cape Matala, which is the most con-
spicuous headland on the S. coast of Crete, and
immediately to the W. of which the coast trends
suddenly to the X.
Fairs, a word which occurs only in Ez.
xxvii., and there no less than seven times (ver.
12, 14, 16, 19, 22, 27, 33) : in the last of these
verses it is rendered " wares," and this we
believe to be the true meaning of the word
throughout.
Fallow-deer (Heb. gachm&r). The He*.
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FAMINE
265
FASTS
word, which is mentioned only in Dent. xiv.
5 and in 1 K. W. 33, appears to point to the
jjHikne bubal*. Kitto refers the name to the
Orjz Uucaryx. We hare little donbt bnt that
the facbmir of the Heb. Scriptures denotes the
bdkk*-d+oaik, or " wild ox* of Barbary and
S Africa.
f amine. When the sweet influences of
the Pleiades are bound, and the bands of Scor-
pio cannot be loosed, then it is that famines
generally prevail in the lands of the Bible. In
Egypt a deficiency in the rise of the Nile, with
drying winds, produces the same results. The
famines recorded in the Bible are traceable to
both these phenomena ; and we generally find
that Egypt was resorted to when scarcity
afflicted Palestine. In the whole of Syria and
Arabia, the fruits of the earth must erer be de-
pendent on rain; the water-sheds having few
Urge springs, and the small rivers not being
ta&cient for the irrigation of even the level
lands. If therefore the heavy rains of Novem-
ber and IVxember fail, the sustenance of the
people is rat off in the parching drought of
Barrest-tir**, when the country is almost de-
void of moisture. Egypt, again, owes all its
fertility — • a fertility that gained for it the strik-
ing comparison to the " garden of the Lord "
— to its mighty river, whose annual rise in-
undates nearly the whole land, and renders its
caltivation an easy certainty. The causes of
dearth and famine in Egypt are occasioned by
defective inundation, preceded and accompa-
nied and followed by prevalent easterly and
southerly winds. The first famine recorded in
the Bible is that of Abraham after he had
pitched his tent on the east of Bethel (Gen. xii.
10). We may conclude that this famine was ex-
tensive, although this is not quite proved by the
fact of Abraham's going to Egypt ; for on the
occasion of the second famine, in the days of
hate, this patriarch found refuge with Abime-
bth king of the Philistines in Oerar (Gen.
xxvL 1 sq.). We hear no more of times of
scarcity until the great famine of Egypt, which
"was over all the Ve of the earth." The
famine of Joseph is i'jeussed in art Eotft, so
far as Joseph's history and policy is concerned.
It is only necessary here to consider its physical
characteristics. We have mentioned the chief
oases of famines in Egypt : this instance differs
m the providential recurrence of seven years
of plenty, whereby Joseph was enabled to pro-
ride against the coming dearth, and to supply
not only the population of Egypt with corn,
bat those of the surrounding countries (Gen.
xfi. S3-57). The modern history of Egypt
throws some curious light on these ancient rec-
ords of famines ; and instances of their recur-
rence may be cited to assist us in understanding
ikar course and extent. The most remarka-
ble famine was that of the reign of the Ftfti-
am Khaleefeh, El-Mustansir billah, which is the
«ly instance on record of one of seven years'
duration in Egypt since the time of Joseph (a.h.
4S7-464, a.d. 1064-1071). This famine ex-
ceeded in severity all others of modern times,
sad was aggravated by the anarchy which then
ravaged the co u n try . Vehement drought and
pestilence continued for seven consecutive rears,
so that they [the people] ate corpses, and ani-
84
mals that died of themselves; the cattle per-
ished ; a dog was sold for 5 deenars, and a cat
for three deenars . . . and an ardebb (about
5 bushels) of wheat for 100 deenars, and then
it failed altogether. The historian adds, that
all the horses of the Khaleefeh, save three, per-
ished, and gives numerous instances of the
straits to which the wretched inhabitants were
driven, and of the organized bands of kidnap-
pers who infested Cairo and caught passengers
in the streets by ropes famished with hooka
and let down from the houses. The famine of
Samaria resembled it in many particulars ; and
that very briefly recorded in 2 K. viii. 1, 2,
affords another instance of one of seven years.
In Arabia, famines are of frequent occurrence.
Farthing. Two names of coins in the
N. T. are rendered in the A. V. by this word.
— 1. KodpavriK, quadrant (Matt. v. 26; Mark
xii. 42) a coin current in Palestine in the time
of our Lord. It was equivalent to two lepta
(A. V. " mites "). The name quadrans was
originally given to the quarter of the Roman
as, or piece of three unciss, therefore also called
terunciua. — 2. aoouptm (Matt. x. 29; Luke
xii. 6), properly a small at, attarium, but in the
time of our Lord used as the Gr. equivalent
of the Lat. at. The rendering of the Yulg. in
Luke xii. 6 makes it probable that a single coin
is intended by two assaria.
Fasts. I. One fast only was appointed
by the law, — that on the day of Atoncr-xent
There is no mention of any other periodical
fast in the O . T. , except in Zoch. vii. 1 -7, viii. 1 9.
From these passages it appears that the Jews,
during their captivity, observed four annual
fasts, in the fourth, fifth, seventh, and tenth
months. Zecharin.li simply distinguishes the
fasts by the months in which they were ob-
served ; but the Mishna and S. Jerome give
statements of certain historical events which
they were intended to commemoiatc : — The
fast of the fourth month, — the breaking of
the tables of the law by Moses (Ex. xxxii.), and
the stormingof Jerusalem by Kebuchadnezia)
(Jer. lii.). The fast of the fifth month, — the
return of the spies, *c. (Num. xiii., xiv.), the
temple burnt by Nebuchadnezzar, and again by
Titus ; and the ploughing np of the site of the
temple, with the capture of Bcther. The fast
of the seventh month, — the complete sack of
Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar and the death of
Gedaliah (2 K. xxv.). The fast of the tenth
month, — the receiving by Ezekiel and the
other captives in Babylon of the news of the
destruction of Jerusalem. Some other events
mentioned in the Mishna are omitted as un-
important Of those here stated several could
have had nothing to do with the fasts in the
time of the prophet. The number of annual
fasts in the present Jewish Calendar has been
multiplied to twenty-eight, a list of which is
given by Reland. — II. Public fast! were oc-
casionally proclaimed to express national hu-
miliation, and to supplicate divine favor. In
the case of public danger, the proclamation ap-
pears to have been accompanied with the blow-
ing of trumpets (Joel ii. 1-15; cf. Taanilh, i. 6).
The following instances are recorded of strictly
national fasts : — Samuel gathered " all Israel
to Mizpeh and proclaimed a fast ( 1 Sam. vii. 6) ;
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FENCED CITIES
Jehoshaphat appointed one "throughout all
Judah " when he was preparing for war against
Moab and Ammon (2 Chr. xx. 3) ; in the reign
of Jehoiakim, one was proclaimed for " all the
people in Jerusalem and all who came thither
oat of the cities of Judah," when the prophecy
of Jeremiah was publicly read by Baruch (Jcr.
xxxvi. 6-10 ; cf. Baruch i. 5) ; three days after
the Feast of Tabernacles, when the second tem-
ple was completed, " the children of Israel as-
sembled with fasting and with sackclothes and
earth upon them " to hear the law read, and to
confess their sins (Nch. ix. 1 ). There are ref-
erences to general fasts in the prophets (Joel i.
14, ii. 15; Is. Iriii.), and two arc noticed in the
books of the Maccabees (1 Mace. iii. 46-47;
2 Mace. xiii. 10-12). There are a considerable
number of instances of cities and bodies of
men observing fasts on occasions in which they
were especially concerned. — III. Private oc-
casional fasts are recognized in one passage of
the law (Num. xxx. 13). The instances given
of individuals fasting under the influence of
grief, vexation, or anxiety, are numerous. —
IV. In the N. T. tho only references to the
Jewish fasts arc the mention of " the Fast," in
Acts xxvii. 9 (generally understood to denote
the Day of Atonement), and the allusions to
the weekly fasts (Matt. ix. 14; Mark ii. 18;
Luke v. 33, xviii. 12; Acts x. 30). These
fasts originated some time after the captivity.
They were observed on the second and fifth
days of the week, which, being appointed as the
days for public fasts, seem to nave been selected
for these privato voluntary fasts. — V. The
Jewish fasts wero observed with various de-
grees of strici.iess. Sometimes there was en-
tire abstinence from food (Esth. iv. 16, Ac.).
On other occasions, there appears to have been
only a restriction to a very plain diet (Dan. x.
3). Rules are given in the Talmud as to the
mode in which fasting is to be observed on par-
ticular occasions. Those who fasted frequently
dressed in sackcloth or rent their clothes, put
ashes on their head, and went barefoot (1 K.
xxi. 27 ; Nch. ix. 1 ; Ps. xxxv. 13). — VI. The
sacrifice of the personal will, which gives to
fasting all its value, is expressed in the old
term used in the law, afflidtng the tout.
Fat. The Hebrews distinguished between
the suet or pure fat of an animal, and tho fat
which was intermixed with tho lean (Nch. viii.
10). Certain restrictions were imposed upon
them in reference to the former : some parts of
the suet, viz. about the stomach, the entrails, the
kidneys, and the tail of a sheep, which grows
to an excessive size in many Eastern countries,
and produces a large quantity of rich fat, were
forbidden to be eaten in the case of animals
offered to Jehovah in sacrifice (Lev. iii. 3, 9, 17,
vii. 3, 23). The ground of the prohibition was
that the fat was the richest part of the animal,
and therefore belonged to Him (iii. 1 6). The pre-
sentation of the fat as the richest part of the
animal was agreeable to the dictates of natural
feeling, and was tho ordinary practice even
of heathen nations. The burning of tho fat of
sacrifices was particularly specified in each kind
of offering.
Fat, i.e. Vat. The word employed in the
A. V. to translate the Hebrew term yekeb, in
Joel ii. 84, iii. 13, only. The word commonV,
used for yekeb, indiscriminately with gath, u
" wine-press " or " wine-fat " and once " press-
fat" (Hag. ii. 16); bat the two appear to be
distinct — gath the upper receptacle or " press **
in which the grapes were trodden, and yekeb the
" vat," on a lower level, into which the juice or
must was collected. The "wine-press" and
"vats" appear to have been excavated out of
the native rock of the hills on which the vine-
yards lay.
Father. The position and authority of
the father as the head of the family is express] j
assumed and sanctioned in Scripture, as a like-
ness of that of tho Almighty over His creatures.
It lies of course at the root of that so-called pa-
triarchal government (Gen iii. 16; I Cor. xi.
3), which was introductory to the more definite
systems which followed, and which in part, bat
not wholly, superseded it. The father's bless-
ing was regarded as conferring special benefit,
but his malediction special injury, on those on
whom it fell (Gen. ix. 25, 27, xxvii. 27-40,
xlviii. 15, 20, xlix.) ; and so also the sin of a
parent was held to affect, in certain cases,
the welfare of his descendants (2 K. v. 27 ). The
command to honor parents is noticed by St.
Paul as the only one of the Decalogue which
bore a distinct promise (Ex. xx. 12; Eph. vi.
2), and disrespect towards them was condemned
by tho Law as one of the worst of crimes (Ex.
xxi. 15, 17; 1 Tim. i. 9). It is to this well
recognized theory of parental authority and su-
premacy that the very various uses of the term
"father "in Scripture arc due. "Fathers" is
used in the sense of seniors (Acts vii. 2, xxii.
1), and of parents in general, or ancestor*
(Dan. v. 2 ; Jer. xxvii. 7 ; Matt, xxiii. 30, 32).
Among Mohammedans parental authority has
great weight during the time of pupilage.
Fathom. [Measures.]
Feasts. [Festivals.]
Felix, a Roman procurator of Judaea, ap-
pointed by the Emperor Claudius, whose freed-
man he was, on the banishment of Ventidias
Curaanus in a.d. 53. Tucitus states that Felix
and Cumanus were joint procurators : Curaa-
nus having Galilee ; and Felix, Samaria. Felix
was the brother of Claudius's powerful freed man
Pallas. Ho ruled the province in a mean, cruel,
and profligate manner. His period of office
was full of troubles and seditions. St. Paul was
brought before Felix in Ccesarea. He was re-
manded to prison, and kept there two years, in
hopes of extorting money from him (Acts xxiv.
26, 27). At the end of that time Porcius Fcs-
tus [Festus] was appointed to supersede Fe-
lix, who, on his return to Rome, was accused
by the Jews in Csesarea, and would have suf-
fered the penalty due to his atrocities, had not
his brother Pallas prevailed with the Emperor
Nero to spare him. This was probably in the
year 60 a.d. The wife of Felix was Drusilla,
daughter of Herod Agrippa I., the former wife
of Azizus, King of Emesa.
Fenced cities. The broad distinction be-
tween a city and a village in Biblical language
consisted in the possession of walls. The city
had walls ; the village was tin walled, or had only
a watchman's tower, to which the villagers re-
sorted in times of danger. A threefold distinc
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FESTIVALS
267
FEVEB
tioo it (has obtained — 1. cities; 3. nnwalled
villages; 3. Tillages with castles or towers (1
Chr. xxvii. 25). The district east of the Jor-
dan, forming the kingdoms of Moab and Ba-
shan, is said to have abounded from very early
times in castles and fortresses, such as were
built by Uzziah to protect the cattle, and to re-
pel the inroads of the neighboring tribes, besides
nnwalled towns ( Aram. Marc. xiv. 9 ; Deut. iii.
5 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 10). Tho fortifications of the
cities of Palestine, thus regularly " fenced," con-
sisted of one or more walls crowned with bat-
tlemcntcd parapets, having towers at regular
intervals (2 Chr. xxxii. 5 ; Jcr. xxxi. 38), on
which in later times engines of war were placed,
and watch was kept by day and night in time
of war (2 Chr. xxvi. 9, 15 ; Jndg. ix. 45; 2 K.
ix. 17). The gateways of fortified towns were
also fortified and closed with strong doors (Nch.
ii. 8, iii. 3, 6, Sue). In advance of the wall
there appears to have been sometimes an out-
work (1 K. xxi. 23; 2 Sam. xx. 15), which was
perhaps cither a palisade or wall lining the
ditch, or a wall raised midway within the ditch
itself. In many towns there was a keep or cit-
ad;l for a last resource to the defenders. These
forts wire well furnished with cisterns (Acts
xxi. 34 ; 2 Mace. v. 5). But the fortiiicd places
of Palestine served only in a few instances to
check effectually the progress of an invading
force, thoagh many instances of determined and
protracted resistance are on record, as of Sa-
maria for three years (2 K. xviii. 10), Jerusalem
(i K xxv. 3) for four months, and in later times
of Jotnpafn, Gamala, Machasrus, Masado, and
above all Jerusalem itself, the strength of whoso
icfiaces drew forth the admiration of tho con-
queror Titus. The earlier Egyptian fortifica-
tions consisted usually of a quadrangular and
sometims double wall of sun-dried brick, fifteen
feet thick, and often fifty feet in height, with
square towers at intervals, of the some height
as the walls, both crowned with a parapet, and
a round-headed battlement in shape like a shield.
A second lower wall with towers at the entrance
was aJded, distant 13 or 20 feet from the main
wall, and sometimes s=**her was mado of 70 or
100 foet in length, projecting at right angles
from the main wall, to enable tho defenders to
annoy the assailants in flank.
Ferret, one of the unclean creeping things
mentioned in Lev. xi. 30. The animal referred
lo wis probably a reptile of the lizard tribe.
The Rabbinical writers seem to have identified
this animal with the hedgehog.
Fd3tival3. — L The religious times or-
i iined in the Law fall under three heads : — ( I . )
Those formally connected with the institution
of tlu Sibbath; (2.) The historical or great
festivals; (3.) Tho Day of Atonement. — (1.)
Iauntl iately connected with the institution of
the Sibbath are — (a) The weekly Sabbath it-
self (&) The seventh new moon or Feast of
Trumpets, (c) The Sabbatical Year, (</) The
Tear of Jnhiice. — (2.) The great feasts are, —
(a) Tho Passover. (6) The Feast of Pentecost,
of Weeks, of Wheat-harvest, or of the First-
fruits, (c) The Feast of Tabernacles, or of In-
gatherins;. On each of these occasions every
aisle Israelite was commanded " to appear be-
fore the Lord," that is, to attend in the court
of tho tabernacle or the temple, and to make hu
offering with a joyful heart (Deut. xxvii. 7 ;
Neh. viii. 9-12). The attendance of women
was voluntary, but the xealous often went up
to tho Passover. On all the days of Holy Con-
vocation there was to be an entire suspension
of ordinary labor of all kinds (Ex. xii. 1C ; Lev.
xvi. 29, xxiii. 21, 24, 25, 35). But on the in-
tervening days of the longer festivals work
might be carried on. Besides their religious
purpose, the great festivals must have hail an
important bearing on the maintenance of a fad-
ing of national unity. The frequent recurrence
of the sabbatical number in the organization of
these festivals is too remarkable to be passed
over, and seems, when viewed in connection
with the sabbatical sacred times, to furnkli a
strong proof that the whole system of the festi-
vals of the Jewish law was tho product of one
mind. The agricultural significance of tho
three great festivals is clearly set forth i>i the ac-
count of the Jewish sacred year contained in
Lev. xxiii. The times of the festivals were evi-
dently ordained in wisdom, so as to interfere as
little as possible with the industry of the people.
— (3.) For the Day of Atonement, see that arti-
cle — II. After the captivity, the Feast of Pu-
rim (Esth. ix. 20 sq.) and that of the Dedica-
tion (I Mace. iv. 5G) were instituted. Tho Fes-
tivals of Wood-carrying, as they were called,
are mentioned by Joscphus and the Mishno.
The term, " the Festival of the Basket," is an-
Slied by Philo to the offering of tho First-fruits
escribed in Deut. xxvi. 1-11 (Philo, vol. v.
p. 51, ed. Tauch.).
FestUfl, Por'ciUB, successor of Felix as
procurator of Judaea (Acts xxiv. 27), sent by
Nero, probably in tho autumn of tho year 60
a.d. A few weeks after Festus reached his
province he heard the cause of St. Paul, who
had been left a prisoner by Felix in tho presence
of Herod Agnppu II. and Bcrnice his sister
(Acts xxv. 11, 12). Judaea was in the same
disturbed state during tho procurotorship of
Festus which had prevailed through that of his
predecessor. Ho died probably in the summer
of 62 A.D., having ruled the province less than
two years.
Fetters. 1. The Hebrew word, nachuah-
toim, expresses the material of which fetters
were usually made, viz. brtut, and also that they
were mado in pairs, tho word being in tho dual
number (Judg. xvi. 21 ; 2 Sam. iii. 31 ; 2 K.
xxv. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 11, xxxvi. 6 ; Jcr. xxxix.
7, Hi. 11). Iron was occasionally employed
for the purpose (Ps. cv. 18, cxlix. 8). 2. Cebet
may perhaps apply to the link which connected
tho fetters. 3. ZikJcim (" fetters," Job xxxvi.
8) is more usually translated "chains" (Ps.
cxlix. 8 ; Is. xlv. 14 ; Nah. iii. 10), but its rad-
ical sense appears to refer to the contraction of
the feet by a chain.
Fever {kaddachatk, daUektth, charehur; Lev
xxvi. 16 ; Deut. xxviii. 22). These words, from
various roots signifying beat or inflammation,
are rendered in the A. V. by various words
suggestive of fever, or a feverish affection. Tho
third word may perhaps bo erysipelas. Fever
constantly accompanies the bloody flux, or dys-
entery (Acts xxviii. 8). Fevers of an inflam-
matory character are mentioned as common at
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FIEE
268
FIRMAMENT
Mecca, and putrid ones at Djidda. Intermit-
tent fever ana dysentery, the latter often fatal,
are ordinary Arabian diseases.
Field. The Hebrew sadeh is applied to any
cultivated ground, and in some instances in
marked opposition to the neighboring wilder-
ness. On the other hand, the sadeh is frequently
contrasted with what is enclosed, whether a
vineyard, a garden, or a walled town. In many
passages the term implies what is remote from
a house (Gen. iv. 8, xxiv. 63; Deut. xxii. 25)
or settled habitation, as in the case of Esau
(Gen. xxv. 27). The separate plots of ground
were marked off by stones, which might easily
be removed (Deut. xix. 14, xxvii. 17 ; cf. Job
xxiv. 2 ; Prov. xxii. 28, xxiii. 10) : the absence
of fences rendered the fields liable to damage
from straying cattle (Ex. xxii. 5) or fire (ver.
6 ; 2 Sam. xiv. 30) : hence the necessity of
constantly watching flocks and herds. Irom
the absence of enclosures, cultivated land of any
size might be termed a field. It should be ob-
served that the expressions " fruitful field " (Is.
x. 18, xxix. 17, xxxii. 15, 16), and "plentiful
field" (Is. xvi. 10; Jcr. xlviii. 33), are not con-
nected with sadeh, but with carmd, meaning a
park or well-kept wood, as distinct from a wil-
derness or a forest. Another word, shedemoth,
is translated "fields," and connected by Gosc-
nius with the idea of enclosure. It is doubtful,
however, whether the notion of burning does not
rather lie at the bottom of the word. This
(fives a more consistent sense throughout. In
Is. xvi. 8, it would thus mean the withered grape ;
in Hab. iii. 17, blasted corn; in Jcr. xxxi. 40,
the burnt parts of the city (no "fields" inter-
vened between the south-eastern anjrle of Jcru-
salem and the Kidron) ; while in 2 K. xxiii. 4,
and Deut. xxxii. 32, the sense of a place of burn-
ing is appropriate.
Pig, fig-tree (Heb. tfendh), a word of
frequent occurrence in the O. T., where it sig-
nifies the tree Ficus Carica of Linnasus, and
also its fruit The fig-tree is very common in
Palestine (Deut. viii. 8). Mount Olivet was
famous for its fig-trees in ancient times, and
they are still found there. " To sit under one's
own vine and one's own fig-tree " became a pro-
verbial expression among the Jews to denote
peace and prosperity (IK. iv. 25 ; Mic. iv. 4 ;
Zech. iii. 10). When figs are spoken of as dis-
tinguished from the fig-tree, the plur. form t&-
rdm is used (see Jer. viii. 13). 2. There are also
the words (a) bicrurah (Hos. ix. 10), signifying
the first ripe of the Jiq-tree ; (b) pag (Cant. ii. 13),
the unripe fip, which hangs through the winter ;
(r) deheiah, a cake of figs compressed into that
form for the sake of keeping them (2 K. xx. 7).
Fir (Heb. bfrosh, bfroth). As the term " ce-
dar" is in all probability applicable to more
than one tree, so also " fir " in A. V. represents
more than one sort of wood. The opinion of
Celsius that Beroth exclusively means "cedar"
is probably incorrect. On the whole it seems
likely that by Beroth or Beroth is intended one
or other of the following trees : — 1. Pinus syl-
vestris, or Scotch fir ; 2. larch ; 3. Cupressus
sempervirens, or cypress, all which arc at this
day found in the Lebanon.
Fire. — I- Religious. (1.) That which con-
sumed the burnt sacrifice and the incense-offer-
ing, beginning with the sacrifice of Noah (Gea
vin. 20), and continued in the ever-burning fir*
on the altar, first kindled from heaven (Lev. vi.
9, 13, ix. 24), and rekindled at the dedication
of Solomon's Temple (2 Chr. vii. 1, 3). (8.)
The symbol of Jehovah's presence, and the in-
strument of his power, in the way either of ap-
proval or of destruction (Ex. iii. 2, xiv. 19, Ac).
Parallel with this application of fire and with
its symbolical meaning is to be noted the similar
nse for sacrificial purposes, and the respect paid
to it, or to the heavenly bodies as symbols of
deity, which prevailed among so many nations
of antiquity, and of which the traces are not
even now extinct : e.g. the Sabsean and Magian
systems of worship, and their alleged connection
with Abraham ; the occasional relapse of the
Jews themselves into sun-, or its corrupted form
of fire-worship (Is. xxvii. 9 ; Deut xvii. 3, Ac),
the worship or deification of heavenly bodies or
of fire, prevailing to some extent, as among the
Persians, so also even in Egypt Fire for sacred
purposes obtained elsewhere than from the altar
was called " strange fire," and for use of such
Nadab and Abihu were punished with death by
fire from God (Lev. x. 1,2; Num. iii. 4, xxn.
61). (3.) In the case of the spoil taken from
the Midianitcs, such articles as could bear it
were purified by fire as well as in the water ap-
pointed for the purpose (Num. xxxi. 23). The
victims slain for sin-offerings were afterwards
consumed by fire outside the camp (Lev. iv. 1 2,
21, vi. 30, xvi. 27 ; Heb. xiii. II)— II. Domes-
tic. Besides for cooking purposes, fire is often
required in Palestine for warmth (Jer. xxxvi.
22 ; Mark xiv. 54 ; John xviii. 18). For this
purpose a hearth with a chimney is sometimes
constructed, on which either lighted wood or
pans of charcoal arc placed. On the Sabbath,
tbe Law forbade any fire to be kindled even for
cooking (Ex. xxxv. 3; Num. xv. 32). — IIL
The dryness of the land in the hot season, in
Syria, of course increases liability to accident
from fire. Tbe Law therefore ordered that any
one kindling a fire which caused damage to corn
in a field should make restitution (Ex. xxii. 6 ;
comp. Judg. xv. 4, 5; 2 Sam. xiv. 30). — IV.
Punishment of death by fire was awarded by the
Law only in the cases of incest with a mother-
in-law, and of unchastity on the part of a
daughter of a priest (Lev. xx. 14, xxi. 9). In
certain cases the bodies of executed criminals
and of infamous persons were subsequently
burnt (Josh. vii. 25; 2 K. xxiii. 16).
Firepan, one of the vessels of tbe Temple
service (Ex. xxvii. 3, xxxviii. 3 ; 2 K. xxv. 15 ;
Jer. Hi. 19). The same word is elsewhere ren-
dered " snuff-dish " (Ex. xxv. 38, xxxvii. 23 ;
Num. iv. 2) and " censer " (Lev. x. 1, xvi. 12 ;
Num. xvi. 6 ff.). There appear, therefore, to
have been two articles so called : one, like a
chafing-dish, to carry live coals for the purpose
of burning incense; another, like a snnner-dish,
to be used in trimming the lamps, in order to
carry the snuffers and convey away the snuff
Firkin. [Weights and Measures.]
Firmament. The Hebrew term ratio, so
translated, is generally regarded as expressive
of simple expansion, and is so rendered in the
margin of the A. V. (Gen. i. 6). The root
means to expand by beating, whether by the
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FIRST-FRUITS
269
FISH
Hand, the foot, or any instrument. It is espe-
cially used of beating oat metals into thin
plates (Ex. xxxix. 3; Num. xvi. 39). The
sense of aolidihf, therefore, is combined with the
ideas of expansion and tenuity in the term. The
same idea of tolidity rnns through all the refer-
ences to the rakia. In Ex. xxiv. 10, it is repre-
sented as a solid floor. So again, in Ex. i.
23-26, the " firmament " is the floor on which
the throne of the Most High is placed. Further,
the office of the rakia in the economy of the
world demanded strength and ndatanct. It was
to serre as a division "between the waters above
and the waters below (Gen. i. 7). In keeping
with this view the rakia was provided with
" windows " (Gen. vii. 11 ; Is. xxiv. 18 ; Mai.
fii. 10) and " doors " (Ps. lxxviii. 23), through
which the rain and the snow might descend. A
secondary purpose which the rakia served was
to support the heavenly bodies, sun, moon, and
stars (Gen. i. 14), in which they were fixed as
nails, and from which, consequently, they might
be said to drop off (Is. xiv. 12, xxxiv. 4 ; Matt.
xxir. 29). In all these particulars we recognize
the same view as was entertained by the Greeks,
sod. to a certain extent, by the Latins. If it be
objected to the Mosaic account that the view
embodied in the word rakia does not harmonize
with strict philosophical truth, the answer to
such an objection is, that the writer describes
things as they appear rather than as they are.
First-born. That some rights of primo-
geniture »»i«t«j in very early times is plain, but
it is not so clear in what they consisted. They
have been Hawed as, a. authority over the rest
of the family ; 6. priesthood ; c. a double portion
of the inheritance. Under the Law, in memo-
ry of the Exodus, the eldest son was regarded as
devoted to God, and was in every case to be re-
deemed by an offering not exceeding 5 shekels,
within one month from birth. If he died before
the expiration of 30 days, the Jewish doctors
held the father excused, but liable to the pay-
ment if he outlived that time (Ex. xiii. 12-15,
xxii. 29 ; Num. viii. 17, xviii. 15, 16 ; Lev.
xxvii 6). This devotion of the first-born was
believed to indicate a priesthood belonging to
the eldest sons of families, which, being set aside
ia the case of Reuben, was transferred to the
tribe of Levi. The eldest son received a double
portion of the father's inheritance (Deut xxi.
17), bat not of the mother's. Under the mon-
archy, the eldest son usually, but not always, as
appears in the case of Solomon, succeeded bis
father in the kingdom (1 K. i. 30, ii. 22). The
male first-born of animals was also devoted to
God (Ex. xiii. 2, 12, 13, xxii. 29, xxxiv. 19, 20).
Unclean animals were to be redeemed with the
addition of one-fifth of the value, or else put to
death ; or, if not redeemed, to be sold, and the
price given to the priests (Lev. xxvii. 13, 27,
First-fruits. I. The Law ordered in gen-
eral, that the first of all ripe fruits and of Honors,
or, as it is twice expressed, the first of first-fruits,
should be offered in God's house (Ex. xxii. 29,
xxiii 19, xxxiv. 26). 2. On the morrow after
die Passover sabbath, ue. on the 16th of Nisan,
a sheaf of new corn was to be brought to the
priest, and waved before the altar, in acknowledg-
ment of the gift of fruitfolness (Lev. xxiii. 5, 6,
10, 12, ii. 12). 3. At the expiration of seven
weeks from this time, i-e. at the Feast of Pen-
tecost, an oblation was to be made of two loaves
of leavened bread made from the new flour,
which were to be waved in like manner with
the Passover sheaf (Ex. xxxiv. 22 ; Lev. xxiii.
15, 17 ; Num. xxviii. 26). 4. The feast of
ingathering, i.c. the Feast of Tabernacles in the
7th month, was itself an acknowledgment of the
fruits of the harvest (Ex. xxiii. 16, xxxiv. 22 ;
Lev. xxiii. 39). These four sorts of offerings
were national. Besides them, the two following
were of an individual kind. 5. A cake of the
first dongh that was baked, was to be offered as
a heave-offering (Num. xv. 19, 21). 6. The
first-fruits of the land were to be brought in a
basket to the holy place of God's choice, and
there presented to the priest, who was to set the
basket down before the altar (Deut xxvi. 2-11).
The offerings, both public and private, resolve
themselves into two classes : a. produce in gene-
ral; (.prepared produce, a. Of the public offer-
ings of first-fruits, the Law defined no place
from which the Passover sheaf should be chosen ;
but the Jewish custom, so far as it is represented
by the Mishna, prescribed that the wave-sheaf
or sheaves should be taken from the neighbor-
hood of Jerusalem. The offering made at the
feast of the Pentecost was a thanksgiving for
the conclusion of wheat harvest. It consisted
of two loaves (according to Josephus one loaf)
of new flour baked with leaven, which was
waved by the priest as at the Passover. No
private offerings of first-fruits were allowed be-
fore this public oblation of the two loaves. The
private oblations of first-fruits may be classed
in the same manner as the public. No offerings
were to be made before Pentecost, nor after the
Feast of the Dedication, on the 25th of Chisleu
(Ex. xxiii. 16; Lev. xxiii. 16, 17). After pass-
ing the night at Jerusalem, the pilgrims re-
turned on the following day to their homes
(Deut. xvi. 7). 6. The first-fruits prepared for
use were not required to be taken to Jerusalem.
They consisted of wine, wool, bread, oil, date-
honey, onions, cucumbers (Num. xv. 19, 21 ;
Deut. xviii. 4). They were to be made, accord-
ing to some, only by dwellers in Palestine ; but
according to others, by those also who dwelt in
Moab, in Ammonitis, and in Egypt. The offer-
ings were the perquisite of the priests (Num.
xviii. 11 ; Deut. xviii. 4). Nehemiah, at the
Return from Captivity, took pains to re-organize
the offerings of first-fruits of both kinds, and to
appoint places to receive them (Neh. x. 35, 37,
xn. 44). An offering of first-fruits is mentioned
as an acceptable one to the prophet Elisha (2
K. iv. 42).
Fish ; Fishing. The Hebrews recognized
fish as one of the great divisions of the animal
kingdom, and, as such, give them a place in the
account of the creation (Gen. i. 21, 28), as wall
as in other passages where an exhaustive descrip-
tion of living creatures is intended (Gen. ix. 2;
Ex. xx. 4 ; Deut iv. 18 ; IK. iv. 33). They
do not, however, appear to have acquired any
intimate knowledge of this branch of natural
history. The Mosaic law (Lev. xi. 9, 10) pro-
nounced unclean such fish as were devoid of fins
and scales : these were and are regarded as un-
wholesome in Egypt Of the various species
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FITCHES
270
FLAX
found in the Sea of Galilee, the titurus would be
classed among the unclean, while the tparua
GaiiUeuM, a species of bream, and the mugil,
chub, would be deemed "clean" or "good."
In Gen. i. 21 (as compared with verse 28), the
great marine animals are distinguished from
" every living creature that creepeUi," a descrip-
tion applying to fish, along with other reptiles,
as having no legs. The Hebrews were struck
with the remarkable fecundity of fish. Doubt-
less they became familiar with this fact in Egypt,
where the abundance of fish in the Nile, and the
lakes and canals, rendered it one of the staple
commodities of food (Num. xi. 5). The destruc-
tion of the fish was on this account a most se-
rious visitation to the Egyptians ( Ex. vii. 21 ;
Is. xix. 8). Among the Philistines, Dagon was
represented by a figure, half man and half fish
(1 Sam. v. 4). On this account the worship of
fish is expressly prohibited (Dcut. iv. 18). In
Palestine, the Sea of Galilee was and still is re-
markably well stored with fish, and the value
attached to the fishery by the Jews is shown by
the traditional belief that one of the ten laws of
Joshua enacted that it should be open to all
vomers. Jerusalem derived its supply chiefly
from the Mediterranean (comp. Ez. xlvii. 10).
The existence of a regular fish-market is implied
in the notice of the fish-gate, which was proba-
bly contiguous to it (2 Chr. xxxiii. 14 ; Neh.
natural order Hanunculaceat, and sub-order BeOm.
bona, which grows in the S. of Europe and in
the N. of Africa.
lii. 3, xii. 39 ; Zeph.i. 10). Numerous allusions
to the art of fishing occur in the Bible. The
most usual method of catching fish was by the
use of the net, either the catting net (Hab. i. IS ;
Ez. xxvi. 5, 14, xlvii. 10), probably resembling
the one used in Egypt, as shown in Wilkinson
(iii. 55), or the draw or drag net (Is. xix. 8 ;
Hab. i. 15), which was larger, and required the
use of a boat : the latter was probably most
used on the Sea of Galilee, as the number of
boats kepton it was very considerable. Angling
was a favorite pursuit of the wealthy in Egypt,
as well as followed by the poor who could not
afford a net. A still more scientific method was
with the trident or the spear, as practised in
Egypt in taking the crocodile (Job xli. 7) or the
hippopotamus.
Fitches (i.e. Vetches), the representative
in the A. V. of the two Hob. words cuaemeth
and ktimch. As to the former, see Rve. Ktt-
rnch denotes without doubt the Nigella tativa,
an herbaceous annual plant belonging to the
yigtOa mtiva.
Flag, the representative in the A. V. of tho
two Heo. words achu and suph. 1 . Acki, a word,
according to Jerome, of Egyptian origin, and
denoting " any green and coarse herbage, such
as rushes and reeds, which grows in marshy
places." It seems probable that some s^erT/te
plant is denoted in Job viii. 11. The word
occurs once again in Gen. xli. 2, 18, where it
is said that the seven well-favored kinc came
np out of the river and fed in an uchi. Rovle
and Kitto are inclined to think that the acku
denotes the Cypena aadentm. Kalisch says
that the achu " is unquestionably either the
Cgpenu exulentus or the Butomus umbdlatus."
We are quite unable to satisfy ourselves so
easily on this point 2. SijJi occurs fre-
quently in the O. T In connection with jot,
" sea, ,r to denote the " Red Sea." The term
here appears to be used in a very wide sense
to denote " weids of any kind. ' The «n
$uph therefore is the "sea of weeds," and
perhaps, as Stanley observes, tuph " may be
applied to any aqueous vegetation."
Flagon, a word employed in the A. V.
to render two distinct Hebrew terms: 1.
Ashishah (2 Sam. vi. 19 ; I Chr. xvi. 8 ; Cant. ii.
5; Hos iii. 1). The real meaning of this word
is a cake of pressed raisins. 2. Aeftef (Is. xxii.
24 only). Nebel is commonly used for a bottle
or vessel, originally probably a skin, but in later
times a piece of pottery (Is. xxx. 14).
Flax. Two Hebrew words are used for thia
plant in O. T., or rather the same word slightly
modified. Eliminating alt the places where the
words are used for the article manufactured in
the thread, the piece, or the made-up garment, wne
reduce them to two, — Ex. ix. 31, certain; and
Josh. ii. 6, disputed. In the former the flax of
the Egyptians is recorded to have been damaged
by the plague of hail. It seems probable that
tho cultivation of flax for the purpose of th«
manufacture of linen was by no means con-
fined to Egypt, but that originating in India it
spread over the whole continent of Asia at a
very early period of antiquity. That it wna
grown in Palestine even heforc the conquest of
that country by the Israelites appears from Josh.
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FOOD
ii. 6. The various processes employed in pre-
paring the flax for manufacture into cloth are
indicated: — 1. The drying process. 2. The
peeling of the stalks, and'separation of the fibres.
3. The hackling ( Is. xix. 9 ). That flax was an-
ciently one of the most important crops in
Palestine appears from Hos. ii. 5, 9.
Flea, an insect twice only mentioned in
Scripture, viz. in 1 Sam. xxiv. 14, xxvi. 20.
Fleas are abundant in the East, and afford the
subject of many proverbial expressions.
Flesh. [Food.]
Flint. The Heb. chaMmish is rendered flint
in Deut. riii. 15, xxxii. 13 ; Ps. cxir. 8 ; and Is.
1. 7. In Job xxviii. 9 the same word is ren-
dered root in the text, and flint in the margin.
In Ez. iii. 9 the English word " flint " occurs in
the same sense, but there it represents the Heb.
Taw.
Flood. [Noah.]
Floor. [Pavement.]
Floor. \Bbead.]
Flowers. | Palestine, Botaht or.]
Flnte (1 K. i. 4, marg. [Pipe]), a musical
instrument, mentioned amongst others (Dan.
iii. 5, 7, 10, 15) as used at the worship of
the golden image which Nebuchadnezzar had
setup.
Flux, Bloody (Acts xxriii. 8), the same
as oar dysentery, which in the East is, though
sometimes sporadic, generally epidemic and in-
fectious, and then assumes its worst form.
Fly, Flies. 1. Ztbab occurs only in Eccl.
x. 1 and in Is. vii. 18. The Heb. name is prob-
sbly a generic one for any insect. The xfbib
from the rivers of Egypt has by some writers,
si by Ocdraann, been identified with the zimb
of which Bruce gives a description, and which
is evidently some species of Toboiuu. Sir O.
Wilkinson has given some account of an injuri-
ous fly under the name of Dthebab, a term al-
most identical with xlbik. 2. 'Ardb (" swarms
afflict," " divers sorts of/Ko," A.V.), the name
of the insect, or insects, which God sent to
punish Pharaoh ; see Ex. viii. 21-31 ; Ps. lxxviii.
45, cr. 31. As the 'arib are said to have filled
the houses of the Egyptians, it seems not
improbable that common flies (Miacidct) are
more especially intended. The identification
of the 'arib with the cockroach is purely gra-
tuitous.
Food. The diet of Eastern nations has
been in all ages light and simple. As com-
pared with our own habits, the chief points of
contrast are the small amount of animal food
consumed, the variety of articles used as ac-
companiments to bread, the substitution of
milk in various forms for our liquors, and the
combination of what we should deem hetero-
geneous elements in the same dish, or the same
meal. The chief point of agreement is the
large consumption of bread, the importance of
which in the eyes of the Hebrew is testified by
the use of the term ledum (originally food of
any kind) specifically for bread, as well as by
the expression " staff of bread " (Lev. xxvi.
26; Ps. cv. 16 ; Ez. iv. 16, xiv. 13). Simpler
preparations of corn were, however, common ;
sometimes the fresh green ears were eaten in a
natural state, the hunks being rubbed off by
the hand (Lev. xxiii. 14; Deut. xxiii. 25;
2 K. iv. 42 ; Matt. xii. 1 ; Luke vi. 1) ; mora
frequently, however, the grains, after being
carefully picked, were roasted in a pan over a
fire (Lev. ii. 14), and eaten as " parched corn,"
in which form they wore an ordinary article of
diet, particularly among laborers, or others who
had not the means of dressing food (Lev. xxiii.
14; Ruth ii. 14; 1 Sam. xvii. 17, xxv. 18;
2 Sam. xvii. 28) : this practice is still very
usual in the East. Sometimes the grain was
bruised (A. V. " beaten," Lev. ii. 14, 16), and
then dried in the sun ; it was eaten either mixed
with oil (Lev. ii. 15), or made into a soft cake
(A. V. " dough; " Num. xv. 20 ; Neh. x. 87 ;
Ez. xliv. 30). The Hebrews used a great vari-
ety of articles (John xxi. 5) to give a relish to
bread. Sometimes salt was so used (Job vi. 6),
as we learn from the passage just quoted ; some,
times the bread was dipped into the sour wino
I A. V. "vinegar") which the laborers drank
Ruth ii. 14) ; or, where meat was eaten, into
the gravy, which was either served up sepa-
rately for the purpose, as by Gideon (Judg. vi.
19), or placed in the middle of the meat-dish,
as done by tlio Arabs. Milk and its prepara-
tions hold a conspicuous place in Eastern diet,
as affording substantial nourishment: some-
times it was produced in a fresh state (Gen.
xviii. 8), but more generally in the form of the
modern leban, i.e. sour milk (A. V. " butter;"
Gen. xviii. 8 ; Judg. v. 25 j 2 Sara. xvii. 29).
Fruit was another source of subsistence : figs
stand first in point of importance ; they were
generally, driea and pressed into cakes. Grapes
were generally eaten in a dried state as raisins.
Fruit-cake forms a part of the daily food of
the Arabians. Of vegetables we have most
frcojuont notice of lentils (Gen. xxv. 34 ; 2 Sain,
xvii. 28, xxiii. 11 ; Ez. iv. 9), which are still
largely used by the Bedouins in travelling;
beans (2 Sam. xvii. 28 ; Ez. iv. 9), leeks, onions,
and garlic, which were and still are of a su-
perior quality in Egypt (Num. xi. 5). The
modem Arabians consume but few vegetables :
radishes and leeks are most in use, and are
eaten raw with bread. Tlio spices or condi-
ments known to the Hebrews were numerous.
In addition to these classes we have to notice
some other important articles of food : in the
first place, honey, whether the natural product
of the bee (1 Sam. xiv. 25 ; Matt. iii. 4), which
abounds in most parts of Arabia, or of the other
natural and artificial productions included un-
der that head, especially the dila of the Syrians
and Arabians, i.e. grapo-juico boiled down, which
is still extensively used in the East ; tho latter
is supposed to be referred to in Gen. xliii. 11,
and Ex. xxvii. 17. With regard to oil, it does
not appear to have been used to tho extent we
might nave anticipated. Eggs are not often
noticed, but were evidently known as articles
of food (Is. x. 14, lix. 5; Luke xi. 12). The
Orientals have been at all times sparing in the
use of animal food : not only docs tho excessive
heat of the climate render it both unwholesome
to cat much meat, and expensive from the ne-
cessity of immediately consuming a whole ani-
mal, nnt beyond this the ritual regulations of
the Mosaic law in ancient, as of tho Koran in
modern times, have tended to the samo result.
The prohibition expressed against consuming
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FOREHEAD
il-1
FOUNTAIN
the blood of any animal (Gen. be. 4) wait more
fully developed in the Levitical law, and en-
forced by the penalty of death (Lev. iii. 17, vii.
26, xix. 26 ; Deut. xii. 16 ; 1 Sam xiv. 32 ff. ;
Ex. xlir. 7, 15). Certain portions of the fat of
sacrifices were also forbidden (Lev. iii. 9, 10),
as being set apart for the altar (Lev. iii. 16, vii.
25 ; cf. 1 Sam. ii. 16 ff. ; 2 Chr. vii. 7). In ad-
dition to the above, Christians were forbidden
to eat the flesh of animals, portions of which
had been offered to idols. All beasts and birds
classed as unclean (Lev. xi. I ff. ; Deut. xiv.
4 ff.) were also prohibited. Under these re-
strictions the Hebrews were permitted the free
nse of animal food : generally speaking they
only availed themselves of it in the exercise of
hospitality (Gen. xviii. 7), or at festivals of a
religious (Ex. xii. 8), public (1 K. i. 9; 1 Chr.
xii. 40), or private character (Gen. xxvii. 4 ;
Luke xv. 23) : it was only in royal households
that there was a daily consumption of meat
(1 K. iv. 23 ; Neh. v. 18). The animals killed
for meat were — calves (Gen. xviii. 7; 1 Sam.
xxviii. 24 ; Am. vi. 4) ; lambs (2 Sam. xii. 4 ;
Am. vi. 4) ; oxen, not above three years of age
(I K i. 9; Prov. xv. 17; Is. xxii. 13; Matt,
xxii. 4) ; kids (Gen. xxvii. 9; Jndg. vi. 19;
1 Sam. xvi. 20) ; harts, roebucks, and fallow-
deer (1 K. iv. 23) ; birds of various kinds ; fish,
with the exception of such as were without
scales and fins (Lev. xi. 9 ; Deut. xiv. 9). Lo-
custs, of which certain species only were es-
teemed clean (Lev. xi. 22), were occasionally
eaten (Matt. iii. 4), but considered as poor fare.
Meat does not appear ever to have been eaten
by itself; various accompaniments are noticed
in Scripture, as bread, milk, and sour milk
(Gen. xviii. 8) ; bread and broth (Judg. vi. 19) ;
and with fish either bread (Matt. xiv. 19, xv.
36; John xxi. 9) or honeycomb (Luke xxiv.
42). With regard to the beverages used by
the Hebrews, we have already mentioned milk,
and the probable use of barley-water, and of a
mixture, resembling the modern sherbet, formed
of fig-cake and water. It is almost needless to
say mat water was most generally drunk. In
addition to these the Hebrews were acquainted
with various intoxicating liquors.
Footman, a word employed in the Auth.
Version in two senses. I. Generally, to dis-
tinguish those of the people or of the fighting-
men who went on foot from those who were on
horseback or in chariots. But, 2. The word oc-
curs in a more special sense (in I Sam. xxii. 17
only), and as the translation of a different term
from the above. This passage affords the first
mention of the existence of a body of swift
runners in attendance on the king, though such
a thing had been foretold by Samuel (1 Sam.
viii. 1 1). This body appear to have been after-
wards kept up, and to have been distinct from
the body-guard — the six hundred and the
thirty — who were originated by David. See
1 K. xiv. 27, 28; 2 Chr. xii. 10, 11 ; 2 K. xi.
4, 6, 11, 13, 19. In each of these cases the
word is the same as the above, and is rendered
" guard ; " but the translators were evidently
aware of its signification, for they have put the
word " runners " in the margin in two instance*
(1 K. xiv. 27 ; 2 K. xi. 13).
Forehead. The practice of veiling the
face in public for women of the higher classe*.
especially married women, in the East, suffi-
ciently stigmatizes with reproach the unveiled
face of women of bad character (Gen. xxiv. 65 ;
Jer. iii. 3). An especial force is thus given to
the term " hard of forehead " as descriptive of
audacity in general (Ez. iii. 7, 8, 9). The cus-
tom among many Oriental nations both of col-
oring the face and forehead, and of impressing
on the body marks indicative of devotion to
some special deity or religious sect, is mentioned
elsewhere. The "jewels for the forehead,"
mentioned by Ezekiel (xvi. 12), and in marjrin
of A. V. (Gen. xxiv. 22), were in all probability
nose-rings (Is. iii. 21).
Forest. The corresponding Hebrew terms
are ya 'or, chtrah, and parda. The first of these
most truly expresses the idea of a forest The
second is seldom used, and applies to woods of
less extent .- it is only twice ( 1 Sam. xxiii. I 5
ff. ; 2 Chr. xxvii. 4) applied to woods properly
so called. The third, parda, occurs only once
in reference to forest-trees (Neh. ii. 8). Else-
where the word describes an orchard (Eccl.
ii. 5 ; Cant iv. 13). Although Palestine has
never been in historical times a woodland coun-
try, yet there can be no doubt that there was
much more wood formerly than there is at pres-
ent (1.) The wood of Ephraim clothed the
slopes of the hills that bordered the plain of Jes-
reei, and the plain itself in the neighborhood of
Bethshan (Josh. xvii. 15 ff). (2.) The wood
of Bethel (2 K. ii. 23, 24) was situated in the
ravine which descends to the plain of Jericho.
(3.) The forest of Hareth (1 Sain. xxii. 5) was
somewhere on the border of the Philistine plain,
in the southern part of Judah. (4.) The wood
through which the Israelites passed in then-
pursuit of the Philistines (1 Sam. xiv. 25) was
probably near Aijalon (comp. v. 31). (5.) The
"wood (Ps. exxxii. 6) implied in the name
of Kiriath-jearim (1 Sam. vii. 2) must have
been similarly situated, as also (6.) were the
" forests " in which Jotham placed his forts (2
Chr. xxvii. 4). (7.) The plain of Sharon was
partly covered with wood (Is. lxv. 10). (8.)
The wood in the wilderness of Ziph, in which
David concealed himself (1 Sam. xxiii. 15 ff.),
lay S. E. of Hebron. The house of the forest
of Lebanon (1 K. vii. 2, x. 17, 21 ; 2 Chr. ix.
16, 20) was so called probably from being fitted
up with cedar.
Fortifications. [Fbkckd Cities.]
Fortuna'tUS (1 Cor. xvi. 17), one of three
Corinthians, the others being Stephanas and
Achaicus, who were at Ephesus when St Paul
wrote his first Epistle. There is a Fortunatus
mentioned at the end of Clement's first Epistle
to the Corinthians, who was possibly the same
person.
Fountain. Among the attractive features
presented by the Land of Promise to the na-
tion migrating from Egypt by way of the
desert, none would be more striking than the
natural gush of waters from the ground. The
springs of Palestine, though short-lived, are re-
markable for their abundance and beauty, es-
pecially those which fall into the Jordan and its
lakes throughout its whole course. The spring
or fountain of living water, the " eye " of die-
landscape, is distinguished in all Oriental las-
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FROG
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FULLER
guages front the artificially rank and enclosed
wdL The volcanic agency which has operated
so powerfully in Palestine, has from very early
tunes given tokens of its working in the warm
springs which are found near the sea of Galilee
and the Dead Sea. Jerusalem appears to have
possessed cither more than one perennial spring,
or one issuing by more than one outlet In
Oriental cities generally, public fountains are
frequent. Traces of snch fountains at Jeru-
salem may perhaps be found in the names En-
Rogel (2 Sam. xvii. 17), the "Dragon-well"
or fountain, and the " Gate of the fountain "
(Nch. u. 13, 14).
Fowl. Several distinct Hebrew and Greek
words are thus rendered in the A. V. of the
Bible. Of these the most common is Vjps,
which is usually a collective term for all kinds
of birds. In 1 K. iv. S3, among the daily pro-
t boons for Solomon's table, " fatted fowl " arc
included- In the N. T. the word translated
" fowls " is most frequently that which com-
prehends all kinds of birds (including ravau,
Lake xii. 24).
Fowl, Fowler. [Sfakhow.1
FOX (Heb. sfei 'al). We are inclined to think
oat the "jackal " is the animal more particu-
larly signified in almost all the passages in the
0. T. where the Hebrew term occurs. The
dm'aUm of Jang. xr. 4 are evidently "jackals,"
and not " foxes," for the former animal is gre-
garious, whereas the latter is solitary in its hab-
its. With respect to the jackals and foxes of
Palestine, there is no doubt that the common
jackal of the country is the Cants attreut, which
may be heard every night in the villages.
Henaprich and Ehrenberg speak of a vulpine
"»""«l. under the name of Canu Svriaciu, as
occurring in Lebanon. The Egyptian Vulpt*
NOctiau, and doubtless the common fox of our
own country, are Palestine species.
Frankincense, a vegetable resin, brittle,
glittering, and of a bitter taste, used for the pur-
pose of sacrificial fumigation (Ex. xxx. 34-36).
It is obtained by successive incisions in the bark
of a tree called the arbor thurit, the first of which
yields the purest and whitest kit>u ; while the
nr od a ce of the after incisions is spotted with
yellow, and, as it becomes old, loses its white-
ness altogether. The Hebrews imported their
frankincense from Arabia (Is. Ix. 6 ; Jer. vi. 20),
and more particularly from Saba; but it is re-
narkable that at present the Arabian Libannm,
or OHbanum, is of a very inferior kind, and that
the finest frankincense imported into Turkey
comes through Arabia from the islands of the
Indian Archipelago. There can be little doubt
mat the tree which produces the Indian frank-
incense is the Bogweuia tarrata of Roxburgh, or
B o mm H ia thai/an of Colebrooke. It is still
extreaaely uncertain what tree produces the
Arab. Olibanum. Lamarck proposes the Amy-
tit Giltadamt, but, as it would seem, upon- in-
eondosive evidence.
Frog. The mention of this reptile in the
O. T. is confined to the passage in Ex. viii.
2-7, tec, in which the plague of frogs is de-
scribed, and to Ps. Ixxviii. 45, cv. 30. In the
N. T. the word occurs once only in Rev. xvi.
13. There is no question as to the animal
it a nf. The only known species of frog which
It
FrooUeoj or FhrlaeaoiM.
occurs at present in Egypt is die Sana tteuientm,
the edible frog of the continent
Frontlets, or Phylacteries (Ex. xiu.
16 ; Dent. vi. 8, xi. 18 ; Matt, xxiii. 5). These
"frontlets" or "phylacteries" were strips of
parchment, on which were written fonr passages
of Scripture (Ex. xiii. 2-10, 11-17 ; Deut. vi.
4-9, 13-23) in an ink prepared for the purpose.
They were then rolled up in a case of black
calfskin, which was attached to a stiffcr piece
of leather, having a thong one Anger broad, and
one and a half cubits long. They were placed
at the bend of the left arm. Those worn on
the forehead were writ-
ten on four strips of
parchment, and put into
four little cells within
a square case, on which
the letter sj was writ-
ten. The square hod
two thongs, on whicli
Hebrew letters were in-
scribed. That phylac-
teries were used as amu-
lets is certain, and was
very natural. Scaligcr
even supposes that phy-
lacteries were designed
to supersede those amu-
lets, the use of which
hod been already learnt
by the Israelites in
Egypt. The expression
"they make broad their phylacteries (Matt,
xxiii. S) refers not so much to the phylactery
itself, which seems to have been of a prescribed
breadth, as to the case in which the parchment
was kept, which the Pharisees, among their
other pretentious customs (Mark vii. 3, 4 ; Luke
v. 33, &c.), made as conspicuous as they could.
It is said that the Pharisees wore them always,
whereas the common people only nsed them at
prayers. The modem Jews only wear them at
morning prayers, and sometimes at noon. la
our Lord « time they were worn by all Jews,
except the Karaites, women, and slaves. Boys,
at the age of thirteen Tears and a day, were
bound to wear them. The Karaites explained
Deut. vi. 8, Ex. xiii. 9, 4c., as a figurative com-
mand to remember the law, as is certainly the
cose in similar passages (Prov. iii. 8, vi. 21, vii.
3; Cant. viii. 6,4c.). It seems clear to us that
the scope of these injunctions favors the Karaite
interpretation. The Rabbis have many rules
about their use.
Fuller. The trade of the fullers, so far as
it is mentioned in Scripture, appears to have
consisted chiefly in cleansing garments and
whitening them. The process of fulling or
cleansing cloth, so far as it may be gathered
from the practice of other nations, consisted in
treading or stamping on the garments with the
feet or with bats in tnbs of water, in which
some alkaline substance answering the purpose
of soap hod been dissolved. The substances
used for this purpose which arc mentioned in
Scripture are natron (Prov. xxv. 20 ; Jer. ii.
22) and soap (Mai. iii. 2). Other substances
also are mentioned as being employed in cleans-
ing, which, together with alkali, seem to iden-
tify the Jewish with the Roman process, as urine
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GAASH
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and chalk. The process of whitening garments i
was performed by rubbing into them chalk or
earth of some kind. Creta Cimolia (Cimolitc)
was probably the earth most frequently used.
The trade of the fullers, as causing offensive
sn>clls, and also as requiring space for drying
clothes, appears to have been carried on at Je-
rusalem outside the city.
Fuller's Field, the, a spot near Jerusa-
lem (2 K. xviii. 17; Is. vii. 3, xxxvi. 2) so close
to tho walls that a person speaking from there
could be heard on them (2 K. xviii. 17, 26).
One resort of the fullers of Jerusalom would
seem to have been below the city on the south-
east side. But Rabshakch and his " great host "
must have come from the north ; and the Ful-
ler's Field was therefore, to judge from this cir-
cumstance, on the table-land on the northern
side of the city.
Funerals. [Bcbial.]
Furlong, [measures.]
Furnace, various kinds of furnaces are
noticed in the Bible. (1.) Tarmur is so trans-
lated in the A. V. in Gen. xv. 17 ; Is. xxxi. 9 ;
Nch. iii. 1 1 , xii. 38. Generally the word applies
to the baker's oven. (2.) Cibslmn, a smelting
or calcining furnace (Gen. xix. 28 ; Ex. ix. 8,
10, xix. 18), especially a lime-kiln (Is. xxxiii.
12; Am. ii. 1). (3.) Cur, a refining furnace
(Frov. xvii. 3, xxvii. 21 ; Ex. xxii. 18 if.). (4.)
Attun, a large furnace built like a brick-kiln
iDan. iii. 22, 23). The Persians were in the
inbit of using the furnace as a means of inflict-
ing capital punishment (Dan. l.c. ; Jer. xxix.
92; 2 Mace. vii. 5; Hos. vii. 7). (5.) The
TlM Kgrptiui Potter* Furaue. (WUkkuon.)
potter's furnace (Ecclus. xxvii. 5, xxxviii. 30).
(6.) The blacksmith's furnace (Ecclus. xxxviii.
28).
G.
Oa'al, son of Ebed, aided the Shechemites
in their rebellion against Abimelech (Judg. ix.).
He does not seem to have been a native of
Shechem, nor specially interested in the revolu-
tion, but rather one or a class of condottieri, who
at such a period of anarchy would be willing
to sell their services to the highest bidder.
Ga'aah. On the north side of " the hill of
Gnash " was the city which was given to Joshua
{Josh, xxiv. 30; Judg. ii. 9; comp. Josh. xix.
49, 50). It does not appear to have been recog.
nized.
Ga'ba. The same name as Geba. It is
found in the A. V. in Josh . xviii. 24 ; Ezr. ii
26 ; Nch. vii. 30.
Oab'ael. 1. An ancestor of Tobit (Tob.
i. 1). — 2. A poor Jew (Tob. i. 17, Vnlg.) of
" Rages in Medio," to whom Tobias lent ten
talents of silver (Tob. i. 14, iv. 1, 20, v. 6, ix,
Grab'Otha, Esth. xii. 1. (Bigthak.)
Gab'bai, apparently the head of an impor-
tant family of Benjamin resident at Jerusalem
(Nch. xi. 8).
Gab'batha, the Hebrew or Chaldee ap-
pellation of a place, also called " Pavement,
where the judgment-seat or bema was planted,
from his place on which Pilate delivered oar
Lord to death (John xix. 13). The place was
outside the pratorium, for Pilate brought Jesus
forth from thence to it. It is suggested by
Lightfbot that Gabbatha is a mere translation
of " pavement." It is more probably from an
ancient root signifying height or roundness.
In this case Gabbatha designated the elevated
Bema; and the "pavement was possibly some
mosaic or tessellated work, either forming the
bema itself, or the flooring of the court imme-
diately round it
Gab'des, 1 Esd. v. 20. [Gaba.] Ap.
Ga'brias, according to the present text of
the LXX., the brother of Gabacl, the creditor
of Tobit (Tob. i. 14), though in another place
(Tob. iv. 20) he is described as his rather. Ap.
Ga'briel. The word, which is not in itself
distinctive, but merely a description of the an-
gelic office, is nsed as a proper name or title in
Dan. viii. 16, ix. 21, and in Luke i. 19, 26. In
the ordinary traditions, Jewish and Christian,
Gabriel is spoken of as one of the archangels.
In Scripture he is set forth only as the repre-
sentative of the angelic nature in its ministra-
tion of comfort and sympathy to man.
Gad, Jacob's seventh son, the first-born of
Zilpah, Leah's maid, and whole-brother to
Asher (Gen. xxx. 11-13, xlvi. 16, 18). (a)
The passage in which the bestowal of the name
of Gad is preserved — like the others, an ex-
clamation on his birth — is more than usually
obscure : " And Leah said, ' In fortune,' and she
called his name Gad" (Gen. xxx. 11). Such
is supposed to be tho meaning of the old text
of the passage. But in the marginal emenda-
tion of the Masorets the word is given, " Gad
comes." (6) In the blessing of Jacob, how-
ever, we find the name played upon in a differ-
ent manner: " Gad" is here taken as meaning
a piratical band or troop (Gen. xlix. 19). (c)
The force thus lent to the name has been by
some partially transferred to the narrative of
Gen. xxx., e.g. the Samaritan Version, tin
Veneto-Grcek, and our own A. V. — "a troop
(of children) cometh." Of the childhood and
life of the patriarch Gad nothing is preserved.
At the time of the descent into Egypt seven
sons are ascribed to him, remarkable from the
fact that a majority of their names have plural
terminations, as if those of families rather than
persons (Gen. xlvi. 16). The position of Gad
during the march to the Promised Land was on
the south side of the Tabernacle (Num. ii. 14).
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OADARA
The alliance between the tribes of Reuben and
Gad was doubtless induced by the similarity of
their pursuits. Of all the sons of Jacob these
two tribes alone returned to the land which
their forefathers had left fire hundred years be-
fore, with their occupations unchanged. At
the halt on the east of Jordan we find them
coming forward to Moses with the representa-
tion that they " have cattle " — " o great mul-
titude of cattle," and the land where they now
are is a " place for cattle." They did not, how-
ever, attempt to evade taking their proper share
of the difficulties of subduing the land of
f""«", and after that task had been effected
ihey were dismissed by Joshua " to their tents,"
to their- " wives, their little ones, and their cat-
tle," which they had left behind them in Gilead.
The country allotted to Gad appears, speaking
roughly, to nave lain chiefly about the centre of
the land east of Jordan. The south of that dis-
trict — from the Arnon ( Watty Mojeb), about
half way down the Dead Sea, to Heshbon,
nearly due east of Jerusalem — was occupied
by Reuben, and at or about Heshbon the pos-
sessions of Gad commenced. They embraced
half Gilead, as the oldest record specially states
(Dent. iii. 12), or half the land of the children
of Ammon (Josh. xiii. 25), probably the moun-
tainous district which is intersected: by the tor-
rent Jabbok — if the Wady Zirka be the Jab-
bok — including, as its most northern town, the
ancient sanctuary of Mahanaim. On the east
the farthest landmark given is " Aroer, that
faces Kabbah," the present Amman (Josh. xiii.
25). West was the Jordan (27). Such was
the territory allotted to the Gadites, but there
is no doubt that they soon extended themselves
bevond these limits. The official records of the
reign of Joth&ra of Judah ( 1 Chr. r. 1 1, 16) show
them to have been at that time established over
the whole of Gilead, and in possession of Bashan
as far as Salcah, and very far both to the north
and the east of the border given them origi-
nally, while the Manassites were pushed still
farther northwards to Mount Hermon (1 Chr.
v. 23). The character of the tribe is through-
out strongly marked — fierce and warlike —
"strong men of might, men of war for the
battle, that could handle shield and buckler,
their faces the faces of lions, and like roes upon
the mountains for swiftness." The history of
Jephthah develops elements of a different na-
ture and a higher order than the mere fierceness
3eeessary to repel the attacks of the plunderers
of the desert. In the behavior of Jephthah
throughout that affecting history, there are traces
of a spirit which we may almost call chival-
resque. If to this we add the loyalty, the gen-
erosity and the delicacy of Barzillai (2 Sam.
xix. 32-39), we obtain a very high idea of the
tribe at whose head were snch men as these.
Nor must we, while enumerating the worthies
of Gad, forget that in all probability Elijah the
Tuhbite, " who was of the inhabitants of Gil-
ead," was one of them. But while exhibiting
these high personal qualities, Gad appears to
have been wanting in the powers necessary to
enable him to take any active or leading part
in the confederacy of the nation. The territory
of Gad was the battle-field on which the long
and fierce struggles of Syria and Israel were
fought ont ; and, as an agricultural and pastoral
country, it must have suffered severely in con-
sequence (2 K. xx. 33). Gad was carried into
captivity by Tiglath-Pileser (1 Chr. v. 26), and
in the tune of Jeremiah the cities of the tribe
seem to have been inhabited by the Ammon-
ites.
Gad, " the seer," or " the king's seer," i.e.
David's (1 Chr. xxix. 29; 2 Chr. xxix. 25; 2
Sam. xxiv. 1 1 ; 1 Chr. xxi . 9 ) , was a " prophet "
who appears to have joined David when in the
hold (1 Sam. xxii. 5). He re-appears in con-
nection with the punishment indicted for the
numbering of the people (2 Sam. xxiv. 1 1-19 ;
1 Chr. xxi. 9-19). He wrote a book of the
Acts of David (1 Chr. xxix. 29), and also as-
sisted in the arrangements for the musical ser-
vice of the "house of God" (2 Chr. xxix.
25).
Gad. froperly " the Gad," with the arti-
cle. In the A. V. of Is. lxv. 11, the clause
" that prepare a table for that troop " has in
the margin instead of the last word the proper
name "Gad," which evidently denotes some
idol worshipped by the Jews in Babylon, though
it is impossible positively to identify it That
Gad was the deity Fortune, under whatever
outward form it was worshipped, is supported
by the etymology, and by the common assent
of commentators. Gesenius is probably right
in his conjecture that Gad was the planet Jupi-
ter, which was regarded by the astrologer* of
the East as the star of greater good fortune.
Movers is in favor of the planet Venus. Illus-
trations of the ancient custom of placing a ban-
queting table in honor of idols will be found in
the table spread for the sun among the Ethio-
pians (Her. iii. 17, 18), and in the feast made
by the Babylonians for their god Bel, which is
deM-ribed in the Apocryphal history of Bel and
the Dragon (comp. also Her. i. 181, &c.). A
trace of the worship of Gad remains in the
proper name Baal Gad.
Gad'itee, the. The descendants of Gad
and members of his tribe.
Gad'ara, a strong city situated near the
River Hieromox, east of the Sea of Galilee, over
against Scythopolis and Tiberias, and sixteen
Roman miles distant from each of those places.
Josephus calls it the capital of Persia. A largo
district was attached to it. Gadara itself is not
mentioned in the Bible, but it is evidently
identical with the "country of the Gadarenes''
(Mark v. 1 ; Luke viii. 26, 37). Of the site of
Gadara, thus so clearly defined, there cannot be
a doubt. On a partially isolated hill at the
north-western extremity of the mountains of
Gilead, about sixteen miles from Tiberias, lie
the extensive and remarkable ruins of Urn Keis.
The whole space occupied by the ruins is about
two miles in circumference. The first histori-
cal notice of Gadara is its capture, along with
Pella and other cities, by Antiochus the Great,
in the year B.C. 218. The territory of Gadara,
with the adjoining one of Hippos, was subse-
quently added to the kingdom of Herod tho
Great. Gadara, however, derives its greatest
interest from having been the scene of our Lord's
miracle in healing the demoniacs (Matt. viii.
28-34 ; Mark v. 1-21 ; Luke viii. 26-40). The
whole circumstances of the narrative are strik-
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GALATIA
276
GALBANUM
tnglj illustrated by the features of the country.
Another thing is worthy of notice. The most
interesting remains of Gadara are its tombs,
which dot the cliffs for a considerable distance
round the city. Gadara was captured by Ves-
pasian on the first outbreak of the war with
the Jews; all its inhabitants massacred; and
the town itself, with the surrounding villages,
reduced to ashes.
Gad'di, son of Susi ; the Manassite spy
sent by Moses to explore Canaan (Num. xin.
11).
Gad'diel, a Zebulonite, one of the twelve
•pies (Num. xiii. 10).
Ga'di, rather of Menahem (2 K. xv. 14,
17).
Ga"ham, son of Nahor, Abraham's brother,
by his concubine Reumah (Gen. xxii. 24).
GaTiar. The Bene-Gahar were among the
families of Nethinim who returned from the
captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 47 ; Neh.
vif. 49).
Gai'us. [John, Second and Third Epis-
tles op.]
Gral'aad (1 Mace v. 9, 55 ; Jud. i. 8, xv. 5 ;
and the Cocntbt of Galaad, 1 Mace. v. 17,
20, 25, 27, 36, 45, xiii. 22), the Greek form of
the word Gilead. Ap.
O&lal. 1. A Levite, one of the sons of
Asaph (I Chr. ix. 15). — 2. Another Levite
of the family of Elkanah (1 Chr. ix. 16). — 3.
A third Levite, son of Jcduthun (Neh. xi. 17).
Galatia. Galatia is literally the " Gallia u
of the East The Galatians were in their ori-
gin a stream of that great Keltic torrent which
poured into Greece in the third century before
the Christian era. Some of these invaders
moved on into Thrace, and appeared on the
shores of the Hellespont and Bosporus, when
Nicomedes I., king of Bithynia, being then en-
gaged in a civil war, invited them across to help
him. At the end of the Republic, Galatia ap-
pears as a dependent kingdom; at the beginning
of the Empire, as a province (a.d. 26). The
Roman province of Galatia may be roughly de-
scribed as the central region of the peninsula of
Asia Minor, with the provinces of Asia on the
west, Cappadocia on the east, Pamphtlia
nnd Cilicia on the south, and Bithynia and
Pontus on the north. It would be difficult to
deflno the exact limits. In fact they were fre-
quently changing. At one time there is no
doubt that this province contained Pisidia and
Lycaonia, and therefore those towns of Anti-
och, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, which are
conspicuous in the narrative of St. Paul's
travels. But the characteristic part of Galatia
lay northward from those districts. These
Eastern Gauls preserved much of their ancient
character, and something of their ancient lan-
guage. The prevailing speech, however, of the
district was Greek. The inscriptions found at
Ancyra are Greek, and St Paul wrote his Epis-
tle in Greek. It is difficult at first sight to de-
termine in what sense the word Galatia is used
by the writers of the N. T., or whether always
in the same sense. In the Acts of the Apostles
the journeys of St. Paul through the district are
mentioned in very general terms. On all ac-
counts it seems most probable that Galatia is
used by St Luke as an ethnographical term,
and not for the Roman province of that i
We must not leave unnoticed the view advo
cated by Bottger, that the Galatia of the Epistle
is entirely limited to the district between Derbe
and CoIosssb, t'.«. the extreme southern frontier
of the Roman province.
Galatians, The Epistle to the, was
written by the Apostle St Paul not long after
his journey through Galatia and Phrygia (Acts
xviii. 23),'and probablv in the earlv portion of
his two years and a half stay at Ephesus, which
terminated with the Pentecost of a.d. 57 or 58-
The Epistle appears to have been called forth
by the machinations of Judaizing teachers,
who, shortly before the date of its composition,
had endeavored to seduce the cbun-hes of this
province into a recognition of circumcision ( v.
2, 11, 12, vi. 12, sq.), and had openlv sought to
depreciate tho apostolic claims of St. ~ Paul
(romp. i. 1, 11). The scope and contents of
the Epistle arc thus — (1) apologetic (i., ii.)
and polemical (Hi., iv.) ; and (2) hortatory and
practical (v., vi.) ; the positions and demonstra-
tions of the former portion being used with
great power and persuasiveness in the exhorta-
tions of the latter. With regard to the gaut-
inmesa and authenticity of this Epistle, no writer
of any credit or respectability has expressed
any doubts. The testimony of the early church
is most decided and unanimous. Besides ex-
press references to the Epistle we have one or
two direct citations found as early as the time
of the Apostolic Fathers, and several apparent
allusions. Two historical questions require n
brief notice : — 1 . The number of visits made by
St Paul to the churches of Galatia previous to
his writing the Epistle. These seem certainly
to have been two. The Apostle founded the
churches of Galatia in the visit recorded Acta
xvi. 6, during his second missionary journey,
about a.d. 51, and revisited them at the period
and on the occasion mentioned Acts xviii. 23,
when he went through the country of Galatia
and Phrygia. On this occasion it would seem
probable that he found the leaven of Judaism
beginning to work in the churches of Galatia.
2. Closely allied with the preceding question is
that of the date, and the place from which the
Epistle was written. Conybeare and Howson,
and more recently Lightfoot, urge the proba-
bility of its having been written at about the
same time as the Epistle to the Romans. They
would therefore assign Corinth as the place
where the Epistle was written, and the three
months that the Apostle staid there (Acts xx.
2, 3), apparently the winter of a.d. 57 or 58, a*
the exact period. But it seems almost impossi-
ble to assign a later period than the commence-
ment of the prolonged stay in Ephesus (a.d.
54).
Galbanum, one of the perfumes employed
in the preparation of the sacred incense (Ex.
xxx. 34). The galbanum of commerce is
brought chiefly from India and the Levant It is
a resinous gum of a brownish-yellow color, and
strong, disagreeable smell, usually met with in
masses, but sometimes found in yellowish tear-
like drops. But though galbanum itself is
well known, the plant which yields it has not
been exactly determined. Sprengel is in favor
of the Ferula Jendaao, L., which grows in North
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OAT.TT.fCB
277
GALL
Africa, Crete, and Asia Minor. It was Tor some
time (apposed to be the product of the Bubon
gnBxauam of I.inngiin, a native of the Cape of
Good Hope. The Opoidia GaBxutifera has
been adopted by the Dublin College in their
Pharmacopoeia as that which yields the galba-
num. But the question remains undecided.
Gtal'eed, the name given by Jacob to the
heap which be and Laban made on Mount
Gilcad in witness of the covenant then entered
into between them (Gen. xxxi. 47, 48 ; comp.
23,25).
Qal'gala, the ordinary equivalent in the
LXX. for GilgaL In the A. V. it is named
only in 1 Mace. ix. 2, and may there denote
either the npper Gilgal near Bethel, or the
lower one near Jericho
Gal'ilee. This name, which in the Roman
age was applied to a large province, seems to
h»ve been originally confined to a little " cir-
cuit" of country round Kedesh-Naphtali, in
which were situated the twenty towns given by
Solomoc to Hiram, king of Tyre, as payment
for his work in conveying timber from Lebanon
to Jerusalem (Josh. xx. 7 ; 1 K. ix. 1 1 ). They
were then, or subsequently, occupied by stran-
gers, and for this reason Isaiah gives to the dis-
trict the name " Galilee of the Gentiles" (Is.
ix. 1). It is probable that the strangers in-
creased in number, and became during the cap-
tivity the great body of the inhabitants ; ex-
tending themselves also over the surrounding
country, they gave to their new territories the
old name, until at length Galilee became one of
the largest provinces of Palestine. In the Mac-
eahean period Galilee contained only a few Jews
living in the midst of a large heathen popula-
tion (1 Mace. v. 20-23). In the time of our
Lord, all Palestine was divided into three prov-
inces, Judaea, Samaria, and Galilee (Acts ix.
31 ; Lake xvii. 1 1 ; Joseph., B. J., m. 3). The
latter included the whole northern section of
the country, including the ancient territories of
Iiaachar, Zebulun, Asher, and Naphtali. On
the weat it was bounded by the territory of
Ptolemais, which probably included the whole
plain of Akka to the foot of Carmel. The
southern border ran aloaK the base of Carmel
and of the hills of Samaria to Mount Gilboa,
sad tfasm descended the valley of Jezreel by
Scythopolis to the Jordan. The River Jordan,
the Sea of Galilee, and the Upper Jordan to
the fountain at Dan, formed the eastern border ;
and the northern ran from Dan westward across
the mountain ridge till it touched the territory
of the Phoenicians. Galilee was divided into
two sections, " Lower " and " Upper." Lower
Galilee -included she great Plain of Eadraelon
with its offshoots, which ran down to the Jor-
dan and the Lake of Tiberias ; and the whole
of the hijl-cpuntry adjoining it on the north to
the foot of the mountain-range. It extended
as far as the village of Ginea, the modern JeMn,
30 the extreme southern side of the plain, and
included the whole region from the plain of
Akka, on the west, to the shores of the lake
on the east. It was thus one of the richest
and most beautiful sections of Palestine. The
chief towns of Lower Galilee were Tiberias,
Tarichaea, at the southern end of the Sea of
Galilee, and Sepphoris. The towns most cele-
brated in N. T. history are Nazareth, Can*, and
Tiberias ( Luke i. 26 ; John ii. 1 , vi. 1 ). Upper
Galilee embraced the whole mountain-range ly-
ing between the Upper Jordan and Phoenicia.
Its southern border ran along the foot of the
Safed range from the north-west angle of the
Sea of Galilee to the Plain of Akka. To this
region the name " Galilee of the Gentiles" is
given in the 0. and N. T. (Is. ix. 1 ; Matt iv.
15). The town of Capernaum, on the north
shore of the lake, was in Upper Galilee. Gal ilee
was the scene of the greater part of our Lord's
private life and public acts. His early years
were spent at Nazareth ; and when He entered
on His great work, He made Capernaum His
home (Matt. iv. 13, ix. 1). It is a remarkable
fact that the first three Gospels are chiefly taken
up with our Lord's ministrations in this prov-
ince, while the Gospel of John dwells mora
upon those in Judaea. The nature of our
Lord's parables and illustrations was greatly
influenced by the peculiar features and products
of the country. The apostles were all either
Galileans by birth or residence (Acts i. 11).
After the destruction of Jerusalem, Galilee be-
came the chief seat of Jewish schools of learn-
ing, and the residence of their most celebrated
Rabbins.
Galilee, Sea of. [Gennmabbtm.1
Grail, the representative in the A. V. of
the Hebrew words mererah, or mertrih, and
rash. 1 . Mererah or mertiran denotes etymolo-
gically " that which is bitter ; " see Job xiii. 26,
fi Thou writeat bitter things against me. " Hence
the term is applied to the "bile" or "gall"
from its intense bitterness (Job xvi. 13, xx. 25) ;
it is also used of the "poison" of serpents
(Job xx. 14), which the ancients erroneously
belived was their gall. 2. BAA, generally trans-
lated " gall " by the A. V., is in Hos. x. 4 ren-
dered "hemlock : " in Deut. xxxii. 33, and Job
xx. 16, roth denotes the " poison " or " venom "
of serpents. From Deut. xxix. 18, and Lam.
iii. 19, compared with Hos. x. 4, it is evident
that the Heb. term denotes some bitter, and
perhaps poisonous plant. Other writers have
supposed, and with some reason (from Deut.
xxxii. 32), that some berry-bearing plant must
be intended. Gcsenius understands " poppies."
The capsules of the Papavaacea may well give
the name of rath (" head ") lo the plant in ques-
tion, just as we speak of poppy heads. The va-
rious species of this family spring up quickly
in corn-fields, and the juice is extremely bitter.
A steeped solution of poppy heads may be
" the water of gall " of Jer. viii. 14. The pas-
sages in the Gospels which relate the circum-
stance of the Roman soldiers offering our Lord,
just before his crucifixion, "vinegar mingled
with gall," according to St. Matthew (xxvii.
34), and " wine mingled with myrrh," accord-
ing to St. Mark's account (xv. 23), require
some consideration. " Matthew, in his usual
way," as Hengatenberg remarks, "designates
the drink theologically : always keeping his eye
on the prophecies of the 0. T., he speaks of
gall and vinegar for the purpose of rendering
the fulfilment of the Psalms more manifest.
Mark again (xv. 23), according to his way,
looks rather at the outward quality of the drink."
" Gall " is not to be understood in any other
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GAMES
278
GAMES
sense than as expressing the bitter nature of
the draught. Notwithstanding the almost eon-
current opinion of ancient and modern com-
mentators that the " wine mingled with myrrh "
was offered to our Lord as an anodyne, we can-
not readily come to the same conclusion. Had
the soldiers intended a mitigation of suffering,
they would doubtless have offered a draught
drugged with some substance having narcotic
properties. The drink in question was proba-
bly a mere ordinary beverage of the Romans.
Gallery, an architectural term, describing
the porticoes or verandas, which are not un-
common in Eastern houses. It is doubtful,
however, whether the Hebrew words so trans-
lated have any reference to such an object. ( 1 .)
In Cant. i. it the word rackU means "panel-
line," or "fretted work." (2.) In Cant. vii. 6,
racMl is applied to the hair, the regularly ar-
ranged, flowing locks being compared by the
poet to the channels of running water seen in
the pasture-grounds of Palestine. (3.) In Ez.
xli. 15, xlii. 3, the word attik seems to mean a
pillar used for the support of a floor.
Galley. [Ship.]
Gal'lim (=" heaps," or possibly " springs" ) ,
a place which is twice mentioned in the Bible :
— (1.) As the native place of the man to whom
Michal, David's wife, was given — "Phalti the
■on of Laish, who was from Gallim" (1 Sam.
xxv. 44). There is no clew to the situation of
the place. (2.) The name occurs again in the
catalogue of places terrified at the approach of
Sennacherib (Is. x. 30). It was perhaps a short
distance N. of Jerusalem. The name of Gal-
lim has not been met with in vodern times.
Gallic Junius Annseus Gauio, the Roman
proconsul of Achaia when St. Paul was at
Corinth, a.d. 53, under the Emperor Claudius.
He was brother to Lucius Annseus Seneca, the
philosopher. He is said to have been put to
death by Nero, " as well as his brother Seneca,
but not at the same time " (Winer) ; but there
is apparently no authority for this. Jerome, in
the Chronicle of Eusebius, says that he com-
mitted suicide in the year 65 a.d.
Gallows. [Punishkent.]
Gam'ael, 1 Esd. viii. 29. [Daniel, 3.]
Gamaliel, son of Pedahzur; prince or
captain of the tribe of Manasseh at the census
at Sinai (Num. i. 10, ii. 20, vii. 54, 59), and at
starting on the march through the wilderness
(x. 23).
Gamaliel, a Pharisee and celebrated doctor
of the law, who gave prudent worldly advice in
the Sanhedrim respecting the treatment of the
followers of Jesus of Nazareth (Acts v. 34 if.).
We learn from Acts xxii. 3 that he was the
preceptor of St. Paul. He is generally identi-
fied with the very celebrated Jewish doctor
Gamaliel. This Gamaliel was son of Rabbi
Simeon, and grandson of the celebrated Hillel :
he was president of the Sanhedrim under Ti-
berius, Caligula, and Claudius, and is reported
to have died eighteen years before the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem.
Games. With regard to juvenile games,
the notices are very few. It must not, however,
be inferred from this that the Hebrew children
were without the amusements adapted to their
age. The only recorded sports, however, are
keeping tame birds (Job xli. 5), and imitating
the proceedings of marriages or funerals (Matt
xi. 16). With regard to manly games, they
were not much followed up by the Hebrews:
the natural earnestness of their character and
the influence of the climate alike indisposed
them to active exertion. The chief amusement
of the men appears to have consisted in conver-
sation and joking (Jer. xv. 17; Prov. xxvi 19).
A military exercise seems to be noticed in
2 Sam. ii. 14. In Jerome's day, the usual sport
consisted in lifting weights as a trial of strength,
as also practised in Egypt. Dice are mentioned
by the Talmudists, probably introduced from
Egypt. Public games were altogether foreign
to the spirit of Hebrew institutions : the great
religious festivals supplied the pleasurable ex-
citement and the feelings of national anion
which rendered the games of Greece so popu-
lar, and at the same time inspired the persua-
sion that such gatherings should be exclusively
connected with religious duties. Accordingly
the erection of a gymnasium by Jason was looked
upon as a heathenish proceeding (1 Mace. i. 14;
2 Mace. iv. 12-14). The entire absence of ver-
bal or historical reference to this subject in the
Gospels shows how little it entered into the life
of the Jews. Among the Greeks, the rage for
theatrical exhibitions was such that every city
of any size possessed its theatre and stadium.
At Ephesus an annual contest was held in honor
of Diana. It is probable that St. Paul was
present when these games were proceeding. A
direct reference to the exhibitions that took
place on such occasions is made in 1 Cor. xv.
32. St. Paul's Epistles abound with allusions
to the Greek contests, borrowed probably from
the Isthmian games, at which he may well have
been present dnring his first visit to Corinth.
These contests (2 Tim. iv. 7; 1 Tim. vi. 12)
were divided into two classes, — the pancratium,
consisting of boxing and wrestling ; and the
pentathlon, consisting of leaping, running qnoit-
mg, hurling the spear, and wrestling. The
competitors (1 Cor. ix. 25; 2 Tim. ii. 5) re-
BMdafr
quired a long and severe course of previous
training (1 Tim. iv. 8), daring which a partic-
ular diet was enforced (1 Cor. ix. 25, 27). In
the Olympic contests these preparatory exercises
extended over a period of ten months, during
the last of which they were conducted under the
supervision of appointed officers. The contests
took place in the presence of a vast multitude
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GAHIZIM
of spectators (Heb. xii. 1), the competitors
being the spectacle (1 Cor. iv. ix; Heb. x. S3).
The games were opened by the proclamation of
a herald (1 Cor. ix. 27), whose office it was to
give oat the name and country of each candi-
date, and especially to announce the name of
the victor before the assembled multitude. The
judge was selected for his spotless integrity (2
Tim. ir. 8) : his office was to decide any din-
pates (Col. ill- 15), and to give the prize (1 Cor.
ix- 24 ; Phil. iii. 14), consisting or a crown (2
Tim. ii. 5, It. 8) of leaves of wild olive at the
Olympic games, and of pine, or, at one period,
ivy, at the Isthmian games. St. Paul alludes
to two only out of the five contests, boxing and
running, most frequently to the latter. In box-
ing (cf. I Cor. ix. 26) the hands and arms were
bound with the cestui, a band of leather stud-
ded with nails. The foot-race (2 Tim. iv. T)
was ran in the stadium (1 Cor. ix. 24), an ob-
long area, open at one end and rounded in a
semicircular form at the other, along the sides
of which were the raised tiers of seats on which
the spectators sat. The judge was stationed by
the goal (Phil. iii. 14), which was clearly visi-
ble from one end of the thulium to the other.
Gam'madims. This word occurs only
in Ex. xxvii. 11. A variety of explanations of
(he term have been offered. (1.) One class
renders it " pygmies." (2.) A second treats it
as a geographical or local term. (3.) A third
gives a more general sense to the word, " brave
warriors." Hitzig suggests "deserters." Af-
ter all, the rendering in the LXX., " guards,"
furnishes the simplest explanation.
CrS/mul* a priest; the leader of the 22d
course in the service of the sanctuary (1 Clir.
xxiv. 17).
Qar. " Sons of Gar " are named among
the " sons of the servants of Solomon " in 1
Esd. v. 34. Ap.
Garden. Gardens in the East, as the He-
brew word indicates, are enclosures, on the out-
skirts of towns, planted with various trees and
shrubs. From the allusions in the Bible we
learn that they were surrounded by hedges of
thorn (Is. v. 3), or walls of stone (Prov. xxiv.
31). For farther protection, lodges (Is. i. 8;
Lam. ii. 6) or watch-towers (Mark xii. 1) were
built in them, in which sat the keeper (Job
xxvii. 18) to drive away the wild beasts and
robbers, as is the case to this day. The gardens
of the Hebrews were planted with flowers and
aromatic shrubs (Cant iv. 2, vL 16), besides
olives, fig-trees, nuts, or walnuts (Cant vi. 1 1 ),
pomegranates, and others for domestic use
(Ex. xxiii. 11; Jer. xxix. 5; Am. ix. 14).
Gardens of herbs, or kitchen-gardens, are men-
tioned in Dent xi. 10. and I K. xxi. 2. Cu-
cumbers were grown in them (Is. i. 8 ; Bar.
vL 70), and probably also melons, leeks, onions,
and garlic, which are spoken of (Num. xi. 5)
as the productions of a neighboring country.
The rose-garden in Jerusalem, said to have
been situated westward of the temple mount,
is remarkable as having been one of the few
gardens which, from the time of the prophets,
existed within the city walls. But of all the
gardens of Palestine, none is possessed of asso-
ciations more sacred and imperishable than the
garden of Qethsemane, beside the oil-pi
the slopes of Olivet. In addition to the ordi-
nary productions of the country, we are tempted
to infer from Is. xvii. 10 that m some gardens
care was bestowed on the rearing of exotics.
In a climate like that of Palestine, the neigh-
borhood of water was an important considera-
tion in selecting the site of a garden. To the
old Hebrew poets " a well-watered garden," or
" a tree planted by the waters," was an emblem
of luxuriant fertility and material prosperity
(Is. lviii. 11 ; Jer. xvii. 8, xxxi. 12). from a
neighboring stream or cistern were supplied the
channels or conduits, by which the gardens
were intersected, and the water was thus con-
veyed to all parts (Ps. i. 3 ; Eccl. ii. 6 ; Ecclus.
xxiv. 30). It is matter of doubt what is the
exact meaning of the expression " to water
with the foot in Dcut. xi. 10. The orange,
lemon, and mulberry groves which lie around
and behind Jaffa supply, perhaps, the most
striking peculiarities of Oriental gardens — gar-
dens which Maundrell describes as being " a
confused miscellany of trees jumbled together,
without either posts, walks, arbors, or any
thing of art or design, so that they seem like
thickets rather than gardens." The kings and
nobles had their country-houses surrounded by
gardens (1 K. xxi. 1 ; 2 K. ix. 27), and these
were used on festal occasions (Cant. v. 1). The
garden of Ahasucrus was in a court of the
palace (Esth. i. 5), adjoining the banqueting-
hall (Esth. vii. 7). In Babylon the gardens
and orchards were enclosed by the city walls.
In large gardens the orchard was probably, as
in Egypt, the enclosure set apart for the culti-
vation of date and sycamore trees, and fruit-
trees of various kinds (Cant. iv. 13 ; Eccl. ii.
5). The ancient Hebrews made use of gardens
as places of burial (John xix. 41 ). Manasseh
ana his son Anion were buried in the garden
of their palace, the garden of Uxxa (2 K. xxi.
18,26). The retirement of gardens rendered
them favorite places for devotion (Matt. xxvi.
36 ; John xviii. 1 ; cf. Gen. xxiv. 63). In the
degenerate times of the monarchy they were
selected as the scenes of idolatrous worship
(Is. i. 29, lxv. 3, lxvi. 17), and images of the
idols were probably erected in them. Gar-
deners are alluded to in Job xxvii. 18 and John
xx. 15. But how far the art of gardening was
carried among the Hebrews we have few means
of ascertaining. That they were acquainted
with the process of grafting is evident from
Rom. xi. 17, 24, as well as from the minnte
prohibitions of the Mishna. The traditional
gardens and pools of Solomon, supposed to be
alluded to in Eccl. ii. 5, 6, are shown in the
Wady Urtds (i.e. Hortusj, about an hour and a
quarter to the south of Bethlehem (cf. Jos. Ant.
viii. 7, § 3). The " king^s garden, mentioned
in 2 K. xxv. 4, Neh. iii. 15, Jer. xxxix. 4,
Iii. 7, was near the pool of Siloam, at the mouth
of the Tyropceon, north of Bir Eynb, and was
formed by the meeting of the valleys of Jehosh-
aphnt and Ben Hinnom.
Gs'reb, one of the heroes of David's army
(2 Sam. xxiii. 38).
Gra'reb, the Mill, in the neighborhood of
Jerusalem, named only in Jer. xxxi. 39.
Garlsim, 2 Mace. v. 23 ; vi. 2. [Gbki-
zim.] Ap.
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GATE
280
GATE
GfUrlio (Nam. xi. 5). It is the Allium
Sativum of Linnaeus, which abounds in Egypt.
Garment. [Dress.]
Gar mite, toe. Keilah the Garmite, i.e.
the descendant of Gerera, is mentioned in the
obscure genealogical lists of the families of
Judah (1 Chr. iv. 19).
Garrison. The Hebrew words so rendered
in the A. V. are derivatives from the root not-
tab, to " place, erect," which may be applied to
a variety of objects. (1.) Mattaab and mattmbak
undoubtedly mean a "garrison," or fortified
post (1 Sam. xiii. 83, xiv. 1, 4, IS, IS ; 8 Sam.
xxiii. 14). (8.) Netsib is also used for a " garri-
son " (in 1 Cbr. xi. 1 6), but elsewhere for a " col-
— — " erected in an enemy's country as a token
of conquest (1 Sam. xiii. 3). (3.) The
word elsewhere means "officers" placed over
a vanquished people (2 Sam. viii. 6, 14 ; 1 Chr.
xviii. 13; 8 Chr. xvii. 2). (4.) Matttebah in
Ex. xxvi. 11 means a " pillar."
Gash'mu. A variation of the name G«-
■hem (Nch. vi. 6).
Ga'tam, the fourth son of Eliphaz the son
of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 11 ; 1 Chr. i. 36), and one
of the "dukes " of Eliphaz (Gen. xxxvi. 16).
Gate. The gates and gateways of Eastern
cities anciently held, and still hold, an impor-
tant part, not only in the defence but in the
public economy of the place. They are thus
sometimes taken as representing the city itself
(Gen. xxii. 17, xxiv. 60; Deut. xii. 18; Judg.
v. 8 ; Kuth iv. 10 ; Fs. lxxxvii. 8, exxii. 2).
Among the special purposes for which they
were used ma v be mentioned — I. As places of
public resort (Gen. xix. 1, xxiii. 10, xxxiv. 80,
84 ; 1 Sam. iv. 18, &c.). 8. Places for public
deliberation, administration of justice, or of
audience for kings and rulers, or ambassadors
(Dent. xvi. 18, xxi. 19, xxt. 7 ; Josh. xx. 4 ;
Judg. ix. 35, Ac). 8. Public markets (2 K.vii.
1). In heathen towns the open spaces near
the gates appear to have been sometimes need
as places for sacrifice (Acts xiv. 13 ; comp. 8
K. xxiii. 8). Regarded therefore as positions
of great importance, the gases of cities were
carefully guarded, and closed at nightfall ( Deut.
iii. 5 ; Josh. ii. 5, 7 ; Judg. ix. 40, 44). They
contained chambers over the gateway (3 Sam.
xviii. 34). The gateways of Assyrian cities
were arched or square-beaded entrances in the
wall, sometimes flanked by towers. The doors
themselves of the larger gates mentioned in
Scripture were two-leaved, plated with metal,
closed with locks, and fastened with metal bars
(Deut iii. 5 ; Ps. cvii. 16 ; Is. xiv. 1, a). Gates
not defended by iron were of coarse liable to
be set on fire by an enemy (Judg. ix. 53). The
gateways of royal palaces and even of private
ousea were often nchly ornamented. Sentences
from the Law were inscribed on and above the
gates (Deut. vi. 9; Is. liv. 13; Rev. xxi. 81).
The gates of Solomon's Temple were very
massive and costly, being overlaid with gold
and carvings (1 K. vi. 84, 35 ; 8 K. xviii. 16).
Those of the Holy Place were of olive-wood,
two-leaved, and overlaid with gold ; those of
the temple, of fir (1 K. vi. 31, 33, 34 ; Ez. xli.
33, 34). The figurative gates of pearl and
precious stones (Is. liv. 13 ; Rev. xxi. 21) may
be regarded as having their types in the mas-
sive stone doors which are found in
the ancient bouses in Syria. These are of
slabs several inches thick, sometimes 10
high, and turn on stone pivots above. Egyp-
tian doorways were often richly ornamented.
The parts of the doorway were the threshold
(Judg. xix. 37), the sideposts, the lintel (Ex.
xii. 7). In the Temple, Levites, and in houses
of the wealthier classes, and in palaces, persons
were especially appointed to keep the door ( Jer.
xxxv. 4 ; 2 K. xii. 9, xxt. 18, 6a).
Oath, one of the five royal cities of An
Philistines (Josh. xiii. 3; 1 Sam. vi 17); and
the native place of the giant Goliath (I Sam.
xvii. 4, 83). The she of Gath has for many
centuries remained unknown. After a careful
survey of the country, and a minute exami-
nation of the several passages of Scripture in
which the name is mentioned, Mr. Poirtei came
to the conclusion that it stood upon the con-
spicuous hill now called TdUt-Sa^k. Tbia
hill stands upon the side of the plain of Phi-
listia, at the foot of the mountains of Judah ;
10 miles E. of Ashdod, and about the same
distance 8. by E. of Ekron. It is irregular fa
form, and about 800 ft. high. Gath occupied a
strong position (3 Chr. xi. 8) on the border of
Judah and Philistia (1 Sam. xxi. 10; 1 Chr.
xviii. 1 ) ; and from its strength and resources,
forming the key of both countries, it waa the
scene of frequent struggles, and was often
captured and recaptured (3 Chr. xi. 8, xxvi.
6; 3 K. xii. 17; Am. vi. 8). It was near
Shocoh and Adnllam (8 Chr. xi. 8), and ap-
pears to have stood on the way leading from the
former to Ekron ; for when the Philistines fled
on the death of Goliath, they went " by the
way of Shaaraim, even unto Oath and onto
Ekron" (1 8am. xvii. 1,53). All these notices
combine in pointing to TtiLetSafitii as the site
of Gath. The ravages of war to which Gath
was exposed appear to have destroyed it at a
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GAZA
281
GEBAL
cocnpararirely early period, as it is not men-
tioned among the other royal cities by the la-
ter prophets (Zeph. ii. 4 ; Zech. ix. 5, 6). It
in f.m;ii«r to the Bible student as the scene of
one of the most romantic incidents in the life
of King David (1 Sam. xxi. 10-15).
Gath-he'phar, or Qiftah-he'pher, a
town on the border of the territory of Zebulun,
sot far from Japhia, now Ya/a (Josh. xix. IS,
13), celebrated as the native place of the proph-
et Jonah (2 K. xiv. 251. There can scarcely
be a doubt that d-MeMad, a Tillage 3 miles
E. of Ssfitrleh, is the ancient Gath-hepber.
Gath-rim'mon. 1. A city given out of
die tribe of Dan to the Lerites (Josh. xxi.
M ; 1 Chr. vt 69), situated on the plain of Phi-
liana, apparently not far from Joppa (Josh. xix.
45). Its site is unknown.- .2. A town of
the half tribe of Manaeseh went of the Jordan,
■signed to the Lerites (Josh. xxi. 25). The
railing Gath-rimmon is probably an error of
the transcribers.
Ga/jta (properly Azxah), one of the fire
chief does of the Philistines. It is remarka-
ble for its conthraoos existence and importance
from the very earliest times. The secret of
tail unbroken history is to be found in the
atnsnoo of Gaza- It is the last town in the
8. W. of Palestine, on the frontier towards
Egypt The same peculiarity of situation has
ude Gaza important in a military sense. Its
ume means ''the strong ; " aad this was well
duadited in its siege by Alexander the Great,
which lasted five months. This city was one
of the most important military positions in the
wtnof the Maccabees (1 Mace xi. 61, 62, xiii.
U). Some of the most important campaign*
of the crusaders took place in the neighbor-
hood. The Biblical hi-tory of Gaza may be
tnced through the following stages. In Gen.
x- 19 it appears, eren before the call of Abra-
ham, at a " bonier " city of the Canaanites.
In the conquest of Joshua the territory of Gaza
■ mentioned aa one which he was not able to
"base (Josh, x- 41, xi. 22, xiii. 3). It was
suigued to the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 47),
ad that tribe did obtain possession of it ( Judg.
i- 18) ; but they did not hold it long ; for
"on afterwards we find it in the hands of tho
Philistines (Judg. iii. 3, xiii. 1, xvi. 1, 21) ;
udesd it seems to hare bean their capital ; and
•ppsrently continued through the times of
ounel, Saul, and David to be a Philistine city
(1 Sta. ri. 17, sir. 92, xxxi. 1 ; 2 Sam. xxi.
15)- Solomon Became master of " Auah " (1
K. i». >4 ). But in after times the same trouble
with, the Philistines recurred (2 Chr. xxi. 16,
pri. », xxriii. 18). The passage where Gaza
» aaanoned in the N. T. ( Acts riii. 26) is full
°f interest It is the account of the baptism of
ne Ethiopian eunuch on his return from Je-
"•hra to Egypt The words " which is des-
«" hate giren rise to much discussion. The
rTOoabahyisthat they prefer to the mad, and are
•Kd by the angel to inform Philip, who was
utn in Samaria, on what route he would find
tw eanoch. Besides the ordinary road from
•Kraalem by Kamleh to Gaza, there was an-
other, Bore favorable for carriages (Acts riii.
*). ranker to the south, through Hebron,
«xi thence through a district comparatively
So
without towns, and much exposed to thetnesr-
sioru of people from the desert The modern
Ghuxzeh is situated partly on an oblong hill of
moderate height, and partly on the lower
ground. The climate of the place is almost
tropical, but it has deep wells of excellent water.
There are a few palm-trees in the town, and
its fruit-orchards are very productive. But
the chief feature of the neighborhood is the
wide-spread olive-grove to the N. and N. E.
Gras/avra. a place frequently mentioned in
the wars of the Maccabees, and of great im-
portance in the operations of both parties
(1 Mace. ix. 52, xiii. 53, xiv. 7, 33, 34, 36, xr.
28, xvi. 1 ; 2 Mace. x. 32-36). There is every
reason to believe that Gozara was the same
place as the more ancient Gezeh or Gazeb.
Ga'zathites, the (Josh. xiii. 3), the in-
habitants of Gaza.
Qa'ser, 2 Sam. v. 95 ; 1 Chr. xiv. 16. The
same place as Ouw.
Oue'ra. L 1 Mace iv. 15, vii. 45. The
place elsewhere given as Gazaba. — 2. One
of the " servants of the temple," whose sons
returned with Zorobabel ( 1 Esd. v. 31 ). [Gaz-
zam.] Ap.
GtYMS, a name which occurs twice in 1
Chr. ii. 46 ; ( 1 ) as son of Caleb by Ephah his
concubine; and (2) as son of Haran, die son
of the same woman : the second is possibly
only a repetition of the first
Qa sites, the, inhabitants of Gasa(Judg.
xvi. 2).
GaB'E&m. The Bene-Gazzam were among
the families of the Nothinim who returned
from the captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 48 ;
Neh. vii. 51).
Qe'ba. L A city of Benjamin, with " t ub-
urbs," allotted to the priests (Josh. xxi. 17 ;
1 Chr. vi. 60). It is named amongst the first
group of the Benjamite towns, apparently loose
yine near to and along the north boundary
Josh, xviii. 24). Here the name is given as
a. During the wars of the earlier part
of the reign of Saul, Geba was held as a gar-
rison by the Philistines (1 Sam. xiii. 3), bnt
they were ejected by Jonathan. Later in the
same campaign we find it referred to, to define
the position of the two rocks which stood in the
ravine below the garrison of Michmash, in
terms which fix Geba on the south and Mich-
mash on the north of the ravine (1 Sam. xiv.
5 : the A. V. has here Gibeah). Exactly in
accordance with this is the position of the
modern village of Jeba, which stands pictu-
resquely on the top of its steep terraced hul, on
the very edge of the great Wady Suwrinit, look-
ing northwards to the opposite village, which
also retains hs old name of l&khmu. — 2.
The Geba named in Jud. iii. 10 must be tho
place of the same name, Jeba, on the road be- '
tween Samaria and Jtnin, about three mile*
from the former.
Gre'baL, a proper name, occurring in P».
lxxxiii. 7, in connection with Edom and Moab,
Amnion and Amalek, the Philistines and the
inhabitants of Tyre. The contexts both of the
psalm and of the historical records will justify
our assuming the Gebal of the Psalms to be one
and the same city with the Gebal of Esekiel
(xxrii. 9), a maritime town of Phoenicia, and
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GEDOR
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GENEALOGY
not another, as some have supposed, in the
district round about Petra, which is by Jose-
{ihus, Eusebius, and St. Jerome, called Geba-
ene. From the fact that its inhabitants are
written " Giblians " in the Vulg., and " Bibli-
ans " in the LXX., we mar infer their identi-
ty with the Gibiites, spoken of in connection
with Lebanon by Joshua (xiii. 5), and that of
their city with the " Biblus " (or Byblus) of
profane literature. It is called Jebail by the
Arabs, thus reviving the old Biblical name.
Gto'ber. L The son of Gebcr resided in
the fortress of Ramoth-Gilead, and had charge
of Havoth-Jair, and the district of Argob (1
K. iv. 13). — 2. Geber the son of Uri had
a district south of the former — the "land of
Gilead"(lK. iv. 19).
QeTbilU, a village north of Jerusalem (Is.
x. 31 ), apparently between Anathoth (the mod-
ern Anata) and the ridge on which Nob was
situated. El-Isawiyeh occupies about the right
spot.
Gedali'ah. 1. Gkdaliah, the son of
Ahikom (Jeremiah's protector, Jer. xxvi. 24),
and grandson of Shaphan the secretary of King
Josiah. After tho destruction of the Temple,
B.C. 588, Nebuchadnezzar departed from Judaja,
leaving Gedaliah with a Chalchean guard (Jer.
xl. 5 ) at Mizpah, to govern the vine-dressers and
husbandmen (Jer. hi. 16) who wore exempted
from captivity. Jeremiah joined Gedaliah, and
Mizpah became the resort of Jews from various
iuarters (Jer. xl. 6, 11). He was murdered by
ihmacl two months after his appointment. —
2. A Levite, one of the six sons of Jeduthun
who played the harp in the service of Jehovah
(1 Chr. xxv. 3, 9). — 3. A priest in the time
of Ezra(Ezr. x. 18).— 4. Son of Pashur (Jer.
xxxviii. 1), one of those who caused Jeremiah
to be imprisoned. — 5. Grandfather of Zepha-
niah the prophet (Zeph. i. 1).
Ged'dur, l Esd. v. 30. [Gauar.] Ap.
Ged'eon. 1. One of the ancestors of
Judith (Jud. viii. 1) .— 2. The Greek form of
the Hebrew name Gideox (Hcb. xi. 32).
Gte'der. The king of Geder was one of
tho 31 kings who were overcome by Joshua on
the west of the Jordan (Josh. xii. 13). It is
possible that it may be the same place as the
Geder named in 1 Chr. iv. 39.
Qed'erah, a town of Judah in the lowland
country (Josh. xv. 36), apparently in its east-
ern part. No town bearing this name has,
however, been yet discovered in this hitherto
little explored district.
Ged erathite, the, the native of a place
called Gederoh, apparently in Benjamin (1 Chr.
xii. 4).
God'erite, the, the native of some place
named Geder or Gederah (1 Chr. xxvii. 28).
Ged'eroth, a town in the low country of
Judah (Josh. xv. 41 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 18).
Gederotha'im, a town in the low country
of Judah (Josh. xv. 36), named next in order
to Gederah.
Ge'dor. 1. A town in the mountainous
part of Judah (Josh. xv. 58), a few miles north
of Hebron. Robinson discovered a Jedur half
way between Bethlehem and Hebron, about
two miles west of the road. — 2. The town,
apparently of Benjamin, to which " Jehoram
of Godor" belonged (1 Chr. xii. 7). — 3. Aa
ancestor of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 31, ix. 37). — 4.
The name occurs twice in the genealogies of
Judah (I Chr. iv. 4, 18). — 6. In the records
of the tribe of Simeon, in 1 Chr. iv. 39, certain
chiefs of the tribe are said to have gone, in the
reign of Hczekiah, " to the entrance of Gedor,
unto the cast side of the valley." If what is
told in ver. 42 was a subsequent incident in
the same expedition, then we should look, fur
Gedor between tho south of Judah and Mount
Seir, i.e. Petra. No place of the name has yet
been met with in that direction. The LXX.
read Gerar for Gedor.
Qeha'zi, the servant or boy of Elisha. Ho
was sent as the prophet's messenger on two
occasions to the good Shunamite (2 K. iv.), ob-
tained fraudulently money and garments from
Naaman, was miraculously smitten with incn-
rable leprosy, and was dismissed from the
prophet's service (2 K. v.). Later in the histo-
ry he is mentioned as being engaged in relating:
to King Joram all the great things which
Elisha had done (2 K. viii.J.
Gehenna, the "valley of Hinnom," or
" of the son," or " children of H." (A. V.), a
deep narrow glen to the S. of Jerusalem, where,
after the introduction of the worship of the
fire-gods by Ahaz, the idolatrous Jews offered
their children to Moloch (2 Chr. xxviii. 3,
xxxiii. 6 ; Jer. vii.31, xix. 2-6). It became in
later times the image of the place of everlasting
punishment.
Gel'iloth, a p.'aee named among the marks
of the south boundary line of the tribe of Ben-
jamin (Josh, xviii. 17). The name Geliloth
never occurs again in this locality, and it there-
fore seems probable that Gilgal is' the right read-
ing.
Gemalli, the father of Ammiel, the Danite
spy (Num. xiii. 12).
Gemari'ah. 1. Son of Shaphan the scribe,
and father of Michoioh. He was one of the
nobles of Judah, and had a chamber in the house
of the Lord, from which Baruch read Jeremiah's
alarming prophecy in the ears of all Ae people,
n.c. 606 (Jer. xxxvi.). — 2. Son of Hilkiah,
was made the bearer of Jeremiah's letter to the
captive Jews (Jer. xxix.).
Gems. [Stones, Precious.]
Genealogy. In Hebrew the term for a
genealogy or pedigree is " the book of the gene-
rations ; and because the oldest histories were
usually drawn up on a genealogical basis, the
expression often extended to the whole history.
Nor is this genealogical form of history peculiar
to the Hebrews, or the Shemitic races. The ear-
liest Greek histories were also genealogies. The
promise of the land of Canaan to the teed of
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, successively, and
the separation of the Israelites from the Gentile
world ; the expectation of Messiah as to spring
from the tribe of Judah ; the exclusively hered-
itary priesthood of Aaron with its dignity and
emoluments; the long succession of kings in
the line of David ; and the whole division and
occupation of the land upon genealogical prin-
ciples by the tribes, families, and nouses of
fathers, gave a deeper importance to the science
of genealogy among the Jews than perhaps any
other nation. With Jacob, the founder of this
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nation, the system of reckoning by genealogies
d. In Gen
much further developed, in lien. xxxt.
22—26, we hare a formal account of the sons of
Jacob, the patriarchs of the nation, repeated in
Ex i. 1-5. In Gen. xlvi. we hare an exact
genealogical census of the house of Israel at the
time of Jacob's going down to Egypt. When
the Israelites were in the wilderness of Sinai,
their number was taken by Divine command
"after their families, by the house of their
lathers." According to these genealogical di-
visions they pitched their tents, and marched,
and offered their gifts and offerings, chose the
■pies, and the whole land of Canaan was par-
celled out amongst them. The tribe of Levi
was probably the only one which had no ad-
mixture of foreign blood. In many of the
Scripture genealogies it is quite clear that birth
was not the ground of their incorporation into
their respective tribes. However, birth was,
and continued to be throughout their whole na-
tional course, the foundation of all the Jewish
organization, and the reigns of the more active
and able kings and rulers were marked by
attention to genealogical operations. When
David established the temple services on the
footing which continued till the time of Christ,
he divided the priests and Levites into course*
and companies, each under the family chief.
When Hezekiah re-opened the temple, and re-
stored the temple services which had fallen into
disuse, he reckoned the whole nation by gene-
alogies. When Zerubbabel brought back the
eaptivitv from Babylon, one of his first cares
seems to have been to take a census of those
that returned, and to settle them according to
their genealogies. Passing on to the time of
the birth of Christ, we have a striking inci-
dental proof of the continuance of the Jewish
genealogical economy in the fact, that, when
Augustus ordered the census of the empire to
be taken, the Jews in the province of Syria
immediately went each one to his own city.
Another proof >» the existence of our Lord's
genealogy in two forms as given by St. Mat-
thew and St. Luke. The mention of Zacha-
rias as " of the course rf Abia," of Elizabeth
as " of the daughters of Aaron," and of Anna
the daughter of Phanuel as " of the tribe of
Aser," are further indications of the same thing.
And this conclusion is expressly confirmed by
the testimony of Joaephns. From all this it is
abundantly manifest that the Jewish genea-
logical records continued to be kept till near the
destruction of Jerusalem. But there can be
little doubt that the registers of the Jewish
tribes and families perished at the destruction
of Jerusalem, and not before. It remains to be
•aid that just notions of the nature of the Jew-
ish genealogical records aro of great importance
with a view to the right interpretation of Scrip-
tore. Let it only be remembered that these
records have respect to political and territorial
divisions, as reach as to strictly genealogical
descent, and it will at once be seen how erro-
neous a conclusion it may be, that all who are
called " sons " of such or such a patriarch, or
chief father, must necessarily be his very chil-
dren. If any one family or house became ex-
tinct, some other would succeed to its place,
called, after its own chief, father. Hence of
coarse a census of any tribe drawn np at a later
period would exhibit different divisions from
one drawn up at an earlier. The same prin-
ciple most be bome in mind in interpreting any
particular genealogy. Again, when a pedigree
was abbreviated, it would naturally specify such
generations as would indicate from what chief
nouses the person descended. But then, as re-
gards the chronological use of the Scripture
genealogies, it follows from the above view that
great caution is necessary in using them as
measures of time, though they are invaluable
for this purpose whenever we can be sure that
they are complete. Another feature in the
Scripture genealogies which it is worth while
to notice is the recurrence of the same name, or
modifications of the same name, such as Tobias,
Tobit, Nathan, Mattatha, and even of names of
the same signification, in the same family. The
Jewish genealogies have two forms, one giv-
ing the generations in a descending, the other
in an ascending scale. Examples of the de-
scending form raav be seen in Ruth iv. 18-22,
or I Chr. iii. ; of the ascending, 1 Chr. vi. 33-
43 (A V.); Ezr. rii. 1-5. Females are named
in genealogies when there is an v thing remark-
able about them, or when any right or property
is transmitted through them. See Gen. xi. 29,
' xxii. 23, xxv. 1-4, xxxv. 22-26 ; Ex. vi. 23 ;
Num. xxvi. 33 ; 1 Chr. ii. 4, 19, 50, 35, Ac.
Genealogy of Jesus Christ. The
New Testament gives ns the genealogy of bat
one person, that of oar Saviour. The follow-
ing propositions will explain the true construc-
tion of these genealogies : — 1 . They are both the
genealogies of Joseph, i>. of Jesus Christ, as
the reputed and legal son of Joseph and Mary.
2. The genealogy of St. Matthew is, as Grotius
most truly and unhesitatingly asserted, Joseph's
genealogy as legal successor to the throne of
David. St. Lake's is Joseph's private gene-
alogy, exhibiting his real birth, as David's son,
and thus showing why he was heir to Solomon's
crown. The simple principle that one evan-
gelist exhibits that genealogy which contained
the successive heirs to David's and Solomon's
throne, while the other exhibits the paternal
stem of him who was the heir, explains all the
anomalies of the two pedigrees, their agree-
ments as well a* their discrepancies, and the
circumstance of their being two at all. 3.
Mary, the mother of Jesus, was in all proba-
bility the daughter of Jacob, and first cousin to
Joseph her husband. But besides these main
difficulties, as they have been thought to be,
there are several others which cannot be passed
over in any account, however concise, of the
genealogies of Christ. The most startling is
the total discrepancy between them both and
that of Zerubbabel in the O.T. (1 Chr. iii. 19-
24). In this last, of seven sons of Zerubbabel,
not one bears the name, or any thing like the
name, of Rhesa or Abiud ; and of the next gen-
eration not one bears the name, or any thing
like the name, of Eliakim or Joanna, which are
in the corresponding generation in Matthew and
Luke. Rhaa is in tact not a name at all, but
it is the Chaldee title of the princes of the Cap-
tivity. It is very probable, therefore, that this
titleshould have been placed against the name
of Zerubbabel by some early Christian Jew, and
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GENEALOGY
thence crept into the text If this be so, St.
Lake will then give Joanna as the son of Ze-
rubbabel. But Joanna is the very same name
as llananiah, the son of Zerubbabel accord-
ing to 1 Chr. iii. 19. [Hanamah.] In St
Matthew this generation is omitted. In the
next generation we identify Matthew's Ab-jud
(Abiud) with Luke's Juda, and both with Ho-
-daiah of 1 Chr. iii. 24, by the simple process of
supposing the Shemaiah of 1 Chr. iii. 28 to be
the same person as the Shimei of ver. 19. The
next difficulty is the difference in the number
of generations between the two genealogies.
St Matthew's division into three fourteens
gives only 42, while St Luke, from Abraham
to Christ inclusive, reckons 56 ; or, which is
more to the point (since the generations be-
tween Abraham and David are the same in
both genealogies), while St Matthew reckons
28 from David to Christ, St. Luke reckons 43,
or 42 without Rhesa. But the genealogy itself
supplies the explanation. In the second tessaro-
-decade, including the kings, we know that three
generations are omitted — Ahaziah, Joash, Am-
aziah — in order to reduce die generations from
17 to 14 ; the difference between these 17 and
the 19 of St. Luke being very small. So in like
manner it is obvious that the generations have
been abridged in the same way in the third di-
vision to keep to the number 14. Another dif-
ficulty is the apparent deficiency in the number
■of the last tessarodecade, which seems to con-
tain onlv 13 names; but the explanation of
this is, that either in the process of translation,
•or otherwise, the names of Jehoiakim and Je-
hoiachin have got confused and expressed by
the one name Jcchonias. The last difficulty of
sufficient importance to be mentioned here is a
chronological one. In both the genealogies
there are but three names between Salmon and
David — Boas, Obed, Jesse. But, according to
the common chronology, from the entrance into
Canaan (when Salmon was come to man's es-
tate) to the birth of David was 405 years, or
from that to 500 years and upwards. Now for
about an equal period, from Solomon to Jehoia-
•chin, St Luke's genealogy contains 80 names.
Obviously, therefore, either the chronology or
the genealogy is wrong. It must suffice here
to assert that the shortening the interval be-
tween the Exodus and David by about 200
years, which brings it to the length indicated by
the genealogies, does in the most remarkable
-manner bring Israelitish history into harmony
with Egyptian, with the traditional Jewish date
of the Exodus, with the fragment of Edomitith
■history preserved in Gen. xxxvi. 31-39, and
■with the internal evidence of the Israelitish his-
tory itself. The following pedigree will exibit
the successive generations as given by the two
Evangelists: —
JtZate. Nth
Noak
J
ArpLaal
CwLaa
JoJ,luIt)
lU
(lo. U-
i)aai Ms
troOun iU. J»-
kohu.ZnWklak,
•adShsUum)
iHimiUi, la 1 Or. 1 ML
■ b/MXthtv.LBy
JaiU. «r JMut (Bnlrtrt. 1 Ck. ■■—)
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GENESIS
Thus It will be seen that the whole number
of generations from Adam to Christ, both in-
dusrve, is 74, without the second Cainan and
Generation. 1. Abstract: — time, either
definite or indefinite. The primary meaning
of the Heb. Mr is revolution : hence period of
time. From the general idea of a period comes
die more special notion of an age or generation
of men, the ordinary period of human life. In
the long-lived patriarchal age a generation
seems to bare been computed at 100 years (Gen.
it. 16; comp. 13, and Ex. xii. 40) ; the latter
reckoning, however, was the same which has
been adopted by other civilised nations, viz.
from thirty to forty years (Job xlii. 16). For
f m irati on in the sense of a definite period of
time, tee Gen. xv. 16 ; Dent, xxiii. 3, 4, 8, 4c.
As in indefinite period of time : — for lime pent,
we Dent, xxxii. 7 ; Is. lviii. 12 ; for time future,
at Pi. xlv. 17, Ixxii. 5, *c. 3. Concrete: —
the men of an age, or time. So generation =
tmUmporariet (Gem. vi. 9 ; Is. liii. 8) ; potter it*,
•specially in legal formula) (Lev. iii. 17, Ac.) ;
jmm, or ancestors (Ps. xlix. 19). Dropping
me idea of time, generation comes to mean a
net, or oiact of men. In A. V. of N. Test.,
three words are rendered by generation. For
the abstract and indefinite, see Luke i. 50, Eph.
«. JV (A V. "ages"), future: Acts xv. 21
(A. V "of old time"), Eph. W. 5 (A. V.
"■get''), aotat For concrete, see Matt. xi.
It
Gantv/areth. In this form the name ap-
ian in the edition of the A. V. of 1611, in
Msrk vL S3, and Luke v. 1, following the
■JMUtng of the Vulgate. In Matt xiv..34, the
A- V. originally followed the Beoeived Greek
Text, — Genneaaiet.
Gen/ems, the first book of the Law, or
Pentateuch. A. The book of Genesis has an
iiterest ud an importance to which no other
document of antiquity can pretend. If not ab-
solutely the oldest book in the world, it is the
oUat which lays any claim to being a trust-
■orthy history. If the religious books of other
sstjoos make any pretensions to vie with it in
■tiraitT, in all other respects they are immeas-
osNy inferior. Genesis is neither like the
Vein, a collection of hymns more or less sub-
line; nor like the Zendavetta, a philosophic
■pwilatioo on the origin of all things ; nor
bu the Tib-king, an unintelligible jumble,
•bo* expositors could twist it from a eosmo-
l»pcil essay into a standard treatise on ethical
philosophy. It is a history, and it is a religious
•story. The earlier portion of the book, so
ut u the end of the eleventh chapter, may be
properly termed a history of the world ; the
■Ber is a history of the fathers of the Jewish
■**• But from first to last it is a religious
ksory. It U very important to bear in mind
■ha religions aspect of the history, if we would
pet ourselves in a position rightly to undcr-
"nd H. Of coarse the facts must be treated
lib my other historical facts, sifted in the same
*sy, sod subjected to the same laws of evi-
***• Bat if we would judge of the work as
» Thole, we most not forget the evident aim of
&> writer. It is only in this way we can un-
lace, why the history of the
*»»mnd, fcr instance,
Fall is given with so much minuteness of de-
tail, whereas of whole generations of men we
have nothing but a bare catalogue. And only
in this way can we account for the fact that by
far the greater portion of the book is occupied
not with the fortunes of nations, but with the
biographies of the three patriarchs. — B. Unit*
and Detign. — That a distinct plan and method
charactjse the work is now generally admitted.
What, then, is the plan of the writer? First,
we must bear in mind that Genesis is, after all,
but a portion of a larger work. The five books
of the Pentateuch form a consecutive whole:
they are not merely a collection of ancient frag-
ments loosely strung together, but a well-digest-
ed and connected composition. The great sub-
ject of this history is the establishment of the
Theocracy. Its central point is the giving of
the Law on Sinai, and the solemn covenant
there ratified, whereby the Jewish nation was
constituted " a kingdom of priests and a holy
nation to Jehovah." The book of Genesis
(with the first chapters of Exodus) describes
the steps which led to the establishment of the
Theocracy. It is a part of the writer's plan to
tell us what the Divine preparation of the world
was, in order to show, first, the significance of
the call of Abraham ; and next, the true nature
of the Jewish theocracy. He begins with the
creation of the world, because the God who
created the world aud the God who revealed
Himself to the fathers is the same God. The
book of Genesis has thus a character at once
special and universal It embraces the world ;
it speaks of God as the God of the whole human
race. But as the introduction to Jewish his-
tory, it makes the universal interest subordi-
nate to the national. Five principal persons
are the pillars, so to speak, on which the whole
•uperstrocturo rests, — Adam, Noah, Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob. It will be seen that a spe-
cific plan is preserved throughout. The main
farpose is never forgotten. God's relation to
srael holds the first place in the writer's mind.
It is this which it is his object to convey. The
history of that chosen seed, who were the heirs
of the promise and the guardians of the Divine
oracles, is the only history which interprets
man's relation to God. By its light all others
shine, and may be read when the time shall
come. Meanwhile, as the different families
drop off here and there from the principal
stock, their course is briefly indicated. Beyond
all doubt, then, we may trace in the book of
Genesis in its present form a systematic plan.
But does it follow from this that the book, as
it at present stands, is the work of a single
author ? — C. Integrity. — This is the next ques-
tion we have to consider. Granting that this
unity of design, which we have already noticed,
leads to the conclusion that the work must have
been by the same hand, are there any reasons
for supposing that the author availed himself
in its composition of earlier documents ? and
if so, are we still able by critical investigation
to ascertain where they have been introduced
into the body of the work ? 1 . Now it is almost
impossible to read the book of Genesis with any
thing like a critical eye without being struck
with the great peculiarities of style and language
which certain portions of it present Thus,
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GENESIS
for instance, chap. ii. 3-iii. 24 is quite differ-
ent both from chap. i. and from chap. iv.
Again, chap. xiv. and (according to J aim) chap,
xxiii. are evidently separate documents, trans-
planted in their original form without correc-
tion or modification into the existing work. In
fact there is nothing like uniformity of style till
wo come to the history of Joseph. 2. We are
led to the same conclusion by the inecriptions
which are prefixed to certain sections, as ii. 4,
r. 1, vi. 9, x. 1, xi. 10, 27, and seem to indicate
so many older documents. 3. Lastly, the dis-
tinct use of the Divine names, Jehovah in some
sections, and Elohim in others, is characteristic
of two different writers. Astruc, a Belgian
physician, was the first who broached the the-
ory that Genesis was based on a collection of
older documents. Of these he professed to
point out as many as twelve, the use of the
Divine names, however, having in the first in-
stance suggested the distinction. Subsequently
Eichhorn adopted this theory, so far as to admit
that two documents, the one Elohistic, and the
other Jchovistic, were the main sources of the
book, though he did not altogether exclude
others. Since his time the theory has been
maintained, but variously modified, by one
class of critics, whilst another class has strenu-
ously opposed it. The great weight of proba-
bility lies on die side of those who argue for
the existence of different documents. Here and
there throughout the book we meet with a later
remark, intended to explain or supplement the
earlier monument. And in some instances
there seems to have been so complete a fusion
of the two principal documents, the Elohistic
and the Jchovistic, that it is no longer possible
accurately to distinguish them. Of the two
principal documents, the Elohistic is the earlier.
Hupfcld, whose analysis is very careful, thinks
that he can discover traces of three original
records, — an earlier Elohist, a Jehovist, and
a later Elohist. These three documents were,
according to him, subsequently united and ar-
ranged by a fourth person, who acted as edi-
tor of the whole. 1 D. Authenticity. — Luther
used to say, " Nihil pulchrius Gcnesi, nihil
utilius." But hard critics have tried all they
can to mar its beauty and to detract from its
utility. Certain it is that no book has met
with more determined and unsparing assailants.
To enumerate and to reply to all objections
would be impossible. We will onlv refer to
some of the most important. (I.) The story
of Creation, as given in the first chapter, has
been set aside in two ways : first by placing it
on the same level with other cosmogonies which
are to be found in the sacred writings of all
nations ; and next, by asserting that its statc-
1 We are told that " Moses wax learned In all
the wisdom of die Egyptians."— Of course he had
access to all ancient documents in the archives
of the priesthood, and, guided by the Holy Spirit,
oould make such extracts as were worthy 'of pres-
ervation. These extracts were incorporated in the
body of the work without any of those sign* of
quotation employed in modern time*, but which
wero entirely unknown to primitive nntlqnitv.
Whatever, in the midst of accumulating error and
delusion, was of value, as a relic of the original
Kden revelation, was thus returned from oblivion,
and handed down to the church of subsequent
ages. — Kl>.
menu are directly contradicted by the discov-
eries of modern science. Let us glance at these
two objections, (a.) Now when we compare
the Biblical with all other known cosmogonies,
we are immediately struck with the great mumf
superiority of the former. There is no confu-
sion here between the Divine Creator and His
work. God is before all things, God creates all
things : this is the sublime assertion of the He-
brew writer. Whereas all the cosmogonies of
the heathen world err in one of two directions.
Either they are Dualistic, that is, they regard
God and matter as two eternal co-existent prin-
ciples ; or they are Pantheistic, it. they con-
found God and matter, making the materia] uni-
verse a kind of emanation from the great Spirit
which informs the mass. (6.) It would occupy
too large a space to discuss at anv length use
objections which have been urged from toe re-
sults of modem discovery against the literal
truth of this chapter. One or two remarks of
a general kind must suffice. It is argued, for
instance, that light could not have existed be-
fore the sun, whereas the Mosaic narrative
makes light created on the first day, and the
sun on the fourth. But we do not knar that
the existing laws of creation were in operation
when the creative fiat was first put forth. And
again, it is not certain that the language of
Genesis can only mean that the sun was orated
on the fourth day. It may mean that then only
did that luminary become visible to our planet.
With regard to the six days, no reasonable
doubt can exist that they ought to be interpret-
ed as six periods, without defining what the
length of those periods is. No attempt, how-
ever, which has as yet been made to identify
these six periods with corresponding geological
epochs can be pronounced satisfactory. What
we ought to maintain is, that no reconciliation
is necessary. It is certain that the author of
the first chapter of Genesis, whether Moses or
some one else, knew nothing of geology or as-
tronomy. It is certain that he made use of
phraseology concerning physical facts in accord-
ance with the limited range of information
which he possessed. It is also certain that the
Bible was never intended to reveal to us knowl-
edge of which our own faculties, rightly used,
could pat us in possession ; and we have no
business therefore to expect any thing bnt popu-
lar language in the description of physical phe-
nomena. (2.) To the description of Paradise,
and the history of the Fall and of the Deluge,
very similar remarks apply. All nations have
their own version of these facts. But if there
lie any one original source of these traditions,
any root from which they diverged, wc cannot
dotibt where to look for it The earliest record
of these momentous facts is that preserved in the
Bible. Opinions have differed whether we ought
to take the story of the Fall in Gen. iii. to be a
literal statement of facts, or whether we should
regard it as an allegory. But in the latter case
we ought not to deny the spiritual truth shad-
owed forth. Neither should we overlook the very
important bearing which this narrative has on
the whole of the subsequent history of the world
and of Israel. The universality of the Deluge,
it may be proved, is quite «t variance with the
most certain facts of geology. But then we are
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OENUBATH
not bound to contend for a universal deluge.
The Biblical writer described it as universal,
but that was only because it covered what was
then the known world. (3.) When we come
down to a later period in the narrative, whwe
we hare the opportunity of testing the accuracy
of the historian, we find it in many of the most
important particulars abundantly corroborated.
One of the strongest proofs of the bonafide his-
torical character of the earlier portion of Gene-
sis is to be found in the valuable ethnological
catalogue contained in chap. x. (4.) As to the
fuel implied in the Dispersion, that all languages
had one origin, philological research has not
as yet been carried far enough to lead to any
very certain result. The most that has been
effected is a classification of languages in three
great families. (5.) Another fact which rests
oo the authority of the earlier chapters of Gen-
esis, the derivation of the whole human race
from a single pair, has been abundantly con-
firmed by recent investigations. («. ) It is quite
impossible, as has already been said, to notice
all the objections made by hostile critics at
every step as we advance. But it may be well
id refer to one more instance in which suspicion
bat been cast upon the credibility of the narra-
tive. Three stories are found in three distinct
portions of the Book, which in their main fea-
tures no doubt present a striking similarity to
one another. See xii. 10-20, xx., xxvi. 1-11.
These, it is said, are clearly only three different
venions of the same story. There is a further
difficulty about the age of Sarah at the time
of the first occurrence. But it is a minute
criticism, hardly worth answering, which tries
to cast suspicion on the veracity of the writer,
because of difficulties such as these., The posi-
tive evidence is overwhelming in favor of his
credibility. The patriarchal tent beneath the
•hade of some spreading tree, the wealth of
docks and herds, the free and generous hospi-
tality to strangers, the strife for the well, the
purchase of the care of Machpelah for a burial-
place — we feel at once that these are no inven-
tions of a later writer in more civilized times.
So, again, what can be more life-like, more
touchingly beautiful, than the picture of Hagar
aid Ishmael, the meeting of Abraham's ser-
rsat with Rebekah, or of Jacob with Rachel at
the veil of Haran ? There is a fidelity in the
minutest incidents which convinces us that we
•n reading history, not fable. Or can any thing
acre completely transport as into patriarchal
times than the battle of the kings and the In-
terview between Abraham and Melchisedec ?
Passing on to a later portion of the Book, we
5ml toe writer evincing the most accurate
knowledge of the state of society in Egypt —
E. Author, and Date of Composition. — This sub-
ject is discussed under Pehtatecch.
Genne'sar, the Water of, l Mace xi.
<7. (Gbnhesarbt.) Ap.
Qennesraret, Land of. After the mira-
cle of feeding the five thousand, our Lord and
His disciples crossed the Lake of Gennesaret
and came to the other side, at a place which is
called "the land of Gennesaret'' (Matt. xiv.
*4 ; Mark vi. 54). It is generally believed that
■his term was applied to the fertile cresccnt-
ibaped plain on the western shore of the lake,
extending from Khan Minyeh on the north to
the steep hill behind Mejdel on the south, and
called by the Arabs J-Uhuwar, " the little
Ghor." Mr. Porter gives the length as three
miles, and the greatest breadth as about one
mile. Additional interest is given to the land
of Gennesaret, or el-Ghuweir, by the probabil-
ity that its scenery suggested the parable of
the Sower.
Qennecfaret, Sea ef. called in the O. T.
"the Sea of Chinnereth/' or "Cinneroth"
(Num. xxxiv. 11 ; Josh. xU. 3), from a town
of that name which stood on or near its shore
(Josh. xix. 351. At its north-western angle
was a beautiful and fertile plain called " Gen-
nesaret " (Matt. xiv. 34), from which the name
of the lake was taken. The lake is also called
in the N. T. "the Sea of Galilee,** from the
province of Galilee which bordered on its west-
ern side (Matt Iv. 18 : Mark vii. 31 ; John vi.
1 ) ; and " the Sea of Tiberias," from the cele-
brated city (John vi. 1 ). Its modern name is
Bahr Tubariyeh. Most of our Lord's public life
was spent in the environs of the Sea of Gennes-
aret. This region was then the most densely
peopled in all Palestine. No less than nine
cities stood on the very shores of the lake. The
Sea of Gennesaret is of an oval shape, about
thirteen geographical miles long, and six broad.
The River Jordan enters It at its northern end,
and passes out at Its southern end. In fact the
bed of the lake is just a lower section of the
great Jordan Valley. Its most remarkable fea-
ture is its deep depression, being no less than
700 feet below the level of the ocean. The
scenery is bleak and monotonous. The groat
depression makes the climate of the snores
almost tropical. This is very sensibly felt by
the traveller in going down from the plains of
Galilee. In summer the heat is intense, and
even in early spring the air has something of an
Egyptian balmincss. The water of the lake is
sweet, cool, and transparent ; and as the beach
is everywhere pebbly it has a beautiful sparkling
look. It abounds in fish now as in ancient
times.
Oenne'US, father of ApoUonius (S Mace,
xii. 2). Ap.
Oentiles. I. Old Testament. — The Heb.
gdyim signified the nations, tlio surrounding na-
tions, foreigners as opposed to Israel (Xch. v. 8).
Notwithstanding the disagreeable connotation
of the term, the Jews were ablo to uso ii, even
in the plural, in a purely technical, geographical
sense. So Gen. x. 5 ; Gen. xiv. 1 ; Josh. xii.
23; Is. ix. 1. — II. New Testament.-- I. The
Greek Hfvor in sing, means a people or nation
(Matt. xxiv. 7 ; Acts ii. 5, &c.|, and even the
Jewish people (Luke vii. 5, xxiii. 2, &c). It is
only in the pi. that it is used for heathen, Gen-
tiles. 2. fMr/v, John vii. 35 ; Rom. iii. 91
The A. V. is not consistent in its treatment of
this word ; sometimes rendering it by " Greek "
(Acts xiv. 1, xvii. 4 ; Rom. i. 16, x. 12), some-
times by "Gentile" (Rom. ii. 9, 10, iii. 9; 1
Cor. x. 32). The latter nse of the word seems
to have arisen from the almost universal adop-
tion of the Greek language.
Gen ubath, the son of Hadad, an Edomite
of the royal family, by an Egyptian princess,
the sister of Tah penes, the queen of the Pharaoh
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GERIZIM
who governed
the
governed Egypt in the Utter part of
reign of David (IK. xi. 20 ; comp. 16).
Qe'on, i.e. Gihon, one of the four riven of
Eden (Ecclus. xxiv. 27). Ap.
Ge'ra, one of the " iota, i*. descendants,
of Benjamin, enumerated in Gen. xlvi. 21, as
already living at the time of Jacob's migration
into Egypt He was son of Bela (1 Chr. viii.
9y The text of this last passage is very cor-
rupt ; and the different Geras there named seem
to reduce themselves into one, — the same as
the son of Bela. Gcra, who is named ( Judg.
lii. 15) as the ancestor of Ehud, and in 2 Sara,
xvi. 5 as the ancestor of Shimei who cursed
David, is probably also the same person.
Gerah. [Weights and Measures.]
Ge'rar, a very ancient city south of Gaza.
It occurs chiefly in Genesis (x. 19, xx. 1, xxvi.
16); also incidentally in 2 Chr. xiv. 13, 14. It
must have trenched on the " south " or " south
country" of later Palestine. From a compari-
son or xxi. 32 with xxvi. 23, 26, Beersheba
would seem to be just on the verge of this terri-
tory, and perhaps to be its limit towards the
N. E. For its southern boundary, though very
uncertain, none is more probable than the Wa-
dys El Arish (" River of Egypt") and El 'Am;
south of which the neighboring " wilderness of
Paran" (xx. IS, xxi. 22, 34) may be probably
reckoned to begin. Williams speaks of aJoorf
ti Germ as now existing, three hours S. S. E. of
Gaza, and this may probably indicate the north-
ern limit of the territory, if not the site of the
town. The valley of Gerar may be almost any
important wady within the limits indicated.
Gerasa. This name lines not occur in the
O. T., or in the Received Text of the N. T.
But it is now generally admitted that in Matt,
viii. 28, " Gerascnes " supersedes " Gadarencs."
Genua was a celebrated city on the eastern bor-
ders of Pcrsea. It is situated amid the moun-
tains of Gilead, 20 miles east of the Jordan, and
25 north of Philadelphia, the ancient Rabbath-
Ammon. It is not known when or by whom
Gerasa was founded. It is first mentioned by
Josephus as having been captured by Alexander
Janmeus (circ. B.C. 85). It is indebted for its
architectural splendor to the age and genius of
the Antonines (a.d. 138-80). The ruins of
Gerasa are by far the most beautiful and exten-
sive east of the Jordan. They are situated on
both sides of a shallow valley that runs from
north to south through a high undulating plain,
and foils into the Ztrka (the ancient Jiibbok)
at the distance of about 5 miles. The form
of the city is an irregular square, each side
measuring nearly a mile. Its modern name
is Jerash.
Ger'gesenes, Matt. viii. 28. [Gadaba.]
Ger'gesites, the, Jud. v. 16. [Gibgash-
ITES.]
Gerlzim, a mountain designated by Moses,
in conjunction with Mount Ebal, to be'the scene
of a great solemnity upon the entrance of the
children of Israel into the promised land. High
places had a peculiar charm attached to them in
these days of external observance. The law
was delivered from Sinai : the blessings and
curses affixed to the performance or neglect of
it were directed to be pronounced upon Gerizim
and Ebal (Deut. xxvii. ; Josh. viii.). The next
question is, Has Moses defined the localit
Ebal and Gerizim! Standing on the <
side of the Jordan, in the land of Moab (Deal
i. 5), he asks, "Are they not on the other aide
Jordan, by the way where the sun goeth down
(i>. at some distance to the W.), in the land of
the Canaaniles, which dwell in the champaign
over against Gilgal, beside the plaint of Mo-
reh * " There is no room for doubting the
Scriptural position of Ebal and Gerizim to have
been — where they are now placed — in the ter-
ritory of the tribe of Ephraim ; the latter of
them overhanging the city of Shecbem or Ska-
ma, as Josephus, following the Scriptural narra-
tive, asserts. It is a far more important ques-
tion whether Gerizim was the mountain on
which Abraham was directed to offer his aon
Isaac (Gen. xxii. 2, and aq.). First, then, let
it be observed that it is not the mountain, bat
the district, which is there called Moriah (of the
same root with Moreh : see Com. a Lapid. on
Gen xii. 6), and that anttctdextly to the occur-
rence which took place " upon one of the moan-
tains" in its vicinity — a consideration which
of itself would naturally point to the locality,
already known to Abraham, as the plain or
plains of Moreh, " the land of vision," " the
high land ; " and therefore consistently " the
land of adoration," or " religious worship," as
it is variously explained. That all these inter-
pretations are incomparably more applicable to
the natural features of Gerizim and its neighbor-
hood, than to the hillock (in comparison) npon
which Solomon built his temple, none can for a
moment doubt who have seen both. The Sa-
maritans, therefore, through whom the tradition
of the true site of Gerizim has been preserved,
are probably not wrong when they point out
still • • - as they have done from time immemorial
— Gerizim as the hill npon which Abraham's
" faith was made perfect" Another tradition
of the Samaritans is far less trustworthy : vis.
that Mount Gerizim was the spot where Mel-
chisedec met Abraham — though there certainly
was a Salem or Shalem in that neighborhood
iGen. xxxiii. 18). Lastly, the altar which
acob built was not on Genxim, as the Samari-
tans contend, though probably about its base,
at the head of the plain between it and Ebal,
" in the parcel of a field " which that patriarch
purchased from the children of Hamor, and
where he spread his tent (Gen. xxxiii. 18-20).
Here was likewise his well (John iv. 6), and the
tomb of his son Joseph (Josh. xxiv. 32), both
of which are still shown. We now enter upon
the second phase in the history of Gerizun. Ac-
cording to Josephus, a mamage contracted be-
tween Manassen, brother of Jaddus, the then
high-priest, and the daughter of Sanballst the
Cuthajan (comp. 2 K. xvii. 24), having crested
a great stir amongst the Jews, who had been
strictly forbidden to contract alien marriages
(Ezr. ix. 2; Neh. xiii. 23), SanbaUat, in order
to reconcile his son-in-law to this unpopular
affinity, obtained leave from Alexander the
Great to build a temple upon Mount Gerizim,
and to inaugurate a rival priesthood and altar
there to those of Jerusalem. " Samaria thence-
forth," says Prideaux, " became the common
refuge and asylum of the refractory Jews." Ger-
izim is likewise still to the Samaritans what
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GESHAM
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GEZEK
Jerusalem is to the Jews, and Mecca to the
Mahometan*.
Grcx/izitas, 1 Sam. xxvii. 8. [Gbbzitbs.]
Qerrhe'nians, the, named in 2 Mace,
xiii. 24 only. From the nature of the case, the
Gerrhenians mast hare been south of Ptole-
mais. Grotius seems to have been the first to
suggest that the town Gerrhon or Gerrha was
intended. Ewaid, with greater probability, con-
jectures that the inhabitants of the ancient city
of Gzkar are meant. Ap.
Oer'ahom. 1. The first-born son of Moses
and Zipporah (Ex. ii. 22, xviii. 3). The name
is explained in these passages as =• " a stranger
there, in allasion to Moses' being a foreigner
in Median — " For he said, I have been a stranger
(Ger) in a foreign land." Its trne meaning,
talcing it as a Hebrew word, is "expulsion. '
The arenmcision of Gershom is probably related
in Ex. iv. 25. — 2. The form under which the
name Gbbshox — the eldest son of Levi — is
given in sereral passages of Chronicles, viz. I
Chr- vi. 16, 17, 20, 43, 62, 71, xv. 7.-8. The
representatire of the priestly family of Phine-
baa, among those who accompanied Ezra from
Babylon (Ezr. viii. 2). In Esdras the name is
Gxksox.
Gerahon, the eldest of the three sons of
Levi, born before the descent of Jacob's family
into Egypt tGen. xlvi. 11 ; Ex. vi. 16). But,
though the eldest-born, the families of Gerahon
were outstripped in fame by their younger
brethren of Kohath, from whom sprang Moses
tad the priestly line of Aaron. At the census
in the wilderness of Sinai the whole number of
the males of the Bene-Gershon was 7,500 (Num.
ii. 22), midway between the Kohathites and
die Meraritcs. The sons of Gershon had charge
of the fabrics of the Tabernacle — the coverings,
curtains, hangings, and cords (Num. iii. 25, 26,
ir. 25, 26) ; for the transport of these they had
two covered wagons and four oxen (vii. 3, 7).
In the encampment their station was behind the
Tabernacle, on the west side (Num. iii. 23). In
the apportionment of the Leviticol cities, thir-
teen fell to the lot of the Gershonites. These
■ere in the northern tribes — two in Manasseh
beyond Jordan, four in Issachar, four in Asher,
and three in Naphtali.
Gershonites, the, the family descended
from GxRSHOit or Gbbshom, the son of Levi
(Nam. iii- 21, 23, 24, iv. 24, 27, xxvi. 57 ; Josh,
ni. 33 ; 1 Chr. xxiii. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxix. 12).
*Thx Gershonitb," as applied to individu-
als, occurs in 1 Chr. xxvi. 21 (Laadan), xxix. 8
(Jehiel).
Gor'son, 1 EstL viii. 29. [Gebshom, 3.]
*?•
Gei/zutes, the. a tribe who with the Gesh-
nrites and the Amaiekitcs occupied the land be-
tween the south of Palestine and Egypt in the
time of San] (1 Sam. xxvii. 8). The name is
tot found in the text of the A. V., but only in
the margin. In the name of Mount Genzim
wc have the only remaining trace of the pres-
ence of this old tribe of Bedouins in Central
Palestine.
Ge'sem, the I»and of. the Greek form of
the Hebrew name Goshbn (Jud. i. 9).
Ge'sham (properly Geshah, as in A. V.
of 1611), one of the sons of Jahdai, in the
•7
_ of Judah and family of Caleb (1
hr. ii. 47).
Ge'shem, and Oash'mu. an Arabian,
mentioned in Nuh. ii. 19, and vi. 1, 2, 6. We
may conclude that he was on inhabitant of Ara-
bia Petnea, or of the Arabian Desert, and proba-
bly the chief of a tribe. The Arabic name cor-
responding to Geshem cannot easily be identi-
fied. Jasim (or Gasim) is one of very remote
antiquity, ana Jashum is the name of an histori-
cal tribe of Arabia Proper ; the latter may more
probably be compared with it.
Qe'shur, a little principality in the north-
eastern comer of Bashan, adjoining the prov-
ince of Argob (Dent. iii. 14), and the kingdom
of Aram (Syria in the A. V. ; 2 Sam. xv. 8 ;
comp. 1 Chr. ii. 23). It is highly probable that
Geshur was a section of the wild and rugged
region now called d-Lejah. [ Argob.]
Oesh'uri and Gesh'untes. 1. The in-
habitants of Geshur (Deut. iii. 14 ; Josh. xii. 5,
xiii. 11). — 2. An ancient tribe which dwelt in
the desert between Arabia and Philistia (Josh,
xiii. 2 ; 1 Sam. xxvii. 8).
Qeth'er, the third in order of the sons
of Aram (Gen. x. 23). No satisfactory trace
of the people sprung from this stock has been
found.
OethBem'ane, a small "farm" (A. V.
" place ; " Matt. xxvi. 36 ; Mark xiv. 32), situ-
ated across the brook Kedron (John xviii. 1),
probably at the foot of Mount Olivet (Lake
xxii. 39), to the N. W., and about I or j of a
mile English from the walls of Jerusalem.
There was a " garden," or rather orchard, at-
tached to it, to which the olive, fig, and pome-
granate doubtless invited resort by their hospi-
table shade. And we know from the Evange-
lists Luke (xxii. 39) and John (xviii. 2) that
our Lord oft times resorted thither with his dis-
ciples. According to Josephus the suburbs of
Jerusalem abounded with gardens and pleasure-
grounds. But Gethsemane has not come down
to us as a scene of mirth ; its inexhaustible as-
sociations are the offspring of a single event —
the Agony of the Son of God on the evening
preceding His Passion. A modern garden, in
which ore eight venerable olive-trees, and a
grotto to the north, detached from it, and in
closer connection with the Church of the Sep-
ulchre of the Virgin. Against the contempo-
rary antiquitv of the olive-trees, it has been
urged that Titus cut down all the trees round
about Jerusalem. The probability would seem to
be that they were planted by Christian hands
to mark the spot ; unless, like the sacred olive
of the Acropolis, they may have reproduced
themselves.
Geu'el, son of Machi, the Gadite spy (Num.
xiii. 15).
Grex/er, an ancient city of Canaan, whose
king, Horam, or Elam, coming to the assistance
of Lachish, was killed with all his people by
Joshua (Josh. x. 33, xii. 12). The town, how-
ever, is not said to have been destroyed. It
formed one of the landmarks on the south
boundary of Ephraim, between the lower Beth-
horon and the Mediterranean (xvi. 3), the west-
ern limit of the tribe (I Chr. vii. 28). It was
allotted with its suburbs to the Kohathite Levites
(Josh. xxi. 21 ; 1 Chr. vi. 67) ; bat the original
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GIANTS
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GIBEAH
inhabitants were not dispossessed (Judg. i. 29) ;
and even down to the reign of Solomon the
Canaanites were still dwelling there, and paying
tribute to Israel (I K. ix. 16). Ewalu takes
Gezer and Geshur to be the same. In one place
Gob is given as identical with Gezer ( 1 Chr. xx.
4; comp. 2 Sam. xxi. 18). The exact site of
Gezer has not been discovered, bat its general
position is not difficult to infer. Perhaps the
strongest claims for identity with Gezer are put
forward by a village called Yas&r, 4 or 5 miles
east of Joppa, on the road to Ramleh and Lydd.
Gez'ntes, the* The word which the Jew-
ish critics have substituted in the margin of the
Bible for the ancient reading, "the Gerizite"
(1 Sam. xxvii. 8). [Gerzitks, the.]
Gi'ah, a place named only in 2 Sam. ii. 24,
to designate the position of the hill Amman.
Giants. 1. They are first spoken of in
Gen. vi. 4, under the name Nephilim. The word
is derived either from paldh or pdla ( = " mar-
vellous"), or, as is generally believed, from
ndphai, — either in the sense to throw down,
or to fall ( = "fallen angels;" cf. Is. xiv. 12;
Luke x. 18). That the word means "giant"
is clear from Num. xiii. 32, 33. But we now
come to the remarkable conjectures about the
origin of these Nephilim in Gen. vi. 1-4. We
are told that " there were Nephilim in the earth,"
and that afterwards the "sons of God" min-
gling with the beautiful " daughters of men "
produced a race of violent and insolent Gibborim
(A. V. " mighty men "). The genealogy of
the Nephilim, or at any rate of the earliest Nephi-
lim, a not recorded in Scripture, and the name
itself is so mysterious that we are lost in con-
jecture respecting them. — 2. The sons of the
marriages mentioned in Gen. vi. 1-4 are called
Gibbonm, a general name meaning powerful.
They were not necessarily giants in our sense
of the word. Yet, as was natural, these power-
ful chiefs were almost universally represented
as men of extraordinary stature. But who were
the parents of these giants ? who are " the sons
of God"? The opinions are various: — (I.)
Men of power. (2.) Men with great gifts, "in
the image of God." (3.) Cainites arrogantly
assuming the title; or (4.) the pious Sethi tes
(comp. Gen. iv. 26). (5.) Worshippers of false
gods. (6.) Devils, such as the Incnbi and Suc-
cubi. (7.) Closely allied to this is the oldest
opinion, that they were angels. The rare ex-
pression " sons of God " certainly means angels
in Job i. 6, ii. I , xxxviii. 7, and that such is the
meaning in Gen. vi. 4 also was the most preva-
lent opinion both in the Jewish and early Chris-
tian Church. It was probably this very ancient
view which gave rise to the spurious Book of
Enoch, and the notion quoted from it by St
Jude (6), and alluded to by St. Peter (2 Pet. ii.
4 ; comp. 1 Cor. xi. 10). Every one will re-
member the allusions to the same interpretation
in Milton, Par. Reg. ii. 179. — The next race
of giants which we find mentioned in Scripture
is, 3. The Rephaim, a name which frequently
occurs, and in some remarkable passages. The
earliest mention of them is the record of their
defeat by Chedorlaomer and some allied kings
at Ashteroth Karnaim (Gen. xiv. 5). Extir-
Eited. however, from the east of Palestine, they
ng found a home in the west (2 Sam. xxi. 18,
sq. ; 1 Chr. xx. 4). It is probable that they
had possessed districts west of the Jordan in
early times, since the " Volley of Rephaim " (S
Sam. v. 18 ; 1 Chr. xi. 15 ; Is. xvii. 5), a rich
valley S. W. of Jerusalem, derived its name
from them. They were probably one of those
aboriginal people to whose existence the tradi-
tions of many nations testify, and of whose
genealogy the Bible gives us no information-
Some suppose them to be Japhcthitca. In
A. V. the words used for it arc "Rephaim,"
" giants," and " the dead." That it has the lat-
ter meaning in many passages is certain (Ps.
lxxxviii. 10; Prov. ii. 18, ix. 18, xxi. 16; Is.
xxvi. 14, 19). An attentive consideration
seems to leave little room for doubt that the
dead were called Rephaim, from some notion
of Sheol (A. V. " hell " ) being the residence of
the fallen spirits or buried giants. Branches
of this great unknown people were called Emim,
Anakim, and Zuzim. — 4. Emim, smitten by
Chedorlaomer at Shaveh Kiriathaim (Gen. xiv.
5), and occupying the country afterwards held
by the Moabites (Dent ii. 10). — 5. Anakim.
The imbecile terror of the spies exaggerated
their proportions into something superhuman
(Num. xiii. 28, 33), and their name became pro-
verbial (Deut ii. 10, ix. 2). — 6. Zuzim, whose
firincipal town was Ham (Gen. xiv. 5), and who
ived between the Amon and the Jabbok, being
a northern tribe of Rephaim. No one has yet
proved by experience the possibility of giant
races materially exceeding in size the average
height of man. There is no great variation in
the ordinary standard. The general belief (un-
til very recent times) in the existence of fabu-
lously enormous men arose from fnncicd (riant-
graves, and above all from the discovery of huge
bones, which were taken for those of men, tn
days when comparative anatomy was unknown.
On the other hand, isolated instances of mon-
strosity are sufficiently attested to prove that
beings like Goliath and his kinsmen may hare
existed.
GibTjOT. Bcne-Gibbar, to the number of
ninety-five, returned with Zerubbabcl from Bab-
ylon (Ezr. ii. 20).
Giobethon. a town allotted to the tribe of
Dan (Josh. xix. 44), and afterwards given with
its "suburbs" to the Kohathite Levitcs (xxi.
23). In the OnomoMtieon (Gabathon) it is quoted
as a small village called Gabc, in the 17th mile
from Csssarea. No name at all resembling it
has, however, been discovered in that direction.
Gib'ea. Sheva, " the father of Marbenah,"
and " father of Gibca," is mentioned with other
names unmistakably those of places, and not
persons, among the descendants of Judah (1
Chr. ii. 49, comp. 42. This would seem to point
out Gibca. On the other hand, Madmannah
(ver. 49) recalls Madmenah, a town named in
connection with Gibeah of Benjamin (Is. x. 31 ),
and therefore lying somewhere north of Jeru-
salem.
Gib'eah, a word employed in the BiWe to
denote a " hill." Like most words of this kind
it gave its name to several towns and places in
Palestine, which would doubtless be generally
on or near a hill. They are — 1. Gibeah, a
city in the mountain-district of Judah, named
with Maon and the southern Carmel ( Joan. x».
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.IBEAH
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GIBLITES
37 ; and comp. 1 Chr. ii. 49, &c.). Its site is
yet to seek. — 2. Gibbath. This is enume-
rued among the last group of the towns of Ben-
jamin, next to Jerusalem (Josh, xriii. 28). It
u generally taken to be the place which after-
wards became so notorious as " Gibeah-of- Ben-
jamin " or " of-Saul." Bat this was five or six
miles north of Jerusalem. The name being^ in
the "construct state" — Gibeath, and not Gibe-
ah — may it not belong to the following name
Kirjath, and denote the hill adjoining that
town? — 3. The place in which the Ark re-
mained from the tune of its return by the Phi-
listines till its removal by David (a Sam. vi. 3,
4; comp. 1. Sam. vii. 1, 2). — 4. Gideah-of-
Bexjavix. This town does not appear in the
lists of the cities of Benjamin in Josh, xviii.
(I.) We first encounter it in the tragical story
of the Levite and his concubine ( Judg. xix., xx. ).
It was then a " city," with the usual open street
or square (Judg. xix. 15, 17, 20), and containing
"00"chosen men " (xx. 15), probably the same
whose skill as slingcrs is preserved in the
next verse. In man v particulars Gibcah agrees
very closely with Tuldl d-Fil, a conspicuous
em'oence just four miles north of Jerusalem, to
the right of the road. (2.) We next meet with
Gibeah of Benjamin during the Philistine wars
of Saul and Jonathan (1 Sam. xiii., xiv.). It
now bears its full title. The position of matters
seems to have been this : — The Philistines were
in possession of the village of Geba, the present
Jaa, on the south side of the Wadg Sitwanit.
South of the Philistine camp, and about three
miles in its rear, was Jonathan, in Gibeah-of-
Benjamin, with a thousand chosen warriors
(xiii. 2). (3.) As " Gibeah-of-Benjamin," this
place is referred to in 2 Sam. xxiii. 29 (comp.
1 Chr. xi 31 ), and as " Gibeah " it is mentioned
by Hoses (v. 8, ix. 9, x. 9), but •' does not "gain
appear in the history. It is, however, almost
without doubt identical with — 5. Gibeah-of-
S*dl. This is not mentioned as Saul's city
till after his anointing (1 Sam. x. 26), when he
is said to have gone " home" to Gibeah. In
the subsequent narrative the town bears its full
same (xi. 4). The name of Saul has not been
found in connection with any place of modern
Palestine, but it existed as late as the days of
Josephus, and an allusion of his has fortunately
given the clew to the identification of the town
with the spot which now bears the name of 'fu-
lfil d-FiL Josephus, describing Titus's march
from Cassarea to Jerusalem, gives his route as
through Samaria to Gophna, thence a day's
march to a valley "called by the Jews the Val-
ley of Thorns, near a certain village called Ga-
Mthsaonle, distant from Jerusalem about thirty
stadia," i>. just the distance of Tuleil d-Fil.
line he was joined by a part of his army from
Emmaon (Nicopolis), who would naturally come
«P the toad by Beth-horon and Gibeon, the
same which still falls into the northern road
dose to Tuleil el-Ful. In both these respects,
therefore, the agreement is complete, and Gibeah
of Benjamin must be taken as identical with
Gibeah of Saul. — 6. Gibbah-ik-thb-Fibij),
named only in Judg. xx. 31, as the place to
which one of the " highways " led from Gibeah-
of-Benjamin. It is probably the same as Geba.
The "meadows of Gaba" (A. V. Gibeah ; Judg.
xx. 33) have no connection with the " field,"
the Hebrew words being entirely different — 7.
There are several other names compounded of
Gibeah, which are given in a translated form
in the A. V., probably from their appearing not
to belong to towns.
Gibeath, Josh, xviii. 28. [Gibeah, 2.]
Gib'eathlte, the, iV*> the native of Gibeah
(I Chr. xii. 3).
Gib'eon, one of the four cities of the Hi-
vites, the inhabitants of which made a league
with Joshua (Josh. ix. 3-15), and thus escaped
the fate of Jericho and Ai (comp. xi. 19). Gib-
eon lay within the territory of Benjamin (xviii.
25), and with its "suburbs" was allotted to the
priests (xxi. 17), of whom it became afterwards
a principal station. The situation of Gibeon
has fortunately been recovered with as great
certainty as any ancient site in Palestine. The
traveller who pursues the northern camel-road
from Jerusalem, turning off to the left at Tu-
leil d-Fil (Gibeah), on that branch of it which
leads westward to Jaffa, finds himself, after
crossing one or two stony and barren ridges, in
a district of a more open character. The hills
are rounder and more isolated than those
through which he has been passing, and rise in
well-defined mamelons from broad undulating
valleys of tolerable extent and fertile soil. This
is the central plateau of the country, the " land
of Benjamin ; " and these round hills are the
Gibeahs, Gebaa, Gibeons, and Ramahs, whose
names occur so frequently in the records of this
district. Retaining its ancient name almost in-
tact, El-Jib stands on the northernmost of •
couple of these mamelons, just at the place
where the road to the sea parts into two branch-
es, the one by the lower level of the Wadg
Suleiman, the other by the heights of the Bcth-
horons, to Glmxo, Lydda, and Joppa. The
"wilderness of Gibeon" (2 Sam. ii. 24) — ix.
rather the waste pasture-grounds— must have
been to the east, beyond the circle or suburb
of cultivated fields, and towards the neighbor-
ing swells, which bear the names of Jedireh and
Ear Neballah. Its distance from Jerusalem by
the main road is as nearly as possible 6J miles ;
but there is a more direct road reducing it to 5
miles.
Gib'eonites, the, the people of Gibeon,
and perhaps also of the three cities associated
with Gibeon (Josh. ix. 17) — Hivites; and who,
on the discovery of the stratagem by which
they had obtained the protection of the Israel-
ites, were condemned to be perpetual bond-
men, hewers of wood and drawers of water for
the congregation, and for the house of God and
altar of Jehovah (Josh. ix. 23, 27). Saul ap-
pears to have broken this covenant, and in n At
of enthusiasm or patriotism to have killed some
and devised a general massacre of the rest
(2 8am. xxi. I, 2, 5). This was expiated many
years after by giving up seven men of Saul's
descendants to the Gibeonites, who bung them
or crucified them " before Jehovah " — as a kind
of sacrifice — in Gibeah, Saul's own town (4, 6,
9).
Giblites, the. The " land of the Gib-
lite " is mentioned in connection with Lebanon
in the enumeration of the portions of the
Promised Land remaining to be conquered by
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GIDOM
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GIF!
le
Joshua (Josh. xiii. 5). There is no reason to
donbt that the allusion is to the inhabitants of
the city Gkbal.
GiddaTti, one of the sons of Hcman, the
king's seer (1 Chr. xxv. 4).
Gid'del. L Children of Giddel were
among the Nethinim who returned from the
captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 47 ; Neh.
vii. 49). — 2. Bene-Giddel were also among
the "servants of Solomon" who returned to
Judiea in the same caravan (Ezr. ii. 56 ; Neh.
vii. 58).
Gideon, a Manassite, youngest son of
Joash of the Abiezrites, an undistinguished fam-
ily who lived at Ophrah, a town probably on
the west of Jordan (Judg. Vi. 15), although its
exact position is unknown. He was the fifth
recorded Judge of Israel, and for many reasons
the greatest of them all When we first hear
of hin he was grown up and had sons (Judg.
vi. 11, viii. 20), and from the apostrophe of die
angel <vi. 12) we may conclude that ne had al-
ready distinguished himself in war against the
roving bands of nomadic robbers who had op-
firessed Israel for seven years, and whose count-
ess multitudes (compared to locusts from their
terrible devastations, vi. 5) annually destroyed
all the produce of Canaan, except such as could
be concealed in mountain-fastnesses (vi. 2). It
was probably during this disastrous period that
the emigration of Elimelech took place (Ruth
t 1, 2). When the angel appeared, Gideon
was threshing wheat with a nail in the wine-
press, to conceal it from the predatory tyrants.
His call to be a deliverer, and his destruction
vf Baal's altar, are related in Judg. vi. After
•.his begins the second act of Gideon's life.
Clothed by the Spirit of God (Judg. vi. 34;
comp. 1 Chr. xii. 18; Luke xxiv. 49), he blew
» trumpet, and was joined by Zebulun, Naph-
tali, and even the reluctant Asher. Strength-
ened by a double sign from God, he reduced
his army of 32,000 by the usual proclamation
(Dent. xx. 8; comp, 1 Mace. ill. 56). By a
second test at " the spring of trembling " he
again reduced the number of his followers to
300 (Judg. vii. 5, sq.). The midnight attack
upon the Midianites, their panic, and the rout
and slaughter that followed, are told in Judg.
vii. The memory of this splendid deliverance
took deep root in the national traditions (1
Sam. xii. 11 ; Ps. lxxxiii. 11 ; Is. ix. 4, x. 26;
Heb. xi. 32). After this there was a peace of
40 years, and we see Gideon in peaceful posses-
sion of his well-earned honors, and surrounded
by the dignity of a numerous household (viii.
29-31). It is not improbable that, like Saul,
he had owed a part of his popularity to his
princely appearance (Judg. viii. 18). In this
third stage of his life occur alike his most noble
and his most questionable acts, viz., the refusal
of the monarchy on theocratic grounds, and
the irregular consecration of a jewelled ephod
formed out of the rich spoils of Midian, which
proved to the Israelites a temptation to idola-
try, although it was doubtless intended for use
In the worship of Jehovah.
Gid'eoni, a Benjamite, father of Abidan
(Num. i. 11, lii. 22, vii. 60, 65, x. 24).
Gi'dom. a place named only in Judg. xx.
45. It would appear to have been situated be-
tween Gibeah (Tubal d-Fil) and tne ettffKlm
mon; but no trace of the name has yet beea
met with.
Gier-Eagle, an unclean bird mentioned in
Lev. xi. 18 and Dent xiv. 17. There is do
reason to doubt that the rach&m of the Hebrew
Scriptures is identical in reality as in name
with the racham of the Arabs, viz. the Egyp-
tian vulture (Neopkron peroooptena).
Egyptian Tultam
Gift. The giving and receiving of presents
has in all ages been not only a more frequent,
but also a more formal and significant, proceed-
ing in the East than among ourselves. We
cannot adduce a more remarkable proof of the
important part which presents play in the social
life of the East than the fact that the Hebrew
language possesses no less than fifteen different
expressions for the one idea. Many of these
expressions have specific meanings : for in
stance, minchah applies to a present from an in-
ferior to a superior, as from subjects to a king
(Judg. ill. 15; 1 K. x. 25; 2 Chr. xvii. 5):
HHurtn expresses the converse idea of a present
from a superior to an inferior, as from a king
to his subjects (Esth. ii. 18). Again, tkocJwd
is a gift for the purpose of escaping punish-
ment, presented either to a judge (Ex. xxiii. 8 ;
Dcut. x. 17), or to a conqueror (2 K. xvi. 8).
It is dear that the term " gift " is frequently
used where we should substitute " tribute," or
'* fee." The tribute of subject states was paid
not in a fixed sum of money, but in kind, each
nation presenting its particular product ; and
hence the expression "to bring presents " = to
own submission (Ps. lxviii. 29, lxxvi. 11; la.
xviii. 7). Friends brought presents to friends
on any joyful occasion (Esth. ix. 19, 22), those
who asked for information or advice to those
who gave it (2 K. viii. 8), the needy to the
wealthy from whom any assistance was expect-
ed (Gen. xliii. 1 1 ; 2 K. xv. 19, xvi. 8) ; on the
occasion of a marriage, the bridegroom not only
paid the parents for his bride ( A. V. " dowry "),
But also gave the bride certain presents (Gen.
xxxiv. 12 ; comp. Gen. xxiv. 22). The nature
of the presents was as various as were the occa-
sions. The mode of presentation was with as
much parade as possible. The refusal of a pre*
ent was regarded as a high indignity. No lea*
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GILEAD
293
GILGAL
an insult was it, not to bring a present wben
the position of the parties demanded it ( 1 Sam.
x.27).
GiTion. X. The second river of Paradise
(Gen. ii. 13). — 2. A place near Jerusalem,
memorable as the scene of the anointing and
proclamation of Solomon as king (1 K. i. 33,
38, 45). The locality of Gihon will be investi-
gated under Jerusalem.
GUalai', one of the priests' sons at the con-
secration of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii.
36).
Gilbo'a, a mountain-range on the eastern
tide of the plain of Esdraelon, rising over the
city of Jezreel (comp. 1 Sam. xxviii. 4 with
xxix. 1). It is only mentioned in Scripture in
connection with one event in Israelitish history,
the defeat and death of Saul and Jonathan by
the Philistines ( 1 Sam. xxxi. 1 ; 3 Sam. i. 6, xxi.
12 ; 1 Chr. x. 1 , 8). Of the identity of Gilboa
with the ridge which stretches eastward, from
the rains of Jezreel, no doubt can be enter-
tained. The village is now called Jelbda. The
range of Gilboa extends in length some ten
miles from W. to E. The greatest height is
not more than 500 or 600 feet above the plain.
Their modern local name is Jebet Fukiah.
Gilead.. 1. A mountainous region east
of the Jordan, bounded on the north by Ba-
than, on the east by the Arabian plateau, and
oo the south by Moab and Amnion (Gen. xxxi.
21 ; Dent. iii. 13-17). It is sometimes called
"Mount Gilead " (Gen. xxxi. 25), sometimes
"the land of Gilead" (Num. xxxii. 1), and
sometimes simply " Gilead " (Ps. lx. 7 ; Gen.
xxxrii. 25) ; bat a comparison of the several
passages shows that they all mean the same
thing. The name Gilead, as is usual in Pales-
tine, describes the physical aspect of the coun-
try. It signifies " a hard rocky region." The
statements in Gen. xxxi. 48 are not opposed to
this etymology. The old name of the district
was Gilead ; bat by a slight change in the pro-
nunciation, the radical letters being retained,
the meaning was made beautifully applicable
to the " heap of stones " Jacob and Laban had
built up — "the heap of witness." Those ac-
quainted with the modem Arabs and their lit-
erature wCl see how intensely such a play upon
the word would be appreciated by them. The
extent of Gilead we can ascertain with tolera-
ble exactness from incidental notices in the
Holy Scriptures. The Jordan was its western
border (1 Sam. xiii. 7 ; 2 K. x. 33). A com-
parison of a number of passages shows that
the River Hieromax, the modern Sheriat d-
MaxtBar, separated it from Bashan on the
north. On the east the mountain-range melts
sway gradually into the high plateau of Arabia.
The boundary of Gilead is here not so clearly
denned ; but it may be regarded as running
along the foot of the range. The Valley of
Heshbon may, in all probability, be the south-
ern boundary of Gilead. Gilead thus extended
ftom the parallel of the south end of the Sea of
Galilee to that of the north end of the Dead
Sea — about 60 miles ; and its average breadth
•cucely exceeded 20. The section of Gilead
Ifing between the Jahbok and the Hieromax is
now called JM Ajlun ; while that to the south
if the Jabbok constitutes the modern province
of BtUca. One of the most conspicuous peaks
in the mountain-range still retains the ancient
name, being called Jehd Jil 'ad, " Mount Gilead."
The mountains of Gilead have a real elevation
of from two to three thousand feet ; bnt their
apparent elevation on the western side is much
greater, owing to the depression of the Jordan
Valley, which averages about 1 ,000 feet. Their
outline is singularly uniform, resembling a
massive wall running along the horizon. The
name Galaad occurs several times in the history
of the Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 9, sq.). — 2. Pos-
sibly the name of a mountain west of the Jor-
dan, near Jezreel (Judg. vii. 3). We are in-
clined, however, to agree with tho suggestion
of Clericus and others, that the true reading in
this place should be Gilboa. — 3. Son of
Machir, grandson of Manasseh (Num. xxvi
29, 30). —4. The father of Jephthah (Judg.
xi. 1, 2). ^
Gil'eaditee, the, Judg. xii. 4,5; Num.
xxvi. 29 ; Judg. x. 3. A branch of the tribe of
Manasseh, descended from Gilead. There ap-
pears to have been an old standing feud between
them and the Ephraimites, who taunted them
with being deserters. See Judg. xii 4, which
may be rendered, "And the men jf Gilead
smote Ephraim, because they said, Rvnagates
of Ephraim are ye ( Gilead is between Ephraim
and Macasseh) ; " the last clause being added
parenthetically.
Gilgal. 1. The site of the first camp of
the Israelites on the west of the Jordan, the
place at which they passed the first night after
crossing the river, and where the twelve stones
were set up which had been taken from the bed
of the stream (Josh. iv. 19, 20, comp. 3) ; where
also they kept their first passover in the land of
Canaan (v. 10). It was in the " end of the east
of Jericho " (A. V. " in the east border of Jer-
icho "), apparently on a hillock or rising ground
(v. 3, comp. 9) in the Arboth -Jericho, A. V.
" the plains "), that is, the hot depressed dis-
trict of the Ghor which lay between the town
and the Jordan (v. 10). (2.) We again encoun-
ter Gilgal in the time of Saul, when it seems to
have exchanged its military associations for
those of sanctity. (3.) We again have aglimpse
of it, some sixty years later, in the history of
David's return to Jerusalem (2 Sam. xix.J.
Beyond the general statements above quoted,
the sacred text contains no indications of the
position of Gilgal. Neither in the Apocrypha
nor the N. T. is it mentioned. No modern
traveller has succeeded in eliciting the name,
or in discovering a probable site. In Van do
Velde's map (1858) a spot named Moharfer, a
little S. E. of er-RUta, is marked as possible ;
but no explanation is afforded either in his
Syria, or his Memoir. But, 2. this was cer-
tainly a distinct place from the Gilgal which is
connected with the last scene in the lifo of
Elijah, and with one of Elisha's miracles (3 K.
ii.). The mention of Baal-shalisha (iv. 42)
gives a clew to its situation, when taken with
the notice of Eusebius ( Oaom. Bethsarisa) that
that place was fifteen miles from Diospolis
(Lydoa) towards the north. In that very po-
sition stand now the ruins bearing the name of
Jiljilieh, i.e. Gilgal. — 3. The "kino op thb
rations op Giloal," or rather perhaps the
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GIRDLE
294
GLASS
" king of Goim-at-Gilgal," is mentioned in the
catalogue of the chiefs overthrown by Joshua
SJosh. xii. 23). The name occurs next to Don
22) in an enumeration apparently proceeding
southwards, and therefore the position of the
Jiljilidi just named is not wholly inappropriate.
A place of the same name has also been discov-
ered nearer the centre of the country, to the
left of the main north road, four mdes from
Shiloh (Seilun), and rather more than the same
distance from Bethel (Beirut). It may be the
Beth-Gilgal of Nch. xii. 29 ; while the Jiljilieh
north of Lydd may be that of Josh. xii. 23.
Another Gifgal, under the slightly different form
of Killcilith, lies about two miles E. of Kefr
Saba. — 4. A Gilgal is spoken of in Josh. xv.
7, in describing tho north border of Judah.
Giloh, a town in the mountainous part of
Judah, named in the first group with Debir
and Eshtcmoh (Josh. xv. 51 ) : it was the native
place of the famous Ahithophel (2 Sam. xv.
12). The site has not yet been met with.
Gilonite, the, native of Giloh (2 Sam.
XV. 12 ; xxiii. 34).
Gim'zo, a town which with its dependent
villages was taken possession of by the Philis-
tines in the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 18).
The name (Jimxu) still remains attached to
a large village between two and three miles
8. W. of Lydda, south of the road between
Jerusalem and Jaffa.
Gin, a trap for birds or beasts : it consisted
of a net (Is. viii. 14), and a stick to act as
* springe (Am. iii. 5).
Gi'nath, father of Tibni (I K. xvi. 21, 22).
Gin'netho, one of the chief of the priests
and Lcvites who returned to Judaea with Zerub-
»bel (Nch. xii. 4). He is doubtless the same
person as
Gin'nethon, a priest who scaled the cove-
nant with Nehcmiah (Neh. x. 6).
Girdle, an essential article of dress in the
East, and worn both by men and women. The
common girdle was mode of leather (2 K. i. 8 ;
Matt. iii. 4), like that worn by the Bedouins of
the present day. A finer girdle was mode of
yinen {Jcr. xiii. 1 ; Ez. xvi. 10), embroidered
Aith silk, and sometimes with gold and silver
thread (Dan. x. 5; Rev. i. 13, xv. 6), and fre-
quently studded with gold and precious stones
or pearls. The manufacture of these girdles
formed part of the employment of women ( Prov.
xxxi. 24). The girdle was fastened by a clasp
of gold or silver, or tied in a knot so that the
ends hung down in front, as in the figures on
the ruins of Pcrsepolis. It was worn by men
about the loins (Is. v. 27, xi. 5). The girdle
of women was generally looser than that of the
men, and was worn about the hips, except when
thoy were actively engaged (Prov. xxxi. 17).
The military girdle was worn about the waist :
the sword or dagger was suspended from it
(Judg. iii. 16; 2 Sam. xx. 8; Ps. xlv. 3).
Ilcncc girding up the loins denotes preparation
for battle or for active exertion. In times of
mourning, girdles of sackcloth were worn as
marks of humiliation and sorrow (Is. iii. 24,
xxii. 12). In consequence of the costly ma-
terials of which girdles were made, they were
frequently given as presents (1 Sam. xviii. 4 ;
t Sam. xviii. 11). They were used as pockets,
as among the Arabs still, and as purses, one
end of the girdle being folded back for the pur-
pose (Matt. x. 9 ; Mark vi. 8). The almet, or
girdle worn by the priests about the close-fit-
ting tunic (Ex. xxviii. 39, xxxix. 29), is de-
scribed byJosephus as made of linen so fine of
texture as to look like the slough of a snake,
and embroidered with flowers of scarlet, purple,
blue, and fine linen. It was about four fingers
broad, and was wrapped several times round
tho priest's body, the ends hanging down to the
feet. The " curious girdle " (Ex. xxviii. 8) w«*
made of the same materials and colors as the
cphod, that is of "gold, blue, and purple, and
scarlet, and fine twined linen." Josephus de-
scribes it as sewn to the breastplate. Alter ptss-
ing once round, it was tied in front upon the
seam, the ends hanging down.
Gir'gashiteS, the, one of the nations who
were in possession of Canaan before the en-
trance thither of the children of Israel. The
name occurs in the following passages : — Gen.
x. 16, xv. 21 ; Deut. rii. 1 ; Josh. iii. 10, xxiv.
1 1 ; 1 Chr. i. 14 ; Nch. ix. 8.
Gir'gasite, the (Gen. x. 16). See the
foregoing.
Gis pa, one of the overseers of the Nethi-
nim, in " the Ophel," after the return from cap-
tivity (Neh. xi. 21 ).
Git'tah-Hepher, Josh. xix. 13. [Gatb-
IIkpher.1
Gittaim, a place incidentally mentioned in
2 Sam. iv. 3. Gittaim is again mentioned in
the list of places inhabited oy the Benjamins
after their return from the captivity. Gittaim
is the dual form of the word Gnth, which sug-
gests the Philistine plain as its locality. But
there is no evidence for or against this.
Gif tites, the 600 men who followed David
from Gath, under Ittai the Gittite (2 Sam. xv.
18, 19), and who probably acted as a kind of
body-guard. Obed-edom " the Gittite " may
have been so named from the town of Gittaim
in Benjamin (2 Sam. iv. 3 ; Neh. xi. 33), or
from Guth-rimmon.
Git'tith, a musical instrument, by tome
supposed to have been used by the people of
Gath ; and by others, to have been employed at
the festivities of the vintage (Ps. viii., lxxxi.,
lxxxiv.).
Gi'zonite, the. " The sons of Hashem
the Gizonite " arc named amongst the warriors
of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 34). Kennicott
concludes that the name should be Gouxi.
Glass, The Heb. word occurs only in Job
xxviii. 1 7, where, in A. V., it is rendered " crys-
tal." It seems that Job xxviii. 17 contains the
only allusion to glass found in the O. T., and
even this reference is disputed. In spite of this
absence of specific allusion to glass in the
sacred writings, the Hebrews must have been
aware of the invention. From paintings repre-
senting the process of glass-blowing which have
been discovered at Beni-Hassan, and in tombs
at other places, we know that the invention is
at least as remote as the age of Osirtasen the
first (|icrhaps a contemporary of Joseph), 3,500
years ajro. Fragments too of wine-vases as old
as the Exodus have been discovered in Egypt.
The art was known to the ancient Assyrians.
There is little doubt that the honor of the dis-
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GOAT
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GOLD
covery belongs to the Egyptians. Glass was
not only known to the ancients, but used by
tbem far more extensively than in modern times.
The Egyptians knew the art of cutting, grind-
ing, and engraving it, and they could even in-
lay it with gold or enamel, and "permeate
opaque glass with designs of various colors."
Besides this, they could color it with such bril-
liancy as to be able to imitate precious stones
in a manner which often defied detection.
In the N. T., glass is alluded to as an emblem of
brightness (Rev. iv. 6, xv. 2, xxi. 18).
Gleaning. The remarks under Corner
on the definite character of the rights of the
poor, or rather of poor relations and depend-
ants, to a share of the crop, are especially exem-
plified in the instance of Ruth gleaning in the
Held of Boaz. The gleaning of fruit-trees, as
well as of corn- fields, was reserved for the poor.
Glede, the old name for the common kite
(MUcutaler), occurs only in Deut. xiv. 13 among
the unclean bivds of prey.
Gnat, mentioned only in the proverbial ex-
pression used by our Saviour in Matt xxiii.
24.
Goad. The equivalent terms in the Hebrew
arc (I) inalmed (Judg. iii. 31) and (2) dareban
(1 Sam. xiii. 21; Keel. xii. II). The latter
may refer to any thing pointed, and the context
of Eccl. xii. requires rather the sense of a peg
or mil, any thing in short which can be fattened ;
while in 1 Sam. xiii. the point of the ploughshare
is more probably intended. The former does
probably rrfcr to the goad, the lon« handle of
which might be used as a formidable weapon.
The instrument, as still used in the countries
of Southern Europe and Western Asia, consists
of a rod about eight fbet long, brought to a
sharp point, and sometimes cased with iron at
the head.
Goat. Of the Hebrew words which are
translated goat and she-goat in A. V., the most
Lonf-«nd Bymn gottu
common is "ex, which denotes either a he-goat
or a she-goat. All the other words, with two
exceptions, denote the he-goat. These are ye~ :
dim, wild or mountain goats ( 1 Sam. xxiv. 2 ;
Job xxxix. 1 ; and Ps. civ. 18) ; and aljco, ren-
dered the wild goat in Deut. xiv. 5. It is more
properly the trugeluphus or goat-deer. There ap-
pear to be two or three varieties of the common
goat (Illrcia teyagras) at present bred in Pales-
tine and Syria ; but whether they arc identical
with those which were reared by the ancient
Hebrews, it is. not possible to say. The most
marked varieties are the Syrian goat ( Capra
Mambrica, Linn.), and the Angora goat ( Capra
Angorensis, Linn.), with fine long hair. There
is also a variety that differs but little from
British specimens. As to the yt'elim ("wild
goats," A. V.), it is not at all improbable that
some species of ibex is denoted, perhaps the
Capra Sinaitica, the Bcden or Jsela of Egypt
and Arabia.
Goat, Scape. [Atonement, Day op.]
Go'ath, a place apparently in the neighbor-
hood of Jerusalem, and named, in connection
with the hill Garcb, only in Jer. xxxi. 39.
Gob, a place mentioned only in 2 Sam. xxi.
18, 19, as the scene of two encounters between
David's warriors and the Philistines. In the
parallel account in 1 Chr. xx. 4, the name is
given as Gezer. On the other hand, the LXX.
and Syriac have Gath in the first case, a name
which in Hebrew somewhat resembles Gob.
Goblet, a circular vessel for wine or other
liquid.
Gog;. 1. A Reubenite (I Chr. v. 4), son of
Shcmaiah. 2. [Magog.]
Golan, a city of Bashan (Deut. iv. 43) al-
lotted out of the half tribe of Manassch to the
Levites (Josh. xxi. 27), and one of the three
cities of refuge east of the Jordan (xx. 8). Its
very site is now unknown. The city of Golan
is several times referred to by Joscphus ; he,
however, more frequently speaks of the province
which took its name from it, Gaulanitis. It
seems that when the city of Golan rose to pow-
er it became the head of a largo province, the
extent of which is pretty accurately given by
Josephus. It lay east of Galilee, and north of
Gadaritis (G.vdara). The River Hieromax
may be regarded as the south border of Gaulan-
itis. The Jordan, from the Sea of Galilee to
its fountains at Dan and Cesarca-Philippi,
formed the western boundary. It is important
to observe that the boundaries of the modern
province of Jauldn (which is the Arabic form
of the Hebrew Golan) correspond, so far, with
those of Gaulanitis ; we may, therefore, safely
assume that their northern and eastern bounda-
ries are also identical. Jaul&n is bounded on
the north byJedur (the ancient Ituma, and on
the east by Hauran. The greater part of Gau-
lanitis is a flat and fertile table-land, well wa-
tered, and clothed with luxuriant grass. It is
probably to this region the name Mithor is given
in 1 K. xx. 23, 25, — " the plain " in which the
Syrians were overthrown by the Israelites, near
Aphek, whichperhaps stood upon the site of
the modern File. The western side of Gau-
lanitis, along the Sea of Galilee, is steep, nig-
ged, and bare. It was once densely populated,
but is now almost completely deserted.
Gold, the most valuable of metals, from its
color, lustre, weight, ductility, and other useful
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properties (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 19). Hence it
is used as an emblem of parity (Job xxiii. 10)
and nobility (Lam. iv. 1 ). Gold wag known from
the very earliest times (Gen. ii. 11). It was at
l.rst chiefly used for ornaments, &c. (Gen. xxiv.
•22.) Coined money was not known to the
ancients till a comparatively late period; and
on the Egyptian tombs, gold is represented as
being weighed in rings tor commercial purposes
(comp. Gen. xliii. 21). Gold was extremely
abundant in ancient times (1 Chr. xxii. 14;
2 Chr. i. 15, ix. 9; Nah. ii. 9; Dan. iii. 1);
but this did not depreciate its value, because
of the enormous quantities consumed by the
wealthy in furniture, &c. (IK. vi. 22, x. pas-
sim; Cant. iii. 9, 10; Esth. i. 6; Jer. x. 9.)
The chief countries mentioned as producing
gold are Arabia, Sbeba, and Ophir (1 K. ix.
28, x. I ; Job xxviii. 16). Other gold-bearing
countries were Uphaz (Jer. x. 9 ; Dan. x. 5)
and Parvaim (2 C hr. iii. 6). Metallurgic pro-
cesses are mentioned in Ps. lxvi. 10; Prov.
xvii. 3, xxvii. 21 ; and in Is. xlvi. 6, the trade
of goldsmith (cf. Judg. xvii. 4) is alluded to in
connection with the overlaying of idols with
gold-leaf.
Gol'gotha, the Hebrew name of the spot
at which our Lord was crucified (Matt, xxvii.
33; Mark xv. 22; John xix. 17). By these
three Evangelists it is interpreted to mean the
" place of a skull." St. Luke's words are real-
ly as follows — "The place which is called 'a
skuII ' " — not, as in the other Gospels, " of a
skull," thus employing the Greek term exactly
as they do the Hebrew one. Two explanations
of the name are given : (1) that it was n spot
where executions ordinarily took place, and
therefore abounded in skulls. Or (2) it may
come from the look or form of the spot itself,
bald, round, and skull-like, and therefore a
mound or hillock, in accordance with the com-
mon phrase — for which there is no direct au-
thority — "Mount Calvary." Whichever of
these is the correct explanation, Golgotha seems
to have been a known spot. Its locality in re-
gard to Jerusalem is rally examined in the de-
scription of the city.
Qoli'ath, a famous giant of Gath, who
"morning and evening for forty days" defied
the armies of Israel (1 Sam. xvii.). He was
possibly descended from the old Rcphaim, of
whom a scattered remnant took refuge with the
Philistines after their dispersion by the Am-
monites (Deut, ii. 20, 21 ; 2 Sara. xxi. 22).
His height was " six cubits and a span," which,
taking the cubit at 21 inches, would make him
104 feet high. But the LXX. and Josephus
read "four cubits and a span." The scene of
his combat with David was the Valley of the
Terebinth, between Shochoh and Azekah, —
probablv among the western passes of Benja-
min, although a confused modern tradition has
piven the name of Ain Jahlood (spring of Go-
liath) to the spring of Harod (Judg. vii. 1 ). In
2 Sam. xxi. 19, we find that another Goliath
of Gath was slain by Elhanan, also a Bethle-
hemite. [Elhanan.]
Go'mer. 1. The eldest son of Japheth, and
the father of Ashkenaz, Riphath, and Togar-
mali (Gen. x. 2, 3). His name is subsequently
noticed but once (Ez. xxxviii. 6) as an ally or
subject of the Scythian king Gog. He is gem
crafly recognized as the progenitor of the early
Cimmerians, of the later Ciinbri and the other
branches of the Celtic family, and of the mod-
ern Gael and Cyrary, the latter preserving with
very slight deviation the original name. — 2.
The daughter of Diblaim, and concubine of
Hosea (i. 3).
Gomorrah, one of the five " cities of the
plain," or " vale of Siddim," that under their
respective kings joined battle there with Che-
donaomcr (Gen. xiv. 2-8) and his allies, by
whom they were discomfited till Abraham came
to the rescue. Four out of the five were after-
wards destroyed by the Lord with fire from
heaven (Gen. xix. 23-29). One of them only,
Zoar or Bcla, which was its original name, was
spared at the request of Lot, in order that he
! might take refuge there. Of these Gomorrah
J seems to have been only second to Sodom in
' importance, as well as in the wickedness that
j led to their overthrow. What that atrocity was
may be gathered from Gen. xix. 4-8. Their
geographical position is discussed under
Sodom.
Gomor/rha, the manner in which the name
Gomorbah is written in the A. V. of the Apoc-
ryphal books and the X. Testament.
Gopher-wood. Only once, in Gen. vi.
14. The Heb. word does not occur in the cog-
nate dialects. The A. V. has made no attempt
at translation. Two principal conjectures hare
been proposed: — 1. That the "trees of Go-
pher are any trees of the resinous kind, snch
as pine, fir, &c. 2. That Gopher is cypress.
Gor'giae, a general in the service" of Ann-
ochus Epiphanes (1 Mace. iii. 38), who was ap-
pointed By his regent Lysias to a command in
the expedition against Judxa (B.C. 166), in
which be was defeated by Judas Maccabieua
with great loss (1 Mace. iv. 1 ft".). At a later
time (B.C. 164) he held a garrison in Jamnia,
and defeated the forces of Joseph and Azarias,
who attacked him contrary to the orders of Ju-
das (1 Mace. v. 56 fl". ; 2 Mace. xii. 32). The
account of Gorgias in 2 Mace, is very obscure.
Ap.
Gorty'na, a city of Crete, and in ancient
times its most important city, next to Cnossus
(1 Mace. xv. 23). It was nearly half way be-
tween the eastern and western extremities of
the island, and seems to have been the capital
under the Romans. Ap.
Go'ahen, a word of uncertain etvroology,
the name of a part of Egypt where thelsraelites
dwelt for the whole period of their sojourn in
that country. It is usually called the " land of
Goshen," but also Goshen simply. It appears
to have borne another name, " the land of Ba-
rneses " (Gen. xlvii. 1 1 ), unless this be the nam*
of a district of Goshen. It was between Joseph's
residence at the time and the frontier of Pales-
tine, and apparently the extreme province to-
wards that frontier (Gen. xlvi. 29). Gen. xlvi.
33, 34, shows that Goshen was scarcely regarded
as a part of Egypt Proper, and was not peopled
by Egyptians, — characteristics that would posi-
tively indicate a frontier province. The next
mention of Goshen confirms the previous infer
ence that its position was between Canaan and
the Delta (Gen. xlvii. 1, 5, 6, 11). Gosbes
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i a pastoral country where some of Pharaoh's
cattle were kept The clearest indications of
the exact position of Goshen are those afforded
by the narrative of the Exodus. The Israelites
set out from the town of Barneses in the land
of Goshen, made two days' journey to " the
edge of the wilderness," and in one day more
reached the Bed Sea. At the starting-point
two rontes lay before them, " the way of the
land of the Philistines . . . that [was] near,"
and " the way of the wilderness of the Bed Sea "
(Ex. xiii. 17, 18). From these indications we
infer that the land of Goshen must have in part
been near the eastern side of the ancient Delta,
Barneses lying within the valley now called the
Wddi-t-Tumofidt, about thirty miles in a direct
coarse from the ancient western shore of the
Arabian Golf. The results of an examination
of Biblical evidence are that the land of Goshen
lay between the eastern part of the ancient Delta
and the western border of Palestine, that it was
scarcely a part of Egypt Proper, was inhabited
by other foreigners besides the Israelites, and
was in its geographical names rather Shemitic
than Egyptian ; that it was a pasture-land, espe-
cially suited to a shepherd-people, and sufficient
for the Israelites, who there prospered, and
were separate from the main body of the
Egyptians ; and lastly, that one of its towns
lay near the western extremity of the Wddi-t-
Tsmcylat, These indications seem to us deci-
sively to indicate the Wddi-t-Tumafldt, the val-
ley along which anciently flowed the canal of
the Bed Sea. Other identifications seem to us
to be utterly untenable — 2. The " land " or
the " country of Goshen " is twice named as a
district in Southern Palestine (Josh. x. 41, xi.
16), apparently between the south country and
the lowlands "of Judah. — 3. A town of the
same name is once mentioned in company with
Debir, Socoh, and others, as in the mountains
of Judah (Josh. xv. 51). It has not yet been
identified.
Gospels. The name Gospel is applied to
the four inspired histories of the life and teach-
ing of Christ contained in the New Testament,
of which separate accounts will be given in
their place. They were all composed during
the latter half of the first century : those of
St. Matthew and St. Mark some years before
the destruction of Jerusalem; that of St. Luke
probably about a.d. 64 ; and that of St. John
towards the close of the century. Before the
end of the second century, there is abundant
evidence that the four Gospels, as one collec-
tion, were generally used and accepted. For
this we have the testimony of Irenssus, Papias,
TertoBian, Origen, Theophilus, and Tatian.
The Muratorian fragment describes the Gospels
of Lake and John ; but time and carelessness
seem to have destroyed the sentences relating
to Matthew and Mark. Another source of
evidence is open to us, in the citations from the
Gospels found in the earliest writers. Barna-
bas, Clemens Bomanus, and Polycarp, quote
l—asm ii from them, but not with verbal exact-
ness. The testimony of Justin Martyr (born
about aj>. 99, martyred a.d. 165) is much full-
er; many of his quotations are found verbatim
in the Gospels of St Matthew, St Luke, and
St John, and possiblr of 8k Mark also,
whose words it is more difficult to separate
Besides these, St Matthew appears to be quoted
by the author of the Epistle to Diognetus, by
Hegesippus, Irenssus, Tatian, Athenagoras, and
Theophilus. Eusebius records that Pantssnus
found in India Christians who used the Gospel
of St Matthew. All this shows that long be-
fore the end of the second century the Gospel
of St Matthew was in general use. From the
fact that St Mark's Gospel has few places pe-
culiar to it, it is more difficult to identify cita-
tions not expressly assigned to him ; but Justin
Martyr and Athenagoras appear to quote his
Gospel, and Irenaeus does so by name. St.
Luke is quoted by Justin, Irenssus, Tatian,
Athenagoras, and Theophilus : and St. John
by all of these, with the addition of Ignatius,
the Epistle to Diognetus, and Polycrates.
From these we may conclude that before the
end of the second century the Gospel collection
was well known and in general use. There is
yet another line of evidence. The heretical
sects, as well as the Fathers of the Church,
knew the Gospels ; and as there was the great-
est hostility between them, if the Gospels had
become known in the Church after the dissen-
sion arose, the heretics would never have ac-
cepted them as genuine from such a quarter.
But the Gnostics and Marcionites arose early
in the second century ; and therefore it is prob-
able that the Gospels were then accepted, and
thus they are traced back almost to the times
of the Apostles. As a matter of literary his-
tory, nothing can be better established than the
genuineness of the Gospels. On comparing
these four books one with another, a peculiar
difficulty claims attention, which has had much
to do with the controversy as to their genuine-
ness. In the fourth Gospel the narrative co-
incides with that of the other three in a few
passages only. Putting aside the account of
the Passion, jhere are only three facts which
John relates in common with the other Evange-
lists. Two of these are, the feeding of the five
thousand, and the storm on the Sea of Galilee
(eh. vi.). The third is the anointing of His
feet by Mary. Whilst the others present the
life of Jesus in Galilee, John follows him into
Judasa ; nor should we know, but for him, that
our Lord had journeyed to Jerusalem at the
prescribed feasts. The received explanation is
the only satisfactory one, namely, that John,
writing last, at the close of the first century,
had seen the other Gospels, and purposely ab-
stained from writing anew what they nad suffi-
ciently recorded. In the other three Gospels
there is a great amount of agreement. If we
suppose the history that they contain to be
divided into sections, in 49 of these all the
three narratives coincide, 12 more are given by
Matthew and Mark only, 5 by Mark and Luke
only, and 14 by Matthew and Luke. To these
must be added 5 peculiar to Matthew, 2 to
Mark, and 9 to Luke ; and the enumeration is
complete. But this applies only to general
coincidence as to the facts narrated : the amount
of verbal coincidence, that is, the passages either
verbally the same, or coinciding in the use of
many of the same words, is much smaller.
Without going minutely into the examination
of examples, which would be desirable if space
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permitted, the leading facts connected with the
subject may be thus summed up : — The verbal
and material agreement of the three first Evan-
gelists is such as does not occur in any other
authors who have written independently of one
another. The verbal agreement is greater
where the spoken words of others are cited than
where facts are recorded ; and greatest in quo-
tations of the words of our Lord. But in
some leading events, as in the call of the four
first disciples, that of Matthew, and the Trans-
figuration, the agreement even in expression is
remarkable : there are also narratives where
there is no verbal harmony in the outset, but
only in the crisis or emphatic part of the story
(Matt. viii. 3 = Mark i. 41 = Luke v. 13, and
Matt. xiv. 19, 20= Mark vi. 41-43 = Luke ix.
16,17). The language of all three is Greek,
with Hebrew idioms : the Hebraisms are most
abundant in St. Mark, and fewest in St. Luke.
In quotations from the Old Testament, the
Evangelists, or two of them, sometimes exhibit
a verbal agreement, although they differ from
the Hebrew and from the Septuagint version
(Matt. iii. 3 = Mark i. 3 = Luke Hi. 4 ; Matt,
iv. 10 = Luke iv. 8 ; Matt. xi. 10 = Mark i. 2
= Luke vii. 27, &c.). Except as to 24 verses,
the Gospel of Mark contains no principal facts
which are not found in Matthew and Luke ;
but he often supplies details omitted by them,
and these are often such as would belong to the
graphic account of an eye-witness. There are
no cases in which Matthew and Luke exactly
harmonize, where Mark does not also coincide
with them. In several places the words of
Mark have something in common with each of
the other narratives, so as to form a connecting
link between them, where their words slightly
differ. The examples of verbal agreement be-
tween Mark and Luke are not so long or so
numerous as those between Matthew and Luke,
and Matthew and Mark ; but as to the arrange-
ment of events, Mark and Luke frequently co-
incide, where Matthew differs from them. These
are the leading particulars ; hut they are very
far from giving a complete notion of a phenom-
enon that is well worthy of that attention and
reverent study of the sacred text by which
alone it can be fully and fairly apprehended.
The attempts at a solution are so many, that
they can be more easily classified than enume-
rated. The first and most obvious suggestion
would be, that the narrators made use of each
other's work. Accordingly, Grotius, Mill, Wet-
stein, Griesboch, and many others, have en-
deavored to ascertain which Gospel is to be
regarded as the first ; which is copied from the
first ; and which is the last, and copied from
the other two. But the theory in its crude
form is in itself most improbable ; and the
wonder is that so much time and learning have
been devoted to it. It assumes that an Evange-
list has taken up the work of his predecessor,
and, without substantial alteration, has made a
few changes in form, a few additions and re-
trenchments, and has then allowed the whole
to go forth under his name. The supposition
of a common original from which the three
Gospels were drawn, paoh with more or less
modification, would naturally occur to those
who rejected the notion that the Evangelists
had copied from each other. It appeared to
Eichhorn that the portions which are common
to all the three Gospels were contained in a
certain common document, from which they all
drew. He considers himself entitled to assume
that he can reconstruct the original document,
and also that there must have been four other
documents to account for the phenomena of
the text. Thus he makes — 1 . The original
document. 2. An altered copy which St Mat-
thew used. 3. An altered copy which St. Luke
used. 4. A third copy, made from the two
preceding, used by St. Mark. 5. A fourth
altered copy, used by St. Matthew and St.
Luke in common. As there is no external evi-
dence worth considering that this original or
any of its numerous copies ever existed, the
value of this elaborate hypothesis mnst depend
upon its furnishing the only explanation, and
that a sufficient one, of the facts of the text.
Bishop Marsh, however, finds it necessary, in
order to complete the account of the text, to
raise the number of documents to eight, still
without producing any external evidence for
the existence of any of them ; and this, on one
side, deprives Eichhorn '» theory of the merit
of completeness, and, on the other, presents a
much broader surface to the obvious objections.
He assumes the existence of — 1 . A Hebrew
original. 2. A Greek translation. 3. A tran-
script of No. 1, with alterations and additions.
4. Another, with another set of alterations and
additions. 5. Another, combining both the
preceding, used by St. Mark, who also used No.
2. 6. Another, with the alterations and addi-
tions of No. 3, and with further additions, used
by St. Matthew. 7. Another, with those of
No. 4 and further additions, used by St. Luke,
who also used No. 2. 8: A wholly distinct
Hebrew document, in which our Lord's precepts,
parables, and discourses were recorded, but not
in chronological order ; used both by St. Mat-
thew and St. Luke. It will be allowed that
this elaborate hypothesis, whether in the form
given it by Marsh or by Eichhorn, possesses al-
most every fault that can be charged against an
argument of that kind. For every new class
of facts a new document must be assumed to
have existed. The " original Gospel " is sup-
posed to have been of such authority as to be
circulated everywhere: yet so defective, as to
require annotation from any hand, so little
reverenced that no hand spared it. If all the
Evangelists agreed to draw from such a work,
it must have been widely if not universally ac-
cepted in the Church; and yet there is no
record of its existence. The force of this di-
lemma has been felt by the supporters of the
theory : if the work was of high authority, it
would have been preserved, or at least men-
tioned ; if of lower authority, it could not have
become the basis of three canonical Gospels :
and various attempts have been made to escape
from it. There is another supposition to ac-
count for these facts, of which perhaps Giescler
has been the most acute expositor. It is prob-
able that none of the Gospels was written until
many years after the day of Pentecost, on
which the Holy Spirit descended on the assem-
bled disciples. From that day commenced at
Jerusalem the work of preaching the Gospel
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and converting the world. Prayer and preach-
ing were the business of the Apostles lives.
Now, their preaching must hare been, from the
nature of tno case, in great part historical; it
mast have been based upon an account of the
life and acts of Jesus of Nazareth. There was
no written record to which the hearers might
be referred for historical details, and therefore
the preachers must furnish not only inferences
from the life of our Lord, but the facts of the
life itself. The preaching, then, must have
been of such a kind as to be to the hearers
what the reading of lessons from the Gospels is
to us. There is no improbability in supposing
that in the course of twenty or thirty years'
assiduous teaching, without a written Gospel,
the matter of the apostolic preaching should
have taken a settled form. Not only might the
Apostles think it well that their own accounts
should agree, as in substance so in form ; but
the teachers whom they sent forth, or left be-
hind in the churches they visited, would have to
be prepared for their mission ; and, so long as
there wan no written Gospel to put into their
hands, it might be desirable that the oral in-
struction should be as for as possible one and
the same to all. The guidance of the Holy
Spirit supplied for a time such aid as made a
written Gospel unnecessary ; hut the Apostles
saw the dangers and errors which a traditional
GoArvI would he exposed to in the course of
tirau ; and, whilst they wore still preaching the
oral Gospel in the strength of the Holy Ghost,
they were admonished by the same Divine Per-
son to prepare those written records which were
hereafter to be the daily spiritual food of all the
Church of Christ Nor is there any thing un-
natural in the supposition that the Apostles
intentionally uttered their witness in the same
order, and even, for the most part, in the same
form of words. The language of their first
preaching was the Syro-Chaldaic, which was a
poor and scanty language ; and though Greek
was now widely spread, and was the language
even of several places in Palestine, thongh it
prevailed in Antioch, whence the first missions
to Greeks and Hellenists, or Jews who spoko
Greek, proceeded (Acts xi. 20, xiii. 1-3), the
Greek tongue, as used by Jews, partook of the
poverty of the speech which it replaced ; as, in-
deed, it is impossible to borrow a whole lan-
guage without borrowing the habits of thought
upon which it has built itself. It is supposed,
then, that the preaching of the Apostles, and
the teaching whereby they prepared others to
preach, as they did, woufd tend to assume a
common form, more or less fixed ; and that the
portions of the three Gospels which harmonize
most exactly, owe their agreement, not to the
fact that they were copied from each other, al-
though it is impossible to say that the later
writer made no use of the earlier one, nor to
the existence of any original document now
lost to us, but to the «ict that the apostolic
preaching had already clothed itself in a settled
or usual form of words, to which the writers
inclined to conform without feeling bound to
do so ; and the differences which occur, often in
the closest proximity to the harmonies, arise
from the feeling of independence with which
•ach wrote what he had seen and heard, or, in
the case of Mark and Luke, what apostolic wit-
nesses had told him. The harmonics begin with
the baptism of John ; that is, with the conse-
cration of the Lord to His Messianic office; and
with this event probably the ordinary preaching
of the Apostles would begin, for its purport
was that Jesus is the Messiah, and that as Mes-
siah He suffered, died, and rose again. They
are very frequent as we approach the period of
the Passion, because the sufferings of the Lord
would be much in the mouth of every one who
preached the Gospel, and all would become
familiar with the words in which the Apostles
described it. But as regards the Resurrection,
which differed from the Hussion in that it was
a fact which the enemies of Christianity felt
bound to dispute (Matt, xxviii. 15), it is possi-
ble that the divergence arose from the intention
of each Evangelist to contribute something
towards the weight of evidence for this central
truth. Accordingly, all the four, even St. Mark
(xvi. 14), who oftener throws a new light upon
old ground than opens out new, mention dis-
tinct acts and appearances of the Lord to es-
tablish that He was risen indeed. The verbal
agreement is greater where the words of others
are recorded, and greatest of all where they are
those of Jesns, because here the apostolic
preaching would be especially exact ; and where
the historical fact is the utterance of certain
words, the duty of the historian is narrowed to
a bare record of them. That this opinion
would explain many of the facts connected
with the text is certain. Whether, besides
conforming to the words and arrangement of
the apostolic preaching, the Evangelists did in
nny coses make use of each other's work or not,
it would require a more careful investigation
of details to discuss than space permits. How
docs this last theory bear upon our lielief in the
inspiration of the Gospels ? Supposing that the
portion of tint three first Gospels which is com-
mon to all tiA9 been derived from the preaching
of the Apostten in general, then it is drawn direct-
ly from a source which we know from our Lord
Himself to hare been inspired. Now, the in-
spiration of an historical writing will consist in
its tmth, and in its selection of evenu. Every
thing narrated must be substantially tnd ex-
actly true, and vhe comparison of the Gospels
one with another offers us nothing that docs
not answer to thli test. There are differences
of arrangement of events ; here some details of
a narrative or a discourse are supplied which
are wanting there ; and if the writer had pro-
fessed to follow a strict chronological order, or
had pretended that his record was not only true
but complete, then one inversion of order, or
one omission of a syllable, would convict him
of inaccuracy. But if it is plain — if it is all
but avowed — that minute chronological data
are not part of the writer's purpose — if it is
also plain that nothing but a selection of the
facts is intended, or, indeed, possible (John xxi.
25) — then the proper test to apply is, whether
each gives us a picture of the life and ministry
of Jesus of Nazareth that is self-consistent and
consistent with the others, such as would lie suit-
able to the use of those who were to believe on
His Name — for this is their evident intention-
About the answer there should be no doubt-
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We have seen that each Gospel has its own fea-
tures, and that the divine element has controlled
the human, but not destroyed it. But the pic-
ture which they conspire to draw is one full of
harmony. The histories are true according to
any test that should be applied to a history ;
and the events that they select — though we
could not presume to say that they were more
important than what are omitted, except from
the fact of the emission — are at least such as
to have given the whole Christian Church a |
clear conception of the Redeemer's life, so that >
none has ever complained of insufficient means
of knowing Him.
Gotholl'as. Josias, son of Gotholias,
was one of the sons of Elam who returned
from Babylon with Esdras (1 Esd. viii. 33).
Ap.
Gotho'niel, father of Chabris (Jud. vi. 15).
Ap.
Gourd. 1. Kikayon, only in Jon. iv. 6-10.
A diifcrence of opinion has long existed as to
the plant which is intended by this word ; but
there can he no reasonable doubt that the laka-
udn which afforded shade to the prophet Jonah
"before Nineveh is the Ricinus communis, or cas-
tor-oil plant, which, formerly a native of Asia,
is now naturalized in America, Africa, and the
south of Europe. This plant varies consider-
ably in size, being in India a tree, but in Eng-
land seldom attaining a greater height than
three or four feet. The waves are large and
palmate, with serrated lobes, and would form
an excellent shelter for the sun-stricken pro-
phet. The seeds contain the oil so well known
under the name of " castor-oil," which has for
aires been in high repute as a medicine. 2.
Pakku'oth and nfki'im. (i.) In 2 K. iv. 39, a
fruit used as food, disagreeable to the taste,
and supposed to be poisonous, (ii.) In 1 K. vi.
1 8, vii. 24, as an architectural ornament, where
A. V. " knops." With regard to the " wild
gourds" (pakku'dth) of 2 K. iv. 39, which one
of " the sons of the prophets " gathered igno-
rantly, supposing them to be good for food,
there can be no doubt that it is a species of the
gourd tribe ( Cucurbitacea), which contains some
plants of a very bitter and dangerous character.
The leaves and tendrils of this family of plants
bear some resemblance to those of the vine.
Hence the expression " wild vine ; " and as
several kinds of Cucurbitacea, such as melons,
pumpkins, &c., ore favorite articles of refresh-
ing food amongst the Orientals, we can easily
understand the cause of the mistake. The ety-
mology of the word from palea', " to split or
hurst open," has been thought to favor the iden-
tification of the plant with the Ecbalium elate-
rium, or " squirting cucumber," so colled from
the elasticity with which the fruit, when ripe,
opens and scatters the seeds when touched.
* elsius, Rosenmiiller, Winer, and Gesenius are
in favor of this explanation, and, it must be
confessed, not without some reason. The old
versions, however, understand the colocynth,
the fniit of which is about the size of an orange.
The drastic medicine in such general use is a
preparation from this plant. Since the dry
gourds of the colocynth, when crushed, burst
with a crashing noise, there is much reaxon for
being satisfied with an explanation which has
authority, etymology, and general suit
in its favor.
Governor. In the Auth. Ver. this
English word is the representative of no less)
than ten Hebrew and four Greek words. 1.
AUuph, the chief of a tribe or family (Judg. vi.
15; Is. Ix. 22; Micv. 1), and equivalent to
the "prince of a thousand" of Ex. xviii. 21,
or the " head of a thousand " of Num. i. 16. It is
the term applied to the " dukes " of Edom ( Gen.
xxxiv.). — 2. Chdlxk (Judg. v. 9), and 3. mf-
cholcek (Judg. v. 14), denote a ruler in his ca-
pacity of lawgiver, and dispenser of justice (Gen.
xlix. 10; Pov. viii. 15; comp. Judg. v. 14
with Is. x. I). —4. Mothel, a ruler considered
especially as having power over the property and
persons of his subjects (Josh. xii. 2 ; Ps. cv. 2© ;
Gen. xxiv. 2). The " governors of the people,"
in 2 Chr. xxiii. 20, appear to have been the
king's body-guard (cf. 2 K. xi. 19). — 5. Sogid
denotes a prominent personage, whatever his ca-
pacity. It is applied to a king as tbe military
and civil chief ot his people (2 Sam. v. 2, vi. 21 ;
1 Chr. xxix. 22), to the general of an army
(2 Chr. xxxii. 21), and to the head of • tribe
(2 Chr. xix. II). It denotes an officer of high
rank in the palace, the lord high chamberlain
(2 Chr. xxviii. 7). — 6. Nasi. The prevailing
idea in this word is that of elevation. It is ap-
plied to the chief of the tribe (Gen. xvii. 20 ;
Num. ii. 3, &c.), to the heads of sections of a
tribe (Num. iii. 32, vii. 2), and to a powerful
sheik (Gen. xxiii. 6). In general, it denotes
a man of elevated rank. — 7. Pechih is a word
probably of Assyrian origin. It is applied in
1 K. x. 15 to the petty chieftains who were trib-
utary to Solomon (2 Chr. ix. 14) ; to the mili-
tary commander of the Syrians (1 K. xx. 24),
the Assyrians (2 K. xviii. 24, xxiii. 6), tbe
Chaldssans (Jer. Ii. 23), and the Medes (Jer. Ii.
38). Under the Persian viceroys, during the
Babylonian captivity, the land of the Hebrews
appears to have been portioned out among
" governors " (pacAdtA) inferior in rank to tbe
satraps (Ear. viii. 36), like the other provinces
which were under the dominion of tbe Persian
king (Neh. ii. 7, 9). It is impossible to deter-
mine the precise limits of their authority, or the
functions which they had to perform. It art-
pears from Ezr. vi. 8 that these governors were
intrusted with the collection of the king's
taxes; and from Neh. v. 18, xii. 26, that they
were supported by a contribution levied upon
the people, which was technically termed " the
bread of the governor" (corap. Ear. iv. 14).
They were probably assisted in discharging
their official amies by a council (Ezr. iv. 7,
vi. 6). The " go-rernor " beyond the river had
a judgment-seat at Jerusalem, from which pro-
bably he administered justice when making a
progress through his province (Neh. iii. 7). — 8.
PaJad denotes simply a person appointed to any
office. It is used of the officers proposed to be
appointed by Joseph (Gen. xii. 34) ; of Zebnl,
Abimelech's lieutenant (Judg. ix. 28) ; of an
officer of the high-priest (2 Chr. xxiv. II);
and of a priest or Levite of high rank (Neh. xl
14, 22). — 9. ShalUt, a man of amthoritg. Ap-
plied to Joseph as Pharaoh's prime minister
(Gen. xlii. 6) ; to Arioch, the captain of the
guard ; to the king of Babylon (Dan. ii. 15) ;
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GRAVE
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GREECE
and to Darnel a* third in rank under Belshaz-
zar (Dan. v. 29). — 10. Sar, a chief, in any ca-
pacity. The term is used equally of the gene-
ral of an army (Gen. xxi. 22), or the command-
er of a division (1 K. xvi. 9, xi. 24), as of the
governor of Pharaoh's prison (Gen. xxxix.
21), and the chief of his butlers and bakers
(Gen. xl. 2), or herdsmen (Gen. xlvii. 6). — 11.
iSvapXK (2 Cor. xi. 32), an officer of rank
nnder Aretas, the Arabian kin? of Damascus.
It has been conjectured that the cthnarch of
Damascus was merely the governor of the resi-
dent Jews, but it does not seem probable that
an officer of such limited jurisdiction would be
styled " the ethnarch of Aretas the king ; " and
as the term is clearly capable of a wide range
of meaning, it was most likely intended to de-
note one who held the city and district of Da-
mascus as the king's vassal or representative.
— 12. riycfuM, the procurator of Judtea under
the Romans (Matt xxrii. 2, 4c). — 13. oIkovo-
f«>c (Gal. iv. 2), a steward, apparently intrusted
with the management of a minor's property. —
U. upxtTpUXivoc (John ii. 9), " the governor of
the feast" Lightfoot supposes him to have
been a kind of chaplain, who pronounced the
blessings upon the wine that was drunk during
the seven days of the marriage feast. He ap-
pears to have been on intimate terms with the
bridegroom, and to have presided at the ban-
quet in his stead. The duties of the master of
a feast are given at full length in Ecclus. xxxv.
(xxxii.)
Go'zan seems, in the A. V. of 1 Chr. v. 26,
to be the name of a river ; but in Kings (2 K.
xvii. 6, and xviii. 1 1 ) it is evidently applied, not
to a river, but a country. Gozan was the tract
to which the Israelites were carried away cap-
tive by Pul, Tiglath-Pileser, and Shalmaneser,
or possibly Sargon. It has been variously
placed ; but it is probably identical with the
Gamanitis of Ptolemy, and may be regarded as
represented by the Mygdonia of other writers.
It was the tract watered by the Habor, the mod-
ern Khabour, the great Mesopotamia^ affluent
of the Euphrates.
Grra'ba, 1 Esd. v. 29. [BUgaba.] Ap.
Grape. [Vine.]
Grass. 1. This is the ordinary rendering
of the Hebrew word chcUstr (1 K. xviii. 5 ; Job
xl. 5, Ps. civ. 14 ; Is. xv. 6). As the herbage
rapidly fades under the parching heat of the
■on of Palestine, it has afforded to the sacred
writers an image of the fleeting nature of hu-
man fortunes (Job viii. 12; Ps. xxxvii. 2), and
also of the brevity of human life (Is. xl. 6, 7 ;
Ps. xc 5). — 2. In the A. V. of Jer. I. 11, "as
the heifer at grass " should be " as the heifer
treading out corn" (comp. Hos. x. 11). — 3.
In Num. xxii. 4, where mention is made of the
ox licking up the grass of the field, the Heb.
word is yerek, which elsewhere is rendered green.
— 4. 'eseb signifies herbs for human food (Gen.
i. 30; Ps. civ. 14), but also fodder for cattle
(Dent xi. 15 ; Jer. xiv. 6). It is the grass of
the field (Gen. ii. 5 ; Ex. ix. 22) and of the
mountain (Is. xlii. 15 ; Prov. xxvii. 25). In
the N. T., wherever the word grass occurs, it is
the representative of the Greek xoprof .
Grasshopper. [Locust.]
Grave. [Burial]
Greaves {mitschah). This word occurs in
the A. V. only in 1 Sam. xvii. 6. Its ordinary
meaning is a piece of defensive armor which
reached from the foot to the knee, and thus pro-
tected the shin of the wearer. But the mitschah
of the above passage can hardly have been armor
of this nature. It was not worn on the legs,
but on the feet, of Goliath, and would there-
fore appear to have been a kind of shoe or boot
Greece, Greeks, Grecians. The his-
tories of Greece and Palestine are as little con-
nected as those of any other two nations exercis-
ing the same influence on the destinies of man-
kind could well be. The Homeric Epos in its
widest range does not include the Hebrews,
while on the other hand the Mosaic idea of the
Western world seems to have been sufficiently
indefinite. It is possible that Moses may have
derived some geographical outlines from the
Egyptians ; but he does not use them in Gen.
x. 2—5, where he mentions the descendants of
Javan as peopling the isles of the Gentiles.
From the time of Hoses to that of Joel we have
no notice of the Greeks in the Hebrew writings.
When indeed the Hebrews came into contact
with the Ionians of Asia Minor, and recognized
them as the long-lost islanders of the Western
migration, it was natural that they should mark
the similarity of sound between Javan and
Iones ; and the application of that name to the
Asiatic Greeks would tend to satisfy in some
measure a longing to reahje the Minnie ethnog-
raphy. Accordingly, the O. T. won/ which is
Greaa, in A. V. Greece, Greeks, &c., is in He-
brew Javan (Joel iii. 6 ; Dan. viii. 21 ) : the
Hebrew, however, is sometimes retained (Is.
lxvi. 19 ; Ez. xxvii. 13). The Greeks and He-
brews met for the first time in the slave-market
The medium of communication seenw to have
been the Tyrian slave-merchants. About B.C.
800 Joel speaks of the Tyrians as selling the
children of Judah to the Grecians (Joel iii. 6) ;
and in Ez. xxvii. 13 the Greeks are mentioned
as bartering their brazen vessels for slaves.
Prophetical notice of Greece occurs in Dan.
viii. 21, &c., where the history of Alexander
and his successors is rapidly sketched. Zecha-
riah (ix. 13) foretells the triumphs of the Mac-
cabees against the Grasco-Syrian empire, while
Isaiah looks forward to the conversion of the
Greeks, amongst other Gentiles, through the
instrumentality of Jewish missionaries (lxvi.
19). In 1 Mace xii. 5-23 we have an account
of an embassy and letter sent by the Lacedae-
monians to the Jews. The most remarkable
feature in the transaction is the claim which the
Lacedaemonians prefer to kindred with the Jews,
and which Areus professes to establish by refer-
ence to a book. The notices of the Jewish peo-
file which occur in Greek writers have been col-
ected by Josephus (c. Apion. i. 22). The chief
are Pythagoras, Herodotus, Chosrilus, Aristotle,
Theophrastus, and Hecatseus. After the com-
plete subjugation of the Greeks by the Romans,
and the absorption into the Roman empire of
the kingdoms which were formed out of the do-
minions of Alexander, the political connection
between the Greeks and Jews as two independ-
ent nations no longer existed. The name of
the country, Greece, occurs once in N. T. (Acta
xx. 2), as opposed to Macedonia.
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GDABD
302
GUNI
Greyhound. The translation in the text
of the A. V. (Prov. xxx. 31) of the Hebrew
words zarxir mothnai/in, i.e. " one girt about the
loins." Various are the opinions as to what
animal "comely in going is here intended.
Some think " a leopard," others " an eagle," or
" a man girt with armor," or " a zebra," or
" a war-horse girt with trappings." But, later,
Maurer ( Comment. Gram, ta Vet. Tett.) decides
unhesitatingly in favor of a " wrestler," when
girt about the loins for a contest. There is
great probability that he is correct
Grinding. [Mill.]
Grove. A word used in the A. V., with
two exceptions, to translate the mysterious He-
brew term Atherah, which is not a grove, but
probably an idol or image of some kind. [See
Ashebah.] It is also probable that there was
a connection between this symbol or image,
whatever it was, and the sacred symbolic tree,
the representation of which occurs so frequently
on Assyrian sculptures, and is figured below.
— 2. The two exceptions noticed above arc Gen.
xxi. 33 and 1 Sam. xxii. 6 (margin). In the
Saond Symbolic Troe of th« Aarruuu. From Lord Aberdeen > Block Stone. (Fenjuoon'i KUuvtk ami PtnepoUi, p. SJ6.)
religions of the ancient heathen world, groves
play a prominent part. In the old times, altars
only were erected to the gods. It was thought
wrong to shut up the gods within walls, and
hence, as Pliny expressly tells us, trees were the
first temples ; and from the earliest times groves
are mentioned in connection with religious wor-
ship (Gen. xii. 6, 7, xiii. 18 ; Deut. xi. 30 ; A.
V. " plain "). The groves were generally found
connected with temples, and often had the right
of artbrding an asylum. Some have supposed
that even the Jewish Temple had an enclosure
planted with palm and cedar (Ps. xcii. 12, 13)
and olive (Ps. lii. 8), as the mosque which stands
on its site now has. This is more than doubt-
ful ; but we know that a celebrated oak stood
by the sanctuary at Shechem (Josh. xxiv. 26 ;
Judg. ix. 6). There are in Scripture many
memorable trees : tjg. Allon-hachuth (Gen.
xxxv. 8), the tamarisk in Gibeah (1 Sam. xxii.
6), the terebinth in Shechem (Jos. xxiv. 26)
Tinder which the law was set up, the palm-tree
of Delmrah (Judg. iv. S), the terebinth of en-
chantments (Judg. ix. 37), the terebinth of wan-
derers (Judg. iv. 11), and others (1 Sam. xiv.
2, x. 3, sometimes " plain " in A. V.). This
observation of particular trees was among the
heathen extended to a regular worship of them.
Guard. (1.) Tabbach originally signified a
" cook ; " and as butchering fell to the lot of the
cook in Eastern countries it gained the secon-
dary sense of " executioner," and is applied to
the body-guard of the kings of Egypt (Gen.
xxxvii. 36) and Babylon (2 K. xxv. 8 ; Jer.
xxxix. 9, xl. 1 ; Dan. ii. 14). — (2.) BaU prop-
erly means a " runner," and is the ordinary term
employed for the attendants of the Jewish kings,
whose office it was to run before the chariot
(2 Sam. xv. 1 ; 1 K. i. 5 ), and to form a military
guard (1 Sam. xxii. 17 ; 2 K. x. 25, xi. 6; 2
Chr. xii. 10). — (3.) The terms mishmereth and
mishmar express properly the act of watching, but
are occasionally transferred to the persons who
kept watch (M. iv. 9, 22, vii. 3, xii. 9 ; Job
vii. 12).
Gud'godah, Deut. x. 7. [Hob Hao id-
gad.]
Guest. [HOSPITALITY.]
Gulloth, a Hebrew term of unfrequent oc-
currence in the Bible, and used only in two
passages — and those identical relations of tho
same occurrence — to denote a natural object,
viz. the springs added by the great Caleb to the
south land in the neighborhood of Debir, which
formed the dowry of his daughter Achsah (Josh,
xv. 19 ; Judg. i. IS). The springs were " up-
per" and "Tower" — possibly one at the top
and the other at the bottom of a ravine or glen ;
and they may have derived thcii - unusual name
from their appearance being diftvrcnt to that of
the ordinary springs of tho country. The root
{gdlal) has the force of rolling or tumbling over;
and perhaps this may imply that they welled up
in that round or mushroom form which is not
uncommon here, though apparently most rare
in Palestine. The rendering of the Vat. LXX.
is singular. In Josh, it has ri)v BorSavic, and
n}v Yovac8?Mv, the latter doubtless a mere cor-
ruption of the Hebrew. The Alex. MS., as
usual, is faithful to the Hebrew text. In Judges
both have Mrpuoit. An attempt has been lately
mode by Dr. Rosen to identify these spring!
with the Ain Nuntur near Hebron (see Zal
scMft der D. M. G. 1857) ; but tho identifica-
tion can hardly be received without fuller confir
mation (Stanley, 5. £- P. App. § 54). [Debib.!
Gu'ni. 1. A son of Naphtali (Gen. xlri.
24 ; 1 Chr. vii. 13), the founder of the family
of the Gunites (Num. xxvi. 48). — 2. A do
scendant of Gad (1 Chr. v. 15).
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HABAKKCK
80S
HAD AD
Ga'nitea, the, descendants of Guni, son
«jf Naphtali (Nam. xxvi. 48).
Oar, the going njJ to, an ascent or rising
ground, at which Ahaxiah received his death-
blow while Bring from Jehu after the slaughter
of Joram (3 K. ix. 27). It war probably some
place more than usually steep on the difficult
road which leads from the plain of Esdraelon to
Jam.
Gar Baal, a place or district in which dwelt
Arabians, as recorded in 2 Chr. xxvi. 7. It
appears from the context to hare been in the
country lying between Palestine and the Ara-
bian peninsula ; bat this, although probable,
cannot be prored. The Arab geographers men-
tion a place called Baal, on the Syrian road,
north of El-Medceneh.
H.
Haahaah'tari. a man, or a family, imme-
diately descended from Ashnr, " father of Te-
koa " by hi* second wife Xaarah (1 Chr. ir. 6).
Habai'ab. Bene-Haboiah were among the
sons of the priests who returned from Babylon
with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 61 ; Neh. rii. 63).
HabaUr.uk. 1. Of the facts of the proph-
et's life we bare no certain information, and
with regard to the period of his prophecy there
is great dirision of opinion. The Rabbinical
tradition that Hahakkuk was the son of the
Shanxraite woman -vhom Elisha restored to
life is repeated by Abarbanrl in his commentary,
and has no other foundation than a fanciful ety-
mology of the prophet's name, based on the ex-
pression in 2 K. ir. 16. Id the title of the his-
tory of Bel and the Dragon, as found in the
LiX. rersion in Origen's Tttrapla, the author
is called " Habakkuk the son of Joshua, of the
tribe of Levi" Pseudo-Epiphanius and Doro-
theas relate that when Jerusalem wa» tacked by
Nebuchadnezzar, Habakkuk fled to Ostracine,
and remained there till after the Chaldasans had
left the city, when he retained to his own coun-
try, and died at his farm two years before the
return from Babylon, B.C. 536. It was during
his residence in jadasa that he is said to hare
tarried food to Daniel in the den of lions at
Babylon. — 2. The Rabbinical traditions agree
is placing H ibakkak with Joel and Nahum in
the reign of Manasseh. Daridson decides in
favor of the early part of the reign of Josiah.
Deliczsch concludes that Habakkuk delirered
bis prophecy about the 12th or 13th year of Jo-
nah (s.c. 630 or 629). This view receires
some confirmation from the position of his
prophecy in the O. T. Canon. The prophet
eoaun:mces by announcing his office and impor-
tant mission (i. 1 ). He bewails the corruption
aad social disorganization by which he is sur-
rounded, and cries to Jehovah for help (i. 2-4).
Next follows the reply of the Deity, threatening
swift vengeance (i. 5-1 1 ). The prophet, trans-
ferring himself to the near future foreshadowed
in the dirine threatenings. sees the rapacity and
boastful impietv of the Chaldssan hosts, but,
confident that (Sod has only employed them as
the instruments of correction, assumes (ii. 1) an
attitude of hopeful expectancy, and waits to see
the issue. He receires the divine command to
write in an enduring form the vision of God's
retributire justice, as revealed to his prophetic
eye (ii. 2, 3). The doom of the Chaldasans is
first foretold in general terms (it 4-6), and the
announcement is followed by a series of denun-
ciations pronounced upon them by the nations
who had suffered from their oppression (U. 6-20).
The strophical arrangement of these " woes " is
a remarkable feature of the prophecy. The
whole concludes with the magnificent Psalm in
chap. Hi., " Habakkuk's Pindaric ode " ( Ewald),
a composition unrivalled for boldness of con-
ception, sublimity of thought, and majesty of
diction.
Habasini'ah, apparently the head of one
of the families of the Rxchabitbs (Jer. xxxv.
3).
Hab'baouc, the form in which the name
of the prophet Habakkuk. is given in the Apoc-
rypha (Bel, 33-39). Ap.
Habergeon, a coat of mail covering the
neck and breast. [Anns. J
Ha"bor, the " rirer or Gozan " (2 K. xrii.
6 and xviii. 1 1 ), is identified beyond all reason-
able donbt with the famous affluent of the Eu-
phrates, which is called Aborrhas by Strabo,
and Chaboras by Pliny and Ptolemy. The
stream in question still bears the name of the
Khabour. It flows from several sources in tho
mountain-chain, which in about the 37th paral-
lel closes in the Valley of the Tigris upon the
south — the Mons Masius of Strabo and Ptol-
emy, at present the Khartj Dagk.
flaohali ah, the father of Nehemiah (Neh.
i. 1, x. 1).
Haeh'ilah, the Hill, a hill apparently
situated in a wood in the wilderness or waste
bind in the neighborhood of Ziph; in the
fastnesses, or passes, of whuh David and his
six hundred followers were lurking when the
Ziphitcs informed Saul of his whereabouts (1
Sam. xxiii. 19 ; comp. 14, 15, 18). No trace of
the name Hachilah has yet been discovered.
By Eusebius and Jerome, Echda is named as
a village then standing; but the situation —
seren miles from Eleutheropolis, i'.«. on the
N. W. of Hebron — would be too far from Ziph
and Maon.
Haoh'moni, Son of, and The Haoh -
monite ( 1 Chr. xxrii. 32, xi. 1 1 ), both ren-
derings — the former the correct one — of the
same Hebrew words. Hachmon or Hachmoni
was no doubt the founder of a family to which
these men belonged : the actual father of Ja-
shobeam was Zabdiel (1 Chr. xxvii. 2) ; and he
is also said to have belonged to the Korhites
(1 Chr. xii. 6), possibly the Levites descended
from Korah.
Ha'dad was originally the indigenous ap-
pellation of the Sun among the Syrians, and
was thence transferred to the king, as the
highest of earthly authorities. The title ap-
rrs to hare been an official one, like Pharaoh,
is found occasionally in the altered form
Hadir (Gen. xxv. 15, xxxvi. 39, compared with
1 Chr. i. 30, 50). L Son of Ishmael (Gen.
xxr. 15 j 1 Chr. i. 30). — 2. A king of Edom
who gained an important victory over the
Midiahites on the field of Moab(Qen. xxxri.
35; 1 Chr. i. 46).— 3. Also a king of Edom,
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HADID
304
HAGAB
with Pan for his capital ( 1 Chr. i. 50). — 4. A
member of the royal house of Kdom (1 K. xi.
14 ff.). In his childhood he escaped the mas-
sacre under Joab, in which his father appears
to have perished, and fled with a band of fol-
lowers into Egypt. Pharaoh, the predecessor
of Solomon's father-in-law, treated him kindly,
and gave him his sister-in-law in marriage.
AfterDavid's death, Hadad resolved to attempt
the recovery of his dominion : Pharaoh in vain
discouraged him, and upon this he left Egypt
and returned to his own country. It does not
appear from the text, as it now stands, how
Hadad became subsequently to this an "ad-
versary unto Solomon (ver. 14), still less how
he gained the sovereignty over Syria (ver. 25).
The LXX., however, refers ver. 25 entirely to
him, and substitutes for Aram (Syria) Edam.
This reduces the whole to • consistent and
intelligible narrative.
Hadade'zer (2 Sam. viii. 3-12; 1 K. xi.
23). [Hadarezer.]
Ha dad-Eim'mon is, according to the
ordinary interpretation of Zech. xii. 11, a place
in the Valley of Megiddo, named after two
Syrian idols, where a national lamentation was
held for the death of King Josiah.
Ha'dar, a son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 15),
written in 1 Chr. i. 30 Hadad. The mountain
Hadad, belonging to Ta/mtt on the borders of
the Syrian desert, north of El-Medeeneh, is per-
haps the most likely to be correctly identified
with the ancient dwellings of this tribe. — 2.
Opc of thp kings of Edom, successor of Baal-
hanan ben-Acbor (Gen. xxxvi. 30), and about
contemporary with Saul.
Hadare zer, son of Rehob (2 Sam. viii. 3),
the king of the Aramite state of Zobah, who,
while on his way to " establish his dominion "
at the Euphrates, was overtaken by David, and
defeated with great loss both of chariots,
horses, and men (1 Chr. xviii. 3, 4). After the
first repulse of the Ammonites and their Syrian
allies by Joab, Hadarezer sent his army to the
assistance of his kindred the people of Maachah,
Rehob, and Ishtob (1 Chr. xix. 16 ; 2 Sam x.
15, comp. 8). Under the command of Sho-
phach, or Shobach, the captain of the host,
they crossed the Euphrates, joined the other
Syrians, and encamped at a place called Helam.
David himself came from Jerusalem to take
She command of the Israelite army. As on
the former occasion, the rout was complete.
Had'ashah, one of the towns of Judah, in
Uia maritime low country (Josh. xv. 37 only).
No satisfactory reason presents itself why
Hadoshah should not be the Adasa of the
Maccabeean history. Hitherto it has eluded
discovery in modern times.
Hadas'sah, a name, probably the earlier
name, of Esther (Esth. ii. 7).
Hadat'tah. According to the A. V., one
of the towns of Judah in the extreme south
(Josh. xv. 25) ; but the accents of the Hebrew
connect the word with that preceding it, as if
it were Hazor-chadattah, i.e. New Hazor, in
distinction from the place of the same name in
ver. 23.
Ha'did, a place named, with Lod (Lydda)
and Ono, only in the later books of the history
(Est. ii. 33; Neh. vii. 37, xi. 34). In the time
of Eusebius, a town called Aditha, or Adatha,
existed to the east of Diospolis (Lydda). This>
was probably Hadid. About three miles east
of Lydd stands a village called el-Hadbit*.
marked in Van de Velde s map.
Hadlai', a man of Ephraim (2 Chr. xxvui-
Had'oram, the fifth son of Joktan (Gen.
x. 27 ; 1 Chr. i. 21). His settlements, unlike
those of many of Joktan's sons, have not been
identified. — 2. Son of Tou or Toi King of
Hamath ; his father's ambassador to congratu-
late David on his victory over Hadarezer King:
of Zobah (1 Chr. xviii. 10). — 3. The form
assumed in Chronicles by the name of the at-
tendant of taxes under Darid, Solomon, and
Rehoboam (2 Chr. x. 18). In Kings the name
is given in the longer form of Adokibam, bat
in Samuel (2 Sam. xx. 24) as Adoram.
Ha'drach, a country of Syria, mentioned
once only, by the prophet Zechariah (ix. 1, 2).
The position of the district, with its borders,
is here generally stated; but the name itself
seems to have wholly disappeared. It still
remains unknown.
Ha'gab. Bene-Hagab were among the
Nethimm who returned from Babylon with
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 46).
Hag/aba. Bene-Hagaba were among the
Nethimm who came back from captivity with
Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 48). The name is slight-
ly different in form from
HaK'abah, under which it is found in the
parallel list of Ezr. ii. 45.
Ha'gar, an Egyptian woman, the hand-
maid, or slave, of Sarah (Gen. xvi. 1), whom
the latter gave as a concubine to Abraham,
after he hod dwelt ten years in the land of
Canaan, and had no children by Sarah (xvi. 2
and 3). That she was a bondwoman is stated
both in the O. T. and in the N. T., in thelatter
as part of her typical character. It is recorded
that " when she saw that she had conceived,
her mistress was despised in her eyes " (4), and
Sarah, with the anger, we may suppose, of a
free woman, rather than of a wife, reproached
Abraham for the results of her own act. Hagar
fled, turning her steps towaids her native land
through the great wilderness traversed by the
Egyptian road. By the fountain in the way to
Shur, the angel of the Lord found her, charged
her to return and submit herself under the
hands of her mistress, and delivered the re-
markable prophecy respecting her unborn child,
recorded in ver. 10-12. On her return, she
gave birth to Ishmael, and Abraham was then
eighty-six years old. Mention is not again
made of Hagar in the history of Abraham until
the feast at the weaning of Isaac, when " Sarah
saw the son of Hagar the Egyptian, which she
had born unto Abraham, mocking ; " and in ex-
act sequence with the first flight of Hagar, we
now read of her expulsion. The verisimilitude,
Oriental exactness, and simple beauty of this
story are internal evidences attesting its truth
apart from all other evidence. The name of
Hagar occurs elsewhere only when she takes a
wife to Ishmael (xxi. 21); and in the gene-
alogy (xxv. 12). St. Paul refers to her as the
type of the old covenant, likening her to Mount
Sinai, the Mount of the Law (Gal. iv. 93
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HAGGERI
806
HACB
teqq.). In Mohammedan tradition, Hagar is
sented u the wife of Abraham.
a'garenes, Ha'garites, a people dwell-
to the east of Palestine, with whom the
tribe of Reuben made war in the time of Saul
(I Chr. v. 10, 18-20). The same people, as
confederate against Israel, are mentioned in
P*. lxxxiii. Who these people were is a ques-
tion that cannot readily be decided, though
it is generally believed that they were named
■Act Hagar. It is uncertain whether the im-
portant town and district of Hejer represent
the ancient name and a dwelling of the Hagar-
eaes ; but it is reasonable to suppose that they
do. Hejer, or Hejera, is the capital town, and
ibo a subdivision, of the province of north-
eastern Arabia, called El-Bahreyn, on the bor-
ders of the Persian Gulf.
Ha'gerite, the. Jaziz the Hagerite, if.
the descendant of Hagar, hud the charge of
David's sheep (1 Chr. xxvii. 31).
Hag'gai, the tenth in order of the minor
prophets, and first of those who prophesied
sfter the Captivity. With regard to his tribo
•nd parentage, both history and tradition aro
alike silent In the absence of any direct evi-
dence on the point, it is more than probable
that he was one of the exiles who returned
with Zerubbabel and Joshua. The rebuilding
of the temple, which was commenced in tho reign
of Cyrus (a.c. 535), was suspended during the
reigns of bis successors, Cambyses and Pseudo-
Smcrdij, in consequence of the determined
hostility of the Samaritans. On the accession
of Danus Hystaspis (n.c. 521), the prophets
Haggai and Zechariah urged the renewal of
the undertaking, and obtained the permission
and assistance of the king (Ear. v. 1, vi. 14).
According to tradition, Haggai was born in
Babylon, was a young man when he camo to
Jerusalem, and was buried with honor near
toe sepulchres of the priests. The names of
Haggai and Zechariah are associated in the
LIX. in the titles of Ps. 137, 145-148 ; in the
Vnlgate in those of Ps. Ill, 145 ; and in
the Peahito Syriac in those of Ps. 125, 126, 145,
146, 147, 148. It may be that tradition as-
signed to these prophets the arrangement of
the above-mentioned psalms for use in tho
temple service. According to Psendo-Epipha-
triiis, Haggai was the first who chanted tho
Hallelujah in the second temple. The stylo
of his writing ia generally tame and prosaic,
though at times it rises to 'the dignity of severe
iarective, when the prophet rebukes his country-
men for their selfish indolence and neglect of
God's house. But the brevity of the prophecies
» so great, and the poverty of expression
which characterises them so striking, as to
frre rise to a conjecture, not without reason,
that in their present form they are but the out-
">>• or summary of the original discourses.
They were delivered in the second year of
Danns Hystaspis (b.c. 520), at intervals from
the 1st day of the 6th month to the 24th day
•f the 9th month in the same year.
Hag'geri. "Mibhab, son of Haggeri,"
was one of the mighty men of David's guard,
wwdmg to | Chr. x i. 38. The parallel pas-
«»g«— 2 Sam. xxiii. 36 — has " Bani the Gad-
fe," which is probably the correct reading.
88
Hag'gi, second son of Gad (Gen. xrri. 16;
Num. xxvi. 15).
Haggi'ah, a Merarite Levite (1 Chr. vi.
30).
i. tho, a Gadite family sprung
ji (Num. xxvi. 15).
Ith, one of David's wives, the mo-
donijah (2 Sam. iii.4; 1 K. I. 5, 11,
ii. 13 ; 1 Chr. iii. 2).
Ha'gia, l Esd. v. 34. (Hattil.] Ap.
Hal. The form in which the well-known
place Ai appears in tho A. V. on its first intro-
duction (Gen. xii. 8, xiii. 3).
Hair. The Hebrews were fully alive to
tho importance of tho hair as an clement of
personal beauty, whether as seen in the
" curled locks, black; as a raven," of youth
( Cant v. 1 1 ), or in the " crown of glory that
encircled the head of old age (Pro v. xvi. 31).
The customs of ancient nations in regard to
the hair varied considerably : tho Egyptians
allowed the women to wear it long, but kept
the heads of men closely shaved from early
childhood. Tho Greeks admired long hair,
whether in men or women. The Assyrians
also wore it long. Tho Hebrews on tho other
hand, while they encouraged the growth of
hair, observed the natural distinction between
the sexes by allowing tho women to wear it
long (Luke vii. 38 ; John xi. 2 ; 1 Cor. xi.
6 ft.) ; whilo the men restrained theirs by fre-
quent clipping to a moderate length. This
difference between tho Hebrews and tho sur-
rounding nations, especially the Egyptians,
arose no doubt partly from natural taste, but
partly also from legal enactments : clipping
the hair in a certain manner, and offering the
locks, was in early times connected with re-
ligious worship; and hence the Hebrews were
forbidden to " round the corners of their heads "
(Lev. xix. 27), meaning the locks along the
forehead and temples, and behind the ears.
The prohibition against cutting off the hair
on the death of a relative (Deut xiv 1) was
probably grounded on a similar reason. In
addition to these regulations, the Hebrews
dreaded baldness, as it was frequently the re-
sult of leprosy (Lev. xiii. 40 ft.], and hence
formed one of the disqualifications for the
priesthood (Lev. xxi. 20, LXX.). Long hair
was admired in tho case of yonng men : it is
especially noticed in the description of Absa-
lom's person (2 Sam. xiv. 26). The care
requisite to keep the hair in order in such cases
must have been very great, and hence the prac-
tice of wearing long hair was unusual, and
only resorted to as an act of religious observ-
ance. In times of affliction the hair was
altogether cut off (Is. iii. 17, 24, xv. 2; Jcr.
vii. 29). Tearing the hair (Ezr. ix. 3), and
letting it go dishevelled, were similar tokens
of grief. Wigs were commonly used by the
Egyptians, hut not by the Hebrews. The
usual and favorite color of the hair was black
(Cant. v. II), as is indicated in the compari-
sons to a " flock of goats " and the " tents of
Kedar" (Cant. iv. 1, i. 5): a similar hue is
probably intended by the ptirpte of Cant. vii. 5.
A fictitious hue was occasionally obtained by
sprinkling gold-dust on the hair. It docs not
appear that dyes were ordinarily used. The
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HALAK
306
HAM
approach of age was marked bjr a sprinkling
(Hos. vii. 9) of gray hairs, which soon over-
spread the whole head (Gen. xlii. 38, xliv. 29;
1 K. ii. 6, 9; Pror. xvi. 31, xx. 29). Pure
white hair was deemed characteristic of the Di-
vine Majesty (Dan. vii. 9; Rev. i. 14). The
chief beauty of the hair consisted in curls,
whether of a natural or artificial character.
With regard to the mode of dressing the hair,
wc have no very precise information : the terms
used ore of a general character, as of Jezebel
(2 K. ix. 30), of Judith (x. 3). The terms
used in the N. T. (1 Tim. ii. 9 ; \ Pet iii. 3)
are also of a general character; Schleusner
understands them of curling rather than plait-
ing. The arrangement of Samson's hair into
seven locks, or more properly braids (Judg.
xvi. 13, 19), involves the practice of plaiting,
which was also familiar to the Egyptians and
Greeks. The locks were probably kept in
their place by a fillet as in Egypt The Hc-
Egjptlu Wlgt. (WUklnion.)
brews, like other nations of antiquity, anointed
the hair profusely with ointments, which were
generally compounded of various aromatic in-
gredients (Ruth iii. 3; 2 Sam. xiv. 2; Ps.
xxiii. 5, xlv. 7, xcii. 10 ; Eccl. ix. 8 ; Is. iii. 24) ;
more especially on occasion of festivities or hos-
pitality (Matt. vi. 17, xxvi. 7 ; Luke vii. 46). It
appears to have been the custom of the Jews in
our Saviour's time to swear by the hair (Matt
v. 36), much as the Egyptian women still
swear by the side-lock, and the men by their
beards (Lane, i. 52, 71, notes).
Hakltatan. Johanan, son of Hakkatan,
was the chief of the Benc-Azgad who returned
. from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 12).
Hak'koz, a priest, the chief of the seventh
course in the service of the sanctuary, as ap-
pointed by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 10). In Ezr. ii.
61 and Neh. iii. 4, 21, the name occurs again as
Koz in the A. V.
Haku'pha. Bene-Hakapha were among
the Nethinim who returned from Babylon with
Zerubhabel (Ezr. ii. 51 ; Neh. vii. 53).
Halah is probably a different place from
the Calah of Gen. x. 11. It may with some
confidence be identified with the Chalcitis of
Ptolemy. The name is thought to remain in
the modern Ola, a large mound on the upper
Khabour.
Halak, the Mount, a mountain twice.
and twice only, named aa the southern limit erf
Joshua's conquests (Josh. xi. 17, xii. 7), bat
which has not yet been identified.
HaThul, a town of Judah in the moun-
tain district (Josh. xv. 58). The name still
remains unaltered, attached to a conspicuous
hill a mile to the left of the road from Jerusa-
lem to Hebron, between 3 and 4 miles from the
latter.
Hali, a town on the boundary of Asber.
named between Helkath and Beten (Josh. xix.
25). Nothing is known of its situation.
Halicarnas'sus in Cabia, a city of great
renown, as being the birthplace of Herodotus
and of the later historian Dionysius, and a*
embellished by the Mausoleum erected by Ar-
temisia, but of no Biblical interest except aa
the residence of a Jewish population in the pe-
riods between the Old and New Testament his-
tories (1 Mace. xv. 23). The modern name
of the place is Bud-rim. Ap.
TTn.ll used of the court of the high-priest's
house (Luke xxii. 55). In Matt, xxvii. 27
and Mark xv. 16, "hall" is syn. with "prseto-
rium," which in John xriii. 28 is, in A. V.,
"judgment-hall." The hall or court of a house
or palace would probably be an enclosed bnt
uncovered space, on a lower level than the
apartments of the lowest floor which looked
into it.
Hallelujah. [Alleluia.]
Hallo'hesh, one of the "chief of the peo-
ple " who- sealed the covenant with Nehemiah
(Neh. x. 24).
Halo bosh. Shallum, son of Hal-lohcsh,
was " ruler of the half part of Jerusalem " at
the time of the repair of the wall by Nehemiah
(Neh. iii. 12).
Ham. 1. The name of one of the three
sons of Noah, apparently the second in age.
It probably signifies " warm " or " hot" This
meaning seems to be confirmed by that of the
Egyptian word Kem (Egypt), which we believe
to be the Egyptian equivalent of Ham, and
which, as an adjective, signifies " black," prob-
ably implying warmth as well as blackness.
Of the history of Ham nothing is related ex-
cept his irreverence to his father, and the curse
which that patriarch pronounced. The sons
of Ham are stated to have been " Cush and
Mizraim and Phnt and Canaan " (Gen. x. 6;
comp. 1 Chr. i. 8). The name of Ham alone,
of the three sons of Noah, if our identification
be correct, is known to have been given to a
country (Ps. lxxviii. 51, cv. 23, cvi. 22). The
settlements of the descendants of Cush have
occasioned the greatest difficulty to critics. We
have been led to the conclusion that settlements
of Cush extended from Babylonia along the
shores of the Indian Ocean to Ethiopia above
Egypt, and to the supposition that there was
an eastern as well as a western Cush. If, as we
suppose, Mizraim in the lists of Gen. x. and
1 Chr. i. stand for Mizrim, we should take the
singular Mazor to be the name of the progeni-
tor of the Egyptian tribes. It is remarkable
that Mazor appears to he identical in significa-
tion with Ham, so that it may be but another
name of the patriarch. In this case the men-
tion of Mizraim (or Mizrim) would be geo-
graphical, and not indicative of a Mazor, son
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HAM
307
HAMATH-ZOBAH
of Hun. The Mixraites, like the descendants
of Ham, occupy a territory wider than that
bearing the name of Mizraim. We may, how-
ever, suppose that Mizraim included all the
first settlements, and that in remote times other
tribes besides the Philistines migrated, or ex-
tended their territories. Phut has been always
placed in Africa, where we And, in the Egyp-
tian inscriptions, a great nomadic people cor-
responding to it- Respecting the geographical
position of the Canaan i tea there is no dispute,
although all the names are not identified. The
Hamatbites alone of those identified were set-
tled in early times wholly beyond the land of
Canaan. Perhaps there was a primeval exten-
sion of the Canaan ite tribes after their first es-
tablishment in the land called after their ances-
tor, for before the specification of its limits as
those of their settlements it is stated " after-
ward were the families of the Canaanites spread
abroad" (Gen. x. 18, 19). One of their most
important extensions was to the north-cast.
Phiblogers are not agreed as to an Hamitic class
of language. Recently, Bunsen has applied the
term " Hamitisrn," or, as he writes it, Chamit-
bm, to the Egyptian language, or rather family.
Sir 1L Rawlinson has applied the term Cushite
to the primitive language of Babylonia, and the
suns term has been used for the ancient Ian-
roa;re of the southern coast of Arabia. The
Biblical evidence seems, at first sight, in favor
of Hebrew being classed as an Hamitic rather
than a Shemitic form of speech. It is called in
the Bible " the language of Canaan " (Is. xix.
18), although those speaking it are elsewhere
aud to speak " Jewishly " (2 K. xviii. 36, 28;
Is. xxxvi. 11,13; Nch. xiii. 24). But theone
term, as Gesenius remarks, indicates the conn-
try where the language was spoken, the other
as evidently indicates a people by whom it was
spoken. Elsewhere we might find evidence of
the ase of a so-called Shemitic language by na-
tions either partly or wholly of Hamito origin.
This evidence would favor tho theory that
Hebrew was Hamitic; bat on the other hand
we should be unable to dissociate Shemitic
languages from Shemitic peoples. The Egyp-
tian language would also offer great diulcuUics,
unless it were held to b3 but partly of Hamitic
origin, since it is mainly of an entirely dif-
ferent class from the Shemitic It is mainly
Nigritian, but it also contains Shemitic ele-
ments. We are of opinion that the ground-
work is Nigritian, ana that tho Shemitic part
is a layer added to a complete Nigritian lan-
page.' An inquiry into the history of tho
□smite nations presents considerable difficul-
ties, since it cannot bo determined in the cases
of the most important of those commonly
held to be Haraite that the v were purely of that
lock. It is certain that tho three most illustri-
ous Haraite nations — the Cushitcs, the Phoeni-
cians, and the Egyptians — were greatly mixed
with foreign peoples. There are some common
characteristics, however, which appear to con-
nect tho different branches of the Hainitc fam-
ilr, and to distinguish them from the children
of Japheth and Shern. Their architecture has
» solid grandeur that we look for in vain else-
where. The early history of each of the chief
. Hamite nations shows great power of organiz-
ing an extensive kingdom, of acquiring mate-
rial greatness, and checking the inroads of
neighboring nomadic peoples. — 2. According
to the Masoretic text (Gen. xiv. 5), Chedorlao-
mer and his allies smote the Zuzim in a place
called Ham. H, as seems likely, the Zuzim be
the same as the Zamzummim, Ham must be
placed in what was afterwards the Ammonite
territory. Hence it has been conjectured by
Tucb, that Ham is but another form of the
name of the chief stronghold of the children of
Amnion, Rabbah, now Ant-man. — 3. In tho
account of a migration of the Simeonites to
the Valley of Gedor, and their destroying tho
pastoral inhabitants, the latter, or possibly their
predecessors, are said to have been "of Ham"
( 1 Chr. iv. 40). This may indicate that a Ham-
ite tribe was settled here, or, more precisely,
that there was an Egyptian settlement.
Ha'man, the chief minister or vizier of
King Ahasucrus (Esth. iii. 1 ). After the failure
of his attempt to cut off all die Jews in tho
Persian empire, he was hanged on the gallows
which he had erected for Mordecai. The Tar-
gum and Josephus interpret the description of
him — the Agagite — as signifying that he was
of Amalckitish descent: but he is called a
Macedonian by the LXX. in Esth. ix. 24.
Hft'math appears to have been the princi-
pal city of Upper Syria from the time of tho
Exodus to that of the prophet Amos. It was
situated in the Valley of tho Orontes, about
half war between its source near Baalbek, and
the bend which it makes at Jisr-hadid. It thus
naturally commanded the whole of tho Orontes
Valley, from tho low screen of hills which forms
the watershed between tho Orontes and tho
Litany — the "entrance of Ilamath," as it is
called in Scripture (Num. xxxiv. 8; Josh. xiii.
5, &c.) — to the defile of Daphno below An-
tioch; and this tract appears to havo formed
the kingdom of Ilamath, during the time of its
independence. The Ilamathitcs wero a Hamit-
ic race, and ore included among the descendants
of Canaan ( Ocn. x. 1 8 ) . We must regard them
ns closely akin to the Hittitcs on whom they
bordered, and with whom they were generally in
alliance. Nothing appears of tho powcrof Ila-
math until the time of David (2 Sam. viii. 10).
Ilamath seems clearly to have been included in
the dominions of Solomon (1 K. iv. 21-24).
The " store-cities " which Solomon " built in
Ilamath" (2 Chr. viii. 4) were perhaps staples
for trade In tho Assyrian inscriptions of tho
time of Ahab (n.c. 900) Hamath appears as a
separate power, in alliance with tho Syrians of
Damascus, the Hittitcs, and the Phoenicians.
About three-quarters of a century later, Jero-
boam the second "recovered Hamath" (2 K.
xiv. 28). Soon afterwards the Assyrians took
it (2 K. xviii. 34, xix. 13, &c.), and from this
time it ceased to be a place of much importance.
Antiochus Epiphancs changed its name to
Epiphaneia. The natives, however, called it
Hamath, even in St Jerome's time ; and its
present name, Hamah, is but slightly altered
from the ancient form.
Ha'math-Zo'btth (2 Chr. viii. 3) has been
conjectured to bo the same as Hamath. But
the name Hamath-Zobah would seem rather
suited to another Hamath which was distin-
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HAMULITE8
308
HANANIAH
guished from the " Great Hamath " by the suf-
fix "Zobah."
Ham'athite, the, one of the families de-
scended from Canaan, named last in the list
(Gen. x. 18; 1 Chr. i. 16).
Ham'math, one of the fortified cities in
the territory allotted to Naphtali (Josh. xix.
35). It is not possible from this list to deter-
mine its position ; but the notices of the Tal-
mudists leave no doubt that it was near Tiberias,
one mile distant, — in fact that it had its name,
Chammath, " hot baths," because it contained
those of Tiberias. Josephus mentions it under
the name of Emmaus as a village not far from
Tiberias. The Hammam, at present three in
number, still send up their hot and sulphureous
waters, at a spot rather more than a mile south
of the modern town. In the list of Levitical
cities given out of Naphtali (Josh. xxi. 32), the
name of this place seems to be given as H am-
moth-Dor; and in 1 Chr. vi. 76 it is further al-
tered to Hammon.
Hammeda'tha, father of the infamous
Ilaman (Esth. iii. 1, 10, viii. 5, ix. 24).
Hammel'ech, lit. " the king," unnecessa-
rily rendered in the A. V. as a proper name
(Jor. xxxvi. 26, xxxviii. 6).
Hammer. The Hebrew language has sev-
eral names for this indispensable tool. (1.)
Pattish, which was used by the gold-beater (Is.
xii. 7, A. V. "carpenter ) as well as by the
quarry-man (Jcr. xxiii. 29). (2.) llakbibah,
properly a tool for ho'.'owing, hence a stonecut-
ter's mallet (1 K. vi. 7). (3.) Halmuth, used
only in Judg. v. 26. (4.) A kind of hammer,
named mappctt, Jcr. 11. 20 (A. V. " battle-axe ")
or mcplifa, Prov. xxv. 18 (A. V. "maul"), was
used as a weapon of war.
Hammolok'eth, daughter of Machir.and
sister of Gilcad (1 Chr. vii. 17, 18).
Ham'mon. L A city in Asher (Josh.
xix. 28), apparently not far from Zidon-rabbah.
— 2. A city allotted out of the tribe of Naph-
tali to the Levitcs (1 Chr. vi. 76), and answer-
ing to the somewhat similar names Hammath
and Hahhoth-Dob in Joshua.
Ham'moth-Dor, a city of Naphtali, allot-
ted with its suburbs to the Gershonite Levitcs,
and for a city of refuge (Josh. xxi. 32). Un-
less there were two places of the same or very
similar name in Naphtali, this is identical with
Hamxath.
Ham'onah, the name of a city mentioned
in Ezekiel (xxxix. 16).
Ha'mon-Gog, the Valley of, the name
to be bestowed on a ravine or glen, previously
known as " the ravine of the passengers on the
cast of the sea," after the burial there of " Gog
and all his multitude" (Ex. xxxix. 11, 15).
Ha'mor, a Hivite (or, according to the
Alex. LXX., a Horite), who at the time of the
entrance of Jacob on Palestine was prince of
the land and city of Shechem (Gen.xxxiii. 19,
xxxiv. 2, 4, 6, 8, 13, 18, 20, 24, 26).
Ha'muel, a man of Simeon ; son of Mish-
ma, of the family of Shaul (1 Chr. iv. 26).
Ha'mul, the younger son of Fharez, Ju-
dah's son by Tamar (Gen. xlvi. 12; 1 Chr.
ii. 5).
Ha'mulites, the, the family of the pre-
ceding (Num. xxvi. 21).
Ham'utaL daughter of Jeremiah of Lib
nah ; one of the wives of King Josiah (2 K.
xxiii. 31, xxiv. 18; Jer. Iii. 1).
Han'ameel, son of Shallum, and cousin
of Jeremiah (Jer. xxxii. 7, 8, 9, 12 ; and comp.
Ha'nan. L One of the chief people of the
tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 23). — 2. The
last of the six sons of Axel, a descendant of
Saul (1 Chr. viii. 38, ix. 44). — 3. "Son of
Maachab," i.e. possibly a Syrian of Aram-
Maacah, one of the heroes of David's guard ( 1
Chr. xi. 43). — 4. The sons of Hanan were
among the Nethinim who returned from Baby-
lon with Zernbbabel (Ezr. ii. 46; Neh. vii. 49).
— 6. One of the Levitcs who assisted Ezra in
his public exposition of the law (Neh. viii. 7).
The same person is probably mentioned in x.
10. — 6. One of the " heads *' of the " people,"
who also scaled the covenant (x. 22). — 7. An-
other of the chief laymen on the same occasion
(x. 26). — 8. Son of Zaccur, son of Mattaniah,
whom Nchemiah made one of the storekeepers
of the provisions collected as tithes (Neh. xiii.
13). — 9. Son of Igdaliah (Jer. xxxv. 4).
Han'aneel, the Tower of, a tower
which formed part of the wall of Jerusalem
(Neh. iii. 1, xii. 39). From these two passages,
particularly from the former, it might almost
be inferred that Hananeel was but another
name for the Tower of Mcah : at any rate they
were close together, and stood between the
sheep-gate and the fish-gate. This tower is
further mentioned in Jer. xxxi. 38. The re-
maining passage in which it is named (Zech.
xiv. 10) also connects this tower with ^"cor-
ner gate," which lay on the other side of the
sheep-gate.
Hana'ni. 1. One of the sons of Heman,
and head of the 1 8th course of the service
(1 Chr. xxv. 4, 25). — 2. A seer who rebuked
(B.C. 941) Asa, king of Judah (2 Chr. xvi. 7).
For this he was imprisoned (10). He (or an-
other Hanani) was the father of Jehn the seer,
who testified against Baasha (1 K. xvi. I, 7)
and Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xix. 2, xx. 34). — 3.
One of the priests who in the time of Ezra had
taken strange wives (Ezr. x. 20). — 4. A brother
of Nchemiah (Neh. l. 2) ; was afterwards made
governor of Jerusalem under Nehemiah (vii. 2).
— 6. A priest mentioned in Neh. xii. 36.
Hanani'ah. 1. One of the fourteen sons
of Heman, and chief of the 16th course of
singers (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 5, 23). — 2. A general
in the army of King Uzziah (2 Chr. xxvi. II).
— S. Father of Zedekiah, in the reign of Je-
hoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 12). — 4. Son of Azur, a
Benjamite of Gibeon, and a false prophet in the
reign of Zedekiah king of Judah. In the 4th
year of his reign, B.C. 595, Hananiah withstood
Jeremiah the prophet, and publicly prophesied
in the temple that within two years Jcconiah
and all his fellow-captives, with the vessels of
the Lord's house which Nebuchadnezzar had
taken away to Babrlon, should be brought
back to Jerusalem (Jer. xxviii.) : an indication
that treacherous negotiations were already se-
cretly opened with Pharaoh-Hophra. Hananiah
corroborated his prophecy by taking from off
the neck of Jeremiah the yoke which he wore
by Divine command (Jer. xxvii.) in token of
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the subjection of Judsea and the neighboring
countries to the Babylonian empire, and break-
ing it. Bat Jeremiah was bid to go and tell
Hananiah that for the wooden yokes which he
had broken he should make yokes of iron, so
firm was the dominion of Babylon destined to
he for seventy years. The prophet Jeremiah
added this rebuke and prediction of Hsnaniah's
death, the fulfilment of which closes the history
of this false prophet. The history of Hananiah
is of great interest, as throwing much light
upon the Jewish politics of that eventful time,
divided as parties were into the partisans of
Babylon on one hand, and Egypt on the other.
— 6. Grandfather of Irijah, the captain of the
ward at the gate of Benjamin who arrested
Jeremiah on the charge of deserting to the
CbaidsBans (Jer. xxxvu. 13). — 6. Head of a
Benjamite house (1 Chr. viii. 84). — 7. The
Hebrew name of Shadrach. He was of the
boose of David, according to Jewish tradition
(Van. i. S, 6, 7, 11, 19; U. 17).— 8. Son of
Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 19), from whom Christ
derived his descent. He n» the same person
who is by St. Luke called Joanna. The iden-
tity of the two names Hananiah and Joanna is
a p pa r ent immediately we compare them in He-
brew. — 9. One of the sons of Bebai, who re-
tamed with Ezra from Babylon (Ezr. x. 38). —
10. A priest, one of the makers of the sacred
ointments and incense, who built a portion of
the wall of Jerusalem in the days of Neheraiah
(Neb. iii. 8). He may be the same as is men-
tioned in ver. 30 as having repaired another
portion. If so, he was son of Sbelemiah ; per-
haps the same as is mentioned xii. 41. — 11.
Head of the priestly course of Jeremiah in the
days of Joiakim, Neh. xii. IS. — 12. Ruler of
the palace at Jerusalem under Nebemiah. The
arrangements for guarding the gates of Jerusa-
lem were intrusted to him with Hanani, the
Tirshatha's brother (Neh. vii. 2, 3). — 18. An
Israelite, Neh. x. 33.
Handicraft (Acts xvtii. 3, xix. 35; Her.
xriiL 22). In the present article, brief notices
can only be given of such handicraft trades as
are mentioned in Scripture. 1 . The prepara-
tion of iron for use either in war, in agriculture,
or for domestic purposes, was doubtless one of
the earliest applications of labor ; and, together
with iron, working in brass, or rather copper
alloyed with tin, bronze, is mentioned in the
same passage as practised in antediluvian times
(Gen. ir. 22). We know that
iron was used for warlike pur-
poses by the Assyrians, and on
the other hand that stone-tipped
arrows, as was the case also in
Mexico, were used in the earlier
times by the Egyptians as well
as the Persians and Greeks. In
the construction of the Taber-
nacle, copper, hot no iron, ap-
ave been used, though
xxt. 3, xxvil. 19; Num. xxxv. 16; Dent hi
11, iv. 30, viii. 9; Josh. viii. 31, xvil. 16, 18).
After the establishment of the Jews in Ca-
naan, the occupation of a smith became recog-
nised as a distinct employment (1 8am. xiu.
19). The smith's work and its results are
often mentioned in Scripture (2 Sam. xii. 31 ;
1 K. vi. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxtL 14 ; Is. xliv. 12, liv. 16).
The worker in gold and silver must hare found
employment both among the Hebrews and the
neighboring nations in very early times, as ap-
pears from the ornaments sent by Abraham to
Rebekah (Gen. xxiv. 32, 53, xxxv. 4, xxxviii.
18; Dent vii. 85). But, whatever skill the
Hebrews possessed, it is quite clear that they
must hare learned much from Egypt and its
" iron furnaces," both in metal-work and in the
arts of setting and polishing precious stones.
Various processes of the goldsmith's work are
illustrated by Egyptian monuments. After the
conquest frequent notices are found both of
moulded and wrought metal, including solder-
ing, which last had long been known in Egypt;
bnt the Phoenicians appear to have pos sesse d
greater skill than the Jews in mesa arts, at least
«« 71 l U«ll BW -ptp», us nnatl ftnplao* vtlh choks k>
eonflMuianflMtUMkMi. (WlaJnoo.)
in Solomon's time ( Judg. viii. 34, 87, xvil. 4 ;
1 K. vii. 13, 45, 46 ; Is. xii. 7 ; Wind. xv. 4 ;
Ecclus. xxxviii. 28; Bar. vi. 50, 55, 57). 3.
The work of the carpenter is often mentioned
in Scripture (Gen. vi. 14 ; Ex. xxxvii. ; Is. xliv.
13). In the palace built by David for himself,
the workmen employed were chiefly Phoenicians
sent by Hiram (2 8am. v. 1 1 ; 1 Chr. xir. 1 ),
as most probably were those, or at least the
principal of those, who were employed by Solo-
mon in his works (1 K. v. 6). But in the re-
pain of the Temple, executed under Joasa
-. - . „ .v Oupalm. fWIIklmoii.)
•".•J* of "on was at the same ,,t*u. % hcU\*a»ma<* *?*&,* i <. hn of «Mr.
period well known to the Jews,
both from their own use of it and
from their Egyptian education, whilst the Ca-
hi habitant* of Palestine and Syria
in full possession of its use both for
warlike and domestic purposes (Ex. xx. 85,
«".•*•<■. », ••quart.
i sluing or poftahlsg Iho kg of a obalr.
king of Jndsh, and also in the rebuilding tra-
der Zerubbabel, no mention is made of foreign
workmen, though in the latter case the timber
is expressly said to have been brought by sea m
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HANNATHON
Joppa by Zidonians (2 K. xii. 11 ; 2 Chr. xxiv.
12 ; Ezra Hi. 7). That the Jewish carpenters
must have been able to carve with some skill is
evident from Is. xli. 7, xliv. 13. In N. T. the
occupation of a carpenter is mentioned in con-
nection with Joseph the husband of the Virgin
Mary, and ascribed to our Lord himself by way
of reproach (Mark vi. 3 ; Matt. xiii. 55). 3.
The masons employed by David and Solomon,
at least the chief of them, were Phoenicians
(1 K. v. 18 ; Ez. xxvii. 9). Among their im-
plements are mentioned the saw, the plumb-line,
the measuring-reed. Some of these, and also
the chisel and mallet, are represented on Egyp-
tian monuments. The large stones used in
Solomon's Temple are said by Josephus to
have been fitted together exactly without either
mortar or cramps, but the foundation-stones to
have been fastened with lead. For ordinary
building, mortar was used ; sometimes, perhaps,
bitumen, as was the case at Babylon (Gen. xi.
3). The lime, clay, and straw of which mortar
is generally composed in the East, require to be
very carefully mixed and united so as to resist
wet. The wall " daubed with untcrapered mor-
tar " of Ezekiel (xiii. 10) was perhaps a sort of
cob-wall of mud or clay without lime, which
wonld give way under heavy rain. The use of
whitewash on tombs is remarked by our Lord
(Matt xxiii. 27). Houses infected with leprosy
were required by the Law to be re-plastered
(Lev. xiv. 40-45). 4. Akin to the craft of the
carpenter is that of ship and boat building,
which must have been exercised to some ex-
tent for the fishing-vessels on the Lake of Gen-
nesaret (Matt viii. 23, ix. 1 ; John xxi. 3, 8).
Solomon built, at Ezion-Geber, ships for his
foreign trade, which were manned by Phoeni-
cian crews; an experiment which Jchoshaphat
endeavored in vain to renew (1 K. ix. 26, 27,
xxii. 48; 2 Chr. xx. 36, 37). 5. The perfumes
used in the religious services, and in later
times in the funeral-rites of monarchs, imply
knowledge and practice in the art of the
" apothecaries," who appear to have formed a
guild or association (Ex. xxx. 25, 35 ; Neb., iii.
8; 2 Chr. xvi. 14; Eccl. vii. 1, x. 1 ; Ecclus.
xxxviii. 8). 6. The arts of spinning and
weaving both wool and linen were carried on
in early times, as they are still usually among
the Bedouins, by women. One of the excel-
lences attributed to the good housewife is her
skill and industry in these arts (Ex. xxxv. 25,
26; Lev. xix. 19; Deut. xxii. 11; 2 K. xxiii.
7; Ez. xvi. 16; Prov. xxxi. 13,24). The loom,
with its beam (1 Sam. xvii. 7), pin (Judg. xvi.
14), and shuttle (Job vii. 6), was, perhaps, in-
troduced later, but as early as David's time
(1 Sam. xvii. 7). Together with weaving we
read also of embroidery, in which gold and sil-
ver threads were interwoven with the body of
the stuff, sometimes in figure patterns, or with
precious stones set in the needlework (Ex.
xxvi. 1, xxviii. 4, xxxix. 6-13). 7. Besides
these arts, those of dyeing and of dressing
cloth were practised in Palestine, and those also
of tanning and dressing leather (Josh. ii. 15-
18; 2 K. i. 8; Matt iii. 4; Acts ix. 43).
Shoemakers, barbers, and tailors are mentioned
in the Mishna (Petaeh. iv. 6) : the barber, or
his occupation, by Ezekiel (v. 1 ; Lev. xiv. 8 ;
Num. vi. 5), and the tailor, plasterers, glaziers,
and glass vessels, painters, and gold-workers
are mentioned in the Mishna (CM. viii. 9.
xxix. 3, 4, xxx. 1 ). Tent-makers are noticed
in the Acts (xviii. 3), and frequent allusion is
made to the trade of the potters. 8. Bakers
are noticed in Scripture (Jer. xxxvii. 21 ; He*,
vii. 4) ; and the well-known Valley Tyropceon
probably derived its name from the occupation
of the cheese-makers, its inhabitants. Butch-
ers, not Jewish, are spoken of, I Cor. x. 25.
Handkerchief, Napkin, Apron. The
two former of these terms, as used in the A. V.
=eowJupjov, the latter ssmfuuMtm. Both words
are of Latin origin : tsouAiipmv = tudarinm, from
«i«fo, " to sweat ; " aifwuvdioi- =temkinai\rm, i.e-
"a half girdle.'' The tudarimn is noticed in the
N. T. as a wrapper to fold up money (Luke xix.
20) ; as a cloth bound about the head of a
corpse (John xi. 44, xx. 7), being probably
brought from the crown of the head under the
chin ; and lastly as an article of dress that
could be easily removed (Acts xix. 12), probnbly
a handkerchief worn on the head like the krffieh
of the Bedouins. According to the scholiast
Suoted by Schleusner, the distinction between
le two terms is that the tudarium was worn
on the head, and the temicinctium used as a hand-
kerchief.
Ha'nes, a place in Egypt only mentioned
in Is. xxx. 4 : " For his princes were at Zoan,
and his messengers came to Hanes." Hanes
has been supposed by Vitringa, Michael is, Ro-
senmiillcr, and Gesenius, to be the same as
Heracleopolis Magna in the Heptanomis. This
identification depends wholly upon the similar-
ity of the two names : a consideration of the
sense of the passage in which Hanes occurs
shows its great improbability. We are disposed
to think that the Chald. Paraphr. is right in
identifying it with Tahpanhes, a fortified town
on the eastern frontier.
Hanging, Hangings. These terms rep-
resent both different words in the original, and
different articles in the furniture of the Temple.
(1.) The " hanging" was a curtain or "cover-
ing" to close an entrance: one was placed be-
fore the door of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxvi. 36,
37, xxxix. 38) ; another was placed before the
entrance of the court (Ex. xxvii. 16, xxxviii.
18; Num. iv. 26): the term is also applied to
the veil that concealed the Holy of Holies (Ex.
xxxv. 12, xxxix. 34, xl. 21 ; Num. iv. 5). (2.)
The "hangings" were used for covering the
walls of the court of the Tabernacle, jusj as
tapestry was in modern times (Ex. xxvii. 9,
xxxv. 17, xxxviii. 9 ; Num. iii. 26, iv. 26). In
2 K. xxiii. 7, the term botttm, strictly " bouses,"
A. V. " hangings," is probably intended to de-
scribe tents used as portable sanctuaries.
Han'iel, one of the sons of Ulla of the tribe
of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 39).
Han'nah, one of the wives of Elkanah, and
mother of Samuel (1 Sam.!., ii.). A hymn of
thanksgiving for the birth of her son is in the
highest order of prophetic poetry : its resem-
blance to that of the Virgin Mary (comp. 1
Sam. ii. 1-10 with Lake i. 46-55 ; see also Pa
cxiii.) has been noticed by the commentators.
Han'nathon, one of the cities of Zebnhm
(Josh. xix. 14).
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HARBONA
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HARLOT
Han'niel, son of Ephod, and prince of Ma-
niiitirh (Nam. xxxiT. S3).
Ha'noch. 1. The third in order of the
children of Midian (Gen. xxv. 4). — 2. Eldest
son of Reuben (Gen. xlvi. 9 ; Ex. vi. 14 ; Nnm.
xxvi. 5 ; I Chr. v. 3), and founder of the family
of
Ha'nochites, the, Num. xxri. 5.
Hft'nun. 1. Son of Nahash (2 Sam. x. 1,
2 ; 1 Chr. xfat. 1, 2), king of Amnion, who dis-
honored the ambassadors of Darid (2 Sam. x.
4), and involved the Ammonites in a disastrous
war (2 Sam. xii. 31 ; 1 Chr. xix. 6).— 2. A
man who, with the people of Zanoah, repaired
the ravine-gate in the wall of Jerusalem (Neh.
Hi. 13). — 3. The 6th son of Zalaph, who also
twisted in the repair of the wall, apparently on
the east side (Neh. iii. 30).
HaphrtL'im, a city of Issachar, mentioned
next to Shunem (Josh. xix. 19). About 6
miles north-east of W'nn, and 2 miles west of
Solum (the ancient Shunem), stands the vil-
lage of el-'Aftith, which may possibly be the
repres ent ative of Hapbraim.
Ha'rafl Chr. v. 26 only), is either a place
utterly unknown, or it must be regarded as
identical with Haran or Charran.
Har'adah, a desert station of the Israelites
(Num xxxiii. 24, 25) : its position is uncer-
tain.
Ha 'ran. 1. The third son of Terab, and
therefore youngest brother of Abram (Gen. xi.
26). Three children are ascribed to him, — Lot
(27, 31), and two daughters, viz. Milcah, who
narried her uncle Nabor (29), and Iscab (29).
Haran was born in Ur of the Chaldees, and he
died there while his father was still living (28).
The ancient Jewish tradition is that Haran was
burnt in the furnace of Nimrod for his wavering
conduct during the fiery trial of Abraham. — 2.
A Gershonite Levite in the time of David, one
of the fiunily of Shimei ( 1 Chr. xxiii. 9).
Ha'ran, a son of the great Caleb by his
concubine Ephah (1 Chr. it. 46).
Ha'ran, is the name of the place whither
Abraham migrated with his family from Ur of
the Chaldees, and where the descendants of his
Brother Nahor established themselves (comp.
Gen. xxiv. 10 with xxvii. 43). It is said to
be in Mesopotamia (Gen. xxiv. 10), or, more
definitely, in Padan-Aram (xxv. 20), the culti-
vated district at the foot of the hills, a name
well applying to the beautiful stretch of country
which lies below Mount Masius, between the
Khabtmr and the Euphrates. Here, about mid-
way in this district, is a town still called Har-
rata, which really seems never to have changed
its appellation, and beyond any reasonable doubt
is the Haran or Charran of Scripture. Harrdn
bes upon the litUUc (ancient Bilichus), a small
affluent of the Euphrates, which foils into it
nearly in long. 39°. It is now a small village,
inhabited by a (few families of Arabs.
Ha'rarne, the, the designation of three
of David's guard. L. Aobb, a Hararite (2 Sam.
xxiii. 11). — 2. Shammah the Hararite (2
Sam. xxiii. 33). — 3. Sharab (9 Sam. xxiii.
33) or Sacab ( 1 Chr. xi. 35) the Hararite, was
die father of Ahiam, another member of the
guard.
Har'bona, the third of the seven chamber-
lains, or eunuchs, who served King Ahasneros
(Esth. i. 10).
Harlxmah (Esth. vii. 9), the same as the
preceding.
Hare (Heb. anwbeth) occurs only in Lev. xi.
6, and Deut. xiv. 7, amongst the animals disal-
lowed as food by the Mosaic law. There is no
doubt at all that arntUth denotes a " hare ; "
and in all probability the species Leptu Sinaiti-
aa, and L. Sifriacus, are those which were best
known to the ancient Hebrews. The bare is
at this day called arnrb by the Arabs in Pales-
tine and Syria. It was erroneously thought by
the ancient Jews to have chewed the cud. They
were no doubt misled, as in the case of the slid-
ph&n (Hyrax) by the habit these animals have
of moving the jaw about.
Har'el. In the margin of Ez. xliii. 15 the
word rendered "altar in the text is given
" Harel, i-e. the mountain of God." Junius ex-
plains it of the taxupa or hearth of the altar of
burnt-offering, covered by the network on which
the sacrifices were placed over the burning
wood.
Harem. [Hoosa.]
Ha'reph, a name occurring In the genealo-
gies of Juaah, as a son of Caleb, and as " father
of Beth-gader" (1 Chr. IL 51 only).
Ha'reth, the "Forest of, in which David
took refuge, after, at the instigation of the
prophet Gad, he had quitted the " bold " or
fastness of the Cave of Adullam : if indeed it
was Adullam, and not Mizpeh of Moab, which
is not quite clear (1 Sam. xxii. 5i.
Harhai'ah, father of Uzziel (Neb. iii. 8).
Har'has, an ancestor of Shallum the hus-
band of Huldah(2 K. xxii. 14).
HaxTlur. The sons of Harhur were among
the Nethinim who returned from Babylon with
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 51 ; Neh. vii. 53).
Ha'rim. 1. A priest who had charge of
the third division in the bouse of God (I Chr.
xxiv. 8). — 2. Bene-Harim, probably desseml-
ants of the above, to the number of 1 ,01 7, came
up from Babylon with Zerubbabel [Ezr. 11. 39 ;
Neh. vii. 42). The name, probably as repre-
senting the fiunily, is mentioned on two other
occasions (Neh. x. 5; Ezr. x. 211. — S. H fur
ther occurs in a list of the families of priests
" who went up with Zerubbabel and Jeshua,"
and of those who were their descendant)) in
the next generation, — in the days of Joiakitn the
son of Jeshna (Neh. xii. 15). In the former list
(xii. 4) the name is changed to Rehom. — 4.
Another family of Bene-Harim, three hundred
and twenty in number, came from the captivity
in the same caravan (Ezr. ii. 32; Neh. vii. 36).
They also appear among those who had mar-
ried foreign wives (Ezr. x. 31 ), as well as those
who sealed the covenant (Neh. x. 27).
Ha'riph. A hundred and twelve of the
Bene-Hanph returned from the captivity with
Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 24). The name occurs
again among the " heads of the people " who
sealed the covenant (x. 19).
Harlot. That this class of persons existed
in the earliest states of society is clear from Gen.
xxxviii. 15. Rahab (Josh. ii. 1) is said by the
Chaldee Paraph, to have been an innkeeper ; but
if there were such persons, considering what we
know of Canaanitish morals (Lev. xviii. 27),
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HASHABIAH
we may conclude that they would, if women,
hare been of this class. The law forbids (xix.
89) the father's compelling his daughter to sin,
but does not mention it as a voluntary mode of
life on her part without his complicity. The
term bedahah ("consecrated") points to one
description of persons, and nocriuyah (" foreign
woman ") to another, of whom this class mostly
consisted. The first term refers to the impure
worship of the Syrian Astarte (Num. xxv. 1 ;
comp. Herod, i. 199). The latter class would
Sow up with the growth of great cities and of
reign intercourse, and hardly could enter
into the view of the Mosaic institutes. As re-
gards the fashions involved in the practice, simi-
lar outward marks seem to have attended its ear-
liest forms to those which we trace in the classi-
cal writers, e.g. a distinctive dress and a seat by
the wayside (Gen. xxxviii. 14 ; comp. Ez. xvi.
16, 25 ; Bar. vi. 43). Public singing in the
streets occurs also (Is. xxiii. 16 ; Ecclus. ix. 4).
Those who thus published their infamy were of
the worst repute, others had houses of resort,
and both classes seem to have been known
among the Jews (Prov. vii. 8-12, xxiii. 28 ;
Ecclus. ix. 7, 8) : the two women, 1 K. iii. 16,
lived as Greek betters sometimes did in a house
together. In earlier times the price of a kid is
mentioned (Gen. xxxviii.), and great wealth
doubtless sometimes accrued to them (Ez. xvi.
S3, 39, xxiii. 26). But lust, as distinct from
gain, appears as the inducement in Prov. vii.
14, 16. The " harlots" are classed with "pub-
licans," as those who lay under the ban of soci-
ety in the N. T. (Matt. xxi. 32.) The children
of snch persons were held in contempt, and
could not exercise privileges nor inherit (John
viii. 41 ; Deut. xxiii. 2; Judg. xi. 1, 2).
Harneph'er, one of the sons of Zophah,
of the tribe of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 36).
Ha rod, the Well Of, a spring by which
Gideon and his great army encamped on the
morning of the day which ended in the rout of
the Midianites (Judg. vii. 1), and where the
trial of the people by their mode of drinking
apparently took place. The Am Jalid, with
which Dean Stanley would identify Harod, is
very suitable to the circumstances, as being at
present the largest spring in the neighborhood,
and as forming a pool of considerable sice, at
which great numbers might drink.
Ha'rodite, the, the designation of two of
the thirty-seven warriors of David's guard,
Sbammak and Ei.ika (2 Sam. xxiii. 25), doubt-
less derived from a place named Harod.
Haro'eh, a name occurring in the genea-
logical lists of Judah as one of the sons of
" Shobal, father of Kirjath-jcarim " (1 Chr. ii.
M L
Har'oritO, the, the title given to Sham-
moth, one of the warriors of David's guard
(I Chr. xi. 27).
Harosheth, or rather " Harosheth of the
Gentiles," as it was called, from the mixed races
that inhabited it, a city in the north of the land
of Canaan, supposed to have stood on the west
coast of the Lake Merom (el-Hulih), from which
the Jordan issues forth in one unbroken stream,
and in the portion of the tribe of Naphtali. It
was the residence of Sisera, captain of Jabin,
king of Canaan (Judg. iv. 2) ; and it was the
Srint to which the victorious Israelites n ndti
arak pursued the discomfited host and chariot*
of the second potentate of that name (Judg. iv.
16). The site of Harosheth does not appear
to have been identified by any modern trav-
eller.
Harp (Heb. Idmdr). The hamdr was the
national instrument of die Hebrews, and was
well known throughout Asia. The writer of
the Pentateuch assigns its invention to the an-
tediluvian period (Gen. iv. 21 ). Touching the
shape of the kim&r a great difference of opinion
Srevails. The author of Shilte Hagg&barim
escribes it as resembling the modern harp;
Pfeiffer gives it the form of a guitar ; and St.
Jerome declares it to have resembled in shape
the Greek letter delta. Josephus records that
the IcinnAr had ten strings, and that it waa
played on with the plectrum : others assign to
it twenty-four, and in the Shilte Uaggibborim it
is said to have had forty-seven. Josephus'a
statement, however, is in open contradiction to
what is set forth in the 1st book of Samuel
(xvi. 23, xviii. 10), that David played on the
Icumdr with his hand. Probably there waa a
smaller and a larger kiiutdr, and these may have
been played in different ways (1 Sam. x. 5).
Harrow. The word so rendered 2 Sam.
xii. 31, 1 Chr. xx. 3, is probably a threshing-
machine: the verb rendered " to harrow" (Is.
xxviii. 24; Job xxxix. 10; Bos. x. 11) ex-
presses apparently the breaking of the clods,
and is so far analogous to our harrowing ; bnt
whether done by any such machine as we all
" a harrow," is very doubtful.
Har aha. Bene-Harsha were among the
families of Nethinim who came back from
Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ear. ii 52; Neh.
vii. 54).
Hart. The hart is reckoned among rbo
clean animals (Dent xii. 15, xiv. 5, xv. 22),
and seems, from the passages quoted as well an
from 1 K. iv. 23, to have been commonly killed
for food. The Heb. masc. noun agyal denote*,
there can be no doubt, some species of Ctnida
(deer tribe), either the Dama tmharit, fallow-
deer, or the Coma Barbanu, the Barbary deer,
the southern repreaentativo of the European
stag (C. elapkia), which occurs in Tunis and
the coast of Barbary.
Ha'rum. Father of Aharnel, in one of
the most obscure genealogies of Judah (1 Chr.
iv. 8).
Har'umaph, father or ancestor of Jedaiah
(Neh. iii. 10).
Har'uphite, the, die designation of
Shepbaaah, one of the Korhites who repaired
to David at Ziklag (I Chr. xii. 5).
Ha'rux, a man of Jotbah, father of Meahat-
lemeth wife of Manasaeh (2 K. xxi. 19).
Harvest. [Aokicvltobb.]
Haaadi'ah, one of a group of five persona
among the descendants of the royal line of Judah
(1 Chr. iii. 20), apparently sons of ZerubbkbcL
Hasen'uah, a Benjamite, of one of the
chief families in the tribe (1 Chr. ix. 7).
Hashabi'ah. L. A Herarite Levite (I
Chr. vi. 45; Heb. 30). — 3. Another Merarite
Levite (I Chr. ix. 14). — 3. The fourth of the
six sons of Jeduthun (1 Chr. xxv. 3), who had
charge of the twelfth coon* (19).— 4. Out
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HASHUM
313
HAVTLAH
of the descendants of Hebron the aon of Ko-
hath (1 Chr. xxri. 30). — 6. The son of Ke-
mucl, who wai prince of the tribe of Levi in the
time of David (1 Chr. xxrii. 17). — 6. A Le-
vies, one of the " chiefs " of hit tribe, who
officiated for King Jonah at his mat passover-
femat (2 Chr. xxxv. 9). — 7. A Merarite Lerite
who accompanied Ezra from Babylon (Ezr.
riii 19). — 8. One of the chiefs of the priests
who formed part of the game caravan (Ezr.
riii. 34). 0. Ruler of half the circuit or en-
virons of Keilah : he repaired a portion of the
wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh. iii.
17). — 10. One of the Levitts who sealed the
covenant of reformation after the return from
the captivity (Neh. z. 1 1 ). Probably this is the
person named as one of the chiefs of the Le-
vites in the times immediately subsequent to
the return from Babylon (xii. 24 ; comp. 26).
— XL Another Lerite, son of Bunni (Neh. xi.
15). — 12. A Lerite, son of Mattaniah (Neh.
xi. 22). — 13. A priest of the family of Hil-
kiah in the days of Joiakim son of Joshua ( Neh.
xii. 21).
Haahab'nah, one of the chief of the
" people " who sealed the covenant with Nehe-
miah (Neh. z. 25).
Haahabnfall. 1. Father of Hattush
(Neb. iii. 10). — %. A Lerite who was among
those who officiated at the great fast under Ezra
and Nehemiah when the covenant was sealed
(Neh. ix. 5).
Haahbad'aaa, one of the men (probably
Leviies) who stood on Ezra's left hand while
he read the law to the people in Jerusalem
(Neh. riii. 4).
Ha'shem. The sons of Hashem the Gizon-
ite are named amongst the members of David's
guard in 1 Chr. (xi. 34).
Haah'nisUlIllin. This word occurs only
in the Hebrew of Ps. lxviii. 31 : " Hashmannim
(A. Y. "princes ") shall come out of
Cosh shall make her hands to hasten to
The old derivation from the civil name of Her-
mopotis Magna in the HeptanomU seems to us
reasonable The ancient Egyptian name is Ha-
shaaen, or Ha-shmoon, the abode of eight. If
we suppose that Hashmannim is a proper name,
and signifies Hermopolites, the mention might
be explained by the circumstance that Hermop-
olis Magna was the great city of the Egyptian
Hermes, Thoth, the god of wisdom.
Haab/monah, a station of the Israelites,
neattooed Num. xxxiii. 29, as next before
Voserotfa.
HaVshub. L A son of Pahath-Moab who
assisted in the repair of the wall of Jerusalem
(Neh. iii. 11). — 2. Another who assisted in
the same work (Neh. iii. 23). — 8. One of the
beads of the people who sealed the covenant
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 23) 4. A Merarite
Lerite (Neh. xi. 151.
Haah'tabah, the first of a group of fire
aten, apparently the latter half of the family
of Zernbbabel ( 1 Chr. in. 20).
Ha'nham. 1. Bene-Haehum, two hun-
dred and twenty-three in number, came back
from Babylon with Zernbbabel (Ezr. ii. 19;
Neh. vii. 22). Seven men of them had mar-
ried foreign wires from whom they had to sepa-
rate (Ear. x. 33). The chief man of the fam-
40
ily was among those who sealed the covenant
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 18). — 2. One of the
priests or Levites who stood on Ezra's left hand
while he read the law to the congregation (Neh.
viii. 4).
Hash'upha, one of the families of Nothi-
nim who returned from captivity in the first
caravan (Neh. vii. 46).
lifts' rah, the form in which the name Hab-
has is given in 2 Chr. xxxiv. 22 (comp. 2 K.
xxii. 14).
Hamena'ah. The Bene-has-senaah re-
built the fish-gate in the repair of the wall of
Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 3).
Has'shub. a Merarite Lerite (1 Chr. ix.
14), mentioned again Neh. xi. 15.
Han'upha. Bene-Hasupha were among
the Nethinim who returned from Babylon with
Zerabbabel (Ezr. ii. 43).
Hat. [Hbad-mbm.]
Ha' tack, one of the eunuchs in the court
of Ahusuerus (Esth. iv. 5, 6, 9, 10).
Ha'tbatb, one of the sons of Othniel the
Kennzite (1 Chr. iv. 13).
Haf ipha. Bene-Hatipha were among the
Nethinim who returned from Babylon with
Zernbbabel (Ezr. ii. 54 ; Neh. vii. 56).
Hat'ita. Bene-Hatita were among the
" porters " («'.«. the gate-keepers) who returned
from the captivity with Zernbbabel (Ezr. ii.
42 ; Neh. vii. 46).
Hat'til. Bene-Hattil were among the
" children of Solomon's slaves " who came back
from captivity with Zernbbabel (Ezr. ii. 57;
Neh. vii. 59).
Haf tosh. 1. A descendant of the kings
of Judah, apparently one of the sons of Shcch-
aniah (1 Chr. iii. 22), in the fourth or fifth
generation from Zerubbabel. A person of the
same name accompanied Ezra from Babylon to
Jerusalem ( Ezr. mi. 2 ). In another statement,
Hattush is said to have returned with Zerub-
babel (Neh. xii. 2). — 2. Son of Hashabniah ;
one of those who assisted Nehemiah in the re-
pair of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 10).
Hau'ran, a province of Palestine twice
mentioned by Ezekiel (xlvii. 16, 18). There
can be little doubt that it is identical with the
well-known Greek province of Aurmitit, and
the modern Himrin. Josephus frequently men-
tions Auranitis in connection with Trachonitis,
Batanea, and Oaulanitis, which with it consti-
tuted the ancient kingdom of Bashan.
HaVilah. 1. A son of Cush (Gen. x. 7) ;
and 2. a son of Joktan Ix. 29). Various the-
ories hare been advanced respecting these ob-
scure peoples. It appears to be most probable
that both stocks settled in the same country,
and there intermarried; thus receiving one
name, and forming one race, with a common
descent. The Cushite people of this name-
formed the westernmost colony of Cush along
the south of Arabia, and the Joktanites were
an earlier colonization. It is commonly thought
that the district of Khawlan, in the Yemen,
p r e s e rv es the trace of this ancient people. The
district of Khawlan lies between the city of
Sana and the Hijaz, i.e. in the north-western
portion of the Yemen. It took its name, ac-
cording to the Arabs, from Khawlan, a descend-
ant of Kahtan [Joktak], or, as some say, of
Digitized by
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HAY
314
HAZEB
Kahlan, brother of Himyer. This genealogy
■ays little more than that the name wag Joktan-
ite. Khawlan is a fertile territory, embracing
a large part of myrrhiferous Arabia; moun-
tainous ; with plenty of water ; and supporting
a large population. Those who separate the
Cushite and Joktanite Havilah cither place
them in Niebuhr's two Khawlans, or they place
2 on the north of the peninsula, following the
supposed argument derived from Gen. xxv. 18
and 1 Sam. xr. 7, and finding the name in that
of the Xavtoraioi. A Joktanite settlement so
for north is, however, very improbable. They
discover I in the Avalitss on the African coast.
Havilah (Gen. ii. 11). [Eden.]
Ha'voth-ja'ir, certain villages on the cast
of Jordan, in Gilead or Bashan, which were
taken by Jair the son of Manasseh, and called
after his name (Mum. xxxii. 41 ; Deut. iii. 14).
In the records of Manasseh in Josh. xiii. SO,
and 1 Chr. ii. 23, the Havoth-jair are reckoned
with other districts aa making up sixty " cities "
(comp. r K. iv. 13). There is apparently some
confusion in these different statements as to
what the sixty cities really consisted of. No
less doubtful is the number of the Havoth-jair.
In 1 Chr. ii. 22 they are specified as twenty-
three, but in Judg. x. 4 as thirty.
Hawk (Heb. nits), the translation of the
above-named Heb. term (Lev. xi. 16; Dent,
xiv. 15; Jobxxxix. 26). The word is doubt-
less generic, as appears from the expression in
Deut. and Lev. " after his kind," and includes
various species of the Falconidce, with more
especial allusion perhaps to the small diurnal
birds, such as the kestrel (Faloa tinntmculus), the
hobby (Hypotriorchis sub/iuteo), the gregarious
lesser kestrel ( Tinntmculus cenchris), common
about the ruins in the plain districts of Pales-
tine, all of which were probably known to the
ancient Hebrews. With respect to the passage
in Job (/. c. ), which appears to allude to the
migratory habits of hawks, it is curious to ob-
serve that of the ten or twelve lesser raptors of
Palestine, nearly all are summer migrants.
The kestrel remains all the year, but T. cenchris,
Micronisut gabar, Hyp. eUonone, and F. mtdanop-
terus, are all migrants from the south. Be-
sides the above-named smaller hawks, the two
magnificent species, F. Saker and F. lanarius,
are summer visitors to Palestine.
Hay (Heb. chatdr), the rendering of the
A. V. tn Prov. xxvii. 25, and Is. xv. 6, of the
above-named Heb. term, which occurs frequent-
ly in the O. T., and denotes "grass" of any
kind. Harmer, quoting from a MS. paper of
Sir J. Chardin, states that hay is not made any-
where in the East, and that the " bay " of the
A. V. is therefore an error of translation. It is
quite probable that the modern Orientals do not
make hay in our sense of the term ; but it is
certain that the ancients did mow their grass,
and probably made use of the dry material.
See Ps. xxxvii. 2. We may remark that there
is an express Hebrew term for "dry grass" or
" hay," viz. chathash, which, in the only two
places where the word occurs (Is. v. 24, xxxiii.
1 1 ), is rendered " chaff" in the A. V. We do
not, however, mean to assert that the chathash
of the Orientals represents our modern Eng-
lish hay. Doubtless the " dry grass " was not
stacked, but only cut in small quantities, aasX
then consumed.
Ha'zael was a king of Damascus who
reigned from about B.C. 886 to B.C. 840. He
appears to have been previously a person in m
high position at the court of 'Bennadad, and
was sent by his master to Elisha, to inquire if
he would recover from the malady under which
he was suffering. Elisha's answer led to the
murder of Bennadad by his ambitious servant,
who forthwith mounted the throne (2 K. viii.
7-15). He was soon engaged in hostilities)
with Ahazioh king of Judah, and Jehoram king
of Israel, for the possession of the city of Ra-
moth-Gilead (ibid. viii. 28). The Assyrian in-
scriptions show that about this time a bloody
and destructive war was being waged between
the Assyrians on the one side, and the Syrians,
Hittites, Hamathites, and Phoenicians on the
other. Towards the close of the reign of Jeho,
Hazael led them against the Israelites (about
B.C. 860), whom he " smote in all their coasts "
(2 K. x. 32), thus accomplishing the prophecv
of Elisha (ibid. viii. 12). At the close of bfs
life, having taken Gath (ibid. xii. 17; comp.
Am. vi. 2), he proceeded to attack Jerusalem
(2 Chr. xxiv. 24), and was about to assault the
city, when Joash bribed him to retire (2 K. xii.
18). Hazael appears to have died about the
year B.C. 840 (ibid. xiii. 24), having reigned 46
years.
Hasai'ah, a man of Judah of the family
of the Shilonites, or descendants of Shelah
(Neh. xi. 5).
Ha'zar-ad dar, &c. [Hazed.]
Hazarma'veth, the third, in order, of the
sons of Joktan (Gen. x. 26). The name is pre-
served, almost literally, in the Arabic Baara-
mawt and Hadrumawt, and the appellation of a
province and an ancient people of Southern
Arabia. The province of Hadramawt is situ-
ate east of the modern Yemen. Its capital is Sa-
tham, a very ancient city ; and its chief ports
are Mirbat, Zafaxi, and Kisheem, from whence
a great trade was carried on, in ancient times,
with India and Africa.
HaceL The Hebrew term Hoc occurs only
in Gen. xxx. 37. Authorities are divided be-
tween the hazel and the almond tree, as repre-
senting the l&t. The latter is most probably
correct.
Hazelelpo'ni, the sister of the sons of
Etam in the genealogies of Judah (1 Cm*, iv. 3).
Ha'zer, topographically, seems generally
employed for the " villages of people in a rov-
ing and unsettled life, the semi-permanent col-
lections of dwellings which are described by
travellers among the modern Arabs to consist of
rough stone walls covered with the tent-cloths.
As a proper name it appears in the A. V. : — 1 .
In the plural, Hazerim, and Hazeboth, for
which see next page. 2. In the slightly different
form of Hazok. 3. In composition with other
words. — 1. Hazar-addak, a place named as
one of the landmarks on the southern boundary
of the land promised to Israel (Num. xxxiv. 4 ;
Adas, Josh. xv. 3). Its site does not appear
to have been encountered in modern times. —
2. Hazar-ehak, the place at which the north-
cm boundary of the land promised to the chil-
dren of Israel was to terminate (Mom. xxxiv. 9,.
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HEAD-DRESS
315
HEATHEN
10; comp. Ex. xMi. 17, xlriii. 1). Mr. Porter
would identify Hazarenan with Kmyetan, a vil-
lage more than sixty miles £. N. E. of Damas-
cus. — 3. Haz ii-oiDD ah, one of the towns in
the southern district of Judah (Josh. xv. 37),
named between Moladab and Hcshmon. — 4.
HtZAB-BAT-ricox, a place named in Ezekiel's
prophecy of the ultimate boundaries of the land
(Ex. xlrii. 16), and specified as being on the
bound lry of Hauran. It is not yet known. —
5. Hizab-shual, a town in the southern dis-
trict of Judah, lring between Haxar-gaddah and
Beenheba (Josh. xt. 28, xix. 3; 1 Chr. iv. 28).
— 6. Hazab-scsah. one of the "cities" al-
lotted to Simeon in the extreme south of the
territory of Judah (Josh. xix. 5). — 7. Hazah-
icsim, the form under which the preceding
aame appears in the list of the towns of Simeon
ia 1 Chr. ir. 31.
Ha'serim. The Arms, or more accurate-
ly the AvYim, are said to have lired " in the
Tillages (A. V. ' Hazerim') as tar as Gaaa"
(Dent. ii. 23), before their expulsion by the
Caphtorim.
Ha'saroth (Num. xi. 35, xii. 16, xxxiii.
17 ; D«at. i. 1 ), a station of the Israelites in the
desert, and perhaps recognizable in the Arabic
ffmOem.
Ha'seson-Ta'mar, and Ha'sason-Ta'-
mar, the ancient name of Engedi (Gen. xiv.
7). The name occurs only once again,— in
the records of the reign of Hexekiah (2 Chr.
xx. 2).
Ha'sielf » Levite in the time of David, of
the family of Shimei o/ Shimi, the younger
branch or the Gershonitee (I Chr. xxiii. 9).
Ha'sO, a *on of Nahor, by Milcah his wife
(Gen. xxii. 22).
Ha'sor. 1. A fortified city, which on the
occupation of the country was allotted to Naph-
tali (Josh. xix. 36). Its position was apparent-
ly between Ramah and Kedesh (ibid. xii. 19),
on the high ground overlooking the Lake of
Merom. There is no reason for supposing it a
different place from that of which Jabin was
king (Joan. xi. 1 ; Judg. iv. 2, 17 ; 1 Sam. xii.
9). It was the pried; .1 city of the whole of
North Palestine (Josh. xi. 10). It was fortified
by Solomon (1 K. iv. IS), and its inhabitants
were carried captive by Tiglath-Pileser (2 K.
xt. 29). We encounter it once more in 1 Mace.
xL 67 (A V. Nasor). The most probable site
of Haxor ia TtU Kkwraibeh.— 2. One of the
" cities " of Judah in the extreme south, named
aext in order to Kedesh (Josh. xr. 23). — 3.
Hasor-Hadattah, = " new Hazor," another of
the southern towns of Judah (Josh. xv. 25). —
4. "Hezron which is Haxor" (Josh. xv. 25).
— 5. A place in which the Benjamites resided
after their return from the captivity (Neh. xi.
33). It would seem to have lain north of Jeru-
iem ; bat it has not yet been discovered.
Head-dress. The Hebrews do not appear
to bare regarded a covering for the head as an
fin l ial article of dress. The earliest notice
we have of such a thing is in connection with
me sacerdotal vestments (Ex. xxviii. 40). We
may infer that it was not ordinarily worn in the
Mosaic age. Even in after times it seems to
have been reserved especially for purposes of
ornament : thus the Ttiniph is noticed as being
worn by nobles (Job xxix. 14), ladies (Is. ill
23), and kings (Is. lxii. 3) ; while the Peer was
an article of holiday dress (Is. lxi. 3, A. V.
"beauty;" Ex. xxiv. 17,23), and was worn
at weddings (Is. lxi. 10). The former of these
terms undoubtedly describes a kind of turban,
and its form probably resembled that of the
high-priest's Mitenepheth, as described by Jose-
phus (Ant. iii. 7, $3). The other term, Peer,
primarily means an ornament, and is so rendered
in the A. V. (Is. lxi. 10; see also ver. 8, " beau
ty "), and is specifically applied to the head
dress from its ornamental character. It is un-
certain what the term properly describes ; but it
may have applied to the jewels and other orna-
ments with which the turban is frequently deco-
rated. The ordinary head-drees of the Bedouin
consists of the keffieh, a square handkerchief,
generally of red and yellow cotton, or cotton
and silk, folded so that three of the corners
hang down over the back and shoulders, leav-
ing the face exposed, and bound round the head
by a cord. It is not improbable that a similar
covering was used by the Hebrews on certain
occasions. The introduction of the Greek hat
by Jason, as an article of dress adapted to the
gj/mnasium, was regarded as a national dishonor
(2 Mace. iv. 12). The Assyrian head-dress is
described in Ex. xxiii. 15 under the terms " ex-
ceeding in dyed attire." The word rendered
" hat* in Dan. iii. 21 properly applies to a
cloak.
Hearth. One way of baking much prac-
tised in the East is to place the dough on an
iron plate, either laid on, or supported on legs
above, the vessel sunk in the ground, which
forms the oven. The cakes baked "on the
hearth " (Gen. xviii. 6) were probably baked
in the existing Bedouin manner, on hot stones
covered with ashes. The "hearth" of King
Jehoiakim's winter palace (Jer. xxxri. 23) was
possibly a pan or brazier of charcoal
Heath, Heb. 'Srd'ir (Jer. xlviil. 6), and
'or '&r. There seems no reason to donbt Celsius'
conclusion that the 'ar'dr (Jer. xvii. 6) is iden-
tical with the 'arar of Arabic writers, which is
some species of juniper, probably the Junipenu
Sabina, or savin.
Heathen (Heb. gdi, pfyim). I. Whilu as
yet the Jewish nation had no political existence,
<7<5yi'm denoted generally the nations of the
world, especially including the immediate de-
scendants of Abraham (Gen. xviii. 18; comp.
Gal. iii. 16). The latter, as they grew in num-
bers and importance, were distinguished in a
most marked manner from the nations by whom
they were surrounded, and were provided with
a code of laws and a religious ritual which
made the distinction still more peculiar. The
nations from whom they were thus separated
received the especial appellation of </6yim.
They are ever associated with the worship of
false gods, and the foul practices of idolaters
(Lev. xviii., xx.), and these constituted their
chief distinctions, as gtyim, from the worship-
pers of the one God, the people of Jehovah
(Num. xv. 41 ; Deut. xxviii. 10). This dis-
tinction was maintained in its full force during
the early time* of the monarchy (2 Sam. vii.
23; 1 K. xi. 4-8, xiv. 24; Ps. cvi. 35).— 2.
But, even in early Jewish times, the term odyim
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HEBEK
316
HEBREWS
received by anticipation a significance of wider
range than the national experience (Lor. xxvi.
33, 38 ; Dent. xxx. 1 ) ; and aa the latter was
gradually developed during the prosperous
times of the monarchy, the gSyim were the sur-
rounding nations generally, with whom the Is-
raelites were brought into contact by the exten-
sion of their commerce. In the time of the
Maccabees, following the customs of the gij/im
denoted the neglect or concealment of circum-
cision (1 Mace. i. 15), disregard of sacrifices,
profanation of the Sabbath, eating of swine's
flesh and meat offered to idols (2 Mace. vi. 6-9,
18, xv. 1, 2). and adoption of the Greek na-
tional games (2 Mace iv. 12, 14). In all points,
Judaism and heathenism are strongly contrast-
ed. The " barbarous multitude in 2 Mace,
ii. 21 are opposed to those who played the men
for Judaism, and the distinction now becomes
an ecclesiastical one (comp. Matt, xviii. 17).
But, in addition to its significance as an ethno-
graphical term, gdvim had a moral sense, which
must not be overlooked. In Ps. ix. 5, IS, 17
{[comp. Ez. vii. 21 ), the word stands in parallel-
ism with "the wicked;" and in ver. 17 the
people thus designated are described as " for-
gcttcrs of God," that know not Jehovah (Jer.
x. 25).
Heaven. There are four Hebrew words
thus rendered in the 0. T., which we may
briefly notice. 1. Raid' a (A. V. firmament),
a solid expanse. Through its open lattices
(Gen. vii. 11 ; 2 K. vii. 2, 19) or doors (Ps.
lxxviii. 23) the dew and snow and hail are
poured upon the earth (Job xxxviii. 22, 37).
This firm vault, which Job describes as being
"strong as a molten looking-glass" (xxxviH
18), is transparent, like pellucid sapphire, and
splendid as crystal (Dan. xii. 3 ; Ex. xxiv. 10;
Ez. i. 22; Rev. iv. 6), over which rests the
throne of God (Is. Ixvi. 1 ; Ez. i. 26), and
which is opened for the descent of angels, or
for prophetic visions (Gen. xxviii. 17; Ez. i. 1 ;
Acts vii. 56, x. 1 1 ). In it, like gems or golden
lamps, the stars are fixed, to give light to the
earth, and regulate the seasons (Gen. i. 14-
19) ; and the whole magnificent, immeasurable
structure (Jer. xxxi. 37) is supported by the
mountains as its pillars, or strong foundations
(Ps. xviii. 7 ; 2 Sam. xxii. 8; Job xxiv. 11). —
2. Shdmagim. This is the word used in the
expression "the heaven and the earth," or
" the upper and lower regions " (Gen. i. 1 ). —
3. Mardm, used for heaven in Ps. xviii. 1 6 ;
Jer. xxv. 30; Is. xxiv. 18. Properly speak-
ing, it means a mountain, as in Ps. cii.
19; Et. xvii. 28.-4. ShecMJdm, "expanses,"
with reference to the extent of heaven (Deut.
xxxiii. 26 ; Job xxxv. 5). St. Paul's expres-
sion " third heaven" (2 Cor. xii. 2) has led to
much conjecture. Grotius said that the Jews
divided the heaven into three parts, viz. 1. the
air or atmosphere, where clonus gather ; 2. the
firmament, in which the sun, moon, and stars
are fixed ; 3. the upper heaven, the abode of
God and his angels.
Heller. L Grandson of the patriarch
Asher (Gen. xlvi. 17; 1 Chr. vii. 31; Num.
xxvi. 45). — 2. Of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr.
iv. 18). — 3. A Gadite (1 Chr. v. 13).— 4.
A Benjamite (1 Chr. viii. 17). — 6. Another
Benjamite (1 Chr. viii. 22). —6. Heber, that
Kenite, the husband of Jael (Judg. iv 11-17,
v. 24). — 7. The patriarch Edeb (Luke 2L
35).
Hotxirites, the. descendants of Heber, si
branch of the tribe of Asher (Num. xxvi. 45).
Hebrew, Hebrews. This word first
occurs as applied to Abraham (Gen. xiv. 13).
It was afterwards given as a name to his de-
scendants. Four derivations have been pro-
posed : I. From Abram. — H. From 'ibar, =
"crossed over," applied by the Canaanitss to
Abraham upon his crossing the Euphrates
(Gen. xiv. 13).— III. From 'eber, "beyond,
on the other side," is essentially the same with
II., since both rest upon the hypothesis that
Abraham and his posterity were called Hebrews
in order to express a distinction between the
races E. and W. of the Euphrates. — IV.
From the patriarch Eber. But no special
prominence is in the genealogy assigned to
Eber such as might entitle him to the position
of head or founder of the race. From the
genealogical scheme in Gen. xi. 10-26, it does
not appear that the Jews thought of Eber as a
source primary, or even secondary, of the no-
tional descent. There is, indeed, only one
passage in which it is possible to imagine any
peculiar resting-point as connected with the
name of Eber. In Gen. x. 21, Shem is called
" the father of all the children of Eber," i".*.
father of the nations to the east of the Euphra-
tes. The appellative derivation (from 'abttr or
'tber) is strongly confirmed by the historical
nse of the word Hebrew. A patronymic would
naturally be in use only among the people
themselves; while the appellative which had
been originally applied to them a* strangers in
a strange land would probably continue to des-
ignate them in their relations to neighboring
tribes, and would be their current name among
foreign nations. This is precisely the case
with the terms Israelite and Hebrew respec-
tively. The former was used by the Jews of
themselves among themselves: the latter was
the name by which they were known to for-
eigners. Briefly, we suppose that Hebrew was
originally a Cis-Euphranan word applied to
Trans-Euphratian immigrants : it was accept-
ed by these immigrants in their external rela-
tions ; and after the general substitution of the
word Jew, it still found a place in that marked
and special feature of national contradistinc-
tion, the language.
HebreweBB, a Hebrew woman (Jer. xxxi v.
9)-
Hebrews, Epistle to the.— I- CcmonaU
authority. Was it received and transmitted aa
canonical bv the immediate successors of the
apostles ? The most important witness among;
these, Clement (a.d. 70 or 95), refers to this
Epistle in the same way as, and more frequently
than, to any other canonical book. Little stress
can be laid npon the few possible allusions to it
in Barnabas, Hernias, Polycarp, and Ignatius.
It is received as canonical by Justin Martyr,
and by the compilers of the Peshito version of
the New Testament. Basilides and Marcion
arc recorded as distinctly rejecting the Epistle.
But at the close of that period, in the North
African church, where first the Gospel found
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HEBREWS
utterance in the Latin tongue, orthodox Chris-
tunity first doubted the canonical authority of
the Epistle to the Hebrews. To the old Latin
version of the Scriptures, which was completed
Gjhably about a.d- 173, this Epistle seems to
re been added as a composition of Barnabas,
and as destitute of canonical authority. Dur-
ing the next two centuries, the extant fathers
of the Roman and North African churches re-
gard the Epistle as a book of no canonical
authority ; bat in the -fourth century its au-
thority began to revive. At the end of die
fourth century, Jerome, the most learned and
critical of the Latin fathers, reviewed the con-
tkung opinions as to the authority of this
Epistle. He considered that the prevailing,
though not universal view of the Latin churches
vis ol less weight than the view, not only of
ancient writers, but also of all the Greek and
til the Eastern churches, where the Epistle was
received as canonical, and read daily ; and he
pronounced a decided opinion in favor of its
authority. The great contemporary light of
North Africa, St. Augustine, held a similar
opinion. The 3d Council of Carthage, a.d. 397,
tad a Decretal of Pope Innocent, a.d. 416,
rare a final confirmation to their decision.
Bat jurh doubts were confined to the Latin
churches from the middle of the second to
tat close of the fourth century. All the rest
of orthodox Christendom from the beginning
«s agreed upon the canonical authority of
this Epistle. Cardinal Cajetan, the opponent
of Lather, was the first to disturb the tradition
of t thousand years, and to deny its authority.
trismus, Calvin, and Bcza questioned only its
sothorahip. Luther, when he printed his ver-
sion of the Bible, separated this book from St
Psal't Epistles, and placed it with the Epistles
of St. James and St. Jude, next before the
Revelation ; indicating by this change of order
his opinion that the four relegated books are
of teas importance and less authority than the
nst of the New Testament. — H. Whowatthe
ostior of the Epistle f — The superscription, the
ordinary source of information, is wanting ;
hot there is no reason to doubt that at first,
crerjwhere, except in North Africa, St. Paul
*** regarded as the author. Clement ascribed
to St. Lake the translation of the Epistle into
Greek from a Hebrew original of St. Paul.
Origen believed that the thoughts were St.
PanTa, the language and composition St.
Lake's or Clement's of Rome. Tertullian
umea Barnabas as the reputed author accord-
ing to the North African tradition. The view
"f the Alexandrian fathers, a middle point be-
|*eeo the Eastern and Western traditions, won
ix «ay in the Church. Luther's conjecture
tiut Apollo* was the author has been widely
adopted; Luke by Grotius; Silas by others.
Jieander attributes it to some apostolic man of
the Pauline school, whose training and method
of staung doctrinal truth differed from St.
™J'*- The distinguished name of Ewald has
aKn given recently to the hypothesis that it
*» vritten by some Jewish teacher residing at
Jerusalem to a church in some important
Italian town, which is supposed to have sent
a deputation to Palestine. If it be asked to
*hu *xtsut, and by whom, was St Paul as-
sisted in the composition of this Epistle, t he-
reply must be, in the words of Origen, " Who
wrote li\e. as in Rom. xvi. 29, wrote from the
authors dictation] this Epistle, only God
knows." The similarity in phraseology which
exists between the acknowledged writings of
St. Luke and this Epistle, his constant com-
panionship with St Paul, and his habit of
listening to and recording the Apostle's argu-
ments, form a strong presumption in his fa-
vor. 1 HI. To whom wat the Epistit tent? —
Some critics have maintained that this Epistle
was addressed directly to Jewish believers every-
where : others have restricted it to those who
dwelt in Asia and Greece. This question was
agitated as early as the time of Chrysostom,
who replies, — to the Jews in Jerusalem and
Palestine. The argument of the Epistle is
such as could be used with most effect to a
church consisting exclusively of Jews by birth,
personally familiar with and attached to the
Temple-service. Ebrard limits the primary
circle of readers even to a section of die church
at Jerusalem. — IV. Where and when wat it
written f — Eastern traditions of the fourth
century, in connection with the opinion that
St. Paul is the writer, name Italy and Rome,
or Athens, as the place from whence the Epistle
was written. Either place would agree with,
perhvps was suggested by, the mention of
Timothy in the last chapter. The Epistle was
evidently written before the destruction of Je-
rusalem in a.d. 70. The whole argument, and
specially the passages viii. 4 and sq., ix. 6 and
sq., and xiii. 10 and sq., imply that the Temple
was standing, and that its usual course of
Divine service was carried on without interrup-
tion. The date which best agrees with the
traditionary account of the authorship and des-
tination of the Epistle is a.d. 63, about the
end of St. Paul's imprisonment at Rome, or a
year after Albinus succeeded Festus as Procu-
rator. — V. In what language wat it written T —
Like St. Matthew's Gospel, the Epistle to the
Hebrews has afforded ground for much un-
important controversy respecting the language
in which it was originally written. The earliest
statement is that of Clement of Alexandria, to
the effect that it was written by St. Paul in
Hebrew, and translated by St Luke into
Greek. But nothing is said to lead us to re-
gard it as a tradition, rather than a conjecture
suggested by the style of the Epistle. Bleek
argues, in support of a Greek original, on the
grounds of (1.) the purity and easy flow of
the Greek ; (2.) the use of Greek words which
could not be adequately expressed in Hebrew
without long peripnrase ; (3.) the use of paro-
nomasia ; and (4.) the use of the Septuagint
in quotations and references. — VI. Condition
of the Hebrew, and scope of the Epistle. — The
numerous Christian churches scattered through-
out Judaea (Acts ix. 31 ; Gal. i. 22) were con-
tinually exposed to persecution from the Jews
(1 Thess. ii. 14) ; but in Jerusalem there was
one additional weapon in the hands of the pre-
dominant oppressors of the Christians. The
1 After all, we are best satisfied with the argu-
ment* of those who sseribe the authorship of this
magnificent Epistle entirely to the Apostle Paul,
the great expounder of the Jewish system. — Ed.
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HEBRON
318
HEIR
magnificent national Temple might be that
against the Hebrew Christian; and even if
this affliction were not often laid upon him,
yet there was a secret burden which he bore
within him, — the knowledgo that the end of all
the beauty and awfulness of Zion was rapidly
approaching. What could take the place of
the Temple, and that which was behind the
veil, and the Levitical sacrifices, and the Holy
City, when they should cease to exist 1 What
compensation could Christianity offer him for
the loss which was pressing the Hebrew Chris-
tian more and more? The writer of this
Epistle meets the Hebrew Christians on their
own ground. His answer is — " Your new
faith gives you Christ, and, in Christ, all you
seek, all your fathers sought. In Christ, the
Son of God, you have an all-sufficient Mediator,
nearer than angels to the Father, eminent
above Moses as a benefactor, more sympathiz-
ing and more prevailing than the high-priest
as an intercessor : His sabbath awaits you in
heaven ; to His covenant the old was intended
to be subservient ; His atonement is the eternal
reality of which sacrifices are but the passing
shadow; His city heavenly, not made with
hands. Having Him, believe in Him with all
your heart, with a faith in the unseen future,
strong as that of the saints of old, patient
under present, and prepared for coming woe,
full of energy, ana hope, and holiness, and
love." Such was the teaching of the Epistle
to the Hebrews.
HeTsron. 1. The third son of Kohath,
who was the second son of Levi ; the younger
brother of Amram, father of Moses and Aaron
(Ex. vi. 18; Num. iii. 19; 1 Chr. vi. 2, 18,
xxiii. 12). The immediate children of Hebron
are not mentioned by name (comp. Ex. vi. 21,
22) ; but he was the founder of a family of
Hebronites (Num. iii. 27, xxvi. 58; 1 Chr.
xxvi. 23, 30, 31 ) or Bene- Hebron ( 1 Chr. xv.
9, xxiii. 19). — 2. In the genealogical lists of
the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 42, 43), Mareshah
is said to have been the " father of Hebron."
It is impossible at present to say whether these
names are intended to be those of the places
themselves, or of persons who founded them.
Het>ron. 1. A city of Judah (Josh. xv.
54) ; situated among the mountains (Josh. xx.
7), 20 Roman miles south of Jerusalem, and
the same distance north of Beersheba. Hebron
is one of the most ancient cities in the world
still existing; and in this respect it is the
rival of Damascus. It was built, says a sacred
writer, " seven years before Zoan in Egypt "
(Xum. xiii. 22), and was a well-known town
when Abraham entered Canaan 3,780 years ago
(Gen. xiii. 18). Its original name was Kirjath-
Arba (Judg. i. 10), " the city of Arba ;*' so
called from Arba, the father of Anak, and pro-
genitor of the gigantic Anakim (Josh. xxi. 11,
xv. 13, 14). The chief interest of this city
arises from its having been the scene of some
of the most striking events in the lives of the
patriarchs. Sarah died at Hebron ; and Abra-
ham then bought from Ephron the Hittite the
field and cave of Machpelah, to nerve as a
family tomb (Gen. xxiii. 2-20). The cave is
still there ; and the massive walls of the ffnmm
«r mosque, within which it lies, form the most
remarkable object in the whole city. Abraham,
is called by Mohammedans et-Khalil, "toe
Friend," i'.«. of God ; and this is the modem
name of Hebron. Hebron now contains about
5,000 inhabitants, of whom some 50 families
are Jews. It is picturesquely situated in a
narrow valley, surrounded by rocky hills. The
valley runs from north to south ; and the main
quarter of the town, surmounted by the lofty
walls of the venerable Haram, lies partly on
the eastern slope (Gen. xxxvii. 14; comp.
xxiii. 19). About a mile from the town, up
the valley, is one of the largest oak-tree* in
Palestine. This, say some, is the very tree
beneath which Abraham pitched his tent, and
it still bears the name of the patriarch. — 2.
One of the towns in the territory of Asher
(Josh. xix. 28), on the boundary of the tribe.
No one in modem times has discovered it*
site. Besides, it is not certain whether the
name should not rather be Ebdon or AUlon,
since that form is found in many MSS.
Heb'roniteS, the. AfanulyofKohathite
Levites, descendants of Hebron the son of Ko-
hath (Num. iii. 27, xxvi. 58; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23).
Hedge. Three of the Heb. words thus ren-
dered in the A. V. denote simply that which
surrounds or encloses, whether it be a stone
wall [gedar, Prov. xxiv. 31 ; Es. xiii. 10) or s
fence of other materials. Gader and gfderak
are used of the hedge of a vineyard (Num. xxii.
24 ; Ps. Ixxxix. 40 ; 1 Chr. iv. 23) ; and the
latter is employed to describe the rude walls of
stone, or fences of thorn, which served as a shel-
ter for sheep in winter and summer (Num.
xxxii. 16). The stone walls which surround
the sheepfolds of modern Palestine are frequent-
ly crowned with sharp thorns. In order to pro-
tect the vineyards from the ravages of wild
beasts (Ps. Ixxx. 12), it was customary to sur-
round them with a wall of loose stones or mud
(Matt. xxi. 33; Mark xii. 1), which was a fa-
vorite haunt of serpents (Eccl. x. 8), and a re-
treat for locusts from the cold (Nan. iii. 17).
A wall or fence of this kind is clearly distin-
guished in Is. v. 5 from the tangled hedge, me-
sucah (Mic. vii. 4), which was planted as an
additional safeguard to the vineyard (cf. Ecclus.
xxviii. 24), and was composed of the thorny
shrubs with which Palestine abounds. The
prickly pear, a species of cactus, so frequently
employed for this purpose in the East at pres-
ent, is believed to be of comparatively modern
introduction.
Hega'i, one of the eunuchs (A. V. " cham-
berlains ") of the court of Ahasuerus (Esth. ii.
8, 15).
He'ge, another form of the preceding (Esth
ii.3).
Heifer. The Hebrew language has no ex-
pression that exactly corresponds to our heifer ;
for both eylah and parah arc applied to cows
that have calved (1 Sam. vi. 7-12 ; Job xxi.
10 ; Is. vii. 21 ). The heifer or young cow was
not commonly used for ploughing, but only for
treading ont the corn (Hos. x. 1 1 ; but see
Judg. xiv. 18), when it ran about without any
headstall (Deut. xxv. 4) ; hence the expres-
sion an " unbroken heifer " (Hos. iv. 16 ; A. V.
" backsliding "), to which Israel is compared.
Heir. The Hebrew institutions relative to
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HELDAI
819
HELL
inheritance were of a very «imple character.
Under the Patriarchal system the property was
divided among the aona of the legitimate wires
(Gen. xxi. 10, xxiv. 36, xxv. S), a larger por-
tion being assigned to one, generally the eldest,
on whom devolved the duty of maintaining the
females of the family. The sons of concubines
were portioned off with presents (Gen. xxv. 6).
At a later period the exclusion of the sons of
concubines was rigidly enforced (Judg. xi. 1 ff.).
Daughters had no share in the patrimony (Gen.
xxxi. 14), bnt received a marriage portion.
The Mosaic law regulated the succession to
real property thus : it was to be divided among
the sons, the eldest receiving a double portion
(Dent xxi. 17), the others equal shares ; if
there were no sons, it went to the daughters
(Nam. xxrii. 8), on the condition that they did
not marry oat of their own tribe (Num. xxxvi.
<ff. ; Too. vi. 12, vii. 13), otherwise the patri-
mony was forfeited. If there were no daughters,
it went to the brother of the deceased ; if no
brother, to the paternal uncle; and, foiling
these, to the next of kin (Num. xxrii. 9-11).
Is the ease of a widow being left without chil-
dren, the nearest of kin on her husband's side
bad the right of marrying her, and in the event
of his refusal the next of kin (Ruth Hi. 12, 13) :
with him rested the obligation of redeeming the
property of the widow (Ruth ir. 1 ff.), if it had
been either sold or mortgaged. If none stepped
forward to marry the widow, the inheritance
Rosined with Iter until her death, and then
rrrerted to the next of kin. The land being
Uras so strictly tied up, the notion of hanhip,
u we understand it, was hardly known to the
Jews. Testamentary dispositions were of course
nperflaous. The references to wills in St. Paul's
writings are borrowed from the usages of Greece
and Borne (Heb. ix. 17), whence the custom
wis introduced into Judaea.
Helah, one of the two wires of Ashur,
fcher of Tekoa (1 Chr. ir. 5).
Helam, a place east of the Jordan, but west
«f the Euphrates, at which the Syrians were
collected by Hadarezer, and at Which Davit!
■et end defeated them (2 Sam. x. 16, 17). TlH
most probable conjecture perhaps is that it is
identical with Alamatha, a town named by Ptol-
emy, and placed by him on the west of the Eu-
phrates near Nicephorium.
HeTbah, a town of Asher, probably on the
plsin of Phoenicia, not far from Sidon ( Judg. i.
31L ' B
HeUxm, a place only mentioned in Exekiel
roii- Geographers hare hitherto represented
Bdbon as identical with the city or Aleppo,
<aQtd Halcb by the Arabs ; but there are strong
«s*w» against this. A few years ago Mr.
Farter directed attention to a village and dis-
frict within a few miles of Damascus, still bear-
ing the ancient name BeBxm, and still celebrated
« producing the finest grapes in the countrr.
There cannot be a doubt that this village, arid
""Aleppo, is the Helton of Exekiel.
Helobi'ah,lEsd.riii.l. [Hilkiah.1 Ap.
Helebi'aa, 2 Esd. i. l. [Hilkiar.] a p .
Helda'i. L The twelfth captain of the
Monthly courses for the temple service (1 Chr.
aru. 15) — 2. An Israelite who seems to have
"tamed from the Captivity (Zech. ri. 10).
Heleb, son of Baanah, the Netophathite,
one of the heroes of King David's guard (2 Sam.
xxiii. 29). In the parallel list the name is given
as
Heled, l Chr. xi. so.
He'lek, one of the descendants of Manasseh,
and second son of Gilead (Num. xxri. 30).
Helakitea, the, the family descended from
the foregoing (Num. xxvi. 30).
Helem. L A descendant of Asher ( 1 Chr.
vii. 35). — 2. A man mentioned only in Zech.
vi. 14. Apparently the same as Hkldai.
HerepE, the puce from which tho boundary
of the tribe of Naphtali started (Josh. xix. 33).
Van de Velde proposes to identify it with Beitlif.
Hel'es. I. One of "the thirty "of David's
guard (2 8am. xxiii. 26; 1 Chr. xi. 27), an
Ephraimite, and captain of the seventh month-
ly course (1 Chr. xxvii. 10). — 2. A man of
Judab, son of Azariah (1 Chr. ii. 39).
Hell L The father of Joseph, the husband
of the Virgin Mary (Luke iii. 23) ; maintained
by Lord A. Hervcy, the latest investigator of
the genealogy of Christ, to have been the real
brother of Jacob the father of the Virgin her-
self — 2. The third of three names inserted
between Achitob and Am arias in the geneal-
ogy of Ezra, in 2 Esd. i. 9 uomp. Ezr. vii. 2, 3).
Heli'as, 2 Esd. vii \». [Elijah.] Ap.
Heliodo'rus, the treasurer of Selencus
Philopator, who was commissioned by the king
to carry awar the private treasures deposited
in the Temple at Jerusalem. According to 2
Mace. iii. 9 ff., be was stayed from the execu-
tion of his design by a "great apparition," and
fell down speechless. Me was afterwards re-
stored at the intercession of the h^b priest
Onius (2 Mace. iii.). The h»;i details of the
narrative are not supported by any other evi-
dence. Ap.
Helka i, a priest of tho family of Yleraioth,
in the days of Joiakim (Neh. xii. 15).
Hellcath, the town named as the, starting-
point for the boundary of the tribt of Asher
(Josh. xix. 25), and allotted with its ' suburbs "
to the Gershonite Lovites (xxi. 31). Its site
has not been recovered.
HeTkath Haz'surim, a smooth pieco of
ground, apparently close to the pool of Gibeon,
where the combat took place bctwoer the two
parties of Joab's men and Abner's m«n, which
ende4 in the death of the whole of the combat-
ants, and brought on a general battle (2 Sum.
ii. 16).
Helki'as. 1 Esd. i. 8. [Hilkiab.] Ap.
Hell. This is the word generally and un-
fortunately used by our translators to render
the Hebrew Shed. It would perhaps have been
better to retain the Hebrew word Shut, or e\so
render it always by " the grave " ' or " the pit"
It is deep (Job xi. 8) and dark (Job xi. 21, 22;,
in the centre of the earth (Num. xvi. 30; Dent
xxxii. 22) ; having within it depths on depth*
(Prov. ix. 18), and fastened with gates (Is
xxxviii. 10) and bars (Job xvii. 16). In this
cavernous realm are the souls of dead men, the
Rephaim and ill spirits (Ps. lxxxvi. 13, lxxxix.
1 The word 8heol la never used of the grave prop-
er, or plus of burial of the body. It Is always trie
abode of departed spirits, like the Greek Hades.
—Bo.
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4t; Ptot. xxiii. 14 ; Ex. xxxi. 17, xxxii. 31).
It if clear that in many passages of the O. T.
Shad can only mean the grave," 1 and is so
rendered in the A. V. (see, for example, Gen.
xxxvii. 35, xlii. 38 ; 1 Sam. ii. 6 ; Job xir. 13).
In other passages, however, it seems to involve
a notion of punishment, and is therefore ren-
dered in the A. V. by the word " Hell." But
in many cases this translation misleads the
reader. It is obvious, for instance, that Job
xi. 8, Ps. cxxxix. 8, Am. ix. 2 (where "hell"
is used as the antithesis of " heaven "), merely
illustrate the Jewish notions of the locality of
Sheol in the bowels of the earth. The Hebrew
ideas respecting Sheol were of a vague descrip-
tion. Generally speaking, the Hebrews regard-
ed the grave as the end of all sentient and in-
telligent existence' In the N. T., the word
Hades, like Sheol, sometimes means merely
" the grave " (Rev. xx. 13 ; Acts ii. 31 ; I Cor.
xv. 55), or in general " the unseen world." It
is in this sense that the creeds say of our Lord
" He went down into hell," meaning the state
of the dead in general, without any restriction
of happiness or misery, — a doctrine certainly,
though only virtually, expressed in Scripture
(Eph. iv. 9; Acts ii. 25-31). Elsewhere in the
N. T., Hades if used of a place of torment (Luke
xvi. 23 ; 2 Pet ii. 4 ; Matt. xi. 23, &c.). Con-
sequently it has f>een the prevalent, almost the
universal, notion that Hades is an intermediate
Hate between death and resurrection, divided
into two parts, one the abode of the blessed, and
the other of the lost In holding this view,
main reliance is placed on the parable of Dives
and Lazarus ; but it is impossible to ground the
proof of an important theological doctrine on a
passage which confessedly roounds in Jewish
metaphors. The word most .Tequcntly used in
the N. T. for the place of future punishment is
Gehenna or Gehenna of fire (see Gehenna and
Hinnom).
Hellenist. In one of the earliest notices
of the first Christian Church at Jerusalem (Acts
vi. 1 ), two distinct parties are recognized among
its members, "Hebrews" and "Hellenists"
(Grecians), who appear to stand towards one
another in some degree in a relation of jealous
rivalry (comp. Acts ix. 29). The name, accord-
ing to its derivation, marks a class distinguished
by peculiar habits, and not by descent. Thus
the Hellenists as a body included not only the
proselytes of Greek (or foreign) parentage, but
also those Jews who, by settling in foreign
countries, had adopted the prevalent form of
the current Greek civilization, and with it the
use of the common Greek dialect The flexi-
bility of the Greek language gained for it in
ancient times a general currency similar to that
which French enjoys in modern Europe; bnt
with this important difference, that Greek was
not only the language of educated men, but also
the language of the masses in the great centres of
commerce. Peculiar words and forms adopted
at Alexandria were undoubtedly of Macedonian
1 None of these passages necessitate the conclu-
sion that Sheol Is the place of sepulture. — En.
• This Is an error. The Apostle distinctly states,
Heb. xi. 13-10, that Abraham Mid all his believing
seed " looked for a better country, even as heaven-
ly."— Et>.
origin ; but the later Attic may be justly regard-
ed as the real basis of Oriental Greek. The vo-
cabulary was enriched by the addition of foreign
words, and the syntax was modified by new
constructions. In this way a variety of local
dialects must have arisen. One of these dialects
has been preserved after the ruin of the people
among whom it arose, by being consecrated to
the noblest service which language has yet ful-
filled. The functions which this Jewish-Greek
bad to discharge were of the widest application,
and the language itself combined the most op-
posite features. It was essentially a fusion of
Eastern and Western thought For disregard-
ing peculiarities of inflection and novel words,
the characteristic of the Hellenistic dialect is the
combination of a Hebrew spirit with a Greek
body, of a Hebrew form with Greek words.
The conception belongs to one race, and the
expression to another. This view of the Helle-
nistic dialect will at once remove one of the
commonest misconceptions relating to it. For
it will follow that its deviations from the ordi-
nary laws of classic Greek are themselves bound
by some common law, and that irregularities of
construction and altered usages of words are to
be traced to their first source, and interpreted
strictly according to the original conception oat
of which they sprang. The adoption of a
strange language was essentially characteristic
of the true nature of Hellenism. The purely
outward elements of the national life were laid
aside with a facility of which history offers few
examples, while the inner character of the peo-
ple remained unchanged. In every respect, the
thought, so to speak, was clothed in a new
dress. Hellenism was, as it were, a fresh incor-
poration of Judaism according to altered laws
of life and worship. It accomplished for the
outer world what the Return accomplished for
the Palestinian Jews : it *<»» the necessary step
between a religion of form and a religion of
spirit: it witnessed against Judaism as final
and universal, and it witnessed for it as the
foundation of a spiritual religion which should
be bound by no local restrictions. The Helle-
nists themselves were at once missionaries to
the heathen, and prophets to their own coun-
trymen. Yet this new development of Judaism
was obtained without the sacrifice of national
ties. In another aspect, Hellenism served as the
preparation for a Catholic creed. As it fur-
nished the language of Christianity, it supplied
also that literary instinct which counteracted
the traditional reserve of the Palestinian Jews.
Helmet. [AkmsJ
Helon, father of Eliab, of the tribe of Zcb
ulun (Num. i. 9, ii. 7, vii. 24, 29, x. 16).
Hem of Garment (Heb. triuith). The
importance which the later Jews, especially the
Pharisees (Matt xxiii. 5), attached to the hen
or fringe of their garments, was founded upon
the regulation in Num. xv. 38, 39, which gave
a symbolical meaning to it But the fringe
was only in the first instance the ordinary mode
of finishing the robe, the ends of the threads
composing the woof being left in order to pre-
vent the cloth from unravelling, just as in the
Assyrian robes as represented in the bass-reliefs
of Nineveh; the blue ribbon being added to
strengthen the border. The beged or outer rob*
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HENA
321
HERD
vas • simple quadrangular piece of cloth, and
generally so worn that two of the corners hang
down in front: these corners wens ornamented
with a " ribbon of blue," or rather dark violet.
He'mam. Hon and Hemam were sons of
Lotan, the eldest son of Seir (Gen. xxxri. 29).
Ho'man. 1. Son of Zerah (1 Chr. ii. 6 ;
1 K. it. 31 ). — 2. Son of Joel, and grandson
of Samuel the prophet, a Kohathite. He is
called " the singer," rather the musician (1
Chr. ti. S3) ; and was the first of the three
Levites to whom was committed the vocal and
instrumental music of the temple-service in the
reign of David (1 Chr. xv. 16-23), Asaph and
Ethan, or rather, according to xxv. 1, 8, Jedu-
tann, being bis colleagues. A farther account
of Heman is given 1 Chr. xxv., where he is
called (ver. 5) " the king's seer in the matters
of God." We there learn that Heman had four-
teen sons, and three daughters. Whether or
aot this Heman is the person to whom the 88th
Psalm is ascribed is doubtful. He is there
tailed " the Ezrahite; " and the 89th Psalm is
ascribed to " Ethan the Ezrahite." But since
Heman and Ethan are described in 1 Chr. ii. 6
as " sons of Zerah," it is in the highest degree
probable that Ezrahite means "of the family
of Zerah," and consequently that Heman of
the 88th Psalm is different from Heman the
singer, the Kohathite. In I K. iv. 31 again
(Hebr. v. 11), we have mention, as of the
wisest of mankind, of Ethan the Exrahite,
Heman, Chalcol, and Darda, the sons of Mahol,
a fat corresponding with the names of the sons
of Zerah in 1 Chr. ii. 6. If Heman the Koha-
thite, or his father, had married an heiress of
the house of Zerah, and was so reckoned in the
genealogy of Zerah, then all the notices of
Heman might point to the same person.
He'matll. Another form — not warranted
by the Hebrew — of the well-known name Ha-
suth (Am. vi. 14).
Hefmatfa. a person, or place, named in the
genealogical lists of Judah, as the origin of the
Seniles, and the "father" of the house of
Rbchab (1 Chr. ii. 55).
Hem'dan, the eldest son of Dishon, son
of Anah theHorite (Gen. xxxvi. 28). [Am-
bam 2.] The name Hemdan is by Knobel
compared with those of Hamad* and Hamady,
who are located to the E. and 8. E. of Akaba-
Also with the Bene-Hamgde, who are found a
short distance S. of Kerek.
Hemlock. The Hebrew rdsA is rendered
"hemlock" in two passages (Hos. x. 4 ; Am.
vL 12), but elsewhere "gall." [GaixJ
Hen. According to the A. V. of Zech. vi.
14, Hen is a son of Zephaniah, and apparently
the same who is called Josiah in ver. 10. But
by the LlX. and others, the words are taken
to mean "for the favor of the son of Zepha-
uah."
Hen. The hen is nowhere noticed in the
Bible except in Matt, xxiii. 37 ; Luke xiii. 34.
That a bird so common in Palestine should
receive such slight notice, is certainly singular.
He'na seems to have been one of the chief
cities of a monarchical state which the Assyrian
kings had reduced shortly before the time of
Sennacheri b (9 K. xix. 13; Is. xxxvii. 13).
Here, at no great distance from Sippara (now
41
Motaib), is an ancient town called i4na or
Anah, which may be the same as Hena. A
further conjecture identities Ana with a town
called Anal, which is mentioned in the Assyri-
an inscriptions as situated on an island in the
Euphrates. The modern Anat is on the right
bank of the stream.
He nadad, the head of a family of the
Levites who took a prominent part in the
rebuilding of the Temple (Err. iii. 9).
Henoch. 1. Enoch 2 (1 Chr. i. 8).— 2.
Hanoch 1 (1 Chr. i. 33)
He'pher. 1. The youngest of the sons of
GileadlNum. xxvi. 32), and head of the fam-
ily of the Hbphbkites. — 2. 8on of Ashur,
the "father of Tekoa" (1 Chr. iv. 6].— 8.
The Mecherathite, one of die heroes of David's
guard (1 Chr. xi. 36).
He'pher, a place in ancient Canaan, which
occurs in the list of conquered kings (Josh. xii.
17). It was on the west of Jordan (comp. 7
and 1 K. iv. 10).
He'pheritea, the, the family of Hepher
the son of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 32).
Heph'zi-bah. L A name signifying
" My delight in her," which is to be borne by
the restored Jerusalem (Is. lxii. 4). — 2. The
queen of King Hezekiah, and the mother of
Manasseb (2 K. xxi. 1).
Herald. The only notice of this officer
in the O. T. occurs in Dan. iii. 4. The term
" herald " might be substituted for " preacher "
in 1 Tim. ii. 7; 2 Tim. i. 11 ; 2 Pet. ii. 5.
Her'oules, the name commonly applied
by the Western nations to the tutelary deity
of Tyre (2 Mace. iv. 19, Ac.), whose national
title was Mdlcart = king of the citg. The identi-
fication was based upon a similarity of the
legends and attributes referred to the two dei-
ties; but Herodotus (ii. 44) recognized their
distinctness, and dwells on the extreme anti-
quity of the Tyrian rite. The worship of Mel-
kart was spread throughout the Tyrian colo-
nies, and was especially established at Car-
thage. There can be little doubt but that
Melkart is the proper name of the Baal men-
tioned in the later history of the O. T. Ap.
Herd, Herdsman. The herd was great-
ly regarded both in the patriarchal and Mosaic
period. The ox was the most precious stock
next to the horse and mule. The herd yielded
the most esteemed sacrifice (Num. vii. 3 ; Ps.
lxix. 31 ; Is. lxvi. 3) ; also flesh-meat and milk,
chiefly converted, probably, into butter and
cheese (Dent xxxii. 14; 2 Sam. xvii. 99),
which such milk yields more copiously than
that of small cattle. The full-grown ox is
hardly ever slaughtered in Syria ; but, both for
sacrificial and convivial purposes, the young
animal was preferred (Ex. xxix. 1 ). The agri-
cultural and general usefulness of the ox,
in ploughing, threshing, and as a beast of
burden (1 Chr. xii. 40; Is. xlvi. IV, made
such a slaughtering teem wasteful. The an-
imal was broken to service probably in his
third year (Is. xv. 5; Jer. xlvni. 34). In the
moist season, when grass abounded in the
waste lands, especially in the " south " region,
herds grazed there. Especially was the east-
ern table-land (Ez. xxxix. 18; Num. xxxii.
4) "a place for cattle." Herdsmen, ftc., in
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HERMON
822
HEROD
Egypt, were a low, perhaps the lowest caste ; '
but of the abundance of cattle in Egypt, and of
the care there bestowed on them, there is no
doubt (Gen. xlvii. 6, 17; Ex. ix. 4, 30). So
the plague of hail was sent to smite especially
the cattle (Ps. Ixxviii. 48), the first born of
which also were smitten (Ex. xii. 29). The
Israelites, departing, stipulated for (Ex. x. 26)
and took " much cattle " with them (xii. 38).
Cattle formed thus one of the traditions of the
Israelitish nation in its greatest period, and
became almost a part of that greatness. When
pasture failed, a mixture of various grains
(Job vi. 5) was used, as also "chopped straw "
(Gen. xxiv. 25 ; Is. xi. 7, lxv. 25), which was
torn in pieces by the threshing-machine, and
used probably for feeding in stalls. These last
formed an important adjunct to cattle-keeping,
being indispensable for shelter at certain sea-
sons (Ex. ix. 6, 19). The occupation of
herdsman was honorable in early times (Gen.
xlvii. 6; 1 Sam. xi. 5; 1 Chr. xxvii. 29,
xxviii. l). Saul himself resumed it in the in-
terval of his cares as king; also Doeg was
certainly high in his confidence (1 Sam. xxi.
7). Pharaoh made some of Joseph's brethren
"rulers over bis cattle." David's herd-mas-
ters were among his chief officers of state.
The prophet Amos at first followed this occu-
pation (Am. i. 1, vii. 14).
He'res (Is. xix. 18). See Ib-ha-hebxs.
Her'esh, a Levite attached to the taberna-
cle (1 Chr. ix. 15).
Her'mas, the name of a Christian resident
at Rome to whom St. Paul sends greeting in
his Epistle to the Romans (xvi. 14). Irenaeus,
Tcrtullian, and Origen agree in attributing to
him the work called the Shepherd: which is
supposed to have been written in the pontifi-
cate of Clement I. ; while others affirm it to
have been the work of a namesake in the fol-
lowing age. It existed for a long time only in
a Latin version ; but the first part in Greek is
to be found at the end of the Codex Sinaiticus.
It was never received into the canon ; but yet
was generally cited with respect only second to
that which was paid to the authoritative books
of the N. T., and was held to be in some sense
inspired.
Her'mes, a man mentioned in Rom. xvi.
14. According to tradition, he was one of the
Seventy disciples, and afterwards Bishop of
Dalmatia.
Hermog'enes, a person mentioned by St
Paul in the latest of ail his Epistles (2 Tim. i.
15) when all in Asia had turned away from
him, and among their number " Phygellus and
Herroogenes."
Her raon, a mountain on the north-east-
ern border of Palestine (Dent. iii. 8 ; Josh. xii.
1), over against Lebanon (Josh. xi. 17), ad-
joining the plateau of Bashan (1 Chr. v. 23).
Its situation being thus clearly defined in
Scripture, there can be no doubt as to its iden-
tity. It stands at the southern end, and is the
culminating point of the anti-Libanus range ;
it towers high above the ancient border-city of
Dan and the fountains of the Jordan, and is
the most conspicuous and beautiful mountain
< Properly ipeaUnc, there were no " cartes " In
K«ypt. — Kd.
in Palestine or Syria. The name Hermam ns
doubtless suggested by its appearance, — "a
lofty prominent peak, visible from afar. The
Sidonians called it Shim, and the Amoritea
Shenir. It was also named Sum, " the elevat-
ed" (Deut. iv. 48). So now, at the present
day, it is called Jebel eth-Sheikh, "the chief-
mountain ; " and Jebel eth-Thelj, " snowy moun-
tain." When the whole country is parched
with the summer sun, white lines of snow
streak the head of Hermon. This mountain
was the great landmark of the Israelites. It
was associated with their northern border
almost as intimately as the $ea was with the
western. Hermon has three summits, situat-
ed like the angles of a triangle, and about a
quarter of a mile from each other. This mar
account for the expression in Ps. xlii. 7 (6),
"I will remember thee from the land of the
Jordan and the Hermans." In two passages of
Scripture this mountain is called Baal-hermem
(Judg. iii. 3; 1 Chr. v. 23), possibly because
Baal was there worshipped. The height of
Hermon has never been measured, though it
has often been estimated. It may safely be
reckoned at 10,000 feet.
Hefmonites, the. Properly " the Her-
mons," with reference to the three summits of
Mount Hermon (Ps. xlii. 6 [7]).
Herod. Various accounts are given of the
ancestry of the Herods ; but neglecting the ex-
aggerated statements of friends and enemies, it
seems certain that they were of Idumasan de-
scent But though aliens by race, the Herods
were Jews in faith. The general policy of the
whole Hcrodian family centred in the endeavor
to found a great and independent kingdom, in
which the power of Judaism should subserve to
the consolidation of a state. — I. Hebod trk
Great was the second son of Antipater, who
was appointed procurator of Judiea by Jul ins
Cienar, B.C. 47, and Cypres, an Arabian of no-
ble descent. At the tune of his father's eleva-
tion, though only fifteen years old, he received
the government 'of Galilee, and shortly after-
wards that of Ccele-Syria. When Antony came
to Syria, B.C. 41, he appointed Herod and his
elder brother Phasael tetrarchs of Judaea.
Herod was forced to abandon Judaea next year
by an invasion of the Parthians, who supported
the claims of Antigonus, the representative of
the Asmonssan dynasty, and fled to Rome
(B.C. 40). At Rome he was well received by
Antony and Octavian, and was appointed by
the senate king of Judasa to the exclusion of
the Asmonsean line. In the course of a few-
years, by the help of the Romans, he took Jeru-
salem (b.c. 37), and completely established his
authority throughout his dominions. After
the battle of Actium, he visited Octavian at
Rhodes ; and his noble bearing won for him the
favor of the conqueror, who confirmed him in
the possession of the kingdom, B.C. 31 , and in the
next year increased it by the addition of several
important cities, and afterwards gave him the
province of Trachonitis and the district of Pa-
neas. The remainder of the reign of Herod
was undisturbed by external troubles ; but hi*
domestic life was imbittered by an almost unin-
terrupted series of injuries and cruel act* of
vengeance. The terrible acta of bloodshed
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HEROD
3:23
HEROD
which Herod perpetrated in his own family
were accompanied by others among his subjects,
equally terrible, from the number who fell vic-
tims to them. According to the well-known
story, he ordered the nobles whom he had
called to him in his last moments to be exe-
cuted immediately after his decease, that so at
least his death might be attended by universal
mourning. It was at the time of his fatal ill-
ness that he most have caused the slaughter of
the infants at Bethlehem (Matt ii. 16-18) ; and
from the comparative insignificance of the mur-
der of a few young children in an unimportant
village, when contrasted with the deeds which
he carried out or designed, it is not surprising
that Josephus has passed it over in silence. In
dealing with the religious feelings or prejudices
of the Jews, Herod showed as great contempt
for public opinion as in the execution of his
personal vengeance. But while he alienated in
this manner the affections of the Jews by his
cruelty and disregard for the Law, he adorned
Jerusalem with many splendid monuments of
his taste and magnificence. The Temple,
which he rebuilt with scrupulous care, was the
Cast of these works. The restoration was
n B.C. 30, and the Temple itself was com-
pleted in a year and a half. But fresh additions
were constantly made in succeeding years, so
that it was said that the Temple was " built in
forty and six years " (John ii. 20) , a phrase which
expresses the whole period from the commence-
ment of Herod's work to the completion of the
latest addition then made. — n. Herod An-
tipas was the son of Herod the Great by Mai-
thace, a Samaritan. His father had originally
destined him as his successor in the kingdom,
but by the last change of his will appointed him
" tetrarch of Galilee and Pcrssa" (Matt. xiv. 1 ;
Luke iii. 1 0, ix. 7 ; Acts xiii. 1 ; cf. Lnke iii. 1 ).
He first married a daughter of Aretas, " king
of Arabia Petrssa," but after some time he made
overtures of marriage to Herodias, the wife of
his half-brother Herod Philip, which she re-
ceived favorably. Aretas, indignant at the in-
salt offered to his daughter, found a pretext
for invading the territory of Herod, and de-
feated him with great loss. This defeat, accord-
ing to the famous passage in Josephus, was
attributed by many to the murder of John the
Baptist, which had been committed by Antipas
shortly before, under the influence of Herodias
(Man. xiv. 4 ff. ; Mark vi. 17 ff. ; Luke iii. 19).
At a later time, the ambition of Herodias proved
the cause of her husband's ruin. She urged
him to go to Rome to gain the title of king (cf.
Mark vi. 14) ; but he was opposed at the court
of Caligula by the emissaries of Agrippa, and
condemned to perpetual banishment at Lugdu-
iiim, a.d. 39. Herodias voluntarily shared his
punishment, and be died in exile. Pilate took
•ccasion from our Lord's residence in Galilee
to send Him for examination (Luke xxiii. 6 ff.)
to Herod Antipas, who came up to Jerusalem
to celebrate the Passover. The city of Tibe-
rias, which Antipas founded, and named in
honor of the emperor, was the most conspicu-
ous monument of his long reign. — III. Herod
Philip I. (Philip, Mark vi. 17) was the son of
Herod the Great and Mariamne, and must be
carefully distinguished from the tetrarch Philip.
He married Herodias, the sister of Agrippa L,
by whom he had a daughter Salome. Ilerodi.
as, however, left him, and made an infamous
marriage with his half-brother Herod Antipas
(Matt. xiv. 3 ; Mark vi. 17 ; Lnke iii. 19). He
was excluded from all share in his father's pos-
sessions, in consequence of his mother's treach-
ery, and lived afterwards in a private station. —
I V. Herod Philip II. was the son of Herod
the Great and Cleopatra. Like his half-broth-
ers Antipas and Archelans, he was brought up
at home. He received as his own government
Batanea, Trachonitis, Auranitis (Gaulonitis),
and some parts about Jamnia, with the title of
tetrarch (Luke iii. 1 ). He built a new city on
the site of Paneas, near the sources of the Jor-
dan, which he called Caesarea (Matt xvi. 13 ;
Mark viii. 27), and raised Bethsaida to the rank
of a city under the title of Julias, and died
there a.d. 34. He married Salome, the daugh-
ter of Herod Philip I. and Herodias. — V. Hkbod
Aorippa I. was the son of Aristobulus and
Berenice, and grandson of Herod the Great.
He was brought up at Rome with Claudius and
Drusus, and after a life of various vicissitudes
was thrown into prison by Tiberius, where he
remained till the accession of Caius (Caligula),
a.d. 37. The new emperor gave him the gov-
ernments formerly held by the tetrarchs Philip
and Lysanias, and bestowed on him the ensigns
of royalty and other marks of favor (Acts xii.
1). On the banishment of Antipas, his domin-
ions were added to those already held by
Agrippa. Afterwards Agrippa rendered im-
portant services to Claudius, and received from
him in return (a.d. 41) the government of
Judaea and Samaria Unlike his predecessors,
Agrippa was a strict observer of the Law, and
he sought with success the favor of the Jews.
It is probable that it was with this view he put
to death James the son of Zebedee, and further
imprisoned Peter (Acts xii. 1 ff.). But his
sudden death interrupted his ambitious pro-
jects. In the fourth year of his reign over the
whole of Judssa (a.d. 44), Agrippa attended
some games at Ccsarea, held in honor of the
Emperor. When he appeared in the theatre
(Acts xii. SI ), his flatterers saluted him as a
god ; and suddenly be was seized with tumble
pains, and, being carried from the theatre to
the palace, died after five days' agony. — VI.
Herod Aorippa H. was the son of Herod
Agrippa I. and Cypres, a grand-niece of Herod
the Great. At the time of the death of his
father (a.d. 44), he was at Rome. Not long
afterwards, however, the Emperor gave him
(c. a.d. 50) the kingdom of ClialcU, which had
belonged to his uncle; and then transferred
him (a.d. 52) to the tetrarchies formerly held
by Philip and Lysanias, with the title of king
(Acts xxv. 13). The relation in which ho
stood to his sister Berenice (Acts xxv. 13) was
the cause of grave suspicion. In the last Roman
war, Agrippa took part with the Romans, and
after the fall of Jerusalem retired with Berenice
to Rome, where he died in the third year of
Trajan (a.d. 100). The appearance of St Paul
before Agrippa (a.d. 60) offers several charac-
teristic traits. The " pomp " with which the
king came into the audience-chamber (Acts xxv.
23) was accordant with his general bearing ;
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HESHBON
324
HEZEKIAH
and the cold irony with which he met the im-
passioned words of the Apostle (Acts xxvi. 27,
28) suits the temper of one who was contented
to take part in the destruction of his nation.
Hero'dianfl. In the account which is
given by St. Matthew (xxii. 15 ff.) and St.
Hark (xii. 13 ff.) of the last efforts made by dif-
ferent sections of the Jews to obtain from our
Lord Himself the materials for His accusation,
a party nnder the name of Herodiam is repre-
sented as acting in concert with the Pharisees
(Matt xxii. 16 ; Mark xii. 13 ; corap. also iii. 6,
viii. 15). There were probably many who saw
in the power of the Hcrodian family the pledge
of the preservation of their national existence in
the nice of Roman ambition. Two distinct
classes might thus unite in supporting what
was a domestic tyranny as contrasted with ab-
solute dependence on Rome : those who saw in
the Herous a protection against direct heathen
rule, and those who were inclined to look with
satisfaction upon such a compromise between
the ancient faith and heathen civilization, as
Herod the Great and his successors had en-
deavored to realize, as the true and highest
consummation of Jewish hopes.
Hero'diBB] daughter of Aristobnlus, one
of the sons of Mariamne and Herod the Great,
and consequently sister of Agrippa I. She first
married Herod Philip L ; then she eloped from
him to marry Herod Antipas, her step-uncle,
who had been long married to and was still
living with the daughter of .Xneas or Arc-
tas, king of Arabia. The consequences both of
the crime, and of the reproof which it incurred,
are well known. Aretas made war upon Herod
for the injury done to his daughter, and routed
him with the loss of his whole army. The
head of John the Baptist was granted to the
request of Herodias (Matt xiv. 8-11 ; Mark vi.
24-28). According to Josephus, the execution
took place in a fortress called Macherus, look-
ing down upon the Dead Sea from the south-
She accompanied Antipas into exile to Lug-
donum.
Hero'dion, a relative of St. Paul, to whom
he sends his salutation amongst the Christians
of the Roman Church (Rom. xvi. 11).
Heron. The Hebrew anaphah appears as
the name of an nnclean bird in Lev. xi. 19 ;
Dent xiv. 18. It was probably a generic name
for a well-known class of birds. The only point
on which any two commentators seem to agree
is that it is not the heron. On etymological
grounds, Gcsenins considers the name applica-
ble to some irritable bird, perhaps the goose.
He'sed, the son of Hesed, or Ben-Chesed,
was commissary for Solomon in the district of
" the Arubboth, Socoh, and all the land of He-
pher"(l K.iv.10).
Hesh'bon, the capital city of Sihon king
of the Amorites (Num. xxi. 26). It stood on
the western border of the high plain ( Mithor,
Josh. xiii. 17), and on the ooundary-line be-
tween the tribes of Reuben and Gad. The
ruins of Hab&n, 20 miles east of the Jordan, on
the parallel of the northern end of the Dead
Sea, mark the site, as they bear the name, of
die ancient Heshbon. The ruins of Heshbon
stand on a low hill rising out of the great un-
dulating plateau. They are more than a mile
in circuit; bat not a building remains entire.
There are many cisterns among the ruins
(corap. Cant. vii. 4).
Hesh'moil, a place named, with others, as
lying in the extreme south of Judah (Josh. zv.
27). Nothing further is known of it
Hos roil. Hkzbon, the son of Reuben
(Num. xxvi. 6).
Hes'ronitee.the. Descendants of Hesron,
or Hezron, the son of Reuben (Num. xxvi. 6).
Heth, the forefather of the nation of thb
Hittites. In the genealogical tables of Gen.
x. and 1 Chr. i., Heth is a son of Canaan. The
Hittites were therefore a Hamite race, neither
of the " country " nor the " kindred " of Abra-
ham and Isaac (Gen. xxiv. 3, 4, xxviii. 1,2).
Hethlon, the name of a place on the
northern border of Palestine (Ez. xlvii. 15,
xlviii. 1 ). In all probability the " way of Heth-
lon " is the pass at the northern end of Lebanon,
and is thus identical with " the entrance of Hi-
math " in Num. xxxiv. 8, Ac.
He'seki, a Bcnjamite, one of the Bene-
Elpaal, a descendant of Shaaraim (1 Chr.
viii. 17).
Hezeki'ah, twelfth king of Judah, son of
the apostate Ahaz and Abi (or Abijah), as-
cended the throne at the age of 25, B.C. 726.
Since, however, Ahaz died at the age of 36,
some prefer to make Hezekiah only 20 years
old at his accession, as otherwise he must have
been born when Ahaz was a boy of 11 years
old ; but, if any change be desirable, it is bet-
ter to suppose that Ahaz was 25, and not 20
years old at his accession. Hezekiah was one
of the three most perfect kings of Judah (2 K.
xviii. 5 ; Ecclus. xlix. 4). His first act was to
purge, and repair, and re-open, with splendid
sacrifices and perfect ceremonial, the Temple
which had been despoiled and neglected dur-
ing the careless and idolatrous reign of his
father. This consecration was accompanied
by a revival of the theocratic spirit, so strict
as not even to spare " the high places," which,
although tolerated by many well-intentioned
kings, had naturally been profaned by the wor-
ship of images ana Asherahs (2 K. xviii. 4).
A still more decisive act was the destruction of
a brazen serpent, said to have been the one
used by Moses in the miraculous healing of the
Israelites (Num. xxi. 9), which had become an
object of adoration. When the kingdom of
Israel had fallen, Hezekiah extended his pious
endeavors to Ephraim and Manasseh ; and by
inviting the scattered inhabitants to a peculiar
Passover, kindled their indignation also against
the idolatrous practices which still continued
among them. This Passover was, from the
necessities of the case, celebrated at an un-
usual, though not illegal (Num. ix. 10, 11)
time ; and by an excess of Levitical zeal it
was continued for the unprecedented period of
fourteen days. For these latter facts the chron-
icler (2 Chr. xxix., xxx., xxxi.) is our sole
authority, and he characteristically narrates
them at great length. At the head of a repent-
ant and united people, Hezekiah ventured to
assume the aggressive against the Philistines ;
and in a series of victories, not onlyrewon th»
cities which his father hod lost (2 Chr. xxviii.
18), but even dispossessed them of their own
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HEZEKIAH
dries, except Gaza (S K. xviii. 8) and Gath. It
was perhaps to the purposes of this war that he
applied the money which would otherwise havo
been used to pay the tribute exacted by Shal-
manezer, according to the agreement of Ahaz
with his predecessor, Tiglath-Pileser. When,
after the capture of Samaria, the king of As-
syria applied for this impost, Hczekiah refused
it, and in open rebellion omitted to send even
the usual presents (a K. xviii. 7). Instant war
was averted by the heroic and long-continued
resistance of the Tyrians under their king
EIuIobus- This must have been a critical and
intensely anxious period for Jerusalem; and
Hezekiah used every available means to strength-
en his position, and render his capital impreg-
nable (2 K. xx. 30; 3 Chr. xxxii. 3-5, 30;
Is. xxii. 8-11, xxxiii. 18). According to a
scheme of chronology proposed by Dr. Hindu,
Hezekiah's dangerous illness (2 K. xx. ; Is.
xxxviii. ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 24) nearly synchronized
with Sarron's futile invasion, in the fourteenth
year of Hezekiah's reign, eleven years before
Sennacherib' $ invasion. That it must have ore-
ceded the attack of Sennacherib is nearly obvi-
ous from the promise in 3 K. xx. 6, as well as
from modern discoveries. Hezekiah, whose
kingdom was in a dangerous crisis, who had at
that time no heir (for Manasseh was not born
till long afterwards, 2 K. xxi. I), and who re-
garded death as the end of existence 1 (Is.
xxxviii.), "turned his face to the wall, and
wept sore " at the threatened approach of dis-
solution. God had compassion on his anguish,
and heard his prayer. Isaiah had hardly left
the palace, when he was ordered to promise the
king immediate recovery, and a fresh lease of
life, ratifying the promise by a sign, and curing
the boil bv a plaster of figs, which were often
used medicinally in similar caws. What was
the exact nature of the disease we cannot say :
according to Mead, it was fever terminating in
abscess. Various ambassadors came with let-
ters and gifts to congratulate Hczekiah on his
recovery (2 Chr. xxxii. 234, and among them
an embassy from Merodach-Baladan (or Bcro-
dach, 2 K. xx. 12), the viceroy of Babylon, the
Mardokempados of Ptolemy's canon. The os-
tensible object of this mission was to compli-
ment Hezekiah on his convalescence (2 K. xx.
1 2 ; Is. xxxix. 1 ), and " to inquire of the won-
der that was done in the land (2 Chr. xxxii.
31), a rumor of which could not foil to interest
a people devoted to astrology ; but ; ts real pur-
pose was to discover how far an alliance between
the two powers was possible or desirable, for
Mardokempados, no less than Hezekiah, was in
apprehension of the Assyrians. Community of
interest made Hezekiah receive the overtures of
Babylon with unconcealed gratification; and,
perhaps to enhance the opinion of his own
importance as an ally, he displayed to the mes-
sengers the princely treasures which he and his
predecessors had accumulated. If ostentation
were his motive, it received a terrible rebuke,
and he was informed by Isaiah that from the
then tottering and subordinate province of
■ It Is an error to Infer from the highly figurative
language of Hetekiah'a lament that he was Igno-
rant of the grand doctrine of Immortality. See
Heb. xl. 10-Mt. — Ed.
Babylon, and not from the mighty Assyria,
would come the ruin and captivity of Judah
(Is. xxxix. 5). Sargon was succeeded (e.c.
702) by his son Sennacherib, whose two invv
sions occupy the greater part of the Scripture
records concerning the reijjn of Hezekiah. The
first of these took place in the third year of
Sennacherib (n.c. 702), and occupies only three
verses (2 K. xviii. 13-16), though the route of
the advancing Assyrians may be traced in Is.
x. 5, xi. The rumor of the invasion redoubled
Hezekiah's exertions, and he prepared for a
siege by providing offensive and defensive ar-
mor, stopping up the wells, and diverting the
watercourses, conducting the water of Gihon
into the city by a subterranean canal (Ecclus.
xlviii. 17). Bnt the main hope of the political
faction was the alliance with Egypt, and they
seem to have sought it by presents and private
entreaties (Is. xxx. 6). The account given of
this first invasion in the Annals of Sennacherib
is that he attacked Hczekiah because the Ek-
ronites had sent their king Padiva (or " Had-
diya ") as a prisoner to Jerusalem (cf. 2 K.
xviii. 8) ; that he took forty-six cities (" all the
fenced cities " in 2 K. xviii. 13 is apparently a
general expression, cf. xix. 8) and 200,000 pris-
oners ; that he besieged Jerusalem with mounds
(cf. 2 K. xix. 32); and although Hezekiah
promised to pay 800 talents of silver (of which
perhaps 300 only were ever paid) and 30 of
gold (2 K. xviii. 14), yet, not content wiih this,
he mulcted him of a part of his dominions, and
gave them to the kings of Ekron, Ashdod, and
Gaza. In almost every particular, this account
agrees with the notice in Scripture. Hezekiah's
bribe (or fine) brought a temporary release, for
the Assyrians marched into Egypt where, if
Herodotus and Josephus are to be trusted, they
advanced, without resistance, to Pelnsinm. In
spite of this advantage, Sennacherib was forced
to raise the siege of Pelusium, by thb advance
of Tirhakah or Tarakos. Returning from his
futile expedition, Sennacherib " dealt treacher-
ously " with Hczekiah (Is. xxxiii. 1 ) by attack-
ing the stronghold of Lachish. Thtswas the
commencement o' that second invasion, rcspei t-
ing which we have such full details in 2 K.
xviii. 17 sq. ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 9 sq. ; Is. xxxii.
Although the annals of Sennacherib on the
great cylinder in the Brit. Museum reach to the
end of his eighth year, and this second invasion
belongs to his fifth yoar (b.c. 698, tho twenty-
eighth year of Hezekiah), yet no allusion to it
has been found. So shameful a disaster was
naturally concealed by national vanity. From
Lachish he sent against Jerusalem an army
under two officers and his cup-bearer tho orator
Rabshakch, with a blasphemous and insulting
summons to surrender. Hezekiah's ministers
were thrown into anguish and dismay; but the
undaunted Isaiah hurled back threatening for
threatening with unrivalled eloquence and force.
Meanwhile Sennacherib, having taken Lachish,
was besieging Libnah, when, alarmed by a
" rumor " of Tirhakah 's advance, he was forced
to relinquish once more his immediate designs,
and content himself with a defiant letter to
Hezekiah. The next event of tho campaign,
about which we are informed, is that tho Jew-
ish king with simple piety prayed to God with
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HIGH PLACES
Sennacherib's letter outspread before him, and
received a prophecy of immediate deliverance.
Accordingly " that night the Angel of the Lord
went out and smote in the camp of the Assy-
rians 185,000 men." There is no doubt that
some secondary cause was employed in the ac-
complishment "of this event. We are certain! v
"not to suppose," as Dr. Johnson observed,
" that the angel went about with a sword in his
hand, stabbing them one by one, but that some
powerful natural agent was employed." Jose-
phns, followed by an immense majority of an-
cient and modern commentators, attributes it
to the Pestilence. 1 Hezekiah only lived to en-
joy for about one vcar more his well-earned
peace and glory, lie slept with his fathers
after a reign of twenty-nine years, in the 56th
year of his age (b.c. 697). — 2. Son of Nea-
riah, one of the descendants of the royal family
of Judah ( 1 Chr. iii. 23). — 3. The same name,
though rendered in the A. V. Hi/.kiah, is
found in Zeph. i. 1. — 4. Ater-of-Hkzekiah.
[Ater.1
Hesion, a king of Aram (Syria), father
of Tabrimon, and grandfather of Benhadad I.
He and his father are mentioned only in 1 K. i
xv. 18. In the absence of all information, the
natural suggestion is that he is identical with
Rkzon, the contemporary of Solomon, in 1 K.
xi. 23 ; the two names being very similar in
Hebrew, and still more so in the versions.
He'zir. 1. A priest in the time of David,
leader of the 17th monthly course in the service
(1 Chr. xxiv. 1 5). — 2. One of the heads of the
people (laymen) who sealed the solemn cove-
nant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 20).
Hezra'i, one of the thirty heroes of David's
guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 35). In the parallel list,
the name appears as
Hez'ro, in 1 Chr. xi. 37.
Hez'ron. 1. A son of Reuben (Gen. xlvi.
9; Ex. vi. 14). — 2. A son of Pharez (Gen.
xlvi. 12; Ruthiv. 18).
Hez'ronites, the. 1. Descendants of
Hezron, the son of Reuben (Num. xxvi. 6).
— 2. A branch of the tribe of Judah, descend-
ants of Hezron, the son of Pharez (Num. xxvi.
31).
Hidda'i, one of the thirty-seven heroes of
David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 30).
Hiddek'el, one of the rivers of Eden,
the river which " goeth eastward to Assyria "
(Gen. ii. 14), and which Daniel calls " the
great river" (Dan. x. 4), seems to have been
rightly identified by tlio LXX. with the Tigris.
Dckd'is clearly an equivalent of Diqla or Dig-
lath, a name borne by the Tigris in all ages.
The nnme now in use among the inhabitants
of Mesopotamia is Dijleh. It has generally
been supposed that Digla is a mere Shemitic
corruption of Tigra, and that this latter is the
true name of the stream; but it must be ob-
served that the two forms are found side by
side in the Babylonian transcript of the Bchis-
tun inscription, and that the ordinary name of
tho stream in the inscriptions of Assyria is
Tiqqar.
Hi'el, a native of Bethel, who rebuilt Jeri-
cho in the reign of Ahab (1 K. xvi. 34) ; and
■ And who knows that the pettUenoe Is not a
mult of angelic agency t— Eo.
in whom was fulfilled the cane pronounced by
Joshua (Josh. vi. 26).
Hierap'olis. This place is mentioned only
once in Scripture (Col. it. 13), with Colossjc
and Laooicea. Such association is just what
we should expect ; for the three towns were all
in the basin of the Masander, and within a few
miles of one another. Its modern name is
Pambouk-Kalmti.
Hier'eel, i Esd. ix.2i. [Jehiel.] Ap.
Hier'emoth. L l Esd. ix. 27. JJerb-
moth.J — 2. 1 Esd. ix 30. [Ramoth.] Ap.
Hierielus, 1 Esd. ix. 27, answers to Jv
Hiel in Ezr. x. An.
Hier'mas, 1 Esd. ix. 26. [Rami ah. ) A,:
Hieron'yinUS, a Syrian general in the
time of Antiochus V. Eupator (2 Mace. xii.
2). Ap.
Higgai'On, a word which occurs three
times in the hook of Psalms (ix. 17, xix. 15,
xcii. 4). Mendelssohn translates it meditation,
thought, idea. It should seem that Higgaic*
has two meanings, — one of a general character,
implying thought, reflection ; and another in P«-
ix. 17, and Ps. xcii. 4, of a technical nature,
the precise meaning of which cannot at tin.
distance of time be determined.
High Places. From the earliest times l*
was the custom among all nations to erect altars
and places of worship on lofty and conspicuour
spots. To this general custom we find constant
allusion in the Bible (Is. lxv. 7; Jer. iii. 6:
Ez. vi. 13, xviii. 6; Hos. iv. 13), and it is es-
pecially attributed to the Moabites (Is. xv. 2,
xvi. 12; Jer. xlviii. 35). Even Abraham built
an altar to the Lord on a mountain near Bethel
(Gen. xii. 7, 8 ; cf. xxii. 2-4, xxxi. 54), which
shows that the practice was then as innocent
as it was natural ; and although it afterwards
became mingled with idolatrous observances
(Num. xxiii. 3), it was in itself far less likely to
be abused than the consecration of groves (Hos.
iv. 13). It is, however, quite obvious that if
every grove and eminence had been suffered to
become a place for legitimate worship, especially
in a country where they had already been defiled
with the sins of polytheism, the utmost danger
would have resulted to the pure worship of the
one true God. It was therefore implicitly for-
bidden by the law of Moses (Dent. xii. 11-14),
which also gave the strictest injunction to de-
stroy these monuments of Canaanitish idolatry
(Lev. xxvi. 30; Num. xxxiii. 52; Deut. xxxih.
29), without stating any general reason for this
command, beyond the fact that they had been
connected with such associations. The com-
mand was a prospective one, and was not to
come into force until such time as the tribes
were settled in tho promised land. Thus wo
find that both Gideon and Manoah built altars
on high places by Divine command (Judg. vi.
25, 26, xni. 16-23), and it is quite clear from
tho tone of the book of Judges that the law on
the subject was either totally forgotten or prac-
tically obsolete. It is more surprising to find
this law absolutely ignored at a much later pe-
riod, when there was no intelligible reason for
its violation, — as by Samuel at Mizpch (1 Sam.
vii. 10) and at Bethlehem (xvi. 5) ; by Saul at
Gilgal (xiii. 9) and at Ajalon (? xiv. 35) ; by
David (1 Chr. xxi. 26) ; by Elijah on Mount
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HIGH-PRIEST
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HIGH-PRIEST
Gannett (IK. xviii. 30) ; and by other prophets
(1 Sam. z. 5). The explanations which are
given are sufficiently unsatisfactory ; bat it is at
amy rate certain that the worship in high places
was organized and all but universal throughout
Judasa, not only daring (1 K. iii. 2-4), but even
after, the time or Solomon. The convenience
of them was obvious, because, as local centres
of religious worship, they obviated the unpleas-
ant and dangerous necessity of visiting Jerusa-
lem for the celebration of the yearly feasts (3 K.
xxiii. 9). Many of the pious kings of Judah were
either too weak or too ill informed to repress the
worship of Jehovah at these local sanctuaries,
while they of course endeavored to prevent it
from being contaminated with polytheism. At
list Hezckiah set himself in good earnest to the
(oppression of this prevalent corruption (2 K.
XTiu. 4, 22), both in Judah and Israel (2 Chr.
xxxi. I ) ; although, so rapid was the growth of
the evil, that even his sweeping reformation
required to be finally consummated by Josiah
(2 K. xxiii.), and that too in Jerusalem and its
immediate neighborhood (2 Chr. xxxiv. 3).
After the time of Josiah, we find no further
mention of these Jehovistic high places.
High-Priest. In treating or the office of
high-priest among the Israelites it will be con-
venient to consider it — L Legally. IL Theo-
logically. III. Historically. — "I. The legal
view of the high-priest's office comprises all
that the law of Moses ordained respecting it
The first distinct separation of Aaron to the
office of the priesthood, which previously be-
longed to the first-born, was that recorded Ex.
xxriii. We find from the very first the follow-
ing characteristic attributes of Aaron and the
high-priests his successors, as distinguished
from the other priests : — ( 1 . ) Aaron alone was
anointed (Lev. viii. 12), whence one of the dis-
tinctive epithets of the high-priest was " the
anointed priest" (Lev. iv. 3, 5, 16, xxi. 10; see
Xam. xxxv. 25). This appears also from Ex.
xxix. 29, 30. The anointing of the sons of
Aaron, i-e. the common priests, seems to have
been confined to sprinkling their garments with
the anointing oil (Ex. xxix. 21, xxviii. 41,
&c.). The anointing of the high-priest is al-
luded to in Ps. cxxxiii. 2. The composition of
the anointing oil is prescribed Ex. xxx. 22-25.
The manufacture of it was intrusted to certain
priests, called apothecaries (Neb. iii. 8). — (2.)
The high-priest bad a peculiar dress, which
passed to his successor at his death. This dress
consisted of eight parts, as the Rabbins con-
stantly note, the breatsplate, the ephod with its
curious girdle, the robe of the ephod, the mitre,
the broidered coat or diaper tunic, and the girdle ;
the materials being gold, blue, red, crimson,
and fine (white) linen (Ex. xxviii.). To the
above are added, in ver. 42, the breeches or
ir aw e rt ( Lev. xvi. 4) of linen ; and to make up
the number 8, some reckon the high-priest s
nitre, or the plate separately from the bonnet ;
while others reckon the curious girdle of the
ephod separately from the ephod. Of these 8
articles of attire, 4 — viz., the coat or tunic, the
girdle, the breeches, and the bonnet or turban
tmigba'ak) instead of the mitre (miitnepheth) —
belonged to the common priests. Taking the
articles of the high-priest's dress in the order in
which tbey are enumerated above, we have [a.)
the breastplate, or, as it is further named (ver.
15, 29, 30), the breastplate of judgment. It
was, like the inner curtains of the tabernacle,
the veil, and the ephod, of "cunning work."
The breastplate was originally two spans long,
and one span broad ; but when doubled it was
square, the Bhape in which it was worn. It
was fastened at the top by rings and chains of
wreathen gold to the two onyx stones on the
shoulders, and beneath with two other rings
and a lace of blue to two corresponding rings
in the ephod, to keep it fixed in its place, above
the curious girdle. But the most remarkable
and most important part of this breastplate
were the twelve precious stones, set in four
rows, three in a row, thus corresponding to the
twelve tribes, and divided in the same manner
as their camps were ; each stone having the
name of one of the children of Israel engraved
upon it. According to the LXX. and Joscphus,
and in accordance with the language of Scrip-
ture, it was these stones which constituted the
Urim and Thummim. [Urih and Thuhhiu.]
The addition of precious stones and costly or-
naments expresses glory beyond simple justifi-
cation (comp. Is. lxii. 3 ; Rev. xxi. il, 12-21).
But, moreover, the high-priest being a repre-
sentative personage, the fortunes of the whole
people would most properly be indicated in his
person. A striking instance of this, in connec-
tion too with symbolical dress, is to be found in
Zech. iii. It seems to be sufficiently obvious
that the breastplate of righteousness or judg-
ment, resplendent with the same precious stones
which symbolize the glory of the New Jerusa-
lem, and on which were engraved tho names of
the twelve tribes, worn by the high-priest, who
was then said to bear tho judgment of the chil-
dren of Israel upon his heart, was intended to
express by symbols the acceptance of Israel
grounded upon the sacrificial functions of the
high-priest. — (6.) The ephod. This consisted
of two parts, of which one covered the back,
and the other the front, i.e. the breast and upper
i-M » of the body. These were clasped together
on the shoulder with two large onyx stones,
each having engraved on it six of the names
of the tribes of Israel. It was further united
by a " curious girdle " of gold, blue, purple,
scarlet, and fine twined linen round the waist.
[Ephod; Girdle] — (c.) The robe of the
ephod. This was of inferior material to the
ephod itself, being all of bine (ver. 31), which
implied its being only of " woven work "
(xxxix. 22). It was worn /mmcdiately under
the ephod, and was longer than it. The blue
robe had no sleeves, but only slits in the sides
for the arms to come through. It had a hole for
tho head to pass throngh, with a border round
it of woven work, to prevent its being rent.
The skirt of this robe had a remarkable trim-
ming of pomegranates in blue, red, and crim-
son, with a bell of gold between each pome-
granate alternately. The hells were to give a
sound when the high-priest went in and came
out of the Holy Place. — (rf.) The mitre or
upper turban, with its gold plate, engraved with
Ilor.iNKSs to the Lord, fastened to it by a
ribbon of blue. Joscphus applies the term
miUnepheth to the turbans of the common pri'-srs
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as well, bat says that in addition to this, and
sewn on to the top of it, the high-priest had
another turban of blue; that besides this he
bad outside the turban a triple crown of gold,
consisting, that is, of three rims, one above the
other, and terminating at top in a kind of
conical calyx, like the inverted calyx of the
herb hyoscyamus. Josepbus doubtless gives a
true account of the high-priest's tnrban as worn
in his day. He also describes the lamina or
gold plate, which be says covered the forehead
of the high-priest. — (e.) The broidered coat
was a tunic or long skirt of linen with a tessel-
lated or diaper pattern, like the setting of a
stone. The girdle, also of linen, was wound
round the body several times from the breast
downwards, and the ends hung down to the
ankles. The breeches or drawers, of linen, cov-
ered the loins and thighs ; and the bonnet or
migba 'ah was a turban of linen, partially cover-
ing the head, but not in the form of a cone like
that of the high-priest when the mitre was added
to it. These four last were common to all
priests. — (3.) Aaron had peculiar functions.
To him alone it appertained, and he alone was
rmitted, to enter the Holy of Holies, which
did once a year, on the great day of atone-
ment, when he sprinkled the blood of the sin-
oficring on the mercy-seat, and burnt incense
within the veil (Lev. xvi.). He is said by the
Talmudists not to have worn his full pontifical
robes on this occasion, but to have been clad
entirely in white linen (Lev. xvi. 4, 32). It is
singular, however, that on the other hand Jose-
pbus says that the great rest day was the chief,
if not the only day in the year, when the high-
priest wore all his robes. — (4.) The high-priest
had a peculiar place in the law of the manslayer,
and his taking sanctuary in the cities of refuge.
The manslayer might not leave the city of ref-
uge during the lifetime of the existing high-
priest who was anointed with the holy oil
(Num. xxxv. 25, 28). It was also forbidden to
the high-priest to follow a funeral, or rend his
clothes for the dead, according to the precedent
in Lev. x. 6. The other respects in which the
high-priest exercised superior functions to the
other priests arose rather from his position and
opportunities, than were distinctly attached to
his office ; and they consequently varied with the
personal character and abilities of the high-
priest. Even that portion of power which
most naturally and usually belonged to him,
the rule of the Temple, and the government of
the priests and Levites who ministered there,
did not invariably fall to the share of the high-
priest. The Rabbins speak very frequently of
one second in dignity to the high-priest, whom
they call the Sagan, and who often acted in
the high-priest's room. He is the same who in
the O. T. is called "the second priest" (2 K.
xxiii. 4, xxv. 18). Thus too it is explained of
Annas and Caiaphas (Luke iii. 2), that Annas
was Sagan. Ananias is also thought by some
to have been Sagan, acting for the high-priest
(Acts xxiii. 2). It does not appear by whose au-
thority the high-priests were appointed to their
office before there were kings of Israel. But
as we find it invariably done by the civil power
in later times, it is probable that, in the times
preceding the monarchy, it was by the elders, or
Sanhedrim. It should be added, that the usual
age for entering upon the functions of the
priesthood, according to 2 Chr. xxxi. 17, is
considered to have been twenty years, though
a priest or high-priest was not actually inca-
pacitated if he bad attained to puberty. Again,
according to Lev. xxi., no one that had a blem-
ish could officiate at the altar. — H. Theologi-
cally. The theological view of the high-priest-
hood does not fall within the scope of this
Dictionary. It must suffice, therefore, to indi-
cate that such a view would embrace the con-
sideration of the office, dress, functions, and
ministrations of the high-priest, considered as
typical of the priesthood of our Lord Jesus
Christ, and as setting forth under shadows the
truths which are openly taught under the Gos-
pel. This has been done to a great extent in
the Epistle to the Hebrews. It would also em-
brace all the moral and spiritual teaching sup-
posed to be intended by such symbols. — III.
To pass to the historical view of the subject.
The nistory of the high-priests embraces a peri-
od of about 1 ,370 years, and a succession of about
80 high-priests, beginning with Aaron, and end-
ing with Phannias. They naturally arrange
themselves into three groups — (a.) those before
David ; (o.) those from David to the captivity ;
(c.) those from the return of the Babylonish
captivity till the cessation of the office at the
destruction of Jerusalem, (a.) The high-
priests of the first group who are distinctly
made known to us as such are — 1. Aaron ; 2.
Eleaiar; 3. Phinehas; 4. Eli; 5. Ahitnb (1
Chr. ix. 11 ; Neh. xi. 11 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 3) ; 6.
Ahiah; 7. Ahimelech. Phinehas the son of
Eli, and rather of Ahitnb, died before his father,
and so was not high-priest. Of the above, the
three first succeeded in regular order, Nadab
and Abihu, Aaron's eldest sons, having died in
the wilderness (Lev. x.). But Ell, the 4th,
was of the line of Ithamar. What was the
exact interval between the death of Phinehas
and the accession of Eli, what led to the trans
ferrence of the chief priesthood from the line of
Eleazar to that of Ithamar, we have no means
of determining from Scripture. Josepbus as-
serts that the father of Bukki — whom be calls
Joseph, and Abiezer, i.e. Abishua — was the
last nigh-priest of Phinehas's line, before Zadok.
If Abishua died, leaving a son or grandson
under age, Eli, as head of the line of Ithamar,
might have become high-priest as a matter of
course, or he might have been appointed by the
elders. If Ahiah and Ahimelech are not vari-
ations of the name of the same person, they
must have been brothers, since both were sons
of Ahitub. The high-priests then before Da-
vid's reign may be set down as eight in number,
of whom seven are said in Scripture to have
been high-priests, and one by Josephus alone.
— (6.) Passing to the second group, we begin
with the unexplained circumstance of there
being two priests in the reign of David, appar-
ently of nearly equal authority ; via., Zadok
and'Abiathar (1 Chr. xv. 11 ; 8 Sam. vii 17).
It is not unlikely that after the death of Ahim-
elech, and the secession of Abiatbar to David,
Saul may have made Zadok priest, and that
David may have avoided the difficulty of decid-
ing between the claims of his faithful friend
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HIGH-PRIEST
Atnathar and bin new and important ally Zadok
by appointing them to a joint priesthood : the
first place, with the Ephod, and Urim and
Thnmmim, remaining with Abiathar, who was
in actual possession of them. The first consid-
erable difficulty that meets ns in the historical
surrey of the high-priests of the second group
is to ascertain who was high-priest at the
dedication of Solomon's Temple. Josephus
says that Zadok was, and the Seder 01am
makes him the high-priest in the reign of Solo-
mon ; bat 1 K. iv. 2 distinctly asserts that Av
ariah the son of Zadok was priest under Solo-
mon, and 1 Chr. ri. 10 tells as of Azariah, " He
it is that executed the priest's office in the tem-
ple that Solomon built in Jerusalem," obvious-
ly meaning at its first completion. We can
hardly therefore be wrong in saying that Aza-
riah the son of Ahimaax was the first high-
priest of Solomon's Temple. In constructing
the hat of the succession of priests of this
group, oar method must be to compare the
genealogical list in 1 Chr. ri. 8-15 (A. V.) with
the notices of high-priests in the sacred history,
sad with the list given by Josephus. Now, as
regards the genealogy, it is seen at once that
there U something defective; for whereas from
David to Jeconiah there are twenty kings, from
Zadok to Jehozadak there are bnt thirteen
priestx. Then again, while the pedigree in its
six first generations from Zadok, inclusive, ex-
actly suits the history, yet is there a great gap
in tie middle ; for between Amariah, the high-
priest in Jehoshaphat's reign, and Shallum the
fatbe- of Hilkiah, the high-priest in Josiah's
reign, — an interval of about 240 years, — there
are bat two names, Ahitub ana Zadok, and
those liable to the utmost suspicion from their
reproducing the same sequence which occurs in
the earlier part of the same genealogy, — Ama-
riah, Ahitub, Zadok. But the historical books
supply us with four or five names for this inter-
val : viz., Jehoiada in the reigns of Athaliah and
Joash, and probably still earlier ; Zechariah his
son ; A zariah in the reign of Uzziah ; Urijah in
the reign of Ahaz ; and Azariah in the reign of
Hezekiah. If, however, in the genealogy of
I Chr. ri., Azariah and Hilkiah have been acci-
dentally transposed, as is not unlikely, then the
Azariah who was high-priest in Hezekiah's reign
wul be the Azariah of 1 Chr. vi. 13, 14. Putting
the additional historical names at four, and de-
ducting the two suspicious names from the gen-
ealogy, we hare fifteen high-priests indicated
in Scripture as contemporary with the twenty
kings, with room, however, for one or two more
in tEe history. In addition to these, the 'Sudeas
of Josephus, who corresponds to Zedekiah in
the reign of Amaziah in the Seder Olam, and
Odessa, who corresponds to Hoshaiah in the
reign of Manasseh, according to the same Jew-
ish chronicle, may really represent high-priests
whose names have not been preserved in Scrip-
tare. This would bring up the number to sev-
enteen, or, if we retain Azariah at the father of
Seraiah, to eighteen, which agrees nearly with
the twenty kings. Reviewing the high-priests
of tins second group, the following are some
of the most remarkable incidents: — (I) The
tr ansfer of the seat of worship from Shiloh in
the tribe of Ephraim to Jerusalem in the tribe
42
of Judah, effected by David, and consolidated
by the building of the magnificent Temple of
Solomon. (2) The organization of the Tem-
ple service under the high-priest. (3) The re-
volt of the ten tribes. (4) The overthrow of
the usurpation of Athaliah by Jehoiada the
high-priest. (5) The boldness and success with
which the high-priest Azariah withstood the en-
croachments of the king Uzziah upon the office
and functions of the priesthood. (6) The re-
pair of the Temple by Jehoiada, the restoration
of the Temple services by Azariah in the reign
of Hezekiah, and the discovery of the book of
the law and the religious reformation by Hil-
kiah in the reign of Josiah. (7) In all these
great religious movements, however, excepting
the one headed by Jehoiada, it is remarkable
how the civil power took the lead. The pre-
ponderance of the civil over the ecclesiastical
Jower, as an historical met, in the kingdom of
udah, although kept within bounds by the he-
reditary succession of the high-priests, seems
to be proved from these circumstances. The
priests of this series ended with Seraiah, who
was taken prisoner by Nebuzar-edan, and slain
at Riblab by Nebuchadnezzar, together with
Zephaniah the seccd priest or Sa^an, after the
burning of the Temple and the plunder of all
the sacred vessels (2 K. xx. 18). His son Je-
hozadak or Josedech was at the same time car-
ried away captive (1 Chr. vi. 15). The time
occupied by these high-priests was about 454
years, which gives an average of something
more than twenty-five years to each high-priest.
It is remarkable that not a single instance is re-
corded after the time of David of an inquiry by
Urim and Thnmmim. The ministry of the
prophets seems to hare superseded that of the
high-priests (see t.g. 2 Chr. xv., xviii., xx. 14,
15; 2 K. xix. 1, 2, xxii. 12-14; Jer. xxi. 1,2).
— (c.) An interval of about fifty-two years
elapsed between the high-priests of the second
and third group, during which there was neith-
er temple, nor altar, nor ark, nor pi iest. Je-
hozadak, or Josedech, as it is written in Haggai
(i. 1, 14, Ac.), who should have succeeded Se-
raiah, lived and died a captive at Babylon.
The pontifical office revived in his sou Jeshna,
of whom such frequent mention is made in Ez-
ra and Nehemiah, Haggai and Zechariah, 1
Esdr. and Ecclus. ; and he therefore stands at
the head of this third and last scries, honorably
distinguished for his zealous co-operation with
Zerubbabel in rebuilding the Temple, and re-
storing the dilapidated commonwealth of Israel.
His successors, as far as the 0. T. guides us,
were Joiakim, Eliashib, Joiada, Jonanan (or
Jonathan), and Jaddua. Jaddua was high-
priest in the time of Alexander the Great.
Jaddua was succeeded by Onias 1., his son, and
he again by Simon the Just, the last of the men
of the great synagogue. Upon Simon's death,
his son Onias being under age, Eleazar, Simon's
brother, succeeded him. The high-priesthood
of Eleazar is memorable as being that under
which the LXX. version of the Scriptures was
made at Alexandria for Ptolemy Philadelphia,
according to the account of Josephus taken
from Ansteas. Viewed in its relation to Juda-
ism and the high-priestliood, this translation
was a sign, and perhaps a helping cause, of their
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HIGH-PRIEST
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HILKIAH
decay. It marked a growing tendency to Hel-
lenize, utterly inconsistent with the spirit of the
Mosaic economy. What, however, for a time
saved the Jewish institutions, was the cruel and
impolitic persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes.
The result was that after the high-priesthood
had been brought to the lowest degradation by
the apostasy and crimes of the last Onias or
Menelaus, the son of Eleazar, and after a vacan-
cy of seven years had followed the brief pontifi-
cate of Alcimus, his no less infamous successor,
a new and glorious succession of high-priests
arose in the Asmonean family, who united the
dignity of civil rulers, and for a time of inde-
pendent sovereigns, to that of the high-priest-
hood. The Asmonean family were priests of
the course of Joiarib, the first of the twenty-
four courses (1 Chr. xxiv. 7), whose return
from captivity is recorded I Chr. ix. 10 ; Nch.
xi. 10. They were probably of the house of
Eleazar, though this cannot be affirmed with
certainty. This Asmonean dynasty lasted from
B.C. 153, till the family was damaged by intes-
tine divisions, and then destroyed by Herod the
Great. Aristobulus, the last nigh-priest of his
line, brother of Mariamne, was murdered by
order of Herod, his brother-in-law, b.c. 35.
There were no fewer than twenty-eight high-
priests from the reign of Herod to the destruc-
tion of the Temple by Titus, a period of 107
years. The N. T. introduces us to some of
these later, and oft-changing high-priests, viz.
Annas, Caiaphas, and Ananias. Theophilus,
the son of Animus, was the high-priest from
whom Saul received letters to the synagogue at
Damascus (Acts ix. 1, 14). Phannias, the last
high-priest, was appointed by lot by the Zealots
from the conrse of priests called by 'Joscphus
Eniachim (probably a corrupt reading for Ja-
chim). The subjoined table shows the succes-
sion of high-priests, as far it can be ascertained,
and of the contemporary civil rulers : —
civil acua. niGB-raiUT.
Moms Aaron.
Joanna F-leoxar.
Othnlel Phinchaa.
Ablahoa Ablahua.
Ell Ell.
Samuel Ahltub.
Saul Ahljob.
David Zodok. and Ablathar.
Solomon Azorlah.
AbUah Johanan.
Asa Azariah.
Jcboshephat Amarlah.
Jehoram Jebolada.
Ahazlnh
Jchoash Do and Zenharlah.
Amazlah ?
ITzzlah Axarlah.
Jotham t
Abaz UrtJah.
Hezekiah Azarlah.
Manassch Shallum.
Amon **
Josiah Hilkiah.
Jebotaklin Azariahf
Zedeklah Seraloh.
F.vll-Merodach Jcbozsdak.
Zcrubbabel (Cyrus and Darius). Joshua
Mordecnl? (Xerxes) Jolaklm.
Ezra and Nehemlab (Artaxerx- Eluuhlb.
cs).
Darius Xothna Jolada.
Artaxcrxea Mnomon Johanan.
Alexander the Great Jaddua.
Onlaa 1. (Ptolemy Soter. Antlgo- Onlai I.
nua).
Ptolemy Boter Simon the J oat
Ptolemy Phlladelphui Eleazar.
*' Manaaseb.
Ptolemy Eaergetea Onlaa II.
crvn. acua. ncB-rawr.
Ptolemy Ptulopetor .. .. Simon II.
rtoleiny Eplphaoee and An- Onlaa III.
tlocbue.
Anuochus Eplphanea . . . . (Joshua, or) Jaaon-
" '' .. .. Onlaa, or Menehioe.
Demetrlua Jacimtu, or Alclmoa.
Alexander Bala* Jonathan, brother of Jay
das Maccabaua (Aamo>
nean).
Simon (Aimonean) .. .. Simon (Asmonean).
John Hyrcauus (Asm.) . . John Hyrcanus (Do.).
King Aristobulus ( Asm.) . . Aristobulus ( Do. ).
King Alexander Jannieus .. Alexander Jannesua (Do.).
(Asmonean).
Succn Alexandra (Asm.) .. Hyrcanus II. (Do.).
lng Arlatobulaa II. (Asmo- Aristobulus II. (Do.).
nean).
Pompey the Great and Hyr- Hyrcanus II. (Do.),
canus, or rather, towards
the end or his pontificate.
An tipster.
Paeorus the Parthian .. . . Antlgonus (Do.).
Herod K. of Judaea .. .. AnanUus.
" Aristobulus (last of Aa-
moncans), murdered by
Herod.
" Ananelus restored.
Herod the Great Jesus, son of Fanena.
" Simon, son of Boethus,
lathcr-ln-law to Herod.
Matthias, son of Theophi-
lus.
" Jozorus. son of Simon.
Archelaus K. of Jodaaa . . Eleazar.
" ;. Jesus, son of Sfe.
•' Joaarus (second time).
Cyrenlus, governor of Syria, Ananua.
second time.
Valerius Gratua, procurator Ishmael, son of PhebL
of Judesa.
" Eleazar, son of Ananas,
" Simon, son of xamltb.
VlteUlns, goremor of Syria. Calapbaa, called also Jo-
seph.
" Jonathan, son of Ananua.
" Theophilus, brother of
Jonathan.
HerodAgrlppa Slmcn Cantheraa.
•' Matthias, brother of Joa-
athou, son of Ananua.
" Elloncus, son of Can-
theraa.
Herod, king of Chalcla . . Joseph, son of Camel.
" Ananua, son of Mebedeoa,
" Jonathan.
** Ismocl, son of FabL
•» Joseph, sou of Simon.
•• Ananua. son of Ananus, or
Ananias.
Appointed by the people . . Jesu*, son of Gamaliel.
Do. (Wbiston on B. J. It. g, Matthias, son of Theopht-
S T). lus.
Cbosenbylot Phannias, son of Samuel.
Hilen, the name of a city of Judah allot-
ted with its suburbs to the priests (1 Chr. vi.
58).
Hilki'ah. 1. Father of Eliakim (2 K.
xviii. 37 ; Is. xxii. 80, xxxvi. 22). [Eliakim.]
— 2. High-priest in the reign of Josiah (2 K.
xxii. 4 sqq. ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 9 sqq. ; 1 Esdr. i.
8). According to the genealogy in 1 Chr. vi.
13 (A. V.) he was son of Shallum ; and from
Ezr. vii. 1 , apparently the ancestor of Ezra tin
scribe. • His high-priesthood wat rendered par-
ticularly illustrious by the great reformation
effected under it by King Josiah, by the solemn
Passover kept at Jerusalem in the 18th year of
that king's reign, and above all by the discov-
ery which he made of the book of the law of
Moses in the temple. With regard to the lat-
ter, Kcnnicott is of opinion that it was the
original autograph copy of the Pentateuch
written by Moses which Hilkiah found, bat his
argument is far from conclusive. A difficult
and interesting question arises, What was the
book found by Hilkiah ? Our means of an-
swering this question seem to be limited, (1 ) ts)
an examination of the terms in which the de-
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HIND
831
HIPPOPOTAMUS
positing the book of the law by the ark was
originally enjoined ; (2) to an examination of
the contents of the book discovered by Hilkiah,
as Sir as they transpire ; (3) to any indications
which may be gathered from the contemporary
writings of Jsrcmiah, or from any other por-
tions of Scripture. A consideration of all these
points raises a strong probability that tbe book
in question was tho book of Deuteronomy. —
3. A Merarite Levite, son of Amzi (1 Chr. vi.
45 ; Hebr. 30). — 4. Another Merarite Levite,
second son of Hosah (1 Chr. xxvi. 11). — 6.
One of those who stood on the right hand of
Ezra when he read the law to the people.
Doubtless a Levite, and probably a priest (Nch.
viii. 4). He may be identical with tho Hilkiah
who came up in the expedition with Jeshua
and Zerubbabel (xii. 7). — 6. A priest of Ana-
thoth, father of the prophet Jeremiah ( Jer. i. 1 ).
— 7. Father of Gemariah, who was one of
Zedekiah's envoys to Babylon (Jer. xxix. 3).
Hil'lel, a native of Pirathon in Mount Eph-
raim, father of Abdon, one of tho judges of
Israel (Judg. xii. 13, 15).
Hills. The structure and characteristics of
the hills of Palestine will be most conveniently
noticed in the general description of the features
of the country. But it may not be unprofitable
to call attention hero to the various Hebrew
terms for which tho word " hill " has been cm-
ployed in the Auth. Version. 1. Gibeah, from
a root which seems to have the force of curva-
ture or humpishness. A word involving this
idea is peculiarly applicable to the rounded hills
of Palestine. 2. But our translators have also
employed tho some English word for the very
different term kar, which has a much more ex-
tended sense than gibeah, meaning a whole dis-
trict rather than an individual eminence, and to
which our word " mountain " answers wilh
tolerable accuracy. This exchange is always
undesirable, but it sometimes occurs so as to
confuse the meaning of a passage where it is
desirable that the topograpliy should be unmis-
takable. For instance, in Ex. xxiv. 4, the
" hill " is the some which is elsewhere, in the
same chapter (12, 13, 18, &c.) and book, con-
sistently and accurately rendered "mount"
and " mountain." The country of the " hills,"
in Deut. i. 7, Josh. ix. 1, x. 40, xi. 16, is the
elevated district of Judah, Benjamin, and Eph-
raim, which is correctly called " the mountain "
in tho earliest descriptions of Palestine (Num.
xiii. 29), and in many subsequent passages. In
2 K i. 9 and iv. 27, the use of tho word " hill "
obscures the allusion to Carmel, which in other
passages of the life of tho prophet (e#. 1 K.
xviii. 19; 2 K. iv. 25) has the term "mount"
correctly attached to it 3. On one occasion
the word Ma'aleh, better " ascent," is rendered
"hill " (1 Sam. ix. 11). 4. In the N. T. the
word " hill " is employed to render the Greek
word powoe ; but on one occasion it is used for
loot, elsewhere " mountain," so as to obscure
the connection between the two parts of the
same narrative (Luke ix. 37).
Hill. [MeASCRES.]
Hind, the female of the common stag or
Ctreas elaphti*. It l« frequently noticed in the
poetical parts of Scripture as emblematic of
activity (Gen. xlix. 21 ; 2 Sam. xxii. 34; Ps.
xviii. 33; Hab. iii. 19), gentleness (Prov. v
19), feminine modesty (Cant. ii. 7, iii. 5), ear-
nest longing (Ps. xlii. 1 ), and maternal affection
(Jer. xiv. 5). Its shyness, and remoteness from
the haunts of men, are also alluded to (Job
xxxix. 1 ), and its timidity, causing it to cast
its young at the sound of thunder (Ps. xxix.
Hinge. Both ancient Egyptian and mod-
ern Oriental doors were and arc hung by means
of pivots turning in sockets both on the upper
ana lower sides (1 K. vii. 50). In Syria, and
especially the Hauran, there are many ancient
doors consisting of stone slobs with pivots
carved out of the same piece, inserted in sock-
ets above and below, and fixed during the build-
ing of the house. The allusion in Prov. xxvi.
14 is thus clearlv explained.
Hill'riOm, V alley Of, otherwise called
"tho valley of the son or "children of Hin-
nom," a deep and narrow ravine, with steep,
rocky sides to the S. and W. of Jerusalem, sepa-
rating Mount Zion to the N. from the " Hill
of Evil Counsel," and the sloping rocky plateau
of the "Plain of Bephaim'' to the S. Tho
earliest mention of the Volley of Hinnom in
the sacred writings is in J <sh. xv. 8, xviii. 16,
where the boundary-lino be sreen tho tribes of
Judah and Benjamin is described as passing
along the bed of the ravine. On the southern
brow, overlooking the valley at its eastern ex-
tremity, Solomon erected high places for Mo-
lech (I K. xi. 7), whose horrid rites were re-
vived from time to time in the same vicinity by
the later idolatrous kings. Ahaz and Munas-
sch made their children "pass through ti^e fire"
in this valley (2 K. xvi. 3; 2 Chr. xx\iii. 3,
xxxiii. 6) ; and the fiendish custom of infant
sacrifice to the fire-gods seems to have been
kept np in Tophct, at its S. E. extremity for a
considerable period (Jer. vii. 31 ; 2 K. xxx.
10). To put an end to these abominations tho
place was poli.ited by Josiah, who rendered it
ceremonially unci.*an by spreading over it hu-
man bones, and other corruptions (2 K. xxiii.
10, 13, 14 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 4, 5), from which
time it appears to hove become the common
cesspool or the city, into which its sewage was
conducted, to be carried off by the waters of
the Kidron, as well as a laystall, where all its
solid filth was collected. From its ceremonial
defilement, and from the detested and ibomi-
nable fire of Molech, if not from the supposed
ever-burning funeral-piles, the later Jews ai>-
n";d the name of this valley Ge Hinnom, Ge-
na, to denote the place of eternal torment.
The name by which it is now known is Wadif
Jchennam, or Wady er Rubeb.
Hippopof amus. There is hardly a
doubt that tho Hebrew behemoth describes the
hippopotamus : tho word itself bears the strong-
est resemblance to the Coptic name pehemout,
" the water-ox," and at the same time expresses
in its Hebrew form the idea of a very large
beast. Though now no longer found in the
Lower Nile, it was formerly common there.
The association of it with the crocodile in the
passage in which it is described (Job xl. 15 ff),
and most of the particulars in that passage, are
more appropriate to the hippopotamus than to>
any other animal.
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HITTITES
332
HOBAB
Hi'rah, an Adullamite, the friend of Ju-
dah (Gen. xxxviii. 1, 12; and see 30).
Hiram, or Hu'ram. L The king of
Tyre who sent workmen and materials to Jeru-
salem, first (2 Sam. v. 11 ; I Chr. xiv. 1) to
build a palace for David, whom he ever loved
(1 K. v. 1), and again (1 K. v. 10, vii. 13; 2
Chr. 14, 16) to build the Temple for Solomon,
with whom he had a treaty of peace and com-
merce (1 K. r. 11, 12). The contempt with
which he received Solomon's present of Cabul
(I K. ix. 12) doesnot appear to have caused any
breach between the two kings. He admitted
Solomon's ships, issuing from Joppa, to a sharo
in the profitable trade of the Mediterranean
{I K. x. 22) ; and Jewish sailors, under tho
guidance of Tynans, were taught to bring the
cold of India (1 K. ix. 26) to Solomon's two
harbors on the Red Sea. Dius the Phoenician
historian, and Menander of Ephcsus, assign to
Hiram a prosperous reign of 34 years ; and re-
late that his father was Abibal, his son and suc-
cessor Baleazar. Others relate that Hiram, be-
sides supplying timber for the Temple, gave his
daughter in marriage to Solomon. — 2. Hiram
was the name of a man of mixed race (1 K. vii.
13, 40), the principal architect and engineer
sent by King Hiram to Solomon.
Hirca'nus, " a son of Tobias," who had a
targe treasure placed for security in the treas-
ury of the temple at the time of the visit of
Hclioilorus (c. 187 B.C. ; 2 Mace. iii. 11). Tho
ii time appears simply to be a local appellative.
Hif tites, the, the nation descended from
Chcth (A. V. " Heth"), the second son of Ca-
naan. Our first introduction to the Hittites is in
the time of Abraham, when he bought from tho
Ucne-Cheth, " children of Heth," the field and
the cave of Machpelah, belonging to Ephron
the Hittite. They were then settled at the
town which was afterwards, under its new
name of Hebron, to become one of the most fa-
mous cities of Palestine, then bearing tho numc
of Kirjath-arbo, and perhaps also of Mamre
(Gen. xxiii. 19, xxv. 9). The propensities of
the tribe appear at that time to have been
rather commercial than military. As Ewald
well says, Abraham chose his allies in warfare
from the Amoritcs ; but he goes to the Hittites
for his grave. But the tribe was evidently as
yet but small, not important enough to be no-
ticed beside " the Canaanite and the Perizzite "
who shared tho bulk of the land between them
(Gen. xii. 6, xiii. 7). Throughout the book of
Exodus the name of the Hittites occurs only in
the usual formula for the occupants of the
Promised Land. From this time their quiet
habits vanish, and they take their part against
the invader, in equal alliance with the other
Canaanite tribes (Josh. ix. I, xi. 3, &c.). Hence-
forward the notices of the Hittites are very few
and faint. Wc meet with two individuals, both
attached to the person of David. ( 1 . ) " Ahim-
elech the Hittite" (1 Sam. xxvi. 6). (2.)
"Uriah the Hittite," one of "the thirty" of Da-
vid's body-guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 39 ; 1 Chr. xi.
41). The Egyptian annals tell us of n very
powerful confederacy of Hittites in the Valley
of the Orontes, with whom Sether I., or Scthos,
waged war about B.C. 1340, and whose capital,
Ketesb, situate near Emesa, he conquered. In
the Assyrian inscriptions, as lately deciphered,
there are frequent references to a nation of
Khatti, whose territory also lay in the Valley of
the Orontes, and who were sometimes assisted
by the people of the sea-coast, probably the
Phoenicians. If the identification of these peo-
ple with the Hittites should prove to be correct,
it affords a clew to the meaning of some pas-
sages which are otherwise puzzling.
Hi'vites. the. The name is, in the origi-
nal, uniformly found in the singular number.
In the genealogical tables of Genesis, " the
Hivite " is named as one of the descendants —
the sixth in order — of Canaan, the son of Ham
(Gen. x. 17; 1 Chr. i. 15). In the first enu-
meration of the nations who, at the time of the
coll of Abraham, occupied the promised land
(Gen. xv. 19-21), the Hivites are omitted from
the Hebrew text. Tho name is also absent in
the report of the spies (Num. xiii. 29). Per-
haps this is owing to the then insignificance of
the Hivites. We first encounter the actual peo-
ple of the Hivites at the time of Jacob's return
to Canaan. Shechem was then in their posses-
sion, Hamor the Hivite being the " prince of
the land" (Gen. xxxiv. 2). They were at this
time, to judge of them by their rulers, a warm
and impetuous people, credulous and easily de-
ceived by the crafty and cruel sons of Jacob.
The narrative further exhibits them as peaceful
and commercial, given to " trade " (10, 21 ), and
to the acquiring of " possessions " of cattle and
other " wealth " ( 10, 23, 28, 29). We next meet
with the Hivites during the conquest of Canaan
(Josh. ix. 7, xi. 19). Their character is now
in some respects materially altered. They are
still evidently averse to fighting ; but they have
acquired — possibly by long experience in traf-
fic — an amount or craft which they did not be-
fore possess, and which enables them to turn
the tables on the Israelites in a highly success-
ful manner (Josh. ix. 3-27). The main body
of the Hivites, however, were at this time living
on the northern confines of Western Palestine
— " under Hermon, in the land of Mizpeh "
(Josh. xi. 8) — " in Mount Lebanon, from
Mount Baal- Hermon to the entering -in of
Hamath " (Judg. iii. 3 ; comp. 2 Sam. xxiv.
7 )-_
Hirki'ah, an ancestor of Zephaniah the
prophet (Zeph. i. 1).
Hixki'jah, ace
, according to the A. V., a man
who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh.
x. 17). But there is no doubt that the name
should be taken with that preceding it, as
" Atcr-Hizkijah."
Ho'bab. This name is found in two places
only (Num. x. 29; Judg. iv. 11), and it seems
doubtful whether it denotes the father-in-law
of Moses, or his son. (1.) In favor of the lat-
ter are (a.) the express statement that Hobab
was " the son of Raguel " (Num. x. 29) ; Ra-
guel or Reuel — the Hebrew word in both cases
is the same — being identified with Jethro, not
only in Ex. ii. 18 (comp. iii. 1, &c), but also
by Josephus. (b.) The fact that Jethro had
some time previously left the Israelite camp to
return to his own country (Ex. xviii. 27). (2.)
In favor of Hobab'a identity with Jethro are
(a.) the words of Judg. iv. 11 ; but it should
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be reme m bered that this is, ostensibly, of later
date than the other, and altogether a more cas-
ual statement. (6.) Josephus, in speaking of
Baguel, remarks that be " had Iothor (i\«. Je-
thro) lor a surname." The Mahometan tradi-
tions are certainly in favor of the identity
of Hobab with Jethro. Bnt whether Hobab
was the father-in-law of Moses or not, the no-
tice of him in Num. x. 29-32, though brief,
is mil of point and interest. While Jethro is
preserved to us as the wise and practised ad-
ministrator, Hobab appears as the experienced
Bedouin sheik, to whom Moses looked for the
material safety of his cumbrous caravan in the
new and difficult ground before them.
Ho'bah, the place to which Abraham pur-
toed the kings who had pillaged Sodom (Gen.
xrr. 15). It was situated " to the north of Da-
mascus.'* The Jews of Damascus affirm that
the village of Jtibm, not far from Burzeh, is the
Bobah of Scripture.
Hod, one of the sons of Zophah, among the
descendants of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 37).
Hodai'ah, son of Elicenai, of the royal
line of Judah (I Chr. iii. 24).
Hodavi'ah. 1. A man of Manasseh, one
of the beads of the half-tribe on the east of Jor-
dan (1 Chr. v. 24). — 2. A man of Benjamin,
no of Has-senuah (1 Chr. ix. 7). — S. A Le-
vile, who seems to have given his name to an
important family m the tribe (Est. ii. 40).
Ho'dosh, a woman named in the genealo-
gies of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 9) as the wife
of Shaharaim.
Ho'devah, Neh. vii. 43. (Hodaviah, 3.]
Hodi'sih, one of the two wives of Ezra, a
man of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 19). She is doubt-
less the same person as Jehudijah in verse 18.
Hodilah. L A Levite in the time of
Ezra and Nehemiah (Neh. viii. 7 ; and proba-
bly also ix. 5, x. 10). — 2. Another Levite at
the same time (Neh. x. 13). — 3. A layman;
one of the " heads " of the people at the same
time (Neh. x. 18).
Hoglah. the third of the five daughters of
Zelophehad (Num. xxri. 33, xxvii. 1, xxxvi.
11 ; Josh. xvii. 3).
Ho'ham, king of Hebron at the time of the
conquest of Canaan (Josh. x. 3).
Holm-Tree occurs only in the apocryphal
story of Susanna (ver. 58). The passage con-
tains a characteristic play on the names of the
two trees mentioned by the elders in their evi-
dence. The irpivor of Theophrastus and Di-
oscorides denotes, there can oe no doubt, the
Q/terau ooeaftra. The Lat. ilex was applied
both to the holm-oak (Q. ilex) and to the Ker-
mes-oak (Q. coedfira). Ap.
Holorer'nee, or, more correctly, Olofbe-
wbs, was, according to the book of Judith, a
general of Nebuchadnezxar, king of the Assy-
rians (Jud. ii. 4), who was slain by the Jewish
heroine Judith during the siege of Bethulia.
Holon. L A town in the mountains of
Judah ; one of the first group, of which Debir
was apparently the most considerable (Josh. xv.
51, xxl 15). [Hium.]— 2. Acity of Moab
(Jer. xrviii. 21, only). No identification of it
basyet taken place.
Ho'mam, the form under which, in 1 Chr.
i. 39, an Edomite name appears, which in Gen.
xxxvi. is given Hemam.
Homer. JMeasdkes.]
Honey. The Hebrew OoaA, in the first
place, applies to the product of the bee, to which
we exclusively give the name of honey. All
travellers agree in describing Palestine as a
land " flowing with milk and honey " (Ex. iii.
8) ; bees being abundant even in the remote
parts of the wilderness, where they deposit their
honey in the crevices of the rocks or in hollow
trees. In some parts of Northern Arabia the
hills are so well stocked with bees, that no
sooner are hives placed than they are occupied.
In the second place, the term dfbash applies to
a decoction of the juice of the grape, which is
still called <£&•, and which forms an article of
commerce in the East : it was this, and not or-
dinary bee-honey, which Jacob sent to Joseph
(Gen. xliii. 11), and which the Tynans pur-
chased from Palestine (Ez. xxvii. 17). A third
kind has been described by some writers as
"vegetable" honej, by which is meant the
exudations of certain trees and shrubs, such as
the Tamarix mamtfera, found in the peninsula
of Sinai, or the stunted oaks of Luristan and
Mesopotamia. The honey which Jonathan ate
in the wood (1 Sam. xiv. 25), and the "wild
honey " which supported St. John (Matt. iii.
4), have been referred to this species. But it
was probably the honey of the wild bees. A
fourth kind is described by Josephus, as being
manufactured from the juice of the date.
Hook. Various kinds of hooks are noticed
in the Bible, of which the following are the
most important 1. Fishing-hooks (Am. iv.
2 ; Job xll. 2 ; Is. xix. 8; Hab. i. 15). 2. Prop-
erly a ring (A. V. " thorn "J placed through the
mouth of a large fish, and attached by a cord
to a stake for the purpose of keeping it alive
in the water (Job xli. 2) .- the word meaning
the cord is rendered " hook " in the A. V. 3.
A ring, such as in our country is placed through
the nose of a bull, and similarly used in the
East for leading about lions (Ez. xix. 4, where
the A. V. has "with chains"), camels, and
other animals. A similar method was adopted
for leading prisoners, as in the cate of Ma-
nasseh, who was led with rings (2 Chr. xxxiii.
11 ; A. V. " in the thorns "). An illustration
of this practice is found in a bass-relief discovered
at Khorsabad (Layard, ii. 376). 4. The hooks
of the pillars of the Tabernacle. (Ex. xxvi.
38, 37, xxvii. 10 ff., xxxviii. 13 ff.) 5. A vine-
dresser's pruning- hook (Is. ii. 4, xviii. 5 ; Mir.
iv. 3 ; Joel iii. 10). 6. A flesh-hook for getting
up the joints of meat out of the boiling pot
(Ex. xxvii. 3; 1 8am. ii. 13, 14). 7. Probably
" hooks " used for the purpose of hanging up
animals to flay them (Ez. xl. 43).
Hook. (L«jinr» Awd.)
Hoph'ni and Phihbhas, the two sons of
Eli, who fulfilled their hereditary sacerdotal
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HOB
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HORN
duties at Shilob. Their brutal rapacity and
lust, which seemed to acquire fresh violence
with their father's increasing years ( I Sam. ii.
12-17,33), filled the people with disgust and
indignation, and provoked the curse which was
denounced against their father's house, first by
an unknown prophet (27-36), and then by
Samuel (I Sam. hi. 11-14). They were both
cut off in one day in the flower of their age, and
the ark which they had accompanied to battle
against the Philistines was lost on the same
occasion (I Sam. iv. 10, 11).
Hor. Mount. 1. The mountain on which
Aaron died (Num. xx. 35, 27). The word Hor
is regarded by the lexicographers as an archaic
form of Bar, the usual Hebrew term for " moun-
tain." The few facts given us in the Bible re-
garding Mount Hor are soon told. It was "on
the boundary line" (Num. xx. 23) or "at the
edge " ( xxxtii. 37 ) of the land of Edom. It was
the halting-place of the people next after Kadesh
(xx. 33, xxxiii. 37), and they quitted it for
Zalmonah (xxxiii. 41) in the road to the Red
Sea (xxi. 41. It was during the encampment
at Kadesh that Aaron was gathered to his fath-
ers. It is almost unnecessary to state that it is
situated on the eastern side of the great Valley
of the Arabah, the highest and most conspicu-
ous of the whole range of the sandstone moun-
tains of Edom, having close beneath it on its
eastern side the mysterious city of Petra. Tho
tradition has existed from the earliest date. It
is now the Jebel Ntbi-Harin, " the mountain of
the Prophet Aaron." Of the geological for-
mation of Mount Hor we have no very trust-
worthy accounts. The general structure of the
range of Edom, of which it forms the most
prominent feature, is new red sandstone, dis-
playing itself to an enormous thickness. Mount
Hor itself is said to be entirely sandstone, in
very horizontal strata. Its height, according to
the latest measurements, is 4,800 feet (Eng.)
above the Mediterranean, that is to say about
1,700 feet above the town of Petra, 4,000 above
the level of the Arabah, and mora than 6,000
above the Dead Sea. The mountain is marked
far and near by its double top, which rises like
a huge castellated building from a lower base,
and is surmounted by a circular dome of the
tomb of Aaron, a distinct white spot on the
dark red surface of the mountain. The im-
Sression received on the spot is that Aaron's
eath took place in the small basin between the
two peaks, and that the people were stationed
either on the plain at the base of the peaks, or
at that part of the Watty Abu-Kushei/beh from
which the top is commanded. The chief in-
terest of Mount Hor will always consist in the
prospect from its summit, — the last view of
Aaron, — that view which was to him what
Pisgah was to his brother. — 2. A mountain,
entirely distinct from the preceding, named in
Num. xxxiv. 7, 8, only, as one of the marks of
the northern boundary of the land which the
children of Israel were about to conquer. The
identification of this mountain has always been
one of the puzzles of Sacred Geography. The
Mediterranean was the western boundary. The
northern boundary started from the sea : the
first point in it was Mount Hor, and the second
the entrance of Hamath. The entrance of
Hamath seems to have been determined by Mr.
Porter as the pass at Kalat cJ-flutn, dote to
Hums, the ancient Hamath, — at the other end
of the range of Lebanon. Surely " Mount
Hor," then, can be nothing else than the great
chain of Lebanon itself. It is so clearly the
natural northern boundary of the country, that
there seems no reason to doubt that the whole
range is intended by the term Hor.
Ho'ram, king of Gezeb at the time of the
conquest of the south-western part of Palestine
(Josh. x. 33).
Ho'reb. Ex. iii. 1, xvii. 6, xxxiii. 6 ;
Deut i. 3, 6, 19, iv. 10, 15, v. 3, ix. 8, xviii. 16,
xxix. 1; IK. viii. 9, xix. 8 ; 3 Chr. v. 10 ; Pa.
cvi. 19 ; Mai. iv. 4 ; Ecclns. xlviii. 7. |Sm*i. J
Ho'rem, one of the fortified places in the
territory of Naphtali; named with Iron fund
Migdal-el (Josh. xix. 38). Van de Velde sug-
gests Burah as the site of Horem.
Hor Hagid'gad, the name of a desert
station where the Israelites encamped (Num.
xxxiii. 38), probably the same as Gudgodah
(Deut x. 7). On the west side of the Arabah,
Robinson has a Wady GhSdaghidh, which may
bear the same meaning ; but as that meaning
might be perhaps applied to a great number
of localities, it would be dangerous to infer
identity.
Ho rL 1. A Horite, son of Lotan, the ton
of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 33 ; 1 Chr. i. 39). — 2.
In Gen. xxxvi. 30, the name has in the original
the definite article prefixed, " the Horite : and
is in (act precisely the same word with that
which in the preceding verse, and also in SI, is
rendered in the A. V. " the Horites." — 8. A
man of Simeon ; father of Shaphat (Num. xiii
5).
Ho'rites and Ho'rims, the aboriginal in-
habitants of Mount Seir (Gen. xiv. 6), and
probably allied to the Emims and Rephaim*.
The name Horite appears to have been derived
from their habits as "cave-dwellers." Their
excavated dwellings are still found in hundreds
in the sandstone cliffs and mountains of Edom,
and especially in Petra.
Hor/man, or Zephath (Judg. i. 17), was
the chief town of a king of a Canannilish tribe
on the south of Palestine, which was reduced
by Joshua, and became a city of the territory of
Juilah (xv. 30 ; I Sam. xxx. 30), but apparently
belonged to Simeon (I Chr. iv. 30).
Horn. I. Literal (Josh. vi. 4, 5; corap.
Ex. xix. 13 ; 1 Sam. xvi. 1, 13 ; 1 K. i. 39 ,-
Job xlii. 14). — Two purposes are mentioned in
the Scriptures to which the horn seems to have
been applied. Trumpets were probably at first
merely norns perforated at the tip, such as are
still used upon mountain-farms for calling home
the laborers at meal-time. The word horn is also
applied to a flask, or vessel made of horn, con-
taining oil (1 Sam. xvi. 1, 13; 1 K. i. 39), or
used as a kind of toilet-bottle, filled with the
preparation of antimony with which women
tinged their eye-lashes. — II. Metaphorical.
1. From timilarity of farm. — To this use be-
longs the application of the word horn to a
trumpet of metal, as already mentioned. The
horns of the altar (Ex. xxvii. 3) are not sup-
posed to have been made of horn, but to have
been metallic projection* from the four <
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HORSE
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HORSE
The peak or msmmit of a hill wu called a horn
(It. t. 1). 2. From similarity of position and
ass. — Two principal applications of this meta-
phor will be found, — strength and honor. Of
strength the horn of the unicorn was the most
frequent representative (Deut. xxxiii. 17, &c.),
but not always; comp. 1 K. xxii. 11, where
probably horns of iron, worn defiantly and
symbolically on the head, are intended. Among
the Druses upon Mount Lebanon, the married
women wear silver horns on their heads. In
the sense of honor, the word horn stands for the
abstract (my horn. Job xvi. 15 ; all the horns of
Israel, Lam. ii. 3), and so for the supreme au-
thority. It also stands for the concrete ; whence
it comes to mean king, kingdom (Dan. viii. 2,
&c. ; Zech. i. 18). Out of either or both of
these two last metaphors sprang tho idea of
representing gods with horns.
BsBSS at modem Aaiallct ornmmeuMd with horoi.
Hornet. That the Hebrew word tzir'ah de-
scribes the hornet, may be taken for granted on
the almost unanimous authority of the ancient
versions. Not only were bees exceedingly nu-
merous in Palestine, but from the name Zoreah
(Josh. xv. 33) we may infer that hornets in par-
ticular infested some parts of the country. In
Scripture, the hornet is referred to only as the
means which Jehovah employed for the extir-
pation of the Canaanitcs (Ex. xxiii. 28 ; Deut.
vii. 20; Josh. xxiv. 12; Wisd. xii. 8). Some
commentators regard tho word as used in its
literal sense ; but it more probably expresses
under a vivid image the consternation with
which Jehovah would inspire the enemies of
the Israelites, as declared in Deut. ii. 25, Josh,
ii. II.
Horona'im, a town of Moab, possibly a
sanctuary, named with Zoar and Luhith (Is.
xv. 5 ; Jcr. xlviii. 3, 5, 34). No clew is afford-
ed to its position, either by the notices of the
Bible or by mention in other works. It seems
to have been on an eminence, and approached
bv a road which is stvled the " way (Is. xv.
S), or the "descent" (Jer. xlviii. 5).
Hor'onite, the, the designation of San-
ballat (Neh. ii. 10, 19, xiii. 28). It is derived
by Gesenius from Horonaim.
Hone. The most striking feature in the
Biblical notices of the hone is the exclusive ap-
plication of it to warlike operations : in no in-
stance is that useful animal employed for the
purposes of ordinary locomotion or agriculture,
if we except Is. xxviii. 28, where we learn that
horses (A. V "horsemen") were employed in
threshing, not, however, in that case put in the
gears, but simply driven about wildly over the
strewed grain. This remark will be found to
be borne out by the historical passages hereafter
quoted ; but it is equally striking in tho poetical
parts of Scripture. The animated description
of the horse in Job xxxix. 19-25 applies solely
to the war-horse. The terms under which the
horse is described .n the Hebrew language are
usually sis and parash. There is a marked dis-
tinction between the tie and the parasli : the
former were horses for driving in trio war char-
iot, of a heavy build ; tho latter were for riding,
and particularly for cavalry. This distinction
is not observed in the A. V. from tho circum-
stance that f&rash also signifies horseman : the
correct sense is essential in tho following pas-
sages: 1 K.ir. 26, "forty thousand cJtariot-horse*
and twelve thousand cara/rv-horses ; " Ez. xxvii.
14, " driving-horses and riding-horses ; " Joel ii.
4, " as riding-horses, so shall they run ; " and Is.
xxi. 7, "a train of horses in couples." In ad-
dition to these terms we hare recall to describe
a swift horse, used for tho royal post (Esth.
viii. 10, 14) and similar purposes (I K. iv. 28;
A. V. "dromedary" as also in Esth.), or for a
rapid journey (Mic. i. 13); rammac, used once
tor a mare (Esth. viii. 10) ; and sisah in Cant,
i. 9, where it is regarded in the A. V. as a col-
lsctive term, "company of horses "* it rather
means, according to tho received punctuation,
" my mare," be* jtill better, by a slight altera-
tion in the puwuation, "mares." The He-
brews in the patriarchal age, as a pastoral race,
lid not stand in need of tho services of the horse,
.ind for a long period after their settlement in
Canaan they dispensed with it, partly in conse-
quence of the hilly nature of the country, which
only admitted of the use of chariots in certain
localities (Judg. i. 19), and partly in consequence
of the prohibition in Deut. xrii. 16, which
would bo held to apply at all periods. David
first established a force of cavalry and chariots
after the defeat of Hadadezer (2 Sam. viii. 4).
But the great supply of horses was subsequently
effected by Solomon through his connection
with Egypt (1 K. iv. 26). Solomon also es-
tablished a very active trade in horses, which
were brought by dealers out of Egypt, and re-
sold at a profit* to tho Hittites, who lived be-
tween Palestine and the Euphrates (1 K. x. 28,
29). In the countries adjacent to Palestine, the
use of the horse was much more frequent. It
was introduced into Egypt probably by the
Hyksos, as it is not represented on the monu-
ments before the 18th dynasty. The Jewish
kings sought the assistance of tho Egyptians
against tho Assyrians in this respect (Is. xxxi.
1, xxxvi. 8 ; Ei. xvii. 15). But the cavalry of
the Assyrians and other Eastern nations was re-
garded as most formidable; the horses them-
selves were highly bred, as the Assyrian sculp-
tures still testify, and fully merited the praise
bestowed on them by Hahakkuk (i. 8). With
regard to the trappings and management of tho
horse we have little information : the bridle was
placed over the horse's nose (Is. xxx. 28), and
• bit or curb is also mentioned (2 K. xix. 28 :
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HOSANNA
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HOSEA
Ps. xxxii. 9; Prov. xxvi. 8; I*. xxxvii. 29; in
the A. V. it is incorrectly given " bridle," with
the exception of Ps. xxxii.). The harness
of the Assyrian horses was profusely decorated,
the bits being gilt (1 Esdr. iii. 6), and the bri-
dles adorned with tassels; on the neck was a
collar terminating in a bell, as described by
Z*chariah (xiv. SO). Saddles were not used
of AMjitaa horn. (Layud.)
•rtfl a late period. The horses were not shod,
svnd therefore hoofs as hard "as flint" (Is. v.
2fl) <vere regarded as a great merit. The char-
iot-horses were covered with embroidered trap-
pings (Ex. xxvii. 20). Horses and chariots
were nsed also in idolatrous processions, as no-
ticed in regard to the snn (2 K. xxiii. 11).
Horseleech (Heb. 'tlikah) occurs once
only, viz. Pro v. xxx 15. There is little if any
doubt that 'Ulukah denotes some species of leech,
or rather is the generic term for any bloodsuck-
ing annelid, — such as Hirudo (the medicinal
leech), Hcemopi* (the horseleech), Limnatit,
Trochetia, and JnlusUma, if all these genera are
found in the marshes and pools of the Bible-
lands. The bloodsucking leeches, such as Hi-
rudo and Hoanopit, were without a doubt known
to the ancient Hebrews ; and as the leech has
been for ages the emblem of rapacity and cru-
elty, there is no reason to question that this an-
nelid is denoted by dlilcuh. The Arabs to this
day denominate the Limnatit Nilotica, 'alak.
As to the expression " two daughters " it is fig-
urative, and is intended to denote its bloodthirsty
propensity.
Ho'sah, a city of Asher (Josh. xix. 29), the
next landmark on the boundary to Tyre.
Ho'sah, a Merarite Levite ( I Chr. xxvi. 10),
chosen by David to be one of the first door-
keepers to the ark after its arrival in Jerusalem
(1 Chr. xxvi. 38).
Hoaan'na (" Save, we pray "), the cry of
the multitudes as they thronged in our Lord's
triumphal procession into Jerusalem (Matt. xxi.
9, 15; Mark xi. 9, 10; John xii. 13). The
Psalm from which it was taken, the 1 18th, was
one with which they were familiar from being
accustomed to recite the 25th and 26th verses
at the Feast of Tabernacles. On that occasion,
the HaUel, consisting of Psalms cxiii.-exviii.,
was chanted by one of the priests, and at certain
intervals the multitudes joined m the l
waving their branches of willow and palm,
shouting, as they waved them, Hallelujah, or
Hosanna, or " O Lord, I beseech thee, send now
prosperity" (Ps. cxviii. 25). On each of the
seven days during which the feast lasted Un-
people thronged in the court of the Temple, and
went in procession about the altar, setting their
boughs bending towards it; the trumpets
sounding as they shouted Hosanna. It was
not uncommon for the Jews in later times to
employ the observances of this feast, which was
pre-eminently a feast of gladness, to express
their feelings on other occasions of rejoicing
(1 Mace. xiii. 51 ; 2 Mace. x. 6, 7).
Hose'a, son of Beeri, and first of the minor
prophets, as they appear in the A. V. 7>a*e-
— This question must be settled, as far as it can
be settled, partly by reference to the title, partly
by an inquiry into the contents of the book.
For the beginning of Hosea's ministry, the title
gives us the reign of Uzziah, king of Judab, but
limits this vague definition by reference to Jer-
oboam II. king of Israel : it therefore yields a
date not later than n.c 783. The pictures of
social and political life which Hosea draws so
forcibly are rather applicable to the interregnum
which followed the death of Jeroboam (782-772),
and to the reign of the succeeding kings. It
seems almost certain that very few of his proph-
ecies were written until afterthe death of Jero-
boam (783) ; and probably the life, or rather the
prophetic career, of Hosea, extended from "84
to 725, a period of fifty-nine years. — Piajr.
— There seems to be a general consent among
commen tators that the prophtcies of Hosea were
delivered in the kingdom of Israel. — Tribe
and Parentage. — Tribe quite unknown. The
Pseudo-Epiphanius, it is uncertain upon what
ground, assigns Hosea to the tribe af Issachar.
Of his father Beeri we know absolutely nothing.
— Order in the Prophetic Seriet — Most ancient
and medieval interpreters mako Hosea the first
of the prophets. But by moderns he is gene-
rally assigned the third place. It is perhaps
more important to know that Hosea must have
been more or less contemporary with Isaiah,
Amos, Jonah, Joel, and Nahum Division of
the Book. — It is easy to recognise r*o great di-
visions, which, accordingly, have been generally
adopted: (l.j chap. i. to Hi.; (2.) iv to end.
The subdivision of these several parts u % work
of greater difficulty : that of Eichhorn will be
found to be based upon a highly subtle, though
by no means precarious criticism. (1.) Accord-
ing to him the first division should be subdivid-
ed into three separate poems, each originating
in a distinct aim, and each after its own fashion
attempting to express the idolatry of Israel by
imagery borrowed from the matrimonial rela-
tion. The first, and therefore the least elabo-
rate of these, is contained in chap, iii., the sec-
ond in i. 2-1 1, the third in i. 2-9, and ii. 1-23.
These three ars progressively elaborate devel
opments of the same reiterated idea. Chap. t.
2-9 is common to the second and third poems,
but not repeated with each severally (iv. 273
ff.). (2.) Attempts have been made by Wells,
Eichhom, Ac, to subdivide the second part of
the book. These divisions are made either
according to reigns of contemporary kings, or ac-
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cording to the subject-matter of the poem. The
former coarse has been adopted by Wells, who
gets fiat, the latter by Eichhorn, who gets str-
tttm, poems out of this part of the book. These
prophecies were probably collected by Hosea
himself towards the end of his career.
Hoshai'ah. 1. A man who assisted in the
dedication of the wall of Jerusalem after it had
been rebuilt by Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 38). — 2.
The father of a certain Jezaniab, or Azariah,
who was a man of note after the destruction
of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. xlii. 1,
xliii. 2).
Hosh'ama, one of the sons of Jeconiah,
or Jehoiachin, the last king of Judah bat one
(1 Chr. iii. 18).
Hoshe'a, the nineteenth, last, and best king
of Israel. He succeeded Pekah, whom he slew
in a successful conspiracy, thereby fulfilling a
prophecy of Isaiah (Is. vii. 16). Although Jo-
sepnus calls Hoshea a friend of Pekah, we have
no ground for calling this a treacherous murder.
It took place B.C. 737, in the twentieth year of
Jotham (2 K. xr. 30), u., "in the twentieth
year after Jotham became sole king," for he
only reigned sixteen years (2 K. xv. 33). But
there must hare been an interregnum of at least
eight years before Hoshea came to the throne,
which was not till B.C. 729, in the twelfth year
of Ahax (2 K. xvii. 1). It is expressly stated
(2 K. xvii. 2) that Hoshea was not so sinful as
his predecessors. In the third year of his reign
(b.c. 726), Shalmaneser cruelly stormed the
strong cares of Bcth-arbel (Hos. 8. 14), and
made Israel tributary (2 K. xvii. 3) for three
years. At the end of this period, encouraged
perhaps by the revolt of Hezekiah, Hoshea en-
tered into a secret alliance with So, king of
Egypt, to throw off the Assyrian yoke. The
alliance did him no good : it was revealed to
the court of Nineveh by the Assyrian party in
Ephraim, and Hoshea was immediately seized
as a rebellious vassal, shut up in prison, and
apparently treated with the utmost indignity
(Mic t. 1). Of the subsequent fortunes of
Hoshea we know nothing.
Hoshe'a. 1. The son of Nun, i'.e., Joshua
(Dent, xxxii. 44 ; and also in Nam. xiii. 8,
though there the A. V. has Oshea). — 2. Son
of Azaziah (1 Chr. xxvii. 20) ; like his great
namesake, a man of Ephraim, ruler of his tribe
in the rime of King David. — 3. One of the
beads of the people, who sealed the covenant
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 23).
Hospitality. Hospitality was regarded
by most nations of the ancient world as one of
the chief virtues, and especially by peoples of the
Shemitic stock ; but that it was not character-
istic of these alone is amply shown by the usages
of the Greeks and even the Romans. Among
the Arabs we find the best illustrations of the
old Bible narratives, and among them see traits
that might beseem their ancestor Abraham.
The laws respecting strangers (Lev. xix. 33,
34) and the poor (Lev. xxt. 14 sea. ; Dent. xv.
7), and concerning redemption (Lev. xxv. 23
•844-), *c» are framed in accordance with the
•pint of hospitality ; and the strength of the
national feeling regarding it is shown in the in-
cidental mentions of its practice. In the Law,
compassion *o strangers is constantly enforced
43
by the words, "for ye were strangers in the
land of Ejnrpt" (Lev. xix. 34). And before
the Law, Abraham's entertainment of the an-
gels (Gen. xviii. 1 seqq.), and Lot's (xix. 1),
are in exact agreement with its precepts, and
with modern usage (corap. Ex. ii. 20; Judg. xiii.
15, xix. 17, 20, 211. In the N. T., hospitality
is yet more markedly enjoined ; and in the more
civilized state of society which then prevailed,
its exercise became more a social virtue than a
necessity of patriarchal life. The Good Samari-
tan stands for all ages as an example of Chris-
tian hospitality, embodying the command to
love one s neighbor as himself. The neglect
of Christ is symbolized by inhospitality to our
neighbors (Matt. xxv. 43). The Apostles urged
the church to "follow after hospitality" (Rom.
xii. 13 ; cf. 1 Tim. v. 10J ; to remember Abra-
ham's example (Heb. xiii. 2) ; to " use hospi-
tality one to another without grudging " ( 1 Pet
iv. 9) ; while a bishop must be a " lover of lios-
pitalitv " (Tit. i. 8; cf. 1 Tim. iii. 2). The prac-
tice of the early Christians was in accord with
these precepts. They had all things in com-
mon, and their hospitality was a characteristic
of their belief. Such having been the usage of
Biblical times, it is in the next place important
to remark how hospitality was shown. In the
patriarchal ages we may take Abraham's exam-
ple as the most fitting, as we have of it the full-
est account. " Hospitality," says Mr. Lane,
" is a virtue for which the natives of the East
in general are highly and deservedly admired ;
ana the people of Egypt are well entitled to
commendation on this' account. . . . There are
very few persons here who would think of sit-
ting down to a meal, if there was a stranger in
the house, without inviting him to partake of
it, unless the latter were a menial, in which case
he would be invited to eat with the servants.
. . . The account of Abraham's entertaining the
three angels, related in the Bible, presents a
perfect picture of the manner in which a modern
Bedawee sheik receives travellers arriving at
his encampment. He immediately orders his
wife or women to make bread, slaughters a
sheep or some other animal, and dresses it in
haste, and bringing milk and any other provi-
sions that he may nave ready at hand, with the
bread and the meat which he has dressed, sets
them before his guests. If these be persons of
high rank, he stands by them while they eat, as
Abraham did in the case above alluded to.
Most Bedawees will suffbr almost any injury
to themselves or their families rather than allow
their guests to be ill treated while under their
protection." Tlie Oriental respect for the cov-
enant of bread and salt, or salt alone, certainly
sprang from the high regard in which hospi-
tality was held.
Ho'tham, a man of Asher; son of Heber,
of the family of Bcriah (1 Chr. vii. 32).
Ho'than, a man of Aroer, lather of Shams
and Jchicl (1 Chr. xi. 44).
Ho'thir, the I3th son of Hem ak, " the king's
seer" (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 23), and therefore a Ko-
hathito Lcvite.
Hour. Tho ancient Hebrews were probably
unacquainted with the division of the natural
day into twenty-four parts. The general dis-
tinctions of " morning, evening, and noonday "
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HOUSE
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HOUSE
(Ph. It. 17), were sufficient for them at first, as
they were for the early Greeks : afterwards the
Hebrews parcelled out the period between sun-
rue and sunset into a series of minute divisions
distinguished by the sun's course. The early
Jews appear to nave divided the day into four
parts (Neh. ix. 3], and the night into three
watches (Judg. vii. 19), and even in the N. T.
we find a trace of this division in Matt. xx. 1-5.
The Greeks adopted the division of the day into
twelve hours from the Babylonians. At what
period the Jews became first acquainted with
this way of reckoning time is unknown ; but
it is generally supposed that they too learnt it
from the Babylonians during the captivity. In
whatever way originated, it was known to the
Egyptians at a very early period. They had
twelve hours of the day and of the night There
arc two kinds of hours : viz., (1.) the astronomi-
cal or equinoctial hour, i.e., the twenty-fourth
part of a civil day, and (2.) the natural hour,
i.*., the twelfth part of the natural day, or of
the time between sunrise and sunset. These
am the hours meant in the N. T., Joscphus, and
the Rabbis (John xi. 9, &c.), and it must be re-
membered that they perpetually vary in length,
so as to be very different at different times of
the year. What horologic contrivances the
Jews possessed in the time of our Lord is un-
certain ; but we may safely suppose that they
had gnomons, dials, and clepsydra, all of which
had long been known to the Persians and other
nations with whom they had come in contact.
For the purposes of prayer, the old division of
the day into four portions was continued in the
Temple service, as we see from Acts ii. 15, iii.
I,x. 9.
House, a dwelling in general, whether lit-
erally as house, tent, palace, citadel, tomb; de-
rivatively as tabernacle, temple, heaven ; or
metaphorically as family. Although, in Ori-
ental language, every tent may be regarded as
a house, yet the distinction between the perma-
nent dwelling-house and the tent must have
taken rise from the moment of the division of
mankind into dwellers in tents and builders
of cities, i.e., of permanent habitations (Gen. iv.
17, 20 ; Is. xxxviii. 12). The Hebrews did not
become dwellers in cities till the sojourn in
Egypt and after the conquest of Canaan (Gen.
xlvii. 3 ; Ex. xii. 7 ; Hcb. xi. 9) ; while the Ca-
naanites as well as the Assyrians were, from an
earlier period, builders and inhabitants of cities,
and it was into the houses and cities built by
the former that the Hebrews entered to take
possession after the conquest (Gen. x. 11, 19,
xix. 1, xxiii. 10, xxxiv. 20; Num. xi. 27 ; Deut.
vi. 10, 1 1 ). The houses of the rural poor in
Egypt, as well as in most parts of Syria, Ara-
bia, and Persia, arc for the most part mere huts
of mud, or sunburnt bricks. In some parts of
Palestine and Arabia, stone is used ; and in cer-
tain districts, cave:; in the rock are used as
dwellings (Amos v. 11). The houses are usu-
ally of one story only, viz., the ground floor,
and sometimes contain only one apartment.
Sometimes a small court for the cattle is at-
tached ; and in some cases the cattle arc housed
in the same building, or the people live on a
raised platform, and the cattle round them on
the ground (I Sam. xxviii. 24). The windows
are small apertures high up in the walls, some-
times grated with wood. The roofs are com-
monly but not always flat, and are usually
formed of a plaster of mud and straw laid upon
boughs or rafters ; and upon the flat roofs, tent*,
or "booths" of boughs or rushes, are often
raised to be used as sleeping-places in summer.
The difference between the poorest houses) and
those of the class next above them is greater
than between these and the houses of the first
rank. The prevailing plan of Eastern booses
of this class presents, as was the case in ancient
Egypt, a front of wall, whose blank and mean
appearance is usually relieved onl^y by the door
and a few latticed and projecting windows.
Within this is a court with apartments opening
into it. Over the door is a projecting window
with a lattice more or less elaborately wrought,
which, except in times of public celebrations,
is usually closed (2 K. ix. 30). An awning is
sometimes drawn over the court, and the floor
strewed with carpets on festive occasions. The
stairs to the upper apartments are in Syria usu-
ally in a corner of the court. Around part, if
not the whole, of the court is a veranda, often
nine or ten feet deep, over which, when there is
more than one floor, runs a second gallery of
like depth with a balustrade. Bearing in mind
that the reception-room is raised above the level
of the court, we may, in explaining the circum-
stances of the miracle of the paralytic (Mark ii.
3 ; Luke v. 18), suppose, 1. either that our Lord
was standing under the veranda, and the peo-
ple in front in the court The bearers of the
sick man ascended the stairs to the roof of
the house, and taking off a portion of the board-
ed covering of the veranda, or removing the
awning, in the former case let down the bed
through the veranda roof, or, in the Utter, dovm
by way of the roof, and deposited it before the
Saviour. 2. Another explanation presents it-
self in considering the room where the company
were assembled as the imtpuov, and the roof
opened for the bed to be the true roof of the
house. ' 3. And one still more simple is found
in regarding the house as one of the rude dwell-
ings now to be seen near the Sea of Galilee, a
mere room ten or twelve feet high, and as
many or more square, with no opening except
the door. The roof, used as a sleeping-place,
is reached by a ladder from the outside, and the
bearers of the paralytic, unable to approach
the door, would thus have ascended the roof,
and, having uncovered it, let him down into the
room where our Lord was. When there is no
second floor, but more than one court, the wo-
men's apartments, hareem, harem, or haram, or*
usually in the second court ; otherwise they form
a separate building within the general enclo-
sure, or are above on the first floor. When
there is an upper story, the Ka'ah forms the
most important apartment, and thus probably
answers to the imtpuov, which was often the
"gueswihamber" (Luke xxii. 12; Acta i. 13,
ix. 37, xx. 8). The windows of the upper
rooms often project one or two feet, and form a
kiosk or latticed chamber. Such may have
been the "chamber in the wall" (2 K. iv. 10,
11). The "lattice" through which Ahaziah
fell, perhaps belonged to an upper chamber of
this kind (2 K. i. 2), as also the "third loft,**
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HUNTING
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HUH
from which Entychus fell (Act* xx. 9; comp.
Jet. zxii. 13). There ore usually no special
bed-rooms in Eastern bouses. The outer doors
are closed with a wooden lock, bnt in some coses
the apartments are divided from each other by
curtains only. There are no chimneys, but lire
is made when required with charcoal in a cha-
fing dish ; or a fire of wood might be kindled in
the open court of the house (Luke xxii. 55).
Some houses in Cairo have an apartment, open
in front to the court, with two or more arches,
and a railing; and a pillar to support the wall
shore. It was in a chamber of this kind, prob-
ably one of the largest size to be found in a
palace, that our Lord was being arraigned be-
fore the high-priest, at the time when the denial
of Him by St. Peter took place. He " turned
and looked " on Peter as he stood by the fire in
the court (Lake xxii. 56, 61 ; John xviii. 24),
whilst He himself was in the " hall of Judg-
ment" In no point do Oriental domestic hab-
its differ more from European than in the use
of the roof Its flat surface is made useful for
Tirioos household purposes, as drying corn,
hanging up linen, and preparing figs and rai-
sins. The roofs are used as places of recreation
in the evening, and often as sleeping-places at
night (2 Sara. xi. 2, xvi. 22 ; Dan. it. 29 ; 1
Sam. ix. 25, 26 ; Job xxvii. 18 ; Prov. xxi. 9).
They were also used as places for derotion, and
even idolatrous worship (Jer. xxxii. 29, xix.
13; i K. xxiii. 12 ; Zeph. i. 5; Acts x. 9). At
the time of the Feast of Tabernacles, booths
wen erected by the Jews on the tops of their
booses. Protection of the roof by parapets was
enjoined by the law (Deut. xxii. 8). Special
apartments were devoted in larger houses to
winter and summer uses (Jer. xxxvi. 22 ; Am.
Si- 15). The ivory house of Ahab was proba-
bly a palace largely ornamented with inlaid
ivory. The circumstance of Samson's pulling
down the house by means of the pillars, may
be explained by the fact of the company being
assembled on tiers of balconies above each other,
supported by central pillars on the basement ;
when these were pulled down, the whole of the
upper floors would fall also (Judg. xvi. 26).
HoaVkok, a place on the boundary of
Raphtali (Josh. xix. 34) named next to Aznoth-
Tsbor. It has been recovered in Yakuk, a vil-
lage in the mountains of Naphtali, west of the
"pper end of the Sea of Galilee.
Hu'kok, a name which in 1 Chr. vi. 75 is
substituted for Helkath in Josh. xxi.
Hul, the second son of Aram, and grandson
•f Shem (Gen. x. 23). The geographical posi-
tion of the people whom he represents is not
well decided. The strongest evidence is in favor
of die district about the roots of Lebanon.
Hul'dah, a prophetess, whose husband,
Saallnm, was keeper of the wardrobe in the
Jme of King Josiah. It was to her that Josiah
mo recourse when Hilkiah found a book of
we law, to procure an authoritative opinion on
« (* K. xxfi. 14 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 22).
Hura'tah, a city of Judah, one of those in
tie mountain-district, the next to Hebron (Josh,
xr. 54). '
Hunttaiy. The objects for which hunting
■ practised indicate the various conditions or
•ociety and the progress of civilization. Hunt-
ing, aa a matter of necessity, whether for tuo
extermination of dangerous beasts, or for pro-
curing sustenance, betokens a rude and semi-
civilized state ; as an amusement, it betokens
an advanced state. The Hebrews, as a pas-
toral and agricultural people, were not given to
the sports of the field : the density of the pop-
ulation, the earnestness of their character, and
the tendency of their ritual regulations, partic-
ularly those affecting food, all combined to
discourage the practice of hunting. There was
no hick of game in Palestine : on their entrance
into the land, tho wild beasts were so numerous
as to be dangerous (Ex. xxiii. 29). Some of
the fiercer animals, as lions, survived to a late
period. The manner of catching these animals
was either by digging a pitfall, which was the
usual manner with the larger animals, as the
lion (2 Sam. xxiii. 20 ; Ez. xix. 4, 6) ; or sec-
ondly by a trap, which was set under ground
(Job xviii. 10), in the ran of the animal (Prov
xxii. 5), and caught it by the leg (Job xviii. 9) ;
or lastly by the use of the net, of which there
were various kinds, as for the gazelle (Is. li. 20,
A. V. " wild bull ") and other animals of that
class. Birds formed an article of food among
the Hebrews (Lev. xvii. 13) ; and much skill
was exercised in catching them. The following
were the most approved methods: — (1.) The
trap which consisted of two parts, a not,
strained over a frame, and a stick to support it,
bnt so placed that it should give way at the
slightest touch (Am. Hi. 5, "gin ; " Ps. lxix. 22,
" trap "). (2.) The snare (Job xviii. 9, A. V.
" robber "), consisting of a cord (Job xviii.
10 ; comp. Ps. xviii. 5, cxvi. 3, cxI. 5), so set
as to catch the bird by the leg. (3.) The net
(4.) The decoy, to which reference is made in
Jer. v. 26, 27.
Hu'pham, a son of Benjamin, founder of
the family of the Hcphamites (Num. xxvi.
39).
Hu'phamites, the, descendants of Hu-
phum of the tribe of Benjamin (Num. xxvi. S5>).
Hup'pah, a priest in the time of David
(I Chr. xxiv. 13).
Hup'pim, head of a Benjamite family.
According to the text of the LXX. in Gen., a
son of Bcln; but 1 Chr. vii. 12 tells us that be
was son of Ir, or Iri.
Hur. 1. A man who is mentioned with
Moses nnd Aaron on the occasion of the battle
with Amalck at Rephidira (Ex. xvii. 10), when
with Aaron he stayed up the hands of Moses
(12). He is mentioned again in xxiv. 14, as
being, with Aaron, left in charge of tho people
by Moses during his ascent of Sinai. The
Jewish tradition is that bo was the husband of
Miriam, and that he was identical with — 2.
Tho grandfather of Bezalecl, tho chief artificer
of the tabernacle, — " son of Hnri, son of Hur,
— of tho tribe of Judah " (Ex. xxxi. 2, xxxv.
30, xxxviii. 22). In the lists of the descend-
ants of Judah in 1 Chr., the pedigree is more
fully preserved. Hur there appears as one of
tho great family of Pharez. Ho was tho son of
Caleb ben-Hczron, by a second wife, Ephrath
(ii. 19, 20; comp. 5, also iv. 1), the first-fruit
of the marriage (ii. 50, iv. 4), and tho father,
besides Uri (ver. 20), of three sons, who founded
the towns of Kirjath-jearim, Bethlehem, and
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HYMN
Bcth-gader (51 ). Hur's connaction with Beth-
lehem would seem to have been of a closer na-
ture than with the others. — 3. The fourth of
the five kings of Midian, who were slain with
Balaam after the "matter of Peor" (Num.
xxxi. 8). In a later mention of them (Josh,
xiii. 21), they arc called princes of Midian, and
dukes. — 4. Father of Kephaiah, who was ruler
of half of the environs of Jerusalem, and assist-
ed Nehcmiah in the repair of the wall (Neh.
iii.9). — 5. The "son of Hur" — Bcn-Hur —
was commissariat officer for Solomon in Mount
Ephrniin (1 K. iv. 8).
Hura'l, one of David's guard, — Hurai of
the torrents of Gash, — according to the list
of 1 Chr. xi. 32. [Hiddai.]
Hu'ram. 1. A Benjamite; son of Bela,
the first-born of the patriarch (1 Chr. viii. 5).
— 2. The form in which the name of the king
of Tyro in alliance with David and Solomon —
and elsewhere given as Hiram — appears in
Chronicles (1 Chr. xir. 1 ; 2 Chr. ii. 3, 1 1, 12,
riii. 2, 18, ix. 10, 21). — 3. The same change
occurs in Chronicles in the name of Hiram the
artificer, which is given as Huram in the fol-
lowing places : 2 Chr. ii. 13 ; iv. II, 16.
Hu'ri, a Godite ; father of Abihail (1 Chr.
t. 14).
Husband. [Marriaoe.]
Hu shah, a name which occurs in the gen-
ealogies of the trilic of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 4) —
" Ezcr, father of Hushah." It may perhaps be
the name of a place.
Husha'i, an Archite, i.e. possibly an inhab-
itant of a place called Ercc (2 Sam. xv. 32 ff.,
xvi. 16 ff.). He is called the "friend" of
David (2 Sam. xr. 37) ; in 1 Chr. xxvii. 33,
the word is rendered " companion." To him
David confided the delicate and dangerous part
of a pretended adherence to the cause of Ab-
salom. He was probably the father of Baana
(1 K. iv. 16).
Hu'sham, one of the early kings of Edom
<Gen. xxxvi. 34, 35 ; 1 Chr. i. 45, 46).
Hu'shathite, the, the designation of two
•f the heroes of David's guard. 1. Sibbe-
'«ai (2 Sam. xxi. 18 ; 1 Chr. xi. 29, xx. 4,
xxvii. 11). Joseph us, however, calls him a
Hittite. — 2. Mbbdnnai (2 Sam. xxiii. 27) a
mere corruption of Sibbechai.
Hu'shim. 1. In Gen. xlvi. 23, "the chil-
dren of Dan " are said to have been Hushim.
The name is plural, as if of a tribe rather than
an individual. In Num. xxvi., the name is
changed to Such am. — 2. A Benjamite (1
Chr. vii. 12); and here again apparently the
plural nature of the name is recognized, and
Hushim is stated to be " the sons of Ahcr." —
3. One of the two wives of Shaharaim (1 Chr.
viii. 8).
Husks. The word rendered in the A. V.
"husks" (Luke xr. 16) describes really the
fruit of a particular kind of tree: viz., the
carob or Ceratonia tiliqua of botanists. This
tree is very commonly met with in Syria and
Egypt : it produces pods, shaped like a horn,
varying in length from 6 to 10 inches, and
•bout a finger's breadth, or rather more.
Hue, the eldest son of Nahor and Milcah
'Gen. xxii. 21).
Qus'zab, according to the general opinion
of the Jews, was the queen of Nineveh at t*»
time when Nahum delivered his prophecy (Nab.
ii. 7). The moderns follow the rendering in
the margin of our English Bible, — " that
which was established." Still it is not improb-
able that, after all, Huzzab may really be a
proper name. Hvuaab may mean "the ZA
country," or the fertile tract east of the Tigris,
watered by the Upper and Lower Zab River*
[Zctb Ala and Zab Atfal),— the A-diab-int at
thegeographers.
Hyaena. Authorities are at variance as to
whether the term ttabu 'a in Jer. xii. 9 means a
" hyaena," as the LXX. has it, or a " speckled
bird," as in the A. V. The etymological force
of the word is equally adapted to either ; the
hysenn being streaked. The only other instance
in which it occurs is as a proper name, Zebo-
im (I Sara. xiii. 18, " the valley of hyaenas,"
Aquila; Neh. xi. 34). The hyaena was com-
mon in ancient as in modern Egypt, and is
constantly depicted on monuments : it must
therefore have been well known to the Jews, if
indeed not equally common in Palestine
(Ecclus. xiii. 18).
Hydas'pes, a river noticed in Jud. i. 6, in
connection with the Euphrates and Tigris. It
is uncertain what river is referred to. Wc may
perhaps identify it with the Choaspes of Sun-
ana.
HymentBUS, the name of a person occur-
ring twice in the correspondence between St.
Paul and Timothy ; the first time classed with
Alexander (1 Tim. i. 20); and the second
time classed with Philetus (2 Tim. ii. 17, 18).
In the error with which he was charged, he
stands as one of the earliest of the Gnostics.
As regards the sentence passed upon him, it
has been asserted by some writers of eminence,
that the "delivering to Satan" is a mere
synonyrac for ecclesiastical excommunication.
Such can hardly be the case. As the Apostles
healed all manner of bodily infirmities, so they
seem to have possessed and exercised the same
power in inflicting them, — a power far too
perilous to be continued when the manifold ex-
igencies of the Apostolical age had passed away
(Actsv. 5, 10, ix. 17, 40, xiii. 11). Even apart
from actual intervention by the Apostles, bodily
visitations are spoken of in the case of those
who approached the Lord's Supper unworthily
(1 Cor. xi. 30). On the other band, Satan was
held to be the instrument or executioner of all
these visitations. Thus, while the " delivering
to Satan " may resemble ecclesiastical excom-
munication in some respects, it has its own
characteristics likewise, which show plainly that
one is not to be confounded or placed on the
same level with the other.
Hymn. Among the later Jews, the word
hymn was more or less vague in its application,
and capable of being used as occasion should
arise. To Christians, the Hymn has always
been something different from the Psalm ; a
different conception in thought, a different
type in composition. There is some dispute
about the hymn sung by our Lord and His
Apostles on the occasion of the Last Supper ;
but even supposing it to have been the ami,
or Paschal Hymn, consisting of Ps. cxiii.-
cxviii., it is obvious that die word Aysrn is in
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ICON1UM
this esse applied, not to an individual psalm,
bat to a number of psalms chanted successive-
ly, and altogether forming a kind of devo-
tional exercise which is not unaptly called a
hymn. In the jail at Philippi, Paul and Silas
"sang hymns" (A. V. "praises") unto God;
and so loud was their song that their fellow-
prisoners beard them. This mnst have been
what we mean by singing, and not merely
recitation. It was in fact a veritable singing of
iivinns. And it is remarkable that the noun
iron is only used in reference to the services
of the Greeks, and in the same passages is
clearly distinguished from the psalm (Eph. v.
19, Col. Hi. 16), "psalms and hymns, and
spiritual songs." It is worth while inquiring
what profane models the Greek hymno^raphers
chose to work after. In the old religion of
Greece, the word Ayaui had already acquired a
lacred and liturgical meaning. The special
/Srm of the Greek hymn were various. The
Homeric and Orphic hymns were written in
the epic style, and in hexameter verse. Their
metre was not adapted for singing. In the
Pindaric hymns we find a sufficient variety of
metre, and a definite relation to music. These
were sung to the accompaniment of the lyre;
and it is very likely that they engaged the
attention of the early hymn-writers. The
first impulse of Christian devotion was to run
into the moulds ordinarily used by the wor-
shippers of the old religion. In 1 Cor. xiv. 36,
illusion is made to improeued hymns, which,
being the outburst of a passionate emotion,
would probably assume the dithyrambic form.
It was in the L*tin Church that the trochaic
sad iambic metres became most deeply rooted,
sod acquired the greatest depth of tone and
pice of finish. The introduction of hymns
into the Latin Church is commonly referred to
Ambrose. Bat it is impossible to conceive
that the West should have been so far behind
the East ; and it is more likely that the tradi-
tion b due to the very marked prominence of
Ambrose as the greatest of all the Latin hym-
■omphers.
Hyssop. Perhaps no plant mentioned in
the Scriptures has given rise to greater differ-
ences of opinion than this. The difficulty
arises from the fact that in the LXX. the
Greek fcwtnror, is the uniform rendering of the
Hebrew ezdo, and that this rendering is in-
dorsed by the Apostle in the Epistle to the
Hebrews fix. 19, 91), when speaking of the
ceremonial observances of the Leriucal law.
Whether, therefore, the LXX made use of the
Greek teovxor. as the word most nearly resem-
bling the Hebrew in sound, as Stanley suggests,
or as the true representative of the plant indi-
cated by the latter, is a point which, in all
probabiiity, wiH never be decided. Botanists
differ widely even with regard to the identifica-
tion of the Wunroc of Dioscorides. The name
ba» been given to the Satwrma Gram and the
& Jsnoao, to neither of which it is appro-
priate. Kohn gives it as his opinion that the
Hebrews used the Origanum ASgjptiaam in
BfTpt, the 0. Striatum in Palestine, and that
tbehyanp of Dioscorides was the O. Smwr-
*>■■- The alb was used to sprinkle the
doorposts of the Israelites in Egypt with the
blood of the paschal lamb (Ex. xlf . 22) ; It was
employed in the purification of lepers and lep-
rous houses (Lev. xiv. 4, 51), and in the sacri-
fice of the red heifer (Num. xix. 6). In con-
sequence of its detergent qualities, or from its
being associated with the purificatory services,
the Psalmist makes use of the expression,
"purge me with««S6" (Ps. li. 7). It is de-
scribed in 1 K. iv. 33 as growing on or near
walls. Bochart decides in favor of marjoram,
or some plant like it, and to this conclusion, it
must be admitted, all ancient tradition points.
The monks on Jebel Musa give the name of
hyssop to a fragrant plant called ja 'dek, which
grows in great quantities on that mountain.
Celsius concludes that we have no alternative
but to accept the Hyaopui officinalis An elabo-
rate and interesting paper by the late Dr. J.
Forbes Royle, On the Hgtrnm of Scri/ilurr, in
the Journ. of the Ro*. As. Soe. viii. 193-212,
goes for to throw light upon this difficult ques-
tion. Dr. R., after a careful investigation of
the subject, arrived at the conclusion that the
hyssop is no other than the caper-plant, or
Capparu spinom of Linnaeus. The Arabic name
of this plant, cuuf, by which it is sometimes,
though not commonly, described, bears consid-
erable resemblance to the Hebrew. In the
present state of the evidence, however, there
does not seem sufficient reason for departing
from the old interpretation, which identified
the Greek tooumc with the Hebrew esdo.
I.
Ibliar, one of the sons of Da>H (t Sam.
v. 15 ; 1 Chr. iii. 6, xiv. 5), born in Jerusalem.
Ibleam, a city of Manasseh, with villages
or towns dependent on it (Judg. i. 27). It ap-
pears to have been situated in the territory of
either Issachar or Asber (Josh xrli. 11). The
ascent of Gun was " at Ibleam " (2 K. ix. 27 V
somewhere near the present Jenin, probably tt>-
the north of it
Ibnei'ah, son of Jehoram, a Bunjamite
(1 Chr. ix. 8).
Ibni'jahj a Benjamite (I Chr. ix. 8).
Ib'ri, a Merarite Levite of the family of
Jaaziah (1 Chr. xxiv. 27), in the time of
David.
Ib's&n, a native of Bethlehem of Zebulon,
who judged Israel for seven years after Jeph-
thah (Judg. xii. 8, 10). He had thirty sons
and thirty daughters, and took home thirty
wives for nis sons, and sent out his daughters
to as many husbands abroad. He was buried
at Bethlehem.
Ioh'abod, the son of Phinehas, and grand-
son of Eli (1 Sam. iv. 21).
Ioo'nium, the modern Konien, is situated
in the western part of an extensive plain, on
the central table-land of Asia Minor, and not
far to the north of the chain of Taurus. This
level district was anciently called Ltcaonia.
Xenopbon reckons Iconium as the most easter-
ly town of Phbyoia; but all other writers
speak of it as being in Lycaonia, of which it
was practically the capital. It was on the
great line of communication between Ephesus
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IDOL
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IDOL
and the western coast or the peninsula on one
side, and Tarsus, Antioch, and the Euphrates
on the other. Iconium was a well -chosen
place for missionary operations (Acts xiv. 1, 3,
31, 22, xvi. 1, 2, xviii. 23). The Apostle's
first visit was on his first circuit, in company
with Barnabas; and on this occasion he ap-
proached it from Antioch in Pisidia, which lay
to the west. From its position it could not
fail to be an important centre of Christian
influence in the early ages of the church. In
the declining period of the Roman empire,
Iconium was made a colonia. Konieh is still a
town of considerable size.
Id'alah, one of the cities of the tribe of
Zebulun, named between Shimron and Bethle-
hem (Josh. xix. IS).
Id'baeh, one of the three sons of Abi-
Etam, among the families of Judah (1 Cbr.
iv. 3).
Id do. L The father of Abinadab (1 K.
iv. 14). — 2. A descendant of Gershom, son
of Levi (1 Chr. vi. 21).— 3. Son of Zechariah,
ruler of the tribe of Manasseh east of Jordan
in the time of David (I Chr. xxvii. 21). — 4.
A seer whose " visions " against Jeroboam in-
cidentally contained some of the acts of Solo-
mon (2 Chr. ix. 29). He appears to have
written a chronicle or story relating to the
life and reign of Abijah (2 Chr. xiii. 22), and
also a book " concerning genealogies," in which
the acts of Rehoboam were recorded (xii. 15).
These books are lost, but they may have formed
part of the foundation of the existing books
of Chronicles. — 5. The grandfather of the
prophet Zechariah (Zech. i. 1, 7), although in
other places Zechariah is called " the son of
Iddo" (Ezr. r. 1, vi. 14). Iddo returned from
Babylon with Zembbabel and Jeshua (Neh.
xii. 4). — 6. The chief of those who assembled
at Casiphia, at the time of the second caravan
from Babylon. He was one of the Nethinim
(Ezr. viii. 17; comp. 20).
Idol, Image. As no less than twenty-one
different Hebrew words have been rendered in
the A. V either by idol or image, and that by
no means uniformly, it will be of some advan-
tage to attempt to discriminate between them,
and assign, as nearly as the two languages will
allow, the English equivalents for each. But,
before proceeding to the discussion of those
words which in themselves indicate the objects
of false worship, it will be necessary to notice
a class of abstract terms, which, with a deep
moral significance, express the degradation as-
sociated with it, and stand out as a protest of
the language against the enormities of idola-
try. Such are — 1. Aven, rendered elsewhere
" nought, " " vanity, " " iniquity, " " wicked-
ness," "sorrow," &c., and once only "idol"
(Is. lxvi. 3). The primary idea of the root
seems to be emptiness, nothingness, as of breath
or vapor; and, by a natural transition, in a
moral sense, wickedness in its active form of
mischief, and then, as the result, sorrow and
trouble. Hence aven denotes a vain, false,
wicked thing, and expresses at once the essen-
tial nature of idols, and the consequences of
their worship. — 2. Ettl is thought by some
to have a sense akin to that of " falsehood,"
and would therefore much resemble aven, as
applied to an idol. It is used of the idols of
Noph or Memphis (Ez. xxx. 13). In strong
contrast with Jehovah it appears in Ps. xc. 5,
xcvii. 7. — 3. Emak, "horror," or "terror,"*
and hence an object of horror or terror (Jer. I.
38), in reference either to the hideousness of
the idols or to the gross character of their
worship^ In this respect it is closely connect-
ed with- *. Miphletoeth, a " fright," '" horror,"
applied to the idol of Maachah, probably of
wood, which Asa cut down and burned ("l K.
xv. 13 ; 2 Chr. xv. 16), and which was unques-
tionably the phallus, the symbol of the pro-
ductive power of nature and the nature-god-
dess Ashera. With this must be noticed,
though not actually rendered "image" or
"idol," — 5. Bdsheth, "shame," or "shame-
ful thing" (A. V. Jer. xi. 13; Hos. ix. 10),
applied to Baal or Baal-Peor, as characteriz-
ing the obscenity of his worship. With elU is
found in close connection — 6. Gilt&lim, also
a term of contempt, but of uncertain origin
(Ez. xxx. 13). The Rabbinical authorities,
referring to such passages as Ez. iv. 2, Zeph. i.
17, have favored the interpretation given in
the margin of the A. V. to Deut xxix. 17,
"dungy gods." The expression is applied,
principally in Ezekiel, to false gods and their
symbols (Deut xxix. 17; Ez. viii. 10, 4c).
It stands side by side with other contemptuous
terms in Ez. xvi. 36, xx. 8; as for example
shekels, " filth," "abomination" (Ez. viii. 10),
and — 7. The cognate ihilclcit*, " filth," " impa-
rity," especially applied, like $hettt», to that
which produced ceremonial urn-leanness (Ex.
xxxvii. 23 ; Nah. iii. 6). As referring to the
idols themselves, it primarily denotes the ob-
scene rites with which their worship was as-
sociated, and hence, by metonymy, is applied
both to the objects of worship and also to their
worshippers. We now come to the considera-
tion of those words which more directly apply
to the images or idols, as the outward sym-
bols of the deity who was worshipped through
them. — 8. Semel, or temd, signifies a "like-
ness," " semblance "( Lat. simulacrum). It oc-
curs in 3 Chr. xxxiii. 7, 15 (A. V. "idol");
Deut. iv. 16 (" figure ") ; and Ez. viii. 3, 5 (" im-
age"). — 9. TtSem (Ch. id. and taehm) is by
all lexicographers, ancient and modern, con-
nected with tail, " a shadow." It is the " im-
age" of God in which man was created (Gen.
i. 27; cf. Wisd. ii. 23), distinguished from de-
muth, or " likeness," as the "image" from the
" idea" which it represents, though it would b»
rash to insist upon this distinction. But what-
ever abstract term may best define the meaning
of tselem, it is unquestionably used to denote the
visible forms of external objects, and is applied
to figures of gold and silver (1 Sam. vi. 5;
Num. xxxiii. 52; Dan. iii. 1), such as the
golden image of Nebuchadnezzar, as well as
to those painted upon walls (Ez. xxiii. 14).
" Image " perhaps most nearly represent* it in
all passages. Applied to the human counte-
nance (Dan. iii. 19), it signifies the "expres-
sion."— 10. TemAn&h, rendered "image'' In
Job iv. 16; elsewhere "similitude" (Deut. i.
12), "likeness" (Deut i. 8); "form," or
"shape" would be better. — 11. Att&b, 12. fessfr
(Jer. xxii. 28), or 13. '<k*6 (Is. xlviii. 6), "a
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•gore," «IV derived from a root 'attab, "to
work," or " fashion," are terms applied to idols
as expressing that their origin was due to the
labor of man. — 14. Tstr, once only applied
to an idol (Is. xlv. 16). The word signifies
" a form," or " mould/' and hence an " idol."
— 15. ifatttebak, any thing set up, a " statue "
(Gen. xxviii. 18, xxxi. 45, xxxv. 14, 15).
Such were too stones set up by Joshua (Josh,
ir. 9) after the passage of the Jordan, and at
Shechem (xxiv. 26), and by Samuel when
Tictorious over the Philistines (1 Sam. vii. 12).
When solemnly dedicated, they were anointed
with oil, and libations were poured upon them.
The word is applied to denote the obelisks
which stood at the entrance to the temple of
the Son at Heliopolis (Jer. xliii. 13). The
Phoenicians consecrated and anointed stones
like that at Bethel, which were called, as some
think, from this circumstance, Bntfulia. Many
nch are said to hare been seen on the Lebanon,
sear Heliopolis, dedicated to various gods.
The Palladium of Troy, the black stone in the
Kiaba at Mecca, said to hare been brought from
besTen by the angel Gabriel, and the stone at
Ephesns "which fell down from Jupiter"
(Acts xix. 35), are examples of the belief,
anciently so common, that the gods sent down
their images upon earth. Closely connected
with these " statues " of Baal, whether in the
form of obelisks or otherwise, were — 16.
Oummimm, rendered in the margin of most
pawges "sun-images." The word has given
rise to much discussion. Gesenius mentions
the occurrence of Chamman as a synonyme of
Baal in the Phoenician and Palmyrene inscrip-
tions in the sense of " Dominus Solaris," and
in after application to the statues or columns
amed for his worship. The Palmyrene in-
scription at Oxford has been thus rendered :
"This column (Chammana), and this altar, the
tons of Malchu, &c, have erected and dedicated
lo the San." From the expressions in Ex. vi.
4, 6, and Lev. xxvi. 30, it may be inferred that
these columns, which perhaps represented a
rising flame of fire, and stood upon the altar of
Baal (2 Chr. xxxiv. 4), were of wood or stone.
—17. Hcaaih, occurs in Lev. xxvi. 1 ; Num.
txiii. 53; Ex. viii. 12 : "device," most nearly
"its all passages (cf. Ps. lxxiii. 7 ; Pro v. xviii.
U.xxt. II). The general opinion appears to
be that Ac* matcith signifies a stone with fig-
ms graven upon it. Gesenius explains it as a
*"» with the image of an idol, Baal or As-
tote.and refers to his Hon. Phan. 21-24 for
"fas of similar character. — 18. Terdphim.
[Tuathih.] The terms which follow have
regard to the material and workmanship of the
Sol rather than to its character as an object of
•Whip.— 19. Pad, and 20. pa&m, usually
!»»s»Ia*d in the A. V. "graven or carved
Jj»«ps." In two passage* the latter is am-
"SooojIt rendered "quarries" (Judg. iii. 19,
*), following the Targum ; but there seems no
"V 00 for departing from the ordinary signifi-
™* on - Then " sculptured " images were ap-
Pfflly of wood, iron, or stone, covered with
{on or silver (Deut. vii. 25; Is. xxx. 22 ; Hab.
=• '*), the more costly being of solid metal
(u. xl 191. The several stages of the process
»y which the metal or wood became the "graven
image " are so vividly described in Is. xliv. 10-
20, that it is only necessary to refer to that pas-
sage, and we are at once introduced to the
mysteries of idol manufacture, which, as at
Ephesus, " brought no small gain unto the
craftsmen." — 21. Nate, or nine, and 22.
maaecah, are evidently synonymous (Is. xli.
29, xlviii. 5; Jer. x. 14) in later Hebrew, and
denote a " molten " image. Mattfcah is fre-
quently used in distinction from petel or paiUm
(Deut xxvii. 15 ; Judg. xvii. 3, lie.). Among
the earliest objects of worship, regarded as
symbols of deity, were, as has been said above,
the meteoric stones which the ancients believed
to have been the images of the gods sent down
from heaven. From these they transferred
their regard to rough unhewn blocks, to stone
columns or pillars of wood, in which the di-
vinity worshipped was supposed to dwell,
and which were consecrated, like the sacred
stone at Delphi, by being anointed with oil
and crowned with wool on solemn days. Such
customs are remarkable illustrations of the
solemn consecration by Jacob of the stone at
Bethel, as showing the religious reverence with
which these memorials were regarded. Of the
forms assumed by the idolatrous images we
have not many traces in the Bible. Dagon,
the fish-god of the Philistines, was a human fig-
ure terminating in a fish ; and that the Syrian
deities were represented in later times in a
symbolical human shape we know for certainty.
The Hebrews imitated their neighbors in this
respect as in others (Is. xliv. 13; Wisd. xiii.
13). When the process of adorning the image
was completed, it was placed in a temple or
shrine appointed for it (Epist. Jer. 12, 19;
Wisd. xiii. 15; 1 Cor. viii. 10). From these
temples the idols were sometimes carried in
procession (Epist. Jer. 4, 26) on festival days.
Their priests were maintained from the idol
treasury, and feasted upon the meats which
were appointed for the idols' use (Bel and the
Dragon, 3, 13).
Idolatry, strictly speaking, denotes the
worship of deity in a visible form, whether the
images to which homage is paid are symbolical
representations of the true God, or of the false
divinities which have been made tho objects of
worship in His stead. — I. The first undoubted
allusion to idolatry or idolatrous customs in the
Bible is in the account of Rachel's stealing her
father's teraphim (Gen. xxxi. 19), a relic of the
worship of other gods, whom the ancestors of
the Israelites served " on the other udo of the
river, in old time " (Josh. xxiv. 2). These he
consulted as oracles (Gen. xxx. 27, A. V.
" learned by experience "), though without en-
tirely losing sight of the God of Abraham and
the God of Nanor, to whom he appealed when
occasion offered (Gen. xxxi. 53), while he was
ready, in the presence of Jacob, to acknowledge
the benefits conferred upon him by Jehovah
(Gen. xxx. 27). Such, indeed, was the char-
acter of most of the idolatrons worship of the
Israelites. Like the Cuthssan colonists in Sa-
maria, who " feared Jehovah and served theirowa
gods" (2 K. xvii. 33), they blended in a strange
manner a theoretical belief in the true God with
the external reverence which, in different stages
of their history, they were led to pay to the
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Idols of the nations by whom they were snr-
ronnded. And this marked feature of the He-
brew character is traceable throughout the en-
tire history of the people. During their long
residence in Egypt, the country of symbolism,
they denied themselves with the idols of the
land, and it was long before the taint was re-
moved (Josh, xxiv. 14; Ez. xx. 7). To these
gods Moses, as the herald of Jehovah, flung
down the gauntlet of defiance, and the plagues
of Egypt smote their symbols (Nam. xxxiii.
4). Yet, with the memory of their deliverance
fresh in their minds, their leader absent, the
Israelites clamored for some visible shape in
which they might worship the God who had
brought them up out of Egypt (Ex. xxxii.).
Aaron lent himself to the popular cry, and
ehose as the symbol of deity one with which
they had long been familiar — the calf — em-
bodiment of Apis, and emblem of the produc-
tive power of nature. For a whilo the erection
of the tabernacle, and the establishment of the
worship which accompanied it, satisfied that
craving for an outward sign which the Israel-
ites constantly exhibited ; and for the remain-
der of their march through the desert, with
the dwelling-place of Jehovah in their midst,
they did not again degenerate into open apos-
tasy. But it was only so long as their contact
with the nations was of a hostile character that
this seeming orthodoxy was maintained. Dur-
ing the lives of Joshua and the elders who out-
Hved him, they kept true to their allegiance ;
bat the generation following, who knew not Je-
hovah, nor the works he had done for Israel,
swerved from the plain path of their fathers,
and were caught in the toils of the foreigner
(Judg. ii.). From this time forth their history
becomes little more than a chronicle of the in-
evitable sequence of offence and punishment
(Judg. ii. 12, 14). By tarns each conquering
nation strove to establish the worship of its na-
tional god. Thus far idolatry is a national sin.
The episode of Micah, in Judg. xvii., xviii.,
sheds a lurid light on the secret practices of
individuals, who without formally renouncing
Jehovah, though ceasing to recognize Him as
the theocratic King (xvii. 6), linked with His
worship the symbols of ancient idolatry. The
house of God, or sanctuary, which Micah made
in imitation of that at Shiloh, was decorated
with an ephod and teraphim dedicated to God,
and with a graven and molten image consecrat-
ed to some inferior deities. It is a significant
fact, showing how deeply rooted in the people
was the tendency to idolatry, that a Levite, who,
of all others, should have been most sedulous
to maintain Jehovah's worship in its purity,
was found to assume the office of priest to the
images of Micah ; and that this Levite, priest
afterwards to the idols of Dan, was no other
than Jonathan, the son of Gershom, the son of
Moses. In later times the practice of secret
idolatry was carried to greater lengths. Images
were set up on the corn-floors, in the wine-vats,
and behind the doors of private houses (Is. lvii.
8 ; Hos. ix. 1, 2) ; and to check this tendency
the statute in Dent, xxvii. IS was originally
promulgated. Under Samuel's administration
a fast was held, and purificatory rites performed,
to mark the public renunciation of idolatry
(1 Sam. vii.3-6). But in the reign of Solomon
all this was forgotten. Each of his many for-
eign wives brought with her the gods of her
own nation ; and the gods of Amnion, Moab,
and Zidon, were openly worshipped. Beho-
boam, the son of an Ammonite mother, perpet-
uated the worst features of Solomon's idolatry
(1 K. xiv. 29-24) ; and in his reign was made
the great schism in the national religion ; what
Jeroboam, fresh from his recollections of the
Apis worship of Egypt, erected golden calve*
at Bethel and at Dan, and by this crafty state-
policy severed forever the kingdoms or Judah
and Israel (1 K. xii. 26-33). The successor*
of Jeroboam followed in his steps, till Ahab>.
who married a Zidonian princess, at her insti-
gation (1 K. xxi. 25) built a temple and altar
to Baal, and revived all the abominations of the
Amorites (1 K. xxi. 26). Compared with the
worship of Baal, the worship of the calves waa
a venial offence, probably because it was morally
less detestable and also less anti-national (IK.
xii. 28 ; 2 K. x. 28-31 ). Henceforth Baal-wor-
ship became so completely identified with the
northern kingdom that it is described as walk-
ing in the way or statutes of the kings of Is-
rael (2 K. xvi. 3, xvii. 8), as distinguished from
the sin of Jeroboam. The conquest of the ten
tribes by Shalmaneser was for them the last
scene of the drama of abominations which had
been enacted uninterruptedly for upwards of
290 years. In toe northern kingdom no reform-
er arose to vary the long line of royal apostates :
whatever waa effected in the way of reforma-
tion was done by the hands of the people (>
Chr. xxxi. 1). The first act of Hezekiah on
ascending the throne was the restoration and
purification of the temple, which had been dis-
mantled and closed during the latter part of
his father's life (2 Chr. xxviii. 24, xxix. 3).
The iconoclastic spirit was not confined to Judah
and Benjamin, but spread throughout Ephraim
and Manasseh (2 Chr. xxxi. 1 ), and, to all ex-
ternal appearance, idolatry was extirpated. But
the reform extended little below the surface (Is.
xxix. 13). With the death of Josiah ended
the last effort to revive among the people a
purer ritual, if not a purer faith. The lamp
of David, which had long shed but a struggling
ray, flickered for a while, and then went out ht
the darkness of Babylonian captivity. But
foreign exile was powerless to eradicate the
deep inbred tendency to idolatry. One of the
first difficulties with whieh Ezra had to contend,
and which brought him well nigh to despair,
was the haste with which his countrymen took
them foreign wives of the people of the land,
and followed them in all their abominations
(Ezr. ix.). The conquests of Alexander in
Asia caused Greek influence to be extensively
felt, and Greek idolatry to be first tolerated,
and then practised, by the Jews (1 Mace i. 43-
50, 54). The attempt of Antfochus to estab-
lish this form of worship was vigorously resist-
ed by Mattathias (1 Mace ii. 98-26). The
erection of synagogues has been assigned as a
reason for the comparative parity of the Jewish
worship after the captivity, while another cause
hat been discovered in the hatred for images ac-
quired by the Jews in their intercourse with the
Persians. It has been a question much debated
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whether the Israelites were ever so far given op
to idolatry as to lose all knowledge of the true
God. It would be hard to assert this of any
nation, and still more difficult to prove. But
there is still room for grave suspicion that
among the masses of the people, though tho
idea of a supreme Being — of whom the images
they worshipped were but the distorted repre-
sentatives — was not entirely lost, it was so ob-
scured as to be but dimly apprehended (2 Chr.
xv. 3). — XL The old religion of tho Shemitic
races consisted, in the opinion of Movers, in
the deification of the powers and laws of nature ;
these powers being considered either as distinct
and independent, or as manifestations of one
supreme and all-ruling being. In most instan-
ces the two ideas were co-existent The deity,
following human analogy, was conceived of as
male and female: the one representing the
active, the other the passive principle of nature ;
the former the source of spiritual, the latter of
physical life. The snn and moon were early
selected as outward symbols of this all-pervad-
ing power, and the worship of the heavenly
bodies was not only the most ancient but the
most prevalent system of idolatry. Taking its
rise in the plains of Chaldasa, it spread through
Egypt, Greece, Scytbia, and even Mexico and
Ceylon (comp. Dent. iv. 19, xvii. 3; Jobxxxi.
26-28). It is probable that the Israelites learnt
their first lessons in sun-worship from the Egyp-
tians, in whose religious system that luminary,
si Osiris, held a prominent place. The Phoeni-
cians worshipped him under the title of "Lord
of heaven." As Molech or Milcom, the sun was
worshipped by the Ammonites, and as Che-
moshbytheMoabites. TheHadadoftheSvrians
is the same deity. The Assyrian Bel, or feel us,
it another form of Baal. By the later kings
of Jndsh, sacred horses and chariots were dedi-
cated to the sun-god, as by the Persians (2 K.
xxiii. 1 1 ). The moon, worshipped by the Phoe-
nicians under the name of Astarte or Baaltis,
the passive power of nature, as Baal was the
active, and known to the Hebrews as Ashtaroth
or Ashtoreth, the tutelary goddess of the Zido-
oians, appears early among the objects of Israel-
itish idolatry. But, though we have no positive
historical account of star-worship before the
Assyrian period, we may infer that it was early
practised in a concrete form among the Israel-
ites from the allusions in Amos v. 26, and Acts
rii. 41, 43. However this may be, Movers con-
tends that the later star-worship, introduced by
Abas, and followed by Manassen, was purer and
more spiritual in its nature than the Israelito-
ruoenician worship of the heavenly bodies under
•rmbolical forms as Baal and Ashcrah ; and
that it was not idolatry in the same sense that
the latter was, but of a simply contemplative
character. But there is no reason to believe
that the divine honors paid to the " Queen of
Heaven " (or as others render " the frame " or
" structure of the heavens ") were equally dis-
sociated from image worship. The allusions in
Job xxxviii. 31 , 32, are too obscure to allow
*oj inference to be drawn as to the mysterious
influences which were held by the old astrologers
to be exercised by the stars over human destiny,
nor is there sufficient evidence to connect them
*ith say thing more recondite than the astro-
nomical knowledge of the period. The same
may be said of the poetical figure in Deborah's
chant of triumph, the stars from their high-
ways warred with Siscra " ( Judg. v. 20). In
the later times of the monarchy, Maxzaloth,
the planets, or the xodiacal signs, received, next
to the sun and moon, their share of popular ad-
oration (2 K. xxiii. 5). Beast-worship, as ex-
emplified in the calves of Jeroboam and the
dark hints which seem to point to the goat of
Mendes, has already been alluded to. There
is no actual proof that the Israelites ever joined
in the service of Dagon, the fish-god of the
Philistines, though Ahasiah sent stealthily to
Baalxebub, the fly-god of Ekron (2 K. i.j, and
in later times the brazen serpent became the ob-
ject of idolatrous homage (2 K. xviii. 4). Of
pure hero-worship among the Shemitic races
we rind no trace. The reference in Wisd. xiv.
1 5 is to a later practice introduced by the Greeks.
The singular reverence with which trees hava,
been honored is not without example in tho
history of the Hebrews. The terebinth at
Mamre, beneath which Abraham built an altar
(Gen. xii. 7, xiii. 18), and the memorial grow
planted by him at Becrsheba (Gen. xxi. 33).
were intimately connected with patriarchal
worship. Mountains and high places were
chosen spots for offering sacrifice and incense
to idols (1 K. xi. 7, xiv. 23); and the retire-
ment of gardens and tho thick shade of woods
offered great attractions to their worshippers
(2 K. xvi. 4 ; Is. i. 29 ; Hos. iv. 13). The host
of heaven was worshipped on the house-top (2
K. xxiii. 12; Jer. xix. 3, xxxii. 29; Zepn. i.
5). The priests of the false worship are some-
times designated Chemarim, a worn of Syriac
origin, to which different meanings have been
assigned. It is applied to the non-Lovitical
priests who burnt incense on the high places
(2 K. xxiii. 5) as well as the priests of the
calves (Hos. x. 5). In addition to the priests,
there were other persons intimately connected
with idolatrous rites, and the impurities from
which they were inseparable. Both men and
women consecrated themselves to the service
of idols: the former as htdethim, for which
there is reason to believe the A. V. (Deut.
xxiii. 17, Ac.) has not given too harsh an equiv-
alent; the latter as kfdethAOi, who wove shrines
for Astarte (2 K. xxiii. 7). The same class of
women existed among the Phoenicians, Arme-
nians, Lydians, and Babylonians (Epist. of
Jerera. ver. 43). They are distinguished from
the public prostitutes (Hos. iv. 14), and associ-
ated with the performances of sacred rites.
Besides these accessories, there were the ordi-
nary rites of worship which idolatrous systems
had in common with the religion of the He-
brews. Offering burnt sacrifices to the idol
gods (2 K. v. 17), burning incense in their
honor (1 K. xi. 8), and bowing down in wor-
ship before their images (1 K. xix. 18), were
the chief parts of their ritual ; and from their
very analogy with the ceremonies of true wor-
ship were more seductive than the grosser forms.
Nothing can be stronger or more positive than
the language in which these ceremonies were
denounced ny Hebrew law. Every detail of
idol-worship was made the subject of a sepa-
rate enactment, and many of the laws, which
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In themselves seem trivial and almost absurd,
receive from this point of view their true signif-
icance. We 'are told by Maimonides that the
prohibitions against sowing a field with mingled
seed, and wearing garments of mixed material,
were directed against the practices of idolaters,
who attributed a kind of magical influence to
tho mixture (Lev. xix. 19). Such too were
the precepts which forbade that the garments
of the sexes should be interchanged (Deut.
xxiii. 5). There are supposed to be allusions
to the practice of necromancy in Is. lxv. 4, or
at any rate to superstitious rites in connection
with the dead. Cutting the flesh for the dead
(Lev. xix. 28 ; 1 K. xviii. 28), and making a
baldness between the eyes (Deut. xiv. 1), were
associated with idolatrous rites : the latter be-
ing a custom among the Syrians. The law
which regulated clean and unclean meats (Lev.
xx. 23-26) may be considered both as a sanitary
regulation and also as having a tendency to
separate the Israelites from the surrounding
idolatrous nations. The mouse, one of tho
unclean animals of Leviticus (xi. 29), was
sacrificed by the ancient Magi (Is. bevi. 17).
Eating of the things offered was a necessary
appendage to the sacrifice (comp. Ex. xviii. 12,
xxxii. 6, xxxiv. 15 ; Num. xxv. 2, &c.). The
Israelites were forbidden " to print any mark
upon them" (Lev. xix. 28), because it was a
custom of idolaters to brand upon their flesh
some symbol of the deity they worshipped, as
the ivy-leaf of Bacchus (3 Mace. ii. 29). Many
other practices of false worship are alluded to,
and made the subjects of rigorous prohibition,
but none are more frequently or more severely
denounced than those which peculiarly dis-
tinguished the worship of Molech. It has been
attempted to deny that the worship of this idol
was polluted by the foul stain of human sacri-
fice, but the allusions are too plain and too
pointed to admit of reasonable doubt (Dent,
xii. 31 ; 2 K. iii. 27 ; Jer. vii. 31 ; Ps. cvi. 37 ;
Ez. xxiii. 29). Nor was this practice confined
to the rites of Molech : it extended to those of
Baal (Jer. xix. 5), and the king of Moab (2 K.
iii. 27) offered his son as a burnt-offering to his
god Chemosh. Kissing the images of the gods
(1 K. xix. 18; Hos. xiii. 2), hanging votive
offerings in their temples (1 Sam. xxxi. 10),
and carrying them to battle (2 Sam. v. 21 ), as
the Jews of Maccabnus' army did with the
things consecrated to the idols of the Jaranites
(2 Mace. xii. 40), are usages connected with
idolatry which are casually mentioned, though
not made the objects of express legislation.
But soothsaying, interpretation of dreams, nec-
romancy, witchcraft, magic, and other forms
of divination, are alike forbidden (Deut. xviii.
9; 2 K. i. 2; Is. lxv. 4 ; Ez. xxi. 21). — m.
It remains now briefly to consider the light in
which idolatry was regarded in the Mosaic code,
and the penalties with which it was visited. If
one main object of the Hebrew polity was to
teach the unity of God, the extermination of
idolatry was but a subordinate end. Jehovah,
the God of the Israelites, was the civil head of
the State. He was the theocratic king of the
people, who had delivered them from bondage,
and to whom they had taken a willing oath of
allegiance. Idolatry, therefore, to an Israelite
was a state offence (1 Sam. xv. 23), a political
crime of the gravest character, high treason
against the majesty of his king. But it was
much more than all this. While the idolatry
of foreign nations is stigmatized merely as an
abomination in the sight of God, whicli called
for his vengeance, the sin of the Israelites is
regarded as of more glaring enormity and
greater moral guilt In the figurative lan-
Sniagc of the prophets, the relation between
lehovah and his people is represented as a mar-
riage bond (Is. liv. 5; Jer. iii. 14), and the
worship of false gods with all its accompani-
ments (Lev. xx. 56) becomes then the greatest
of social wrongs (Hos. u. ; Jer. iii., 4c!). Re-
garded in a moral aspect, false gods are called
" stumbling-blocks " (Ez. xiv. 3), " lies " (Am.
ii. 4 ; Rom. i. 25), " horrors " or " frights "
(1 K. xv. 13 ; Jer. 1. 38), " abominations "
(Deut. xxix. 17, xxxii. 16; 1 K. xi. 5; 2 K.
xxiii. 13), "guilt " (abstract for concrete, Am.
viii. 14, ashmah; comp. 2 Chr. xxix. 18, per-
haps with a play on AMma, 2 K. xvii. 30),
and with a profound sense of the degradation
consequent upon their worship, they are char-
acterized by the prophets, whose mission it was
to warn the people against them (Jer. xliv. 4),
as "shame (Jer. xi. 13; Hos. ix. 10). As
considered with reference to Jehovah, they are
"other gods" (Josh. xxiv. 2, 16), "strange
gods " (Deut. xxxii. 16), "new gods" (Judg.
v. 8), " devils, — not God" (Deut. xxxii. 17;
1 Cor. x. 20, 21 ) ; and, as denoting their for-
eign origin, " gods of the foreigner " (Josh,
xxiv. 14, 15). Idolatry, therefore, being from
one point of view a political offence, could be
punished without infringement of civil rights.
No penalties were attached to mere opinions.
For aught we know, theological speculation
may have been as rife among the Hebrews as
in modern times, though such was not the ten-
dency of the Shemitic mind. It was not, how-
ever, such speculations, heterodox though thev
might be, but overt acts of idolatry, which
were made the subjects of legislation. The
first and second commandments are directed
against idolatry of every form. Individuals
and communities were equally amenable to the
rigorous code. The individual offender was
devoted to destruction (Ex. xxii. 20) ; his near-
est relatives were not only bound to denounce)
him and deliver him up to punishment (Deut.
xiii. 2-10), but their hands were to strike the
first blow when, on the evidence of two wit-
nesses at least, he was stoned (Deut. xvii. 2-5).
To attempt to seduce others to false worship
was a crime of equal enormity (Deut xiii.
6-10). An idolatrous nation snared a similar
fate. — IV. Much indirect evidence on this sub-
ject might be supplied by an investigation of
proper names. Traces of the sun-worship of the
ancient Canaanites remain in the nomenclature
of their country. Beth-Sbemesh, "house of
the sun," En-Shemesh, " spring of the sun,"
and Ir-Shemesh, "city of the sun," whether
they be the original Canaanitish names or their
Hebrew renderings, attest the reverence paid
to the source of light and heat, the symbol
of the fertilizing power of nature. Sam-
son, the Hebrew national hero, took his nam*
from the same luminary, and was born in •
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mountain-Tillage above the modern 'Am Shems
(En-Shemesh). The name of Baal, the sun-
god, is one of the most common occurrence
in compound words, and is often associated
with places consecrated to his worship. The
Moon, Astarte or Ashtaroth, gave her name to
a city of Bashan (Josh. xiii. 12, 31). Nebo
enters into many compounds : Nebu-zaradan,
Samgar-nebo, and the like. Bel is found in
Belshazzar, Bclte-shazzar, and others. Che-
mosh, the fire-god of Moab, appears in Carche-
mish, and Peor in Beth-Peor. Malcom, a name
which occurs but once, and then of a Moabite
by birth, may have been connected with Mo-
lech and Milcom. A glimpse of star-worship
may be seen in the name of the city Chesil.
It is impossible to pursue this investigation to
any length : the hints which have been thrown
out may prove suggestive.
Id uel, 1 Esd. viii. 43. [AbielI.] Ap.
Idume'a, Is. xxxiv. S, 6; Ez. xxxr. IS,
zxxvi. 5 ; 1 Mace iv. 15, 29, 61, v. 8, vi. 31 ;
2 Mace. xii. 32 ; Mark iii. 8. [EdohJ
Idume'ans, 2 Mace. x. 15, 16. [Edom.]
I'jgaL 1. One of the spies, son of Joseph,
of the tribe of Issachar (Num. xiii. 7). — 2.
One of the heroes of David's guard, son of
Nathan of Zobah (2 Sam. xxiii. 36),
Igdali'ah, a prophet or holy man — " the
lan «f God" — named oi
4), as the father of Hanan
_ "7 '
man of God"' — named once only (Jer. xxxv.
. a son of Shemaiah ; a descendant of
the royal house of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 22).
I'im. 1. The partial or contracted form of
the name Lib-Ababim (Num. xxxiii. 45). — 2.
A town in the extreme south of Judah (Josh,
xv. 28).
I'je-Ab'arim, one of the later halting-
places of the children of Israel (Num. xxi. 1 1,
xxxiii. 44). It was on the boundary — the S. E»
boundary — of (be territory of Moab; notonthe
pasture-downs a ' the Mistior, the modern Belka,
but in the midba, , the waste uncultivated " wil-
derness " on its skirts (xxi. II). No identifica-
tion of its situation has been attempted.
I'jon, a town in tb-> jorth of Palestine, be-
longing to the tribe of Naphtali. It was taken
and plundered by the captains of Benhadad ( 1
K. xv. 80 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 4), and a second time by
Tiglath-pileser (2 K. xv. 29). At the base of
the mountains of Naphtali, a few miles N. W. of
the site of Dan, is a fertile and beautiful little
Slain called Herj 'Ayan. This, in all proba-
ility, is the site of the long-lost lion.
Dr/kesh, the father of Ira the Tekoite (2
Sara, xxiii. 26 ; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 9).
Ilai, an Ahohite, one of the heroes of Da-
vid's guard (1 Chr. xi. 29).
Dlyrloum, an extensive district lying
along the eastern coast of the Adriatic from
the boundary of Italy on the north to Epirus
on the south, and contiguous to Mossia and
Macedonia on the east (Bom. xv. 19).
Image. [Idol.]
Imla, rather or progenitor of Micaiah the
prophet (2 Chr. xviii. 7, 8). The form
Imlah is employed in the parallel narra-
tive (I K. xxii. 8, 9).
Imman'ueL the symbolical name given by
the prophet Isaiah to the child who was an-
nounced to Ahaz and the people of Judah a*
the sign which God would give of their deliver-
ance from their enemies (Is. vii. 14). It is ap-
plied by the Apostle Matthew to the Messiah,
born of the Virgin (Matt. i. 23). In the early
part of the reign of Ahaz, the kingdom of Judah
was threatened with annihilation by the com-
bined armies of Syria and Israel. Jerusalem
was menaced with a siege. The king had gone
to " the conduit of the upper pool, when the
prophet met him with the message of consola-
tion. Not only were the designs of the hostile
armies to fail, but within sixty-five years the
kingdom of Israel would be overthrown. In
confirmation of his words, the prophet bids
Ahaz ask a sign of Jehovah, which the king,
with pretended humility, refused to do. After
administering a severe rebuke to Ahaz for his
obstinacy, Isaiah announces the sign which Je-
hovah Himself would give unasked: "Behold!
the virgin is with child and beareth a son, and
she shall call his name Immanad." The inter-
preters of this passage are naturally divided
into three classes. The first class consists of
those who refer the fulfilment of the prophecy
to a historical event, which followed immedi-
ately upon its delivery. The majority of Chris-
tian writers, till within the last fifty years, form
a second class, and apply the prophecy exclusive-
ly to the Messiah ; while a third class, almost
equally numerous, agree in considering both
these explanations true, and hold that the proph-
ecy had an immediate and literal fulfilment,
but was completely accomplished in the mirac-
ulous conception and birth of Chrwt. Among
the first are numbered the Jewish writers of all
ages, without exception. Some, as Jarchi and
Aben Ezra, refer the prophecy to a son of Isaiah
himself, others to Hezekiah, and others to a son
of Ahaz by another wife, as Kimchi and Abar-
banel. Interpreters of the second class, who
refer tho prophecy solely to the Messiah, of
course understand by the 'almah the Virgin
Mary. Against this hypothesis of a solely
Messianic reference, it is objected that the birth
of the Messiah could not be a sign of deliver-
ance to the people of Judah in the time of Ahaz.
Vitringa explains it thus : as surely as Messiah
would be bom of the Virgin, so surely would
God deliver the Jews from the threatened evil.
But this explanation involves another difficulty.
Before the child shall arrive at years of dis-
cretion, the prophet announces the desolation
of die land whose kings threatened Ahaz. In
view of the difficulties which attend these ex-
planations of the prophecy, the third class of
interpreters above alluded to ham recourse to
a theory which combines the two preceding;
viz., the hypothesis of the double sense. They
suppose that the immediate reference of the
prophet was to some contemporary occurrence,
but that his words received their true and full
accomplishment in the birth of the Messiah.
From the manner in which the quotation occurs
in Matt i. 23, there can be no doubt that the
Evangelist did not use it bv way of accom-
modation, but as having in view its actual ac-
complishment. Whatever may have been his
opinion as to any contemporary or immediate
reference it might contain, this was completely
obscured by the full conviction that burst upon
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him when he realized its completion in the
Messiah. The hypothesis of the doable sense
satisfies most of the requirements of the prob-
lem, and as it is at the same time supported by
the analogy of the Apostle's quotations from
the O.T. (Matt. ii. 15, 18, S3, iv. IS), we ac-
cept it as approximating most nearly to the
true eolation.
Im'mer, the founder of an important family
of priests (1 Chr. ix. IS; Neh. xi. IS). This
family had charge of, and gave its name to, the
sixteenth coarse of the service (1 Chr. xxiv.
14). — 2. Apparently the name of a place in
Babylonia (Bzr. ii. 59 ; Neh. vii. 61).
Im'na, a descendant of Asher, son of Helena
(1 Chr. vii. 35 ; corap. 40).
Im'nah. 1. The first-born of Asher (1
Chr. vii. 30). — 2. Kore ben-Imnah, the Le-
vi te, assisted in the reforms of Hezekiah (S Chr.
xxxi. 14).
Im'rah, a descendant of Asher, of the
family of Zophah (1 Chr. vii. 36).
Im'rl. 1- A man of Judah of the great
family of Pharez (1 Chr. ix. 4). — 2. Father or
progenitor of Zaccur (Neh. lii. 2).
Incense. The incense employed in the
service of the tabernacle was compounded of tho
perfumes stacte, onycha, galbanum, and pure
frankincense. All incense which was not made
of these ingredients was forbidden to be offered
(Ex. xxx. 9). According to Rashi on Ex. xxx.
34, the above-mentioned perfumes were mixed
in equal proportions, seventy manehs being
taken of each. In addition to the four ingre-
dients already mentioned, Rashi enumerates
•even others. Joscphns mentions thirteen. The
proportions of the additional spices are given
by Maimonides as follows. Or myrrh, cassia,
spikenard, and saffron, sixteen manehs each. Of
costus twelve manehs, cinnamon nine manehs,
sweet bark three manehs. The weight of the
whole confection was 368 manehs. To these
was added the fourth part of a cab of salt of
Sodom, with amber of Jordan, and an herb called
"the smoke-raiser," known only to the cun-
ning in such matters, to whom the secret de-
scended by tradition. In the ordinary daily
service one manch was used, half in the morn-
ing, and half in the evening. Allowing then one
manch of incense for each day of the solar year,
the three manehs which remained were again
pounded, and used by the high-priest on the
day of atonement (Lev. xvi. 12). A store of it
was constantly kept in the temple. The in-
cense possessed the threefold characteristic of
bcinj; salted (not " tempered" as in A. V.), pare
and holy. Salt was tho symbol of incorrupt-
ncss, nn'd nothing, says Maimonides, was offered
without it, except tho wine of the drink-offer-
ings, the blood, and the wood (cf. Lev. ii. 13).
Aaron, as high-priest, was originally appointed
to offer incense; bat in tho doily service of
the second temple the office devolved upon
tho inferior priests, from among whom one
was chosen by lot (Luko i. 9) each morning
and evening. The officiating priest appointed
another, whoso office it was to take the fire
from the brazen altar. The times of offering
incense were specified in the instructions first
riven to Moses (Ex. xxx. 7, 8). The morn-
ing incense was offered when the lamps were
trimmed in the Holy place, and before tin
sacrifice, when the watchman set for the par-
pose announced the break of day. When the
(amps were lighted " between the evenings,"
after the evening sacrifice, and before the drink-
offerings were offered, incense was again burnt
on the golden altar, which " belonged to the
oracle" (1 K. vi. 32), and stood before the veil
which separated the Holy place from the Holy
of Holies, the throne of God (Rev. viii. 4).
When the priest entered the Holy place with
the incense, all the people were removed from
the temple, and from between the porch and the
altar (cf. Lake i. 10). Profound silence was ob-
served among the congregation who were pray-
ing without (cf. Rev. viii. I ) ; and at a signal
from the prefect, the priest cast the incense on
the fire, and, bowing reverently towards the
Holy of Holies, retired slowly backwards, not
prolonging his prayer, that he might not alarm
the congregation, or cause them to fear that he
had been struck dead for offering unworthily
(Lev. xvi. 13; Luke i. 21). On the day of
atonement the service was different. The offer-
ing of incense has formed a part of the religious
ceremonies of most ancient nations. It was an
element in the idolatrous worship of the Israel-
ites (Jer. xi. 12, 17, xlviii. 35; 2 Chr. xxxiv.
25). With regard to the symbolical meaning
of incense, opinions have been many and widely
differing. Looking upon incense in connection
with the other ceremonial observances of the
Mosaic ritual, it would rather seem to be sym-
bolical, not of prayer itself, but of that which
makes prayer acceptable, — the intercession of
Christ In Rev. viii. 3, 4, the incense is spo-
ken of as something distinct from, though of-
fered with, the prayers of all the saints (cf. Lake
i. 10) ; and in Rev. v. 8 it is the golden vials,
and not the odors or incense, which are said to
be the prayers of saints.
India. The name of India does not occur
in the Bible before the book of Esther, where it
is noticed as the limit of the territories of Ahas-
nerus in the East, as Ethiopia was in the West
(i. I ; viii. 9). The India of the book of Esther
is not the peninsula of Hindostan, but the
country surrounding the Indus, the Punjab, and
perhaps Scinde. In 1 Mace. viii. 8, India is
reckoned among the countries which Eumenes,
king of Pergamus, received out of the former
possessions of Antiochus the Great. A more
authentic notice of tho country occurs in 1 Mace
xi. 37. But though the name of India occurs
so seldom, tho people and productions of that
country must have been tolerably well known
to the Jews. There is undoubted evidence that
an active trade was carried on between India
and Western Asia. The trade opened by Solo
mon with Ophir through the Red Sea chiefly
consisted of Indian articles. The connection
thus established with India led to the opinion
that the Indians were included under the eth-
nological title of Cush (Gen. x. 6).
Inheritance. [Heir.]
Ink, Inkhorn. [Writing.]
Inn. The Hebrew word (malm) thus ren-
dered literally signifies " a lodging-place for the
night," Inns, in our sense of the term, were,
as they still are, nnknown in the East, where
hospitality is religiously practised. The khans,
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IRON
or carava n se rais , are tb~ representatives of
European inns, and them were established but
gradually. It is doubtfiu whether there is any
allusion to them in the Old Testament. The
halting-place of a caravan was selected origi-
nally on account of its proximity to water or
pasture, by which the travellers pitched their
tents and passed the night. Such was undoubt-
edly the " inn " at which occurred the incident
in the life of Moses, narrated in Ex. iv. 24
(corap. Gen. xlii. 27). On the more frequented
routes, remote from towns (Jcr. ix. 2), caravan-
serais were in course of time erected, often
at the expense of the wealthy. The following
description of one of those on the road from
Bagdad to Babylon will suffice for all : — " It is
a large and substantial square building, in the
distance resembling a fortress, being surrounded
with a lofty wall, and flanked by round towers to
defend the inmates in case of attack. Passing
through a strong gateway, the guest enters a
large court, the sides of which are divided into
numerous arched compartments, open in front,
for the accommodation of separate parties and
for the reception of goods. In the centre is a
spacious raised platform, used for sleeping upon
at night, or for the devotions of the faithful dur-
ing the day. Between the outer wall and the
compartments are wide vaulted arcades, extend-
ing round the entire building, where the beasts
of harden are placed. Upon the roof of the
arcades is an excellent terrace, and over the
gateway an elevated tower containing two rooms
— one of which is open at the sides, permitting
the occupants to enjoy every breath of air that
passes across the heated plain. The terrace is
tolerably clean ; but the court and stabling be-
low are ankle-deep in chopped straw and filth "
(Loftus, Chaldaa, p. 131. The icav&oxdov
(Luke x. 34) probably differed from the caro-
Mi/ia (Luke ii. 7) in having a " host" or " inn-
keeper" (Luke x. 35), who supplied some few
of the necessary provisions, and attended to the
wants of travellers left to his charge.
Instant, Instantly. Urgent, urgently,
or fervently, as will be seen from the following
passages (Luke vii. 4, xxiii. 23 ; Acts xxvi. 7 ;
Rom. xii. 12). In 2 Tim. iv. 2, we find " be
instant in season and out of season." The lit-
eral sense is "stand ready" — "be alert" for
whatever may happen.
Ionia. The substitution of this word for
" India" in 1 Mace. viii. 8 is a conjecture of
Grotius without any authority of MSS. The
name was given in early times to that port of
the western coast of Asia Minor which lay be-
tween JSolis on the north, and Doris on the
south. In Roman times, Ionia ceased to have
any political significance, being absorbed in the
province of Asia,
Iphedei'ah, a descendant of Benjamin, one
of the Bene-Shashak (1 Chr. viii. 23).
It, 1 Chr. vii. 12. [Iki.J
I'ra. L " The Jain te, named in the cata-
logue of David's great officers (2 Sam. xx. 26).
— 2. One of the heroes of David's guard (2 Sam.
xxiii. 38; 1 Chr. xi. 40). — 3. Another of Da-
vid's guard, a Tekoite, son of Ikkesh (2 Sam.
xxiii. 26 ; 1 Chr. xi. 28).
I'rad. 8on of Enoch; grandson of Cain,
and father of Mehnjael (Gen. iv. 18).
I'ram, a leader of the Edomites ( Gen. xxx vi-
43 ; 1 Chr. i. 54), i'a, the chief of a family ot
tribe. No identification of him has been found.
Ir-ha-he'r©8, in A. V. The City op De-
struction, the name or an appellation of a.
city in Egypt, mentioned only in Is. xix. 18.
There are various explanations. 1 . " The city
of the sun," a translation of the Egyptian
sacred name of Heliopolis. 2. " The city
Heres," a transcription in the second word of
the Egyptian sacred name of Heliopolis, Ha-
ha, " the abode (lit. ' house '), of the sun." 3.
" A city destroyed," lit. " a city of destruction,"
meaning that one of the five cities mentioned
should be destroyed, according to Isaiah's
idiom. 4. "A city preserved," meaning that
one of the five cities mentioned should be pre-
served. The first of these explanations is
highly improbable, for we find elsewhere both
the sacred and the civil names of Heliopolis, so.
that a third name, merely a variety of the He-
brew rendering of the sacred name, is very un-
likely. The second explanation, which we be-
lieve has not been hitherto put forth, u Viable
to the same objection as the preceding onv, be-
sides that it nofessitates the exclusion of the
article. The fourth explanation would not
have been noticed had it not been supported by
the name of Gesenius. The common reading
and old rendering remains, which certainly pre-
sent no critical difficulties. A veer careful ex-
amination of the xixth chapter of Jsaiah, and
of the xviiith and xxth, which are connected
with it, has inclined us to prefer it.
I'ri, 1 Esdr. viii. 62. [Uriah.] Ap.
I'ri or Ir, a Benjamite, son of Bela (I Chr.
vii. 7, 12).
Iri'jah, son of Shelemiah, a captain of the
ward, who met Jeremiah in the gate of Jeru-
salem called the " gate of Benjamin," accused
him of being about to desert to the Chaldceans,
and led him back to the princes (Jer. xxxvii.
13, 14).
Ir'-nahaah. A name which, like many-
other names of places, occurs in the genealogi-
cal lists of Judah (1 Chr. »v. 12). No trace of
the name of Ir-nahash attached to any site has
been discovered.
I'ron, one of the cities of Naphtali (Josh,
xix. 38) ; hitherto totally unknown.
Iron (Hcb. band; Ch. panfla), mentioned
with brass as the earliest of known metals ( Gen.
iv. 22). As it is rarely found in its native
state, but generally in combination with oxy-
gen, the knowledge of the art of forging iron,
which is attributed to Tubal Cain, argues an
acquaintance with the difficulties which attend
the smelting of this metal. A method is cm-
ployed by the natives of India, extremely sim-
ple, and of great antiquity, which though rudo
is very effective, and suggests the possibility of
similar knowledge in an early stage of civiliza-
tion. Malleable iron was in common use, but
it is doubtful whether the ancients were ac-
quainted with cast-iron. The natural wealth
of the soil of Canaan is indicated by describing
it as "a land whose stones are iron" (Dent,
viii. 9). The book of Job contains passages
which indicate that iron was a metal well
known. Of the manner of procuring it, we-
learn that " iron is taken from dost" (xxviii.
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ISAAC
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ISAAC
2). The "farnaa of iron " (Dent. it. 28 ; 1 K.
viii. 51) is a figure which vividly expresses
hard bondage, as represented by the severe la-
bor which attended the operation of smelting.
Sheet-iron was nsed for cooking utensils (Ex.
iv. 3 ; cf. Lev. vii. 9). That it was plentiful in
the time of David appears from 1 Chr. xxii. 3.
The market of Tyre was supplied with bright
or polished iron by the merchants of Dan and
Javan (Ez. xxvii. 19). The Chalybes of the
Pontus were celebrated as workers in iron in
very ancient times. The produce of their labor
is supposed to be alluded to in Jer. xv. 1 2, as
being of superior quality. It was for a long
time supposed that the Egyptians were igno-
rant of the use of iron, and that the allusions in
the Pentateuch were anachronisms, as no traces
of it have been found in their monuments ; but
in the sepulchres at Thebes, butchers are repre-
sented as sharpening their knives on a ronnd
bar of metal attached to their aprons, which
from its blue color is presumed to be steel.
One iron mine only has been discovered in
Egypt, which was worked by the ancients. It
is at Hammami, between the Nile and the Red
Sea ; the iron found by Mr. Burton was in the
form of specular and red ore. That no articles
of iron should have been found is easily ac-
counted for by the fact that it is easily destroyed
by moisture, and exposure to the air. The
Egyptians obtained their iron almost exclusive-
ly from Assyria Proper in the form of bricks or
pigs. Specimens of Assyrian iron-work over-
laid with bronze were discovered by Mr. Lay-
ard, and are now in the British Museum. Iron
weapons of various kinds were found at Nim-
rouu, but fell to pieces on exposure to the air.
There is considerable doubt whether the an-
cients were acquainted with cast-iron. The
rendering given by the LXX. of Job xl. 18
seems to imply that some method nearly like
that of casting was known, and is supported
by a passage in Diodorus (v. 13). In Ecclus.
xxxviii. 28, we have a picture of the interior of
an iron-smith's (Is. xliv. 12) workshop.
Ir/peel, ono of the cities of Benjamin (Josh,
xviii. 27). No trace has yet been discovered
of its situation.
Ir'-shem'esh, a city of the Danites (Josh,
xix. 41 j, probably identical with Beth-she-
ME3H, and, if not identical, at least connected,
with Mount Heres (Judg. i. 35).
I'm, the eldest son of the great Caleb, son
of Jcphnnneh (1 Chr. iv. 15).
Isaac, the son whom Sarah, in accordance
with the divine promise, bore to Abraham in
the hundredth year of his age, at Gcrar. In his
infancy he became the object of Ishmacl's jeal-
ousy ; and in his youth (when twenty-five years
old, according to Joseph. Ant. i. 13, § 2) the
victim, in intention, of Abraham's great sacri-
ficial act of faith. When forty years old, he
married Rcbeknh his cousin, by whom, when he
was sixty, he had two sons, Esau and Jacob.
In his seventy-fifth year, he and his brother Ish-
mael buried their father Abraham in the cave
of Machpcloh. From his abode by the well
Lahai-roi, in the South Country — a barren
tract, comprising a few pastures and wells, be-
tween the hills of Judiea and the Arabian des-
ert, touching at its western end Philistia, and
on the north Hebron — Isaac was driven by a
famine to Gerar. Here Jehovah appeared to
him and bade him dwell there, and not go over
into Egypt, and renewed to him the promises
made to* Abraham. Here he subjected himself,
like Abraham in the same place and under like
circumstances (Gen. xx. 2), to a rebuke from
Abimelech the Philistine king for an equivo-
cation. Here he acquired great wealth by his
flocks ; but was repeatedly dispossessed by the
Philistines of the wells which he sunk at* con-
venient stations. At Beersheba, Jehovah ap-
peared to him by night and blessed him, and
he built an altar there : there, too, like Abra-
ham, he received a visit from the Philistine
king Abimelech, with whom he made a cove-
nant of peace. After the deceit by which Ja-
cob acquired his father's blessing, Isaac sent his
son to seek a wife in Padan-aram ; and all that
we know of him during the last forty-three
years of his life is that he saw that son, 'with a
large and prosperous family, return to him at
Hebron (xxxv. 27) before he died there at the
age of 180 years. Ho was buried by his two
sons in the cave of Machpelah. In the N. T.,
reference is made to the offering of Isaac ( Hcb.
xi. 17 ; and James ii. 21) and to his blessing
his sons (Hcb. xi. 20). As the child of the
promise, and as the progenitor of the children
of the promise, he is contrasted with Ishmacl
(Rom. ix. 7, 10; Gal. iv. 28; Heb. xi. 18).
In our Lord's remarkable argument with the
Sadducees, his history is carried beyond the
point at which it is left in the O. T., and be-
yond the grave. Isaac, of whom it was said
(Gen. xxxv. 29) that he was gathered to his
people, is represented as still living to God
(Luke xx. 38, &c.); and by the same divine
authority he is proclaimed as an acknowledged
hciroffnture glory (Matt. viii. 11, &c.). It has
been asked what are the persecutions sustained
by Isaac from Lhmael to which St. Paul refers
(C::l. iv. 29). Rashi relates a Jewish tradition
of Isaac suffering personal violence from Ish-
macl, a tradition which, as Mr. Ellicott thinks,
was adopted by St. Paul. But Origen and
Au.'<ustine seem to donbt whether the passage
in Gen. xxi. 9 bears the construction apparent-
ly put upon it. The offcring-np of Isaac by
Abraham has been viewed in various lights.
By Bishop Warburton [Div. Leo. b. vi. § 5) the
whole transaction was regarded as " merely an
information by action, instead of words, of the
great sacrifice of Christ for the redemption of
mankind, given at the earnest request of Abra-
ham, who longed impatiently to see Christ's
day." Mr. Maurice (Patriarch* and Lawgivers,
iv.) draws attention to the offering of Isaac as
the last and culminating point in the divine
education of Abraham, that which taught him
the meaning and ground of self-sacrifice. The
typical view of Isaac is barely referred to in the
N. T., but it is drawn out with minute partic-
ularity by Philo and those interpreters of Scrip-
ture who were influenced by Alexandrian phi-
losophy. 1
1 This statement is liable to mliconitnictlon.
The true typical view of Isaac Is one tiling, th*
empty mvRtieal notion of Phllo unite another. For
the former, tee Heb. xl. 17-19; Gal. tv. 22-31, Sao.—
F.I).
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ISAIAH
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ISAIAH
iMi'&h, the prophet, son of Amoi. The He-
brew name, our shortened form of which occurs
of other persons [see Jbsaiah, Jbshajah],
surniflee Solvation of John (a shortened form of
Jtkxak). Reference is plainly made by the
prophet himself, Is. riii. 18, to the significance
of his own name as well as of those of his
two sons. Kimchi (a.d. 1330) says in his com-
mentary on Is. i. 1, " We know not his race,
nor of what tribe he was." — L The first verse
of his book runs thus: "The vision of Isaiah
the son of Amos, which he saw concerning Ju-
dah and Jerusalem in the days of Uzziah, Jo-
thun, Ahas, and Hezekiah, kings of Jndah." A
few remarks on this Terse will open the way to
the solution of several inquiries relative to the
prophet and his writings. 1 . This verse plain-
ly prefaces at least the first part of the book
(ch. L-xxxix.), which leaves off in Hezekiah's
reign. 2. We are authorized to infer, that no
put of the vision, the fruits of which are record-
ed in this book, belongs to the reign of Manas-
sen. 3. Isaiah must have been an old man at
the close of Hezekiah's reign. The ordinary
chronology gives 758 B.C. for the date of Jo-
them's accession, and 698 for that of Hezekiah's
death. This gives us a period of sixty years.
And since his ministry commenced before Uz-
nah's death (how long we know not), suppos-
ing him to have been no more than twenty
rears old when he began to prophesy, he would
Dare been eighty or ninety at Manasseh's ac-
cession. 4. If we compare the contents of the
hook with the description here given of it,
we recognize prophesyings which are certainly
to be assigned to the reigns of Uzziah, Ahaz,
sod Hezekjah ; but we cannot so certainly find
sot belonging to the reign of Jotham. 5. We
naturally ask, Who was the compiler of the
Wk! The obvious answer is, that it was
Isaiah himself, aided by a scribe (comp. Jer.
ixxtL 1-5). Isaiah we know was otherwise
in sntbor (2 Chr. xxvi. 221. — IX In order to
reatize the relation of Isaiah s prophetic ministry
to his own contemporaries, we need to take ac-
count both of the foreign relations of Judah at
the time, and internally of its social and religious
aspects. Our materials are scanty, and are to
be collected partly out of 2 K. ana 2 Chr., and
partly out of the remaining writings of con-
temporary prophets, Joel (probably), Obadiah,
and Micah, in Judah ; ana Hosea, Amos, and
Jonah, in Israel. Of these the most assistance
is obtained from Micah. — 1 . Under Uzziah the
political position of Judah had greatly recovered
from the blows suffered under Amaziah ; the
fortifications of Jerusalem itself were restored ;
cuues were built in the country ; new arrange-
ments in the army and equipments of defensive
artillery were established ; and considerable suc-
wsses in war gained against the Philistines,
the Arabians, and the Ammonites. This pros-
perity continued during the reign of Jotham,
e *cept that, towards the close of this latter reign,
troubles threatened from the alliance of Israel
•"d Syria. The consequence of this prosperity
*as an influx of wealth, and this with the in-
°*a»ed means of military strength withdrew
"xn's confidence from Jehovah, and led them
Wtna t in worldly resources. Moreover, great
floorden existed in the internal administration,
all of which, whether moral or religious, ■
by the very nature of the commonwealth, as
theocratic, alike amenable to prophetic rebuke.
— 2. Now what is the tenor of Isaiah's message
in the time of Uzziah and Jotham 1 This we
read in ch. i.-v. Chap. i. is very general in
its contents. The Seer stands (perhaps) in the
Court of the Israelites denouncing to nobles
and people, then assembling for divine worship,
the whole estimate of their character formed by
Jehovah, and his approaching chastisements.
This discourse suitably beads the book ; it
sounds the keynote of the whole ; fires of judg-
ment destroying, bnt purifying a remnant, —
snch was the Durden all along of Isaiah's
prophesyings. Of the other public utterances
belonging to this period, ch. li.-iv. are by al-
most all critics considered to be one prophesy-
ing, — the leading thought of which is that the
present prosperity of Judah should be destroyed
for her sins, to make room for the real glory of
piety and virtue; while ch. v. forms a distinct
discourse, whose main purport is that Israel,
God's vineyard, shall be brought to desolation.
At first he invites attention by reciting a par-
able (of the vineyard) in calm and composed
accent* (ch. v.). But as he interprets the
parable his note changes, and a sixfold " woe "
is poured forth with terrible invective. It is
levelled against the covetous amassers of land ;
against luxurious revellers; against bold sin-
ners who defied God's works of judgment;
against those who confounded moral distinc-
tions; against self-conceited sceptics; and
against profligate perverters of judicial jus-
tice. In fury of wrath, Jehovah stretches forth
His hand. Here there is an awful vagueness
in the images of terror which the prophet accu-
mulates, till at length out of the cloud and mist
of wrath we hear Jehovah hiss for the stern and
irresistible warriors (the Assyrians), who from
the end of the earth should crowd forward to
spoil, — after which all distinctness of descrip-
tion again fades away in vague images of sorrow
and despair. — 3. In the year of Uzziah's death,
an ecstatic vision fell upon the prophet. In
this vision he saw Jehovah, in the Second Per-
son of the Godhead (John xii. 41 ; comp. Mai.
iii. 1), enthroned aloft in His own earthly tab-
ernacle, attended by seraphim, whose praise
filled the sanctuHry as it were with the smoke
of incense. As John at Patmos, so Isaiah was
overwhelmed with awe : he felt his own sinful-
ness and that of all with whom he was connect-
ed, and cried " woe " upon himself as if brought
before Jehovah to receive the reward of his
deeds. But, as at Patmos the Son of Man laid
his hand upon John, saying " Fear not ! " so, in
obedience evidently to the will of Jehovah, a
seraph with a live coal taken from the altar
touched his lips, the principal organ of good
and evil in man, and thereby removing his sin-
fulness, qualified him to join the seraphim in
whatever service he might be called to. This
vision in the main was another mode of repre-
senting what, both in previous and in subse-
quent prophesyings, is so continually denounced
— the almost utter destruction of the Hebrew
people, with yet a purified remnant. It is a
touching trait, illustrating the prophet's own
feelings, that when he next appears before us.
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ISAIAH
some years later, he has a son named Shear-
jashub, " Eeranant-shall-return." The name
was evidently given with significance ; and the
fact discovers alike the sorrow which ate his
heart, and the hope in which he found solace.
— 4. Some years elapse between ch. vi. and vii.,
and the political scenery has greatly altered.
The Assyrian power of Nineveh now threatens
the Hebrew nation ; Tiglath-pileser has already
riled Pekah of some of the fairest parts of his
unions. After the Assyrian army was with-
drawn, the Syrian kingdom of Damascus rises
into notice ; its monarch, Rezin, combines with
the now weakened king of Israel, and probably
with other small states around, to consolidate
(it has been conjectured) a power which shall
confront Asshur. Ahaz keeps aloof, and be-
comes the object of attack to the allies ; he has
been already twice defeated (2 Chr. xxviii. 5,
6) ; and now the allies are threatening him
with a combined invasion (741). The news
that " Aram is encamped in Ephraim " (Is. vii.
21 fills both king and people with consternation,
aud the king is gone forth from the city to take
measures, as it would seem, to prevent the up-
per reservoir of water from falling into the
hands of the enemy. Under Jehovah's direc-
tion, Isaiah goes forth to meet the king, sur-
rounded no doubt by a considerable company
of his officers and of spectators. The prophet
is directed to take with him the child whose
name, Shearjashub, was so full of mystical
promise, to add greater emphasis to his mes-
sage. As a sign that Judah was not yet to per-
ish, he announces the birth of the child Im-
manuel, who should not " know to refuse the
evil and choose the good," before the land of
the two hostile klnira should l>c left desolate.
But here the threat which mingles with the
promise in Sheariashub appear;), and again
Isaiah predicts the Assyrian invasion. — 5. As
the Assyrian empire began more and more to
threaten the Hebrew commonwealth with utter
overthrow, it is now that the prediction of the
Messiah, the Restorer of Israel, becomes more
positive and clear. The king was bent upon
an alliance with Assyria. This Isaiah stead-
fastly opposes (comp. x. 20). "Neither fear
Aram and Israel, for they will soon perish ;
nor trust in Asshur, for she will be thy direst
oppressor." Such is Isaiah's strain. And by
divine direction he employs various expedients
to make his testimony the more impressive.
He procured a large tablet (viii. I ), and with
witnesses he wrote thereon in large characters
suited for a public notice the words Hastkn-
boott Spbbdspoil; which tablet was no
doubt to be hung up for public view, in the
entrance (we may suppose) to the Temple.
And further: his wife, who, by the way, ap-
pears to have been herself possessed of prophetic
ifts, just at this time gave birth to a son. Je-
lovah bids the prophet (jive him the name
Hcutttnbooty Speeaspod, adding, that before the
child should be able to talk, the wealth of Da-
mascus and the booty of Samaria should be car-
ried away before the king of Assyria. The peo-
ple of Judah were split into political factions.
The conrt was for Assyria, and indeed formed
an alliance with Tiglath-pileser ; but a popular
party was for the Svro-Ephraimitic connection
&
formed to resist Assyria. " Fear none bat Je-
hovah only ' fear Hun, trust Him : He will be
your safety." Such is the purport of the dis-
course via. S-ix. 7. — 6. A prophecy was de-
livered at this time against the kingdom of
Israel (ix. 8-x. 4). As Isaiah's message was
only to Judah, we may infer that the object of
this utterance was to check the disposition
shown by many to connect Judah with the pol-
icy of the sister kingdom. — 7. The utterance
recorded in x. 5-xii. 6, one of the most highly
wrought passages in the whole book, was prob-
ably one single outpouring of inspiration. It
stands wholly disconnected with the preceding
in the circumstances which it presupposes;
and to what period to assign it, is not easy u>
determine. — 8. The next eleven chapters, xiii.
-xxiii., contain chiefly a collection of utter-
ances, each of which is styled a " burden." (a.)
The first (xiii. 1-xiv. 27) is against Babylon ;
placed first, either because it was first in point
of utterance, or because Babylon in prophetic
vision, particularly when Isaiah compiled his
book, headed in importance all the earthly pow-
ers opposed to God s people, and therefore was
to be first struck down by the shaft of prophecy.
The ode of triumph (xiv. 3-23) in this burden
is among the most poetical passages in all lite-
rature. (6.) The short and pregnant " burden "
against Philistia (xiv. 29-32) in the year that
Ahaz died was occasioned by the revolt of the
Philistines from Judah, and their successful in-
road recorded 2 Chr. xxviii. 1 8. (c. ) The " bur-
den of Moab" (xv., xvi.) is remarkable for the
elegiac strain in which the prophet bewails the
disasters of Moab, and for the dramatic character
of xvi. 1-6. (rf.) Chapters xvii., xviii. This
prophecy is headed " the burden of Damascus ; '"
ana yet after ver. 3 the attention is withdrawn
from Damascus, and tumfd to Israel, and then
to Ethiopia. Israel appears as closely associated
with Damascus. This brings us to the time of
the Syro-Ephraimitic alliance; at all events,
Ephraim has not vet ceased to exist. Chap,
xvii. 12-14, as well as xviii. 1-7, point again
to the event of xxxvii. But why this here?
The solution seems to be that, though Assyria
would be the ruin both of Aram and of Israel,
and though it would even threaten Judah
("us," ver. 14), it should not then conqner
Judah (comp. xiv. 31, 32). (e.) In the "bur-
den of Egypt" (xix.) the prophet seems to be
pursuing the same object. Both Israel (2 K.
xvii. 4) and Judah (Is. xxxi.) were naturally
disposed to look towards Egypt for succor
against Assyria. Probably it was to counter-
act this tendency that the prophet is here di-
rected to prophesy the utter helplessness of
" 1 under God's judgments. But the result
should be that numerous cities of Egypt should
own Jehovah for their God. {/.) In the midst
of these " burdens " stands a passage which
presents Isaiah in a new aspect, an aspect in
which he appears in this instance only. The
more emphatically to enforce the warning al-
ready conveyed in the " burden of Egypt,"
Isaiah was commanded to appear in the street*
and temple of Jerusalem stripped of his sack-
cloth mantle, and wearing his vest only, with
his feet also bare, (j.) In " the burden of the
desert of the sea," a poetical designation of
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ISAIAH
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ISAIAH
Babylonia (xxi. 1-10), the images in which the
fall of Babylon is indicated are sketched with
„Eschylean rapidity, and certainly not less than
jEachylean awfulness and grandeur. (A.) "The
burden of Dnmah," and "of Arabia" (xxi.
11-17), relate apparently to some Assyrian in-
vasion, (i.) In the burden of the valley ofvit-
ion " (xxii. 1-14) it is doubtless Jerusalem that
is thus designated. The scene presented is that
of Jerusalem during an invasion ; in the hos-
tile army are named Elam and Kir, nations
which no doubt contributed troops both to the
Ninevite and to the Babylonian armies. The
latter is probably here contemplated, (jfc.) The
passage xxii. 15-25 is singular in Isaiah as a
prophesying against an individual. Shebna
was one of the sing's highest functionaries, and
seems to have been leader of a party opposed to
Jehovah (ver. 25). Perhaps he was disgraced
and exiled by Hezekiah, after the event of
xxxvii. If his (all was the consequence of the
Assyrian overthrow, we can better understand
both the denunciation against the individual
and the position it occupies in the record. ('.)
The last "burden" is against Tyre (xxiii.).
Her utter destruction is not predicted by Isaiah
as it afterwards was by Ezekiel. — 9. The next
four chapters, xxiv.-xxvii., form one prophecy
essentially connected with the preceding ten
" burdens " (xiii.-xxiih), of which it is in effect
a general summary. The elegy of xxiv. is in-
terrupted at ver. 13 by a glimpse at the happy j
remnant, but is resumed at ver. 16, till at ver. '
21 the dark night passes away altogether to
usher in an inexpressibly glorious day. In
xxv., after commemorating the destruction of
ail oppressors, the prophet gives us in vers. 6-9
a most glowing description of Messianic bless-
ings, which connects itself with the N. T. by
numberless links, indicating tbe oneness of the
prophetic Spirit (" the Spint of Christ," 1 Pet.
t. II) with that which dwells in the later reve-
lation. In xxvi., ver. 12-18 describe the new,
happy state of God's people as God's work
wholly. In xxvii. 1, "Leviathan the fleeing
serpent, and Leviathan tbe twisting serpent,
and the dragon in the sea," are perhaps Nine-
veh and Babylon — two phases of the same
Asshur — and Egypt (comp. ver. 13) ; all, how-
ever, symbolizing adverse powers of evil. — 10.
Ch. xxviii.-xxxv. The former part of thi»
section seems to be of a fragmentary character,
being probably the substances of discourses not
fully communicated, and spoken at different
tunes, xxviii . 1 -6 is clearly predictive ; it there-
fore preceded Shalmanesers invasion, when Sa-
maria was destroyed. And here we have a
picture given us of the way in which Jehovah's
word was received by Isaiah's contemporaries.
Priest and prophet were drunk with a spirit of
i nfatuati on, — " they erred in vision, they stum-
bled in judgment," and therefore only scoffed at
his ministrations. — Ch. xxix. Jerusalem was
id be visited with extreme danger and terror,
and then sudden deliverance, ver. 1-8. Bnt the
threatening and promise seemed very enigmati-
cal ; prophets, and rulers, and scholars could
make nothing of the riddle (9-12). Alas! the
people themselves will only hearken to tbe
prophets and priests speaking out of their own
Mart ; even their so-called piety to Jehovah is [
45
regulated, not by His true organs, but by pre.
tended ones (ver. 13) ; but all their vaunted
policy shall be confounded ; the wild wood shall
fjecome a fruitful field, and the fruitful field a
wild wood ; the humble pupils of Jehovah and
these self-wise leaders shall interchange their
places of dishonor and prosperity (ver. 13-24).
One instance of the false leading of these proph-
ets and priests (xxx. 1), in opposition to the
true prophets (ver. 10, 11), was the policy of
courting the help of Egypt against Assyria.
Against this, Isaiah is commanded to protest,
which he docs both in xxx. 1-1", and in xxxi.
1 -3, pointing out at the some time the fruitlcss-
ness of all measures of human policy, and the
necessity of trusting in Jehovah alone for deliv-
erance. In xxx. 1 8-33, and xxxi. 4-9, there is
added to each address the prediction of the As-
syrian's overthrow and its consequences, xxx.
19-24. As the time approaches, the spirit of
prophecy becomes more and more glowing;
that marvellous deliverance from Asshur, where-
in God's "Name" (xxx. 27) so gloriously came
near, opens even clearer glimpses into the time
when God should indeed come and reign in the
Anointed One, and when virtue and righteous-
ness should everywhere prevail (xxxii. 1-8, 15-
20) ; then the mighty Jehovah should be a
king dwelling amongst His people (xxxiii. 17,
22). The sinners in Zion should be filled with
dismay, dreading lest His terrible judgment
should alight upon themselves also (xxxiii. 14).
With these glorious predictions are blended also
descriptions of the grief and despair which
should precede that honr, xxxii. 9-14 and
xxxiii. 7-9, and the earnest prayer then to bo
offered bv the pious (xxxiii. 2). In ch. xxxiv.
the prediction must certainly be taken with a
particular reference to Idumea; we are, bow-
ever, led both by the placing of the prophecy, and
by lxiii. 2, to take it in a general as well as
typical sense. As xxxiv. has a general sense,
so xxxv. indicates in general terms the deliver-
ance of Israel as if out of captivity, rejoicing in
their secure and happy march through the
wilderness. — 11. xxxvii.-xxxix. At length
the season so often, though no doubt obscurely
foretold, arrived. The Assyrian was near with
forces apparently irresistible. In the universal
consternation which ensued, all the hope of tbe
state centred upon Isaiah ; the highest function-
aries of the state — Shebna too — wait upon
him in the name of their sovereign. The short
answer which Jehovah gave through him was,
that tile Assyrian king should hear intelligence
which should send him back to his own land,
there to perish. How the deliverance was to be
effected, Isaiah was not commissioned to tell ;
but the very next night (2 K. xix. 35) brought
the appalling fulfilment. A divine interposi-
tion so marvellous, so evidently miraculous, was
in its magnificence worthy of being the kernel
of Isaiah s whole book. — Ch. xxxviii., xxxix.,
chronologically precede the two previous ones.
— 12. The last twenty-seven chapters form a
prophecy, whose coherence of structure and
unity of authorship are generally admitted even
by those who deny that it was written by Isaiah.
The point of time and situation from which the
prophet here speaks is for the most part that
of the captivity in Babylon (comp. «jg., Ixiv.
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ISAIAH
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ISHBObflETH
10, II). But this u adopted on a principle
which appears to characterize " vision," viz.,
that the prophet sees the future as if present.
This second part falls into three sections, each,
as it happens, consisting of nine chapters ; the
two first end with the refrain, " There is no
peace, saith Jehovah " (or " my God "), " to the
wicked ; " and the third with the same thought
amplified. (1.) The first section (xl.-xlviii.)
has for its main topic the comforting assurance
of the deliverance I rom Babylon by Koresh ( Cy-
rus) who is even named twice (xli. 2, 3, 25,
xliv. 28, xlv. 1-4, 13, xlvi. 11, xlviii. 14, 15).
It is characteristic of sacred prophecy in gen-
eral that the " vision " of a great deliverance
leads the seer to glance nt the great deliverance
to come through Jesus Christ. This principle
of association prevails in the second part taken
as a whole ; but in the first section, token apart,
it appears as vet imperfectly. (2.) The sec-
ond section (xlix.-lvii.) is distinguished from
the first by several features. The person of
Cyrus as well as his name, and the specifica-
tion of Babylon, disappear altogether. Return
from exilo is indeed repeatedly spoken of, and
at length (xlix. 9-26, li. 9-hi. 12, lv. 12, 13,
lvii. 14), but in such general terms as admit of
being applied to the spiritual and Messianic, as
well as to the literal restoration. (3.) In the
third section {lviii.-lxvi.), as Cyrus nowhere
appears, so neither does "Jehovah's servant"
occur so frequently to view as in the second.
The only delineation of the latter is in lxi. 1-3
and in fauii. 1-6, 9. He no longer appears as
suffering, but only as saving and avenging Zion.
Tho section is mainly occupied with various
practical exhortations founded upon the views
of the future already set forth. — III. Number-
less attacks have been made upon the integrity
of the whole book, different critics pronouncing
different portions of the first part spurious, and
many concurring to reject the second part al-
together (the last twenty-seven chapters). A
few observations, particularly on this latter
point, appear therefore to be necessary. The
circumstance mainly urged by them is the un-
questionable fact that the author takes his stand-
point at the close of the Babylonish Captivity,
as if that were his present, and from thence
looks forward into his subsequent future. Other
grounds which are alleged are confessedly sec-
ondary and external, and are really of no great
weight. The most important of these is found-
ed upon the difference of style. On the other
hand, for the authenticity of the second part
the following reasons may be advanced, (a.)
The unanimous testimony of Jewish and Chris-
tian tradition (comp. Ecclus. xlviii. 24) ; and
the evidence of the N. T. quotations (Matt iii.
3 ; Luke iv. 17 ; Acts viii. 28 ; Rom. x. 16, 20).
(6.) The unity of design which connects these
last twenty-seven chapters with the preceding.
The oneness of diction which pervades the whole
book. The peculiar elevation and grandeur of
style, which characterize the second part as well
as tho first. The absence of any other name
than Isaiah's claiming the authorship. Lastly,
the Messianic predictions which mark its inspi-
ration, and remove the chief ground of objec-
tion against its having been written bv Isaiah.
In point of style we can find no difficulty in
recognizing in the second part tho presence of
the same plastic genius as we discover in the
first. Ana, altogether, the asslhetic criticism of
all the different parts of the book brings as
to the conclusion that the whole of the book
originated in one mind, and that mind one of
the most sublime and variously gifted instru-
ments which the Spirit of God has ever
employed to pour forth its Voice upon the
world.
Is'cah, daughter of Haran the brother of
Abram, and sister of Milcah and of Lot (Gen.
xi. 29). In the Jewish traditions she is identi-
fied with S-kRAi.
Iscar'iOt. [Jddas Iscariot.]
Is'dael, l Esd. v. 33. [Giddel, 2.1 Ap.
Ish"bah, a man in the line of Judan, com-
memorated as the "father of Eshtemoa" (1
Chr. iv. 17).
Ish'bak, a son of Abraham and Ketnrah
(Gen. xxv. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 32), and the progenitor of
a tribe of Northern Arabia. The settlements
of this people are very obscure, and wc can only
suggest as possible that they may be recovered
in the name of the valley called Sabak, or, it is
said, Sibstk, in the Dahna, a fertile and exten-
sive tract, belonging to the Bcnee-Tcmeem, in
Ncjd, or the highland, of Arabia, on the north-
east of it. There is, however, another Dahna,
nearer to the Euphrates, and some confusion
may exist regarding the true position of Saba's. ;
but either Dahna is suitable for the settlements
of Ishbak. The first-mentioned Dahna lies in
a favorable portion of the widely-stretching
country known to have been peopled by the
Keturahites.
Ish'bi-Be'nob, son of Rapba, one of the
race of Philistine giants, who attacked David in
battle, but was shun by Abishai (2 Sam. xxi.
16,17). ,_
Ish-bo'sheth, the youngest of Saul's four
sons, and his legitimate successor. His name
appears (1 Chr. viii. 33, ix. 39) to have been
originally Eth-baal, "the man of Baal." He
was thirty-five years of age at the time of the
battle of Gilboa; but for five years Abner was
engaged in restoring the dominion of the bouse
of Saul over all Israel. Ishbosheth was then
" forty years old when he began to reign over
Israel, and reigned two years (2 Sam. iii. 10).
During these two years he reigned at Mohana-
im, though only in name. The wars and ne-
gotiations with David were entirely carried on
by Abner (2 Sam. ii. 12, iii. 6, 12). Toe death
of Abner deprived the house of Saul of their
last remaining support When Ishbosheth
heard of it, " his hands were feeble, and all the
Israelites were troubled" (2 Sam. iv. I). In
this extremity of weakness, he fell a victim,
probably, to revenge for a crime of his father.
Two Bcerothites, Baana and Rechab, in re-
membrance, it has been conjectured, of Saul's
slaughter of their kinsmen the Gibeonites, de-
termined to take advantage of the helplessness
of the royal house to destroy the only repre-
sentative that was left, excepting the child Me-
Ehibosheth (2 Sam. iv. 4). After assassinating
ihbosheth, they took his head to David as a
welcome present They met with a stern re-
ception. David rebuked them for the cold-
blooded murder of an innocent man, and or.
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ISHMAEL
ajj
ISHMAEL
dcred them to be executed. The head of Ish-
boshetb was carefully buried in the sepulchre
of hii great kinsman Abner, at the same place
(2 Sam. iv. 9-12).
Iah'L L A man of the descendants of Ju-
dah, son of Appaim (1 Cbr. ii. 31) ; one of the
great house of Hczron. — 2. In a subsequent
genealogy of Judah, we find another Ishi, with
a son Zoheth (1 Chr. iv. 20).— 3. Head of a
family of the tribe of Simeon ( 1 Chr. iv. 42 ) . —
4. One of the heads of the tribe of Manasseh
on the east of Jordan (I Chr. v. 24).
iBh'L This word occurs in Hos. ii. 1 6, and
signifies " my man," " my husband." It is the
Israelite term, in opposition to Baat.i, the Ca-
inanite term, with the same meaning, though
with a significance of its own.
Ishi'ah, the fifth of the five sons of Izro-
hiah ; one of the heads of the tribe of Issachar
in the time of David (1 Chr. vii. 8).
Iahi'jah, a lay Israelite of the Bene-Harim,
who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 31).
Iah'rjda, a name in the genealogy of Judah
(1 Chr. iv. 3).
Ishmael, the son of Abraham by Hagar
the Egyptian, his coucubine ; born when Abra-
ham was fourscore and six years old (Gen. xvi.
IS, 16). Ishmael was the first-born of his fa-
ther. He was born in Abraham's house, when
he dwelt in the plain of Momre ; and on the in-
stitution of the covenant of circumcision, was
drenmcised. he being then thirteen years old
(xvii. 25). With the institution of the cove-
nant, God renewed his promise respecting Ish-
nuel. He docs not again appear in the narra-
tive until the weaning of Isaac. The latter was
born when Abraham was a hundred years old
(xxi. 5), and as the weaning, according to East-
ern usage, probably took place when the child
wu between two and three years old, Ishmael
himself must hare been then between fifteen and
sixteen years old. At the great feast made in
celebration of the weaning, Sarah saw the son
of Hagar the Egyptian, which she had born
onto Abraham, mocking," and urged Abraham
to cast out him and his mother. The patriarch,
comforted by God's renewed promise, that of
Ishmael He would make a nation, sent them
both away, and they departed and wandered in
the wilderness of Beersheba, It is doubtful
whether the wanderers halted by the well, or at
one* continued their way to the " wilderness of
Paran," where, we are told in the next verse to
that just quoted, he dwelt, and where " his mo-
ther took him a wife out of the land of Egypt "
(Gen. xxi. 9-21 ). This wife of Ishmael is not
elsewhere mentioned ; she was, we must infer,
an Egyptian. No record is made of any other
wife of Ishmael ; and failing such record, the
Egyptian was the mother of his twelve sons,
sad daughter. Of the later life of Ishmael we
know little. He was present with Isaac at the
burial of Abraham ; and Esau contracted on
alliance with him when he " took unto the wives
which he had Mabalath [or Basbemath or
Bmkath, Gen. xxxi. 3], the daughter of Ish-
mael, Abraham's son, the sister of Nebajoth, to
be his wife." The death of Ishmael is recorded
bt a previous chapter, after the enumeration
•f his tons, as having taken place at the age of
'hundred and thirty-seven years (xxr. 17, 18).
It remains for as to consider, 1. the place of
Ishmael 's dwelling ; and, 2. the names of hi*
children, with their settlements, and the nation
sprung from them. — 1 . From the narrative of
his expulsion, we learn that Ishmael first went
into the wilderness of Beersheba, and thence,
bnt at what interval of time is uncertain, re-
moved to that of Paran. His continuance in
these or the neighboring places seems to be
proved by his having been present at the burial
of Abraham; for it must be remembered that
in the East, sepulture follows death after a few
hours' space ; and by Esau's marrying his
daughter at a time when he (Esau) dwelt at
Beersheba. There are, however, other passages
which must bo taken into account. He was the
first Abrahamic settler in the east country ( xxv.
6). The "east country" perhaps was restricted
in early times to the wildernesses of Beersheba
and Paran ; or Ishmael removed to that east
country, northwards, without being distant from
his father and his brethren ; eacn case being
agreeable with Gen. xxv. 6. — 2. The sons of
Ishmael were, Nebajoth (expressly stated to be
his first-born), Kodar, Adbccl, Mibsam, Mish-
ma, Dumah, Massa, Hadar, Tenia, Jetur, Na-
Khish, Kedemah (Gen. xxv. 13-15): and he
ad a daughter named Mahalath (xxviii. 9),
elsewhere written Bashemath (orBasmath, Gen.
xxxvi. 3), the sister of Nebajoth, before men-
tioned. They peopled the north and west
of the Arabian peninsula, and eventually formed
tho chief element of the Arab nation. Their
language, which is generally acknowledged to
have been the Arabic commonly so called,
has been adopted with insignificant exceptions
throughout Arabia. The term Ishmaeute oc-
curs on throe occasions, Gen. xxxvii. 25, 27, 28,
xxxix. 1 ; Judg. viii. 24 ; Ps. lxxxiii. 6. From
the context of tho first two instances, it seems
to have been a general name for the Abrahamic
peoples of the east country, the Beno-Kedcm:
but the second admits also of a closer meaning.
In the third instance the name is applied in its
strict sense to the Ishmaelites. The notions of
the Arabs respecting Ishmael are partlyderived
from the Bible, partly from the Jewish Rabbins,
and partly from native traditions. They believe
that Ishmael was the first-born of Abraham ;
and the majority of the doctors assert that this
son, and not Isaac, was offered by Abraham in
sacrifice. Ishmael, say the Arabs, dwelt with
his mother at Mekkch, and both are bnried in
the place called the " Hejr," on the north-west
(termed by the Arabs the north) side of the
Kaabch, and enclosed by a curved wall called
the " Hateem." — 2- One of the sons of Asel,
a descendant of Saul through Meribbaa], or
Mephibosheth (1 Chr. viii. 38, ix. 44). — 3. A
man of Judah, father of Zebadi ah (2 Chr. xix.
11). — 4. Another man of Judah, son of Jeho-
honan; one of the captains of hundreds who
assisted Jehoiada in restoring Joash to the
throne (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). — 5. A priest, of
tho Bene-Pashur, who was forced by Earn to
relinquish his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 22). — 6.
The son of Nethaniah ; a perfect marvel of
craft and villany, whose treachery forms one
of the chief episodes of the history of the period
immediately succeeding the first fall of Jerusa-
lem. His exploits are related in Jer. xl. 7-xli.
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ISHOD
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ISRAEL
15, with a short summary in 2 K. xxt. 23-45.
Hi* full description is " Ishmael, the son of
Nethaniah, the son of Elishama, of the seed
royal " of Judah (Jer. xli. 1 ; 2 K. xxv. 25).
During the siege of the city he had, like many
others of his countrymen (Jer. xl. 11), fled
across the Jordan, where he found a refuge at
the court of Baalis.tlic then king of the Bcne-
Amraon. After the departure of the Chaldav
ans, Ishmael made no secret of his intention to
kill the superintendent left by the king of Ba-
bylon, and usurp his position. Of this, Gcda-
liah was warned in express terms bv Johanan
and his companions. Thirty days after, in the
seventh month (xli. 1), on the third day of
the month, Ishmael again appeared at Mizpah,
this time accompanied by ten men. Gedaliah
entertained them at a feast (xli. 1). Before its
close, Ishmael and his followers had murdered
Gedaliah and all his attendants with such se-
crecy that no alarm was given outside the
room. The same night he killed all Gedaliah 's
establishment, including some Chaldean sol-
diers who were there. For two days the mas-
sacre remained perfectly unknown to the people
of the town. On the second day, Ishmael per-
ceived from his elevated position a large party
coming southward along the main road from
Shechem and Samaria. He went out to meet
them. They proved to be eighty devotees, who
with rent clothes, and with shaven beards, mu-
tilated bodies, and with other marks of heathen
devotion, and weeping as they went, were bring-
ing incense and offerings to the ruins of the
Temple. At his invitation they turned aside
to the residence of the superintendent. As the
unsuspecting pilgrims passed into the court-
yard he closed the entrances behind them, and
there he and his band butchered the greater num-
ber : ten only escaped bv the offer of heavy ran-
som for their lives. The seventy corpses were
then thrown into the well which, as at Cawn-
pore, was within the precincts of the house, and
which was completely filled with the bodies.
This done, he descended to the town, surprised
and carried off the daughters of King Zedekiah,
who had been sent there by Nebuchadnezzar
for safety, with their eunuchs and their Chal-
daaan guard (xli. 10, 16), and all the people of
the town, and made off with his prisoners to the
country of the Ammonites. The news of the
massacre had bv this time got abroad, and
Ishmael was quickly pursued oy Johanan and
his companions. He was attacked, two of
his bravoes slain, the whole of the prey re-
covered ; and Ishmael himself, with the remain-
ing eight of his people, escaped to the Ammon-
ites.
Ishmaelite. [Ishmael.J
Ishma'iah, son of Ohadiah : the ruler of
the tribe of Zebulun in the time of King David
(1 Chr. xxvii. 19).
Ish'meelite (1 Chr. ii. 17) and Ish'-
meelites (Gen. xxxvii. 25, 27, 28, xxxix. 1 ),
the form in which the descendants of Ishmael
are given in a few places in the A. V.
Iahmera'i, a Benjamite ; one of the family
»f Elpaal (1 Chr. viii. 18).
Isn'od, one of the tribe of Manasseh on the
east of Jordan, son of Haminoleketh (1 Chr.
▼it 18).
Iflh-Pan, a Benjamite, one of the familr
of Bhashak (1 Chr. viii. 22).
Ish'tob, apparently one of the small king-
doms or states which formed part of the gene-
ral country of Aram, named with Zobah,
Rchob, and Maacah (2 Sam. x. 6, 8). It U
probable that the real signification is " the
men of Tob."
Ish'uah, the second son of Asher (Gen.
xlvi. 17).
Ish'uai, the third son of Asher (1 Chr.
vii. 30), founder of a family bearing bis name
(Num. xxvi. 44; A. V. "Jcsuitcs").
Ish'ui, the second son of Saul by hit wife
Ahinoam (1 Sam. xiv. 49 ; comp. 50).
Isle. The radical sense of the Hebrew
word seems to be "habitable places," as op-
posed to water, and in this sense it occurs in
Is. xlii. 15. Hence it means secondarily any
maritime district, whether belonging to a con-
tinent or to an island : thus it is used of the
shore of the Mediterranean (Is. xxt 6, xxiii.
2, 6), and of the coasts of Elishoh (Ex. xxvii.
7), i.e. of Greece and Asia Minor. In this
sense it is more particularly restricted to the
shores of the Mediterranean, sometimes in the
fuller expression " islands of the sea " (Is. xi.
11). Occasionally the word is specifically used
of an island, as of Caphtor or Crete (Jer. xl vii.
4). But more generally it is applied to any
region separated from Palestine by water, as
fully described in Jer. xxv. 22.
Ismachi'ah, a Lcvite, who was one of the
overseers of offerings during tlie revival under
King Hesekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 13).
Is'maol. I. Jud. ii. Another form for
the name Ishmael, son of Abraham. — 2.
1 Esd. ix. 29. [Ishmael, 5.]
Ismai'ah, a Gibeonite, one of the chiefs
of those warriors who joined David at Ziklag
(1 Chr. xii. 4).
Is'pah, a Benjamite, of the family of Be-
riah ; one of the heads of his tribe (1 Chr.
viii. 16).
Is'rael- 1. The name given (Gen. xxxii.
28) to Jacob after his wrestling with the Angel
(Hos. xii. 4) at Pcnicl. Gesenius interprets
Israel "soldier of God."— 2. It became the
national name of the twelve tribes collectively.
They are so called in Ex. iii. 16 and after-
wards. — 3. It is used in a narrower sense, ex-
cluding Judah, in 1 Sam. xi. 8 ; 2 Sam. xx. 1 ;
1 K. xii. 16. Thenceforth it was assumed and
accepted as the name of the Northern King-
dom. — 4. After the Babylonian captivity, the
returned exiles resumed the name Israel as the
designation of their nation. The name Israel
is also used to denote laymen, as distinguished
from Priests, Levites, and other ministers (Err.
vi. 16, ix. 1, x. 25 ; Neh. xi. 3, AcX
Israel, Kingdom of. l. The prophet
Ahijah of Shiloh, who was commissioned in
the latter days of Solomon to announce the
division of the kingdom, left one tribe (Judah)
to the house of David, and assigned ten to
Jeroboam (1 K. xi. 31, 85). These were prob-
ably Joseph (= Ephraim and Manasseh), Issa-
char, Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, Benjamin,
Dan, Simeon, Gad, and Reuben ; Levi being
intentionally omitted. Eventually the greater
part of Benjamin, and probably the whole of
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ISRAEL
357
ISRAEL
Simeon and Dan, were included as if by com-
mon consent in the kingdom of Jndah. With
respect to the conquests of Darid, Moab ap-
pears to have been attached to the kingdom of
Israel (2 K. iii. 4) ; so ranch of Svria as re-
mained subject to Solomon (see 1 "K. xi. 24)
would probably be claimed by his successor in
the northern kingdom ; and Amnion, though
connected with Rehoboam as his mother's na-
tive land (2 Chr. xii. 13), and though after-
wards tributary to Judah (2 Chr. xxvii. 5),
was at one time allied (2 Chr. xx. 1 ), we know
not how closely or how early, with Moab.
The sea-coast "between Accho and Japho re-
mained in the possession of Israel. — 2. The
population of the kingdom is not expressly
slated ; and in drawing any inference from the
numbers of fighting men, we most bear in
mind that the numbers in the Hebrew text are
strongly suspected to have been subjected to
extensive, perhaps systematic, corruption. Jero-
boam brought into the field an army of 800,000
men (2 Chr. xiii. 3). If in B.C. 957 there
were actually under arms 800,000 men of that
age in Israel, the whole population may per-
haps have amounted to at least three millions
sou a half. — 3. Shbchkm was the first capital
of the new kingdom (1 K. xii. 25), venerable
for its traditions, and beautiful in its situation.
Subsequently Tirzah became the royal resi-
dence, if not the capital, of Jeroboam (1 K.
xiv. 17) and of his successors (xv. 33, xvi. 8,
17, 23). Samaria, uniting in itself the quali-
ties of beauty and fertility, and a commanding
position, was chosen by Orari (1 K. xvi. 24),
and remained the capital of the kingdom until
it had given the last proof of its strength by
sustaining for three years the onset of the hosts
of Assyria- Jexreef was probably only a royal
residence of some of the Israelitish kings. —
4. The disaffection of Ephraim and the north-
ern tribes, having grown in secret under the
prosperous but burdensome reign of Solomon,
broke out at the critical moment of that mon-
arch's death. It was just then that Ephraim,
the centre of the movement, found in Jero-
boam an instrument prepared to give expres-
sion to the rivalry of centuries. — 5. The
kingdom of Israel developed no new power.
It was but a portion of David's kingdom de-
prived of many elements of strength. Its
frontier was as open and as widely extended as
before ; but it wanted a capital for the seat of
organised power. Its territory was as fertile
and as tempting to the spoiler, but its people
were leas united and patriotic. A corrupt
religion poisoned the source of national lite.
These causes tended to increase the misfor-
tunes, and to accelerate the early end of the
kingdom of Israel. It lasted 254 years, from
B.C 975 to B.C. 721, about two-thirds of the
duration of its more compact neighbor Judah.
Bat it may be doubted whether the division
into two kingdoms greatly shortened the inde-
pendent existence of the Hebrew race, or inter-
fered with the purposes which, it is thought,
may be traced in the establishment of David's
monarchy. — 6. The detailed history of the
kingdom of Israel will be found under the
names of its nineteen kings. A summary view
•say be taken in four periods : — (a.) B.C.
975-929. Jeroboam had not sufficient force of
character in himself to make a lasting impres-
sion on his people. A king, but not a founder
of a dynasty, he aimed at nothing beyond se-
curing his present elevation. The army soon
learned its power to dictate to the isolated
monarch and disunited people. Baasha, in the
midst of the army at Gibbcthon, slew the son
and successor of Jeroboam ; Zimri, a captain
of chariots, slew the son and successor of
Baasha; Omri, the captain of the host, was
chosen to punish Zimn ; and after a civil war
of four years he prevailed over Tibni, the
choice of half the people. — (6.) B.C. 929-884.
For forty-five years, Israel was governed by die
house of Omn. That sagacious king pitched
on the strong hill of Samaria at the site of his
capital. The princes of his house cultivated
an alliance with the kings of Judah, which was
cemented by the marriage of Jehoram and
Athaliah. The adoption of Baal-worship led
to a re-action in the nation, to the moral tri-
umph of the prophets in the person of Elijah,
and to the extinction of the house of Ahab in
obedience to the bidding of Elisha. — (c.) b.c.
884-772. Unparalleled triumphs, but deeper
humiliation, awaited the kingdom of Israel
under the dynasty of Jehu. Haiael, the ablest
king of Damascus, reduced Jehoahax to die
condition of a vassal, and triumphed for a
time over both the disunited Hebrew king-
doms. Almost the first sign of the restoration
of their strength was a war between them;
and Jehoash, the grandson of Jehu, entered
Jerusalem as the conqueror of Amazinh. Je-
hoash also turned the tide of war against the
Syrians ; and Jeroboam II., the most powerful
of all the kings of Israel, captured Damascus,
and recovered the whole ancient frontier from
Hamath to the Dead Sea. This short-lived
greatness expired with the last king of Jehu s
line. — (rf.) B.C. 772-721. Military violence,
it would seem, broke off the hereditary succes-
sion after the obscure and probably convulsed
reign of Zachariah. An unsuccessful usurper,
Shallum, is followed by the cruel Menahem,
who, being unable to make head against the
first attack of Assyria under Pul, became the
agent of that monarch for the oppressive taxa-
tion of his subjects. Yet his power at home
was sufficient to insure for his son and suc-
cessor Pekahiah a ten-years' reign, cut short
by a bold usurper, Pckah. Abandoning the
northern and transjordanic regions to the en-
croaching power of Assyria under Tiglath-
Pilescr, he was very near subjugating Judah,
with the help of Damascus, now the co-equal
ally of Israel. But Assyria interposing sum-
marily put an end to the independence of
Damascus, and perhaps was the indirect cause
of the assassination of the baffled Pekah. The
irresolute Hoshea, the next and last usurper,
became tributary to his invader, Shulmanescr
betrayed the Assyrian to the rival monarchy of
I^SyP'i ■"d was punished by the loss of his
liberty, and by the capture, after a three-years'
siege, of his strong capital, Samaria. Some
gleanings of the ten tribes yet remained in the
land after so many years of religions decline,
moral debasement, national degradation, an-
archy, bloodshed, and deportation. Evm these
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ISSACHAR
358
ITHREAM
were gathered np by the conqueror and carried
to Assyria, never again, as a distinct people,
to occupy their portion of that goodly and
S feasant land which their forefathers won under
oslma from the heathen.
Israelite. In 2 Sam. xvii. 25, Ithra, the
father of Amasa, is called "an Israelite," or
more correctly " the Israelite," while in I Chr.
ii. 17 he appears as "Jether the Ishmaelite."
The latter is undoubtedly tho true reading.
Issachar, the ninth son of Jacob and the
fifth of Leah (Gen. xxx. 17; comp. xxix. 35).
Of Issachar the individual we know nothing.
At the descent into Egypt, four sons are as-
cribed to him, who founded the four chief
families of the tribe (Gen. xlvi. 13; Num.
xxvi. 23, 25; 1 Chr. vh. 1). Issachar's place
during the journey to Canaan was on the cast
of the Tabernacle, with his brothers Judah and
Zebulun (Num. ii. 5), the group moving fore-
most in the march (x. 15). Issnchar was one
of the six tribes who were to stand on Mount
Gerizim during the ceremony of blessing and
cursing (Dent, xxvii. 12). He was still in
company with Judah, Zebulun being opposite
on Ebal. The number of the fighting men of
Issachar, when taken in the census at Sinai,
was 54,400. During the journey they seem to
have steadily increased. The allotment of Issa-
char lay above that of Manasseh (Josh. xix.
17-23). In the words of Josephus, " it extended
in length from Carmel to the Jordan, in breadth
to Mount Tabor." This territory was, as it
still is, among the richest land in Palestine.
Westward was the famous plain which derived
its name from its fertility. On the north is
Tabor, which even nnder the burning snn of
that climate is said to retain the glades and
dells of an English wood. On the east, be-
hind Jezreel, is the opening which conducts to
the plain of the Jordan — to that Beth-shcnn
which was proverbially among the Rabbis the
gate of Paradise for its fruitfulness. It is this
aspect of the territory of Issachar which ap-
pears to be alluded to in the blessing of Jacob.
— One among the Judges of Israel was from
Issachar — Tola (Judg. x. 1) — but beyond
the length of his sway we have only the fact
recorded that he resided ont of the limits of
his own tribe, at Shamir in Mount Ephraim.
The census of the tribe taken in the reign of
David has already been alluded to. It is con-
tained in 1 Chr. vii. 1-5, and an expression
occurs in it which testifies to the nomadic ten-
dencies above noticed. Out of the whole num-
W of the tribe, no less than 36,000 were
marauding mercenary troops, — "bands," — a
term applied to no other tribe in this enumera-
tion, though elsewhere to Gad, and uniformly
to the irregular bodies of the Bedouin nations
round Israel. — Baasiia, tho son of Ahijah, of
the house of Issachar, a member of the army
with which Nadab and all Israel were besieg-
ing Gibbcthon, apparently not of any standing
in the tribe (comp. I. K. xvi. 2)| slew the
king, and himself mounted the throne (1 K.
xv. 27, &c.). He was evidently a fierce and
warlike man (xvi. 29; 2 Chr. xvi. 1), and an
idolater like Jeroboam. The Issacharite dynas-
ty lasted dnring the twenty-four years of his
reign and the two of his son Elah. — One
more notice of Issachar remains to be added to
the meagre information already collected ; and
distant as Jezreel was from Jerusalem, they
took part in the passover with which Hezckiah
sanctified the opening of his reign (2 Chr.
xxxi. 1). — 2. A Korhite Levite, one of the
doorkeepers of the house of Jehovah, seventh
son of Obkd-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 5).
Isshi'ah. 1. A descendant of Moses by
his younger son Eliezer ( 1 Chr. xxiv. 21 ; comp.
xxiii. 17, xxvi. 25). — 2. A Levite of the house
of Kohath and family of Uzziel (1 Chr. xxiv.
25).
Issue, Running. The texts Lev. xv. 2,
3, xxii. 4, Num. v. 2, and Sam. iii. 29, nrc
probably to be interpreted of gonorrhoea. In
Lev. xv. 3, a distinction is introduced, which
merely means that the cessation of the actual
flux does not constitute ceremonial cleanness,
but that the patient must bide the legal time,
seven davs (ver. 13), and perform the prescribed
purifications and sacrifice (ver. 14).
Istalcu'rus. In I Esd. viii. 40, the " son
of Lstalcurus " is substituted for " and Zabbud "
of the corresponding list in Ezra viii. 14. An.
Is'uah, second son of Asher (1 Chr. rii.
30).
Is'ui, third son of Asher (Gen. xlvi. 17),
founder of a family called after him, though in
the A. V. appearing as the Jescites (Num.
xxvi. 44).
It'aly. This word is used in the N. T. in
the usual sense of the period, re. in its true ge-
ographical sense, as denoting the whole natural
peninsula between the Alps and the Straits of
Messina.
Itba'i, a Benjamite, son of Ribai of Gibeah,
one of the heroes of David's guard (1 Chr.
xi. 31).
Ith'amar, the youngest son of Aaron (Ex.
vi. 23). After the deaths of Nadab and Abihu
(Lev. x. 1 ), Eleazar and Ithamar were appoint-
ed to succeed to their places in the priestly of-
fice (Ex. xxviii. 1, 40, 43; Num. iii. 3,4; 1
Chr. xxiv. 2). In the distribution of services
belonging to the Tabernacle, and its transport
on the march of the Israelites, the Gershonites
aud the Merarites were placed under the super-
intendence of Ithamar (Ex. xxxviii. 21 ; Num.
iv. 21-33). The high-priesthood passed into
the family of Ithamar in the person of Eli, but
for what reason we are not informed.
Ith'ieL 1. A Benjamite, son of Jesaiah
(Neh. xi. 7). — 2. One of two persons — Ithiel
and Ucal — to whomAgur bcn-Jakeh delivered
his discourse (Prov. xxx. 1).
Ith'mah, a Moabite, one of the heroes of
David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 46).
Ith'nan, one of the towns in the extreme
south of Judah (Josh. xv. 23). No trace of iu
existence has yet been discovered.
Ith'ra, an'lsraclite (2 Sam. xvii. 25) or Ish-
maelite (1 Chr. ii. 17), the father of Amasa by
Abigail, David's sister.
Ith'ran. 1. A son of Dishon, a Horite
(Gen. xxxi. 26 ; I Chr. i. 41), and probably a
phvlarch of a tribe of the Horira (Gen. xxxvi.
30). — 2. A descendant of Asher (I Chr. vii.
30-40).
Ith'ream, son of David, born to him in
Hebron, and distinctly specified as the sixth.
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IVAH
859
IVY
and as the child of Eglah, David's wife (2 Sam.
iii. 5 ; I Chr. iii. 3).
Ith'rite, the- The designation of two of
the members of David's guard, Ira and Gareb
(2 Sam. xxiii. 38 ; 1 Chr. xi. 40). They may
hare come from Jama, in the mountains of
Judah.
Ittoh-ka'zin, one of the landmarks of the
boundary of Zcbulun (Josh. xix. 13). It has
not been identified.
It'tai. L '• Ittai the Gittite," i\e. the
native of Gath, a Philistine in the army of
Kinjf David. He appears only during the rev-
olution of Absalom. We first discern him on
the morning of David's flight. Last in the
procession came the 600 heroes who had formed
l>avid's band during his wanderings in Judah,
and had been with him at Gath (2 Sam. xv. 18;
romp. I Sam. xxiii. 13, xxvii. 2, xxx. 9, 10).
Amongst these, apparently commanding them,
*is Ittai the Gittite (ver. 19). He caught the
eye of the king, who at once addressed him, and
besought him not to attach himself to a doubt-
ful cause, but to return " with his brethren "
and abide with the king (19, 20). But Ittai is
firm ; be is the king's slave, and wherever his
master goes he will go. Accordingly he is al-
lowul ly David to proceed. When the army
was numbered and organized by David at Ma-
hanaim, Ittai again appears, now in command
of a third part of the force (2 Sam. xviii. 2, 5,
li).— 2. Son of Ribai, from Gibeah of Ben-
jamin; one ol the 30 heroes of David's guard
(2 Sam. xxiii. 29).
Iturae'a, a small province on the north-
western border of Palestine, lying along the
hue of Mount Hcrmon, only mentioned in
Luke iii. I. Jetub the son of Ishmael gave
his name, like tho rest of his brethren, to the
little province he colonized (Gen. xxv. 15, 16).
Itunta, with the adjoining provinces, fell into
the hands of a chief called Zenodorus; but
about b.c. 20, they were taken from him by the
Roman emperor, and given to Herod the Great,
who bequeathed them to his son Philip (Luke
u. 1). Pliny rightly places Itunea north of
Bashan, and near Damascus (v. 23) , and J. de
1bt describes it as adjoining Trachonitis, and
lying along the base of Libanua between Tibe-
rias and Damascus. At the place indicated is
•taated the modern province of Jedur, which
b just the Arabic form of the Hebrew Jetur.
It is bounded on the east by Trachonitis, on the
axth by Gaulanitis, on the west by Hcrmon,
and on the north by the plain of Damascus. It
it table-land with an undulating surface, and
has little conical and cup-shaped hills at inter-
*•!»• The surface of the ground is covered
with jagged rocks. The rock is all basalt, and
>he formation similar to that of the Lejah.
|AaooB.] Jedur contains thirty-eight towns
and Tillages, ten of which are now entirely des-
olate, and all the rest contain only a few fami-
foof poor peasants, living in wretched hovels
"nM heaps of ruins.
I'T&h, or Ava, which is mentioned in
Scripture twice (2 K. xviii. 34, xix. 13 ; comp.
u. xxxvii. 13) in connection with Hena and
fepharraim, and once (2 K. xvii. 24) in con-
Httion with Babylon and Cuthah, must be
"ught in Babylonia, and is probably identical
with the modern Hit. This town lay on the
Euphrates, between Sijmtra (Sepharraim) aud
Anali (Hcna), with which it seems to have been
politically united shortly before the time of
Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 13). It is probably the
Ahava of Ezra (viii. 15).
Ivory (Heb. then, in all passages, except
1 K. x. 22, and 2 Chr. ix. 21, where thenhaIMm
is so rendered). The word then literally signi-
fies the " tooth " of any animal, and hence
more especially denotes the substance of the
projecting tusks of elephants. It is remarkable
that no word in Biblical Hebrew denotes an
elephant, unless the latter portion of the com-
pound thenhabbim be supposed to have this
meaning. Gesenius derives it from the Sanscrit
ib/uu, " an elephant." The Assyrians appear
to have carried on a great traffic in ivory.
Their early conquests in India had made them
familiar with it, and (according to one render-
ing of the passage) their artists supplied the
luxurious Tyrians with carvings in ivory from
the isles of Cbittim (Ez. xxvii. 6). On the
obelisk in the British Museum the captives
or tributft-bearers are represented as carrying
tusks, jt.nong the merchandise of Babylon,
enumerated in Rev. xviii. 12, are included " all
manner vessels of ivory." The skilled work-
men of Hiram, king of Tyre, fashioned the
great ivory throne of Solomon, and overlaid it
with pure gold (I K. x. 18; 2 Chr. ix. 17).
The ivory thus employed was supplied by the
caravans of Dedan (Is. xxi. 13 ; Ez. xxvii. 15),
or was brought with apes and peacocks by the
navy of Tarshish jl K. x. 22). The Egyptians,
at a very early period, made use of this material
in decoration. The ivory used by the Egyp-
tians was principally brought from Ethiopia
(Herod, iii. 114), though their elephants were
originally from Asia. The Ethiopians, accord-
ing to Diodorus Sic.ilus (i. 55), brought to
Sesostris " ebony and gold, and the teeth of ele-
phants." According to Pliny (viii. 10), ivory
was so plentiful on the borders of Ethiopia
that the natives made door-posts of it, and even
fences and stalls for their cattle. The Egyptian
merchants trailed for ivory and onyx stones to
Barygoza, the port to which was carried down
the commerce of Western India from Ozene
{Peripl. c. 49). In the early ages of Greece,
ivory was frequently employed for purposes of
ornament. The " ivory house " of Ahab ( 1 K.
xxii. 39) was probably a palace, the walls of
which were panelled with ivory, like the pal-
ace of Mcnelaus, described by Homer ( Odys. iv.
73). Beds inlaid or veneered with ivory were
in use among the Hebrews (Am. vi. 4), as also
among the Egyptians. Tho great ivory throne
of Solomon, the work of the Tyrian craftsmen,
has been already mentioned (cf. Rev. xx. 11);
but it is difficult to determine whether the
" tower of ivory " of Cant vii. 4 is merely a
figure of speech, or whether it had its original
among the things that were. By the luxurious
Phoenicians, ivory was employed to ornament
the boxwood rowing tenches (or " hatches "
according to some) of their galleys (Ez. xxvii.
6).
Ivy, the common fledera helix, of which the
ancient Greeks and Romans describe two or
three kinds, which appear to be only varieties.
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JAAZANIAH
360
JABESH-GILEAD
Mention of this plant is made only in 2 Mace,
vi 7. Ap.
Ia'ohar. The form in which the name Iz-
har is given in the A. V. of Num. iii. 19
only.
Iz'eharites, the. A family of Kohathite
Levites, descended from Izhar the son of Ko-
hath (Num. iii. 27) : called also in the A. V.
" kharites."
Iztar, son of Kohath, grandson of Levi,
ancle of Aaron and Moses, and father of Koran
(Ex. vi. 18, 21 ; Nam. iii. 19, xvi. 1 ; 1 Chr.
vi. 2, 18). Izhar was the head of the family
of the Izhabites or IzEHAKiTEg (Num. iii.
27 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23, 29).
InliaritOS, the. The same as the preced-
ing (1 Chr. xxiv. 22, xxvi. 23, 30).
Izrahi'ah, a man of Issachar, one of the
Bene-Uzzi (lChr. vii. 3).
Ie'rahite, the, the designation of Sham-
huth (1 Chr. xxvii. 8). Its real force is proba-
bly Zerahite, that is from the great Judaic fam-
ily of Zerah.
Iz'ri, a Levite leader of the fourth course or
ward in the service of the house of God (1 Chr.
xxv. 11). In ver. 3 he is called Zeri.
J.
Ja'akan, the same as Jakan, the forefather
nf the Bene-Jaukan (Deut. x. 6).
JaakoTjah, one of the princes of the fami-
lies of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 36).
Ja'ala, Bcne-Jaala were among the descend-
ants of " Solomon's slaves " who returned from
Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 58). The
name also occurs as
Ja'alah, Ezr. ii. 56.
Ja'alam, a son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 5, 14,
18 ; comp. 1 Chr. i. 35), and a phylarch (A. V.
' duke ") or head of a tribe of Edora.
Jaana'L A chief man in the tribe of Gad
(1 Chr. v. 12).
Ja'are-Or'egim, according to the present
text of 2 Sam. xxi. 19, a Bethlehemite, and
the father of Elhanan who slew Goliath. In
the parallel passage, 1 Chr. xx. 5, besides other
differences, Jair is found instead of Jaare, and
Oregim is omitted. The conclusion of Kenni-
cott appears a just one — that in the latter place
it has been interpolated from the former, and
that Jair or Jaor is the correct reading instead
of Jaare.
Jaasa'u, one of the Bene-Bani who had
married a foreign wife, and had to pnt her away
(Ezr. x. 37).
Jaa'siol, son of the great Abner (1 Chr.
xxvii. 21).
Jaazani'ah. 1. One of the captains of the
forces who accompanied Johanan ben-Kareah
to pay bis respects to Gedoliah at Mizpah (2 K.
xxv. 23), and who appears afterwards to have
assisted in recovering Ishmael's prey from his
clutches (comp. Jer. xli. 11). After that he
probably went to Egypt with the rest (Jer. xliii.
4, 5). —2. Son of Shaphan (Ez. viii. 11 ). It
is possible that he is identical with — 3. Son of
Azur; one of the princes of the people against
whom Ezekiel was directed to prophecy (Ez.
xi. 1.) — 4. A Rechabite, son of JereniaV
(Jer. xxxv. 3).
Ja'azer or Ja'zer. A town on the east or
Jordan, in or near to Uilead (Num. xxxii. 1,3;
1 Chr. xxvi. 31 ). We first hear of it in pot-
session of the Amorites, and as taken by Israel
after Heshbon, and on their way from thence to
Bashan (Num. xxi. 32). It seems to have given
its name to a district of dependent or " daugh-
ter" towns (Num. xxi. 32, A. V. "villages;'"
1 Mace. v. 8), the " land of Jazer " (Num.
xxxii. 1 ). Jazer was known to Eusebius and
Jerome, and its position is laid down with mi-
nuteness in tho Ononuuliam as ten (or eight)
Roman miles west of Philadelphia {Amman),
and fifteen from Heshbon, and as the source of
a river which falls into the Jordan. Stir, or
Sdr, is shown on the map of Van de Velde as
nine Roman miles west of Amman, and about
twelve from Heshbon. And here, until further
investigation, we must be content to place Jazer.
Jaaei'ah, apparently a third son, or a de-
scendant, of Merari the Levite (1 Chr. xxiv.
26, 27).
Jaa'zieli one of the Levites of die second
order who were appointed by David to perform
the musical service before the ark (1 Chr.
xv. 18).
Ja'bal, the son of Lamech and Adah (Gen.
iv. 20) and brother of Jubal. He is described
as the father of such as dwell in tents and have
cattle.
Jab'bok, a stream which intersects the
mountain-range of Gilead (comp. Josh. xii. 2
and 5), and falls into the Jordan about midway
between the Sea of Galilee and the Dead Sea.
It was anciently the border of the children of
Amnion (Num. xxi. 24 ; Deut. ii. 37, iii. 16).
When the Ammonites were driven out by Si-
hon from their ancient territory, they took pos-
session of the eastern plain, and of a consider-
able section of the eastern defiles of Gilead,
around the sources and upper branches of the
Jabbok. It Was on the south bank of the Jab-
bok the interview took place between Jacob and
Esau (Gen. xxxii. 22) ; and this river after-
wards became, towards its western part, the
boundary between the kingdoms of Sihon and
Og (Josh. xii. 2, 5). Its modern name is Wa-
dy Zurlca.
Ja/be&h. 1. Father of Siiallgm, the 1 5th
king of Israel (2 K. xv. 10, 13, 14).— 2. The
short form of the name Jabesh-Gilead ( 1 Chr.
x. 12 only).
Ja'besh-Gil'ead, or Jabesh in the territo-
ry of Gilead. In its widest sense, Gilead in-
cluded the half-tribe of Manasseh (1 Chr. xxvii.
21) as well as the tribes of Gad and Reuben
(Nam. xxxii. 1-42) east of the Jordan; and
of the cities of Gilead, Jabesh was the chief. It
is first mentioned in Judg. xxi. 8-14. Being
attacked subsequently by Noliash the Ammon-
ite, it gave Saul an opportunity of displaying
his prowess in its defence (1 Sam. xi. 1-15).
As to the site of the city, it is not defined in the
0. T., bat Easebius places it beyond Jordan,
six miles from Pella on the mountain-road to
Gerasa ; where its name is probably preserved
in the Wady Yaba, which, flowing from the
east, enters the Jordan below Bethshan or Scy-
thopolis. According to Dr. Robinson, the nan
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JACHIN
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JACOB
ad-liar, on the S. side of the wady, (till murks
iti site.
JVbes, apparently a place at which the
fiuniliea of the acribea resided, who belonged to
the fiuniliea of the Kenites (1 Chr. ii. 55). — 2.
The name occurs again in the genealogies of
Judah (1 Chr. it. 9, 10), in a passage of remark-
able detail inserted in a genealogy again con-
nected with Bethlehem (ver. 4). Jabez was
"more honorable than his brethren," though
who they were is not ascertainable.
JVbllL- L. King of Hazor, who organized
a confederacy of the northern princes against
the Israelites (Josh. xi. 1-3). He assembled an
army, which the Scripture narrative merely
compares to the sands for multitude (rer. 4).
Joshua surprised this vast host of allied forces
by the waters of Murom (rer. 7), and utterly
routed them. Daring the ensuing wars, Josh-
ua again attacked Jabin and burnt bis city (xi.
1-14). — 2. A king of Hazor, whose general
Sisera was defeated by Barak, whose army is
described in much the same terms as that of his
predecessor (Judg. iy. 3, 13), and who suffered
precisely the same fate. Independent consider-
ations tend to prove that those two chiefs were
contemporaries ; and we are therefore led to re-
gard the two accounts of the destruction of Ha-
zor and Jabin as really applying to the same
monarch and the same event.*
J&b'neeL 1. One of the points on the
northern boundary of Judah, not quite at the
sea, though near it (Josh. xv. 11 ). There is no
sign, however, of its ever having been occupied
by Judah. Josephus attributes it to the Danites.
There was a constant struggle going on between
that tribe and die Philistines for the possession
of all the places in the lowland plains, and it is
not surprising that the next time we meet with
Jabneel it should be in the hands of the latter
(2 Chr. xxvi. 6). Uzziah dispossessed them of
it, and demolished its fortifications. Here it is
in the shorter form of Jabnbh. In its Greek
garb, Iamkia, it is frequently mentioned in the
Maccabees (1 Mace. iv. 15, v. 58, x. 69, xv. 40),
in whose time it was again a strong place. At
this time there was a harbor on the coast, to
which, and the vessels lying there, Judas set
fire (2 Mace. xii. 9). At the time of the fall
of Jerusalem, Jabneh was one of the most pop-
ulous places of Jucuea. The modern village of
Yrboa, more accurately Ibna, stands about two
miles from the sea on a slight eminence just
south of the Nahr Rabin. It is about eleven
miles south of Jaffa, seven from BamUh, and
four from Akir (Ekron). It probably occupies
its ancient site. — 2. One of the landmarks on
the boundary of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 33 only).
Little or no clew can be got to its situation.
Doubtless it is the same place which, as Iamnia
and Iaranith, is mentioned by Josephus among
the villages in Upper Galilee.
Jab'neh, a Chr. xxvi. 6. [Jabkux.1
Ja'ohan, one of seven chief men of the
tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 13).
Ja'chio, one of the two pillars which were
l What these " independent coniideratlons " an
w» are at a loos to conceive. The mere reading of
the two amounts. Josh. xl. and-Tndg. Iv., is saflleTent
to show the isaposslMUty of their relating to the
<anw event — Ed.
46
set up "in the porch" (1 K. vu. 81) or before
the temple (3 Chr. Hi. 17) of Solomon.
Ja'onin. L Fourth son of Simeon (Gen.
xlvi. 10; Ex. vi 15) ; founder of the family of
the Jachinites (Num. xxvi. 12). — 2. Head
of the 21st course of priests in the time of Da-
vid. Some of the course returned from Baby-
lon (1 Chr. ix. 10, xxiv. 17; Neb. xi. 10).
Jachinites, the. The family founded by
Jachin, son of Simeon (Nnm. xxvi. 12).
Jacinth, a precious stone, forming one of
the foundations of the walls of the new Jerusa-
lem (Rev. xxi. 201. It seems to be identical
with the Hebrew UxKem (A. V. " ligure," Ex.
xxviii. 19). The jacinth or hyacinth is a red
variety of zircon, which is found in square
prisms, of a white, gray, red, reddish-brown,
yellow, or pale-green color. The expression in
Rev. ix. 17, " of jacinth," applied to the breast-
plate, is descriptive simply of a kgadntUne, i.e.
dark-purple color.
Ja OOO, the second son of Isaac and Rebe-
kata. He was born with Esau, when Isaac was
fifty-nine and Abraham 159 years old, probably
at the well Lahai-roi. His history is related in
the latter half of the book of Genesis. He
bought the birthright from his brother Esau;
and afterwards, at his mother's instigation, ac-
quired the blessing intended for Esau, by prac-
tising a well-known deceit on Isaac. Hitherto
the two sons shared the wanderings of Isaac in
the South Country ; but now Jacob in his seven-
ty-eighth year was sent from the family home,
to avoid his brother, and to seek a wife among
bis kindred in Padan-aram. As he passed
through Bethel, God appeared to him. After
the lapse of twenty-one years, he returned from
Padun-aram with two wives, two concubines,
eleven sons, and a daughter, and large property.
He escaped from the angry pursuit of Labah,
from a meeting with Esau, and from the ven-
geance of the Canaanites provoked by the mur-
der of Shechem; and in each of those three
emergencies he was aided and strengthened by
the interposition of God, and in sign of the
grace won by a night of wrestling with God his
name was changed at Jabbok into Israel. Deb-
orah and Rachel died before he reached He-
bron ; and it was at Hebron, in the 122d year
of his age, that he and Esau buried their father
Isaac. Joseph, tho favorite son of Jacob, was
sold into Egypt eleven years before the death
of Isaac ; and Jacob had probably exceeded his
130th year when he went thither, being encour-
aged in a divine vision as he passed for the last
time through Beersheba. He was presented to
Pharaoh, and dwelt for seventeen years at Ba-
rneses in Goshen. After giving his solemn
blessing to Ephraim and Manassen, and his own
sons one by one, and charging the ten to com-
plete their reconciliation with Joseph, he died
in his 147th year. His body was embalmed,
carried with great care and pomp into the land
of Canaan, and deposited with his fathers, and
his wife Leah, in the cave of Machpelah. — The
example of Jacob is quoted by the first and the
last of the minor prophets. Hosea, in the latter
days of the kingdom, seeks (xii. 3, 4, 12) to
convert the descendants of Jacob from their
state of alienation from God, by recalling to
their memory the repeated acts of God's favor
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JAEL
362
JAHAZIAH
shown to their ancestor. And Malachi (i. 2)
strengthens the desponding hearts of the re-
turned exiles by assuring them that the love
which God bestowed upon Jacob was not with-
held from them. Besides the frequent mention
of his name in conjunction with those of the
other two patriarchs, there are distinct refer-
ences to events in the life of Jacob in four books
of the N. T. In Rom. ix. 11-13, St. Paul ad-
duces the history of Jacob's birth to prove that
the favor of God is independent of the order of
natural descent. In Hcb. xii. 1G, and xi. 21,
the transfer of the birthright and Jacob's dying
benediction are referred to. His vision at Beth-
el, and his possession of land at Shechem, are
cited in St. John i. 51, and iv. 5, 12. And St.
Stephen, in his speech (Acts vii. 12, 16), men-
tions the famine which was the means of restor-
ing Jacob to his lost son in Egypt, and the
burial of the patriarch in Shechem. Such ore
the events of Jacob's life recorded in Scripture.
Jacu'bus, 1 Esd. ix. 48. f Akkub, 4.1 Ap.
Ja'da, son of Onam, and brother of Sliara-
mai, in the genealogy of the sons of Jerahmeel
by his wife Atarah (1 Chr. ii. 28, 32).
Jada'u, one of the Bene-Nebo who had
taken a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 43).
Jaddu'a, son, and successor in the high-
priesthood, of Jonathan or Johanan. He is the
last of the high-priests mentioned in the O. T.,
and probably altogether the latest name in the
canon (Nch. xii. 11, 22). All that we learn
concerning him in Scripture is the fact of his
being the son of Jonathan, and high-priest.
We gather also prettv certainly that he was
priest in the reign of tlic last Persian king Da-
rius, and that be was still high-priest after the
Persian dynasty was overthrown, i*. in the
reign of Alexander the Great.
Jaddu'a, one of the chief of the people, i.e.
of the laymen, who sealed the covenant with
Nehcmiah (Neh. x. 21). .
Ja'don, the Mcronothite, who assisted to
repair the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 7).
Ja'el, the wife of Hcber tlio Kenitc. In the
headlong rout which followed the defeat of the
Canaanites by Barak, Sisera, abandoning his
chariot the more easily to avoid notice, fled
unattended, and in an opposite direction from
that taken by his army, to the tent of the Kenitc
chieftainess.' He accepted Jael's invitation to
enter, and she flung a mantle over him as he
lay wearily on the floor. When thirst prevented
sleep, and he asked for water, she brought him
buttermilk in her choicest vessel, thus ratifying
with the semblance of officious zeal the sacred
bond of Eastern hospitality. At last, with a
feeling of perfect security, the weary general re-
signed himself to the deep sleep of misery and
fatigue. Then it was that Jnel took in her left
hand one of the great wooden pins which fas-
tened down the cords of the tent, and in her
right hand the mallet nsed to drive it into the
ground, and with one terrible blow dashed it
through Siscra's temples deep into the earth.
With one spasm of fruitless agony, " at her
feet ho bowed, he fell dead " (Judg. v. 27). She
then waited to meet the pursuing Barak, and
led him into her tent that she mis-lit in his pres-
ence claim the glory of the deed ! Many have
■apposed that by this act she fulfilled the saying
of Deborah, that God would sell Sisera into the
hand of a woman (Judg. iv. 9 ; Joseph. Ant. v.
5, S 4) ; and hence they have supposed that
Jael was actuated by some divine and hidden
influence. Bat the Bible gives no hint of such
an inspiration. If therefore we eliminate the
still more monstrous supposition of the Rabbis
that Sisera was slain by Jael because he at-
tempted to offer her violence, the murder will
appear in all its atrocity. 1
Ja'gur. a town of Judah, one of those fur-
thest to the south, on the frontier of Edom
(Josh. xv. 21).
Jah, the abbreviated form of "Jehovah,"
used only in poetry. It occurs frequently in
the Hebrew ; but with a single exception (Ps.
lxviii. 4) is rendered "Lord" in the A. V.
The identity of Jah and Jehovah is strongly
marked in two passages of Isaiah (xii. 2, xxvi.
4), the force of which is greatly weakened by
the English rendering " the Lord." The for-
mer of these should be translated "for my
strength and song is Jah Jehovah " (comp.
Ex. xv. 2) ; and the latter, " trust ye in Jeho-
vah forever, for in Jah Jehovah is the rock
of ages." " Praise ye the Lord," or Hallelujah,
should be in all cases " Praise ye Jah." In Ps.
lxxxix. 8 [9], Jah stands in a parallelism with
" Jehovah the God of hosts " in a passage which
is wrongly translated in our version. It should
be " O Jehovah, God of hosts, who like thee is
strong, O Jah ! "
JaTiath. 1. Son of Libni, the son of Ger-
shom, the son of Levi (1 Chr. vi. 20). — 2.
Head of a later house in the family of Gcrshora,
being the eldest son of Shimei, the son of La-
adan (1 Chr. xxiii. 10, 11). — 3. A man in the
genealogy of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 2), son of Rca-
lah bcn-bhobal. — 4. A Levite, son of Shclo-
moth (1 Chr. xxiv. 22). — 5. A Mcrarite Le-
vite in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 12).
Jaliaz, also Jaha'za, Jaha'zah, and
Jah'zah. Under these four forms arc given
in the A. V. the name of a place which in the
Hebrew appears as Yahatt and YahUah. At
Jaliaz the decisive battle was fought between
the children of Israel and Sihon king of the Ara-
orites, which ended in the overthrow of the lat-
ter, and in the occupation by Israel of the
whole pastoral country included between the
Anion and the Jabhok, the Belka of the modern
Arabs (Num. xxi. 23; Deut. ii. 32; Judg. xi.
20). It was in the allotment of Reuben (Josh,
xiii. 18). Like many others relating to the
places east of the Dead Sea, this question must
await further research.
JaTiasa. Josh. xiii. 18. [Jahaz.]
JaTiazan, Josh. xxi. 36; Jer. xlviii. 21.
[Jahaz.]
Jahaai'ah, son of Tikvah, apparently a
priest (Ezr. x. 15).
1 It must, however, be borne In mind that the
prophetess Deborah (Judg. v. 24) pronounced Jael
" blessed above women " for this very act.
Jablu was a cruel tyrant, of that race which Isra-
el was commanded to exterminate. Had he escaped,
lie might have renewed bis oppression. It was a
question of life or death to the Hebrew nation : and
however Jael's act may appear, viewed with the
eyes of to-day, we mint remember, that In that age,
and under those circumstances, It would appear very
differently. — Ed.
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JAKEH
868
JAMES
Jaha'sdeL 1. One of the heroes of Benja-
min who joined David at Ziklog (1 Chr. xii. 4).
— 2* A priest in the reign of Darid (1 Chr.
xvi 6). — 3. A Kohathite Levite, third son of
Hebron (1 Chr. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 23). — 4. Son
of Zechariah, a Levite of the Bene- Asaph in the
reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xx. 14). — 6.
The " ton of Jahaziel " was the chief of the
Bene-Shecaniah who returned from Babylon
with Ezra (Ear. viii. 5).
Jahd&'i, a man who appears to be thrust
abruptly into the genealogy of Caleb, as the
Either of six sons (1 Chr. ii. 47).
JaJtl'diel, a chieftain of Manasseh on the
east of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24).
Jah'dO, a Gadite (1 Chr. t. 14), son of Buz
and father of Jeshishai.
JahleeL, the third of the three sons of Zeb-
alun (Gen. xlvi. 14; Num. xxvi. 26), founder
of the family of the Jahleblites.
Jahleelites, the. A branch of the tribe
of Zebulon, descendants of Jahleel (Num. xxri.
261.
Jahma'i, a man of Issachar, one of the
head* of the house of Tolah (1 Chr. vii. 2).
Jah'zah, i Chr. vi. 78. JJahaz.]
Jah'seel, the first of the four sons of Naph-
tali (Gen. xlvi. 24), founder of the family of the
Jahzbbutbs (Nam. xxri. 48).
Jah'zeelites, the. A branch of the Naph-
talite*. descended from Jahzeel (Num. xxvi. 48).
Jahze'rah, a priest of the house of Immer
(1 Chr. ix. 12).
Jah'siel, the same as Jahzeel (1 Chr. vii.
13).
Ja'ir. 1. A man who on his father's side
was descended from Jndah, and on his mother's
from Manasseh. Daring the conquest, he per-
formed one of the chief feats recorded. He took
the whole of the tract of Aroob (Deut iii. 14),
and in addition possessed himself of some nomad
villages in Gilead, which he called after his own
name, Hawoth-Jaib (Num. xxxii. 41 ; 1 Chr.
U. 23). 2. "JAIR THE GlLBADlTE," who
judged Israel for two and twenty years (Judg.
x. 3-5). He had thirty sons who rode thirty
asses, and possessed tMty cities in the land of
Gilead, which, like those of their namesake,
were called Hawoth-Jair. Possibly the origi-
nal twenty-three formed part of these. — 3. A
Benjamite, son of Kish and father of Mordecai
(Esth. ii. 5). — 4. The father of Elhanan, one
of the heroes of David's army (1 Chr. xx. 5).
Ja'irite, the. Ira the Jairite was a priest
(A V. "chief ruler") to David (2 Sam. xx.
26L
Jai'ms. L A ruler of a synagogue, proba-
bly in some town near the western snore of the
sea of Galilee (Matt ix. 18; Markv.22; Luke
Tiii. 4 1 ). — 2. Esth. xi. 2. [ Jaib, 3.]
Jalcan, son of Ezer the Horite (1 Chr. i.
42). The same as Jaakax. And see Aran.
Jalceh. The A. V. of Prov. xxx. 1 has
represented this as the proper name of the fa-
ther of Agar, whose sayings are collected in
Prov. xxx., and snch is the natural interpreta-
tion. Bat beyond this we have no clew to die
existence of either Agar or Jakeh. Of course
if Agar be Solomon, it follows that Jakeh was
a name of David of some mystical significance ;
but for this there is not a shadow of support
If Jakeh be the name of a person, as there la
every reason to believe, we know nothing more
about him ; if not, there is no limit to the sym-
bolical meanings which may be extracted from
the clause in which it occurs, and which change
with the ever-shifting ground of the critic's
point of view. Hitzig makes Agur and Lemuel
brothers, both sons of a queen of Massa, the
latter being the reigning monarch (Prov. xxxi.
1 ). The Heb. massA, " prophecy " or " burden,"
is considered as a proper name, and identical
with the region named Massa in Arabia.
Ja'kttn. 1. Head of the 12th course of
priests in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 12).
— 2. A Benjamite, one of the Bene-Shimhi (1
Chr. viii. 19).
Ja'lon, one of the sons of Ezra (1 Chr. iv.
17).
Jam'brofl. [See Jannes and Jahbrks]
Jam'bri. Shortly after the death of Judas
Maccabeus (B.C. 161), "the children of Jam-
bri " are said to have made a predatory attack
on a detachment of the Maccabtean forces (1
Mace. ix. 36-41). The name does not occur
elsewhere. It has been conjectured that the
original text was "the sons of the Amorites."
Ap7
James. 1. Jambs tbb Son or Zebedee.
This is the only one of the Apostles of whose
life and death we can write with certainty. Of
his early life we know nothing. We first hear
of him a.d. 27, when he was called to be our
Lord's disciple ; and he disappears from view
a.d. 44, when he suffered martyrdom at the
hands of Herod Agrippa I. — I. His history. —
In the spring or summer of the year 27, Zebe-
dee, a fisherman (Mark i. 20), was out on the
Sea of Galilee with his two sons, James and
John, and some boatmen. He was engaged in
his customary occupation of fishing, and near
him was another boat belonging to Simon and
Andrew, with whom he and his sons were in
partnership. Finding themselves unsuccessful ,
the occupants of both boats came ashore, and
began to wash their nets. At this time the
new Teacher appeared upon the beach. At His
call they left all, and became, once and forever,
His disciples, hereafter to catch men. For a
full year we lose sight of St. James. He is then,
in the spring of 28, called to the apostlenhip
with his eleven brethren (Matt x. 2 ; Mark iii.
14 ; Lake vi. 13 ; Acts i. 13). In the list of the
Apostles given us by St. Mark, and in the book
of Acts, his name occurs next to that of Simon
Peter : in the Gospels of St. Matthew and St.
Luke it comes third. It is worthy of notice
that with one exception (Luke ix. 28), the name
of James is put before that of John, and that
John i9 twice described as " the brother of
James" (Mark v. 37; Matt xvii. 1). This
would appear to imply that at this time James,
either from age or character, took a higher po-
sition than his brother. It would seem to have
been at the time of the appointment of the
twelve Apostles that the name of Boanerges
was given to the sons of Zebedee. The "Sons
of Thunder " hod a burning and impetuous
spirit, which twice exhibits itself in its unchast-
cned form (Luke ix. 54; Mark x. 37). The
first occasion on which this natural character
manifests itself in St James and his brother is
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JAMES
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JAMBS
at the commencement of oar Lord's last journey
to Jerusalem in the veer 30. He was passing
through Samaria, and " sent messengers before
his face " into a certain village, " to make ready
for him" (Luke ix. 52), i\e. in allprobability
to announce him as the Messiah. The Samari-
tan*, with their old jealousy strong upon them,
refused to receive him ; ana in their exaspera-
tion James and John entreated their Master to
follow the example of Elijah, and call down fire
to consume them. At the end of the same jour-
ney a similar spirit appears again (Mark x. 35).
From the time of the Agony in the Garden,
a.d. 30, to the time of his martyrdom, a.d. 44,
we know nothing of St. James, except that after
the Ascension he persevered in prayer with the
other Apostles, and the women, and the Lord's
brethren {Acts i. 13). In the year 44, Herod
Agrippa I., son ot Aristobulus, was ruler of all
the dominions which at the death of nis grand-
father, Herod the Great, had been divided be-
tween Archelaus, Antipas, Philip, and Lysa-
nias. Policy and inclination would alike lead
such a monarch "to lay hands" (Acts xii. 1)
"on certain of the church; " and accordingly,
when the Passover of the year 44 had brought
St. James and St. Peter to Jerusalem, he seized
them both. — H. Chronological recapitulation. —
In the spring or summer of the year 27, James
was called to be a disciple of Christ. In the
spring of 28, he was appointed one of the Twelve
Apostles, and at that time probably received,
with his brother, the title of Boanerges. In
the autumn of the same year, he was admitted
to the miraculous raising of Jairus's daughter.
In the spring of the year 29, he witnessed the
Transfiguration. Very early in the year 30,
he urged his Lord to call down fire frcn heaven
to consume the Samaritan village. About
three months later in the same year, just before
the final arrival in Jerusalem, he and his bro-
ther made their ambitious request through their
mother Salome. On the night before the Cru-
cifixion, he was present at the Agony in the
Garden. On the day of the Ascension, he is
mentioned as persevering with the rest of the
Apostles and disciples in prayer. Shortly be-
fore the day of the Passover, in the year 44, he
was put to death. Thus during fourteen out
of the seventeen years that elapsed between his
call and his death we do not even catch a glimpse
of him. — 2. James tbb Son of Alphjecb.
Matt. x. iii; Mark Hi. 18; Luke vi. 15; Acts
i. 13. — 3. James the Brother of the Lord.
Matt. xiii. 55; Mark vi. 3; Gal. i. 19. — 4.
James the Son of Mart. Matt, xxvii. 56 ;
Lukexxiv. 10. Also called the Little. Mark
xv. 40. — 6. James the Brother of Jude.
Jude 1. — 6. James the Brother (?) of
Jude. Luke vi. 16; Acts i. 13. — 7. James.
Acts xii. 17, xv. 13, xxi. 18; 1 Cor. xv. 7;
Gal. ii. 9, 12. — 8. James the Servant of
God and of the Lord Jesus Christ (Jos.
i. 1 ). St Paul identifies for us Nos. 3 and 7
(see Gal. ii. 9 and 12 compared with i. 19). If
we may translate '\ovAac '\axujim, Judas the
brother, rather than the ton of James, we mnv
conclude that 5. and 6. are identical. We
may identify 5. and 6. with 3., because we know
that James' the Lord's brother had a brother
oamed Jude. We may identify 4. with 3., be-
cause we know James the son of Mary baa
brother named Joses, and so also had Ja
the Lord's brother. Thus there remain two
only, James the son of Alphssns (2.), and James
the brother of the Lord (3.). Can we, orcaa
we not, identify them * This requires a longct
consideration. By comparing Matt, xxvii 56
and Mark xv. 40 with John xix. 25, we find
that the Virgin Mary had a sister named like
herself, Mary, who was the wife of Clopas, and
who had two sons, James the Little ana Joses.
By referring to Matt. xiii. 55 and Mark vi. 3,
we find that a James and a Joses, with two
other brethren called Jude and Simon, and as
least three sisters, were living with the Virgin
Mary at Nazareth. By referring to Lake vi.
16 and Acts i. 13, we find that there were two
brethren named James and Jude among the
Apostles. It would certainly be natural to
think* that we had here bnt one family of four
brothers and three or more sisters, the children
of Clopas and Mary, nephews and nieces of the
Virgin Mary. There are difficulties, however,
in the war of this conclusion. For, I. die four
brethren in Matt. xiii. 55 are described as the
brothers of Jesus, not as His cousins ; 2. they
are found living as at their home with the Vir-
gin Mary, which seems unnatural if she were
their aunt, their mother being, as we know, still
alive ; 3. the James of Lnke vi. 15 is described
as the son, not of Clopas, but of Alptuens ; 4.
the " brethren of the Lord " appear to be ex-
cluded from the Apostolic band by their declared
unbelief in his Messiabship (John vii. 9-5), and
by being formally distinguished from the disci-
ples by the Gospel-writers (Matt. xii. 48 ; Mark
iii. 33 ; John ii. 12 ; Acts i. 14) ; 5. James and
Jnde are not designated, as the Lord's brethren
in the list of the Apostles ; 6. Mary is desig-
nated as the mother of James and Joses, where-
as she would have been called mother of James
and Jude, had James and Jude been Apostles,
and Joses not an Apostle (Matt, xxvii. 46).
The following answers may be given : — Ob-
jection 1. — "They are called brethren." Now
it is clearly not necessary to understand uitXfot
as " brothers " in the nearest sense of brother-
hood. It need not mean more than relative.
But perhaps the circumstances of the case would
lead us to translate it brethren. On the con-
trary, such a translation appears to produce
very grave difficulties. For, first, it introduces
two sets of four first-cousins, bearing the same
names of James, Joses, Jude, and Simon; and,
secondly, it drives us to take our choice be-
tween three doubtful and improbable hypo-
theses as to the parentage of this second set of
James, Joses, Jude, and Simon. There are
three such hypotheses : — (a.) The Eastern hy-
pothesis, that they were the children of Joseph
by a former wife. (6.) The Hclvidian hypoth-
esis, that James, Joses, Jude, Simon, and the
three sisters, were children of Joseph and Mary.
(c.) The Levirate hypothesis, that Joseph and
Clopas were brothers, and that Joseph raised
up seed to his dead brother. Objeetim 2. —
"The four brothers and their sisters are always
found living and moving about with the Virgin
Mary." If they were the children of Clopas, the
Virgin Mary was their aunt. Her own husband
would appear without doubt to have died at s
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time between a.d. 8 and a.d. 26. Nor hare we
any reason for believing Clopas to have been alive
daring onr Lord's ministry. What difficulty is
there in supposing that the two widowed sisters
should have lived together, the more so as one
of them had but one son, and he was often taken
from her by his ministerial duties? Objection
3. — "James the Apostle is said to be the son
of AJphssus, not of Clopas." But Alphnus
and Clopas are the same name. Objection 4. —
Dean Alford considers John vii. 5, compared
with vi. 67-70, to decide that none of the bro-
thers of the Lord were of the number of the
Twelve. If this verse, as he states, makes
"the crowning difficulty " to the hypothesis of
the identity of James the son of Alphaeus, the
Apostle, with James die brother of the Lord,
the difficulties are not so formidable to be over-
come. It is not at all necessary to suppose
that St. John is here speaking of all the breth-
ren. If Joses, Simon, and the three sisters, dis-
believed, it would be quite sufficient ground for
the statement of the Evangelist Nor does it
necessarily follow that the disbelief of the breth-
ren was of such a nature that James and Jude
could have had no share in it. Objection 5. —
The omission of a title is so slight a ground for
an argument, that we may pass this by. Objec-
tion 6. — There is no improbability in this ob-
jection, if Joses was, as would seem likely, an
elder brother of Jude, and next in order to
James. Had we not identified James the son
of Alphasus with the brother of the Lord, we
should have but little to write of him. Of his
father, Alphaeus or Clopas, we know nothing,
except that he married Mary, the sister of the
Virgin Mary, and had by tier four sons and
three or more daughters. * It is probable that
these cousins, or, as they were usually called,
brothers and sisters, of the Lord, were older
than Himself. Of James individually, we know
nothing till the spring of the year 28, when we
find him, together with his younger brother
Jude, called to the Apostolate. It is not likely
(though far from impossible) that James and
Jude took part with their brothers and sisters,
and the Virgin Mary, in trying " to lay hold
on " Jcsds in the autumn of the same year
(Mark iii. SI) ; and it is likely, though not cer-
tain, that it is of the other brothers and sisters,
without these two, that St. John says, " Neither
did His brethren believe on Him " (John vii. 5),
in the autumn of a.d. 29. We hear no more
of James till after the Crucifixion and the Res-
urrection. At some time in the forty days
that intervened between the Resurrection and
the Ascension the Lord appeared to him. This
is not related by the Evangelists, but it is men-
tioned by St. Paul (1 Cor. xr. 7). We cannot
fix the date of this appearance. It was proba-
bly only a few days before the Ascension.
Again we lose sight of James for ten years, and
when he appears once more it is in a far higher
position than any that he has yet held. In tho
year 37 occurred the conversion of Saul. Three
years after his conversion he paid his first visit
to Jerusalem, but the Christians recollected
what they had suffered at his hands, and feared
to have any thing to do with him. Barnabas,
at this time of far higher reputation than him-
self, took him by the hand, and introduced him
to Peter and James (Acts ix. 27 ; Gal. i. 18, 19),
and by their authority he was admitted into the
society of the Christians, and allowed to asso-
ciate freely with them during the fifteen days
of his stay. Here wc find James on a level with
Peter, and with him deciding on the admission
of St. Paul into fellowship with the Church at
Jerusalem ; and from henceforth we always find
him equal, or in his own department superior,
to the very chiefest Apostles, Peter, John, and
Paul. For by this time he had been appointed
(at what exact date we know not) to preside
over the infant Church in its most important
centre, in a position equivalent to that of Bish-
op. This pre-eminence is evident throughout
the after-history of the Apostles, whether we
read it in the Acts, in the Epistles, or in Eccle-
siastical writers (Acts xii. 17, xv. 13, 19, xxi.
1 8 ; Gal. ii. 9 <). The account of his martyrdom
is given by Hegesippus. According to the tra-
dition thus recorded, he was thrown down from
the Temple by the Scribes and Pharisees ; he
was then stoned and his brains dashed out by a
fuller's club.
James, the General Epistle of . — I. Its
Genuineness and Canoniciti). — In the third book
of his Ecclesiastical History, Eusebius places
the Epistle of St. James, the Second and Third
Epistles of St. John, and the Epistle of St.
Jade, among the disputed books of the N. T.
Elsewhere he refers the Epistle to the class of
" spurious." It is found in the Syriac version,
and appears to be referred to by Clement of
Rome, Hermas, and Irennus, and is quoted by
almost all the Fathers of the 4th century ; e.g.
Athanosius, Cyril, Gregory Nazianzen, Epi-
phanius, and Chrysostom. In 397 the Council
of Carthage accepted it as canonical, and from
that time there has been no further question of
its genuineness on the score of external testi-
mony. But at the time of the Reformation
the question of its authenticity was again raised,
and now upon the ground of internal evi-
dence ; the chief objection being a supposed op-
position between St. Paul and St. James, on the
doctrine of Justification. — II. lis Author. — .
The author of the Epistle must be cither James
the son of Zcbedee, according to the subscrip-
tion of the Syriac version ; or James the son of
Alphaeus ; or James the brother of the Lord,
which is the general opinion ; or an unknown
James. Internal evidence points unmistaka-
bly to James the Just as the writer, and we
have already identified James the Just with the
son of AlpniBus. It was written from Jerusa-
lem, which St. James does not seem to have
ever left. The time at which he wrote it haw
been fixed as late as 62, and as early as 45.
Those who see in its writer a desire to counter-
act the effects of a misconstruction of St. Paul's
doctrine of Justification by Faith, in ii. 14-26,
and those who see a reference to the immedi-
ate destruction of Jerusalem in v. 1, and an al-
lusion to the name Christians in ii. 7, argue in
favor of the later date. The earlier date is
advocated chiefly on the ground that the Epis-
tle could not have been w ritten by St. James
after the Council in Jerusalem, without some
allusion to what was there decided, and because
the Gentile Christian does not yet appear to be
recognized. — III. Its Object. — The main ob-
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ject of the Epistle is not to teach doctrine, but
to improve morality. St. James is the moral
teacher of the N. T. There are two ways of
explaining this characteristic of the Epistle.
Some commentators and writers see in St
James a man who had not realized the essential
principles and peculiarities of Christianity, but
was in a transition state, half-Jew and half-
Christian. But there is another and much
more natural way of accounting for the fact
St. James was writing for a special class of
persons, and knew what that class especially
needed. Those for whom he wrote were the
Jewish Christians, whether in Jerusalem or
abroad. The two objects of the Epistle are
— 1. to warn against the sins to which as Jews
they were most liable; 2. to console and ex-
hort them under the sufferings to which as
Christians they were most exposed. — IV.
There are two points in the Epistle which de-
mand a somewhat more lengthened notice.
These are (a.) ii. 14-26, which nas been repre-
sented as a formal opposition to St. Paul's
doctrine of Justification by Faith, and (6.) v.
14, 15, which is quoted as the authority for the
Sacrament of Extreme Unction, (a.) If we
consider the meaning of the two Apostles, wc
see at once that there is no contradiction either
intended or possible. St Paul was opposing
the Judaizing party, which claimed to earn
acceptance bv good works, whether the works
of the Mosaic law, or works of piety done by
themselves. In opposition to these, St. Paul
lays down the great truth that acceptance can-
not be earned by man at all, but is the free gift
of Goo to the Christian man, for the sake of
the merits of Jesus Christ, appropriated by
each individual, and made his own by the in-
strumentality of faith. — St. James, on the
other hand, was opposing the old Jewish tenet,
that to be a child of Abraham was all in all ;
that godliness was not necessary, so that the
belief was correct (6.) With respect to v. 14,
15, it is enough to say that the ceremony of
Extreme Unction and the ceremony described
by St James differ both in their subject and in
their object
Ja'min. 1. Second son of Simeon (Gen.
xlvi. 10; Ex. vi. 15; 1 Chr. iv. 24), founder
of the family of the Jaminites (Num. xxvi. 12).
— 2. A man of Judah, second son of Ram the
Jerahmeelite (1 Chr. ii. 27). — 3. One of the
Levitts who under Ezra and Nehemiah read
and expounded the law to the people (Neh.
▼iii. 7).
Jaminites, the, the descendants of Ja-
min the son of Simeon (Num. xxvi. 12).
Jamlech, one of the chief men of the tribe
of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 34).
Jam'nia, 1 Mace. iv. 15, v. 58, x. 69, xv.
40. [Jabkeel.] Ap.
Jam'nites. the, 2 Mace xii. 8, 9, 40.
[Jabneel.] Ap.
Jan na, son of Joseph, and father of Mel-
chi, in the genealogy of Christ (Luke iii. 24).
Jan'nes and JamlOres, the names of two
Egyptian magicians who opposed Moses. St.
Pan] alone of the sacred writers mentions them
by name, and says no more than that they
"withstood Moses," and that their folly in
doing so became manifest (2 Tim. iii. 8, 9). It
appears from the Jewish commentator* that
these names were held to be those of the ma-
gicians who opposed Moses and Aaron, spoken
of in Exodns. We have been unable to dis-
cover an Egyptian name resembling Jambrcs
or Mambres, which is another form. Janncs
appears to be a transcription of the Egyptian
name Aan, probably pronounced Ian. The
signification of Aan is doubtfnl : the cognate
word Aant means a valley or plain. Whether
Jannes and Jambres were mentioned in some
long-lost book relating to the early history of
the Israelites, or whether there were a veritable
oral tradition respecting them, cannot now be
determined.
Jano'ah, a place apparently in the north
of Galilee, or the " land of Naphtali " — one of
those taken by Tiglath-Pileser in his first in-
cursion into Palestine (2 K. xv. 29). No trace
of it appears elsewhere.
Jano'h&h, a place on the boundary of
Ephraim (Josh. xvi. 6, 7). Eusebins gives it
as twelve miles east of Neapolis. A little less
than that distance from Naoi&M, and about S.E.
in direction, two miles from Akrabek, is the
village of Yanin, doubtless identical with the
ancient Janohah.
Ja'num, a town of Judah in the mountain
district, apparently not far from Hebron (Josh,
xv. 53).
Ja'pheth. one of the three sons of Noah.
From the order in which their names invaria-
bly occur (Gen. v. 32, vi. 10), we should natural-
ly infer that Japhcth was the youngest; but we
learn from ix. 24 that Ham held that position.
It has been generally supposed from x. 21 that
Japheth was the eldest; but the word "elder"
in thatpassagc is better connected with " broth-
er." We infer therefore that Japheth was the
second son of Noah. The descendants of Ja-
pheth occupied the " isles of the Gentiles " (Gen.
x. 5), i.e. the coast-lands of the Mediterranean
Sea in Europe and Asia Minor, whence they
spread northwards over the whole continent of
Europe and a considerable portion of Asia.
Japhi'a. The boundary of Zebulun as-
cended from Daberath to Japhia, and thence
passed to Gath-hepher (Josh. xix. 12). Y&fa,
2 miles S. of Nazareth, is not unlikely to be
identical with Japhia.
Japhi'a. 1. King of Lachish at the time
of the conquest of Canaan by the Israelites
(Josh. x. 3). — 2. One of the sons of David
born to him in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 15; 1
Chr. iii. 7, xiv. 6).
Japhlet, a descendant of Ashcr through
Beriah ( 1 Chr. vii. 32, 33).
Japhleti. The boundary of the "Japh-
letite is one of the landmarks on the south
boundary-line of Ephraim (Josh. xvi. 3). Pos-
siblv the name preserves the memory of some
ancient tribe who at a remote age dwelt on
these hills.
Ja'pho (Josh. xix. 46). The Heb. form of
the better known Joffa (2 Chr. ii. 16; Ezr.
iii. 7 ; Jon. i. 3). In its modem garb it is Ya/a.
Ja'rah, a descendant of Saul ; ion of Micah,
and great-grandson of Mephibosheth (1 Chr.
ix. 42, comp. 40).
Ja'reb is either to be explained as the prop-
er name of a country or person, as a noun in
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JARMUTH
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JA8HEK
apposition, or as a verb from a root, rib, " to
contend, plead." All these tenses are repre-
sented in the A. V. and the marginal readings
(Has. r. 13, x. 6), and the least preferable has
Men inserted in the text Kimchi explained
Jareb as the name of some city of Assyria, or
aa another name of the country itself. The
clause in which it occurs is supposed by many
to refer to Jndah, in order to make the paral-
lelism complete; and with this in view Rashi
interprets it of Ahaz, who sent to Tiglath-Pi-
leser (2 K. xvi. 8) to aid him against the com-
bined forces of Syria and Israel. But there is
no reason to suppose that the two clauses do
not both refer to Ephraim ; and the allusion
would then be, as explained by Jerome, to Pul,
who was subsidized by Men ahem (2 K. xv.
19), and Jndah would be indirectly included.
If it be a Hebrew word, it is most probably a
noon formed from the above-mentioned root,
and is applied to the land of Assyria, or to its
king, not in the sense in which it is understood
in the Targum, but as indicating their de-
termined hostility to Israel, and their generally
aggressive character. That it is rather to be
applied to the country than to the king may be
interred from its standing in parallelism with
Asshur.
Ja'red, one of the antediluvian patriarchs,
the fifth from Adam; son of Mahalaleel, and
father of Enoch (Gen. v. 15, 16, 18, 19, 20;
Lake iii. 37). In the lists of Chronicles the
name is given in the A. V. Jbxbd.
Jareai'ah, a Benjamite, one of the Bene-
Jehoram (1 Chr. viii. 37).
Jarlia, the Egyptian servant of Sheshan,
about the time of Lb, to whom his master gave
hU daughter and heir in marriage (1 Cbr. ii.
31 ). It is a matter of somewhat curious in-
quiry what was the name of Jarha's wife. In
vcr. SI we read "the children of Sheshan,
Ahiai," and in ver. 34, " Sheshan had no sons,
but daughters." Hence some have imagined
that Jarna on his marriage with Sheshan's
daughter had the name of Ahlai given him by
Sheshan, to signify his adoption into Israel.
But the view which the A. V. adopts is un-
doubtedly the right one, viz. that Ahlai is the
name of Sheshan's daughter.
Ja'rib. 1. Named in the list of 1 Chr.
W. 24 only, as a son of Simeon. Perhaps the
same as J a cum (Gen. xlvi., Ex. vi., and Num.
xxvi). — 2. One of the "chief men" who ac-
companied Ezra on his journey from Babylon
to Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 16). — 3. A priest of
the house of Jeshua the son of Jozadak, who
had married a foreign wife, and was compelled
by Ezra to put her away (Ezr. x. 18). — 4.
( I Mace xiv. 89. ) A contraction or corruption
of the name Joabib (ii. 1 ).
Jar/imoth, 1 Esd. ix. 28. [Jbkbmoth.]
Jar'nxatb. 1. A town in the Shefelah or
low country of Judah, named with Adullum,
Socob, and others (Josh. xv. 35). Its king,
Pium, was one of the five who conspired to
punish Gibeon for having made alliance with
Israel (Josh. x. 3, 5), and who were routed at
Bethhoron and put to death by Joshua at Mak-
kedah (23). A site named Yarmii, which may
represent Jarmuth, with a contiguous eminence
called TeO-ErmM, was visited by Robinson. It
is about 14 mile from Beit-netif, which again is
some 8 miles from BeU-gihrin, on the left of the
road to Jerusalem. — 2. A city of Issachar,
allotted with its suburbs to the Gershonite Le-
vites (Josh. xxi. 29).
Jaro'ah, a chief man of the tribe of Gad
(1 Chr. v. 14).
Ja'sael, 1 Esd. ix. 30. [Sheal.] An.
Ja'sben. Bene-Jashen — "sonsof Joshen"
— are named in the catalogue of the heroes of
David's guard in 2 Sam. xxiii. 32. Kcnnicott
has shown good cause for believing that the
genuine text was, " of the Bene-Hashem, Gouni ;
Jonathan ben-Shamha.
Ja'aher, Book Of, or, as the margin of the
A. V. gives it, " the book of the upright," a rec-
ord alluded to in two passages only of the 0. T.
(Josh. x. 13, and 2 Sam. i. 18), and consequently
the subject of much dispute. The Targum in-
terprets it " the book of the law," and this is
followed by Rashi. The same Rabbi, in his
commentary on Samuel, refers to Genesis " the
book of the upright, Abraham, Isaac, and Ja-
cob," to explain the allusion to the book of
Jasher. R. Eliezer thought that by the book
of Jasher was signified the book of Deuteron-
omy from the expressions in Deut vi. 18,
xxxiii. 7, the latter being quoted in proof of
the skill of the Hebrews in archery. In the
opinion of R. Samuel ben Nachman, the book
of Judges was alluded to as the book of Jasher.
Jerome, or rather the author of the Qumtiona
Hebraica, understood by the book of Jasher the
books of Samuel themselves, inasmuch as they
contained the history of the just prophets, Sam-
uel, Gad, Nathan. That the book of Jasher
was one of the writings which perished in the
captivity was held by R. Levi ben Gershom,
though he gives the traditional explanation
above mentioned. Sane tins conjectured that it
was a collection of pious hymns written by dif-
ferent authors, and sung on various occasions.
That it was written in verse may reasonably be
inferred from the only specimens extant, which
oxhibit unmistakable signs of metrics] rhythm.
Gesenius conjectured that it was an anthology
of ancient songs, which acquired its name, " the
book of tho just or upright," from being written
in praise of upright men. Abicht, taking the
lament of David as a sample of the whole,
maintained that the fragment quoted in the book
of Joshua was part of a funeral ode composed
upon the death of that hero, and narrating his
achievements. Dr. Donaldson, more recently
attempts not only to decide what the book of
Jasher was in itself, but to reconstruct it from
the fragments which, according to his theory,
he traces throughout the several books of the
0. T. In the preface to his Jas/utr, or Fraa-
maUa Archetypa Carminum Hebraicorum in Ala-
torethico Vcteris Testament! teztu passim tessdlata,
Dr. Donaldson advances a scheme for tho res-
toration of this ancient record, in accordance
with his own idea of its scope and contents.
Ho supposes the compiler of the book to have
been probably Nathan the prophet, assisted per-
haps by Gad the seer. But his scheme is purely
conjectural, and is recommended by no internal
probability. — There are also extant, under the
title of " the Book of Jasher," two Rabbinical
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works, one a moral treatise, written in a.d. 1394
by R. Shabbatai Carmuz Levita ; the other, by
K. Tham, treats of the laws of the Jews in
eighteen chapters, and was printed in Italy in
1544, and at Cracow in 1586. An anonymous
work, printed at Venice and Prague in 1625,
and said to have made its first appearance at
Naples, was believed by some Jews to be the
record alluded to in Joshua. It contains the
historical narratives of the Pentateuch, Joshua,
and Judges, with many fabulous additions. A
clumsy forgery in English, which first appeared
in 1751 under the title of " the Book of Jasher,"
deserves notice solely for the unmerited success
with which it was palmed off upon the public.
JoshoTjeam. Possibly one and the same
follower of David, bearing this name, is de-
scribed as a Hachmonite (1 Chr. xi. 11), a Kor-
hite (1 Chr. xii. 6), and son of Zabdiel (1 Chr.
xxvii. S). He came to David at Ziklag. His
distinguishing exploit was that he slew 300 (or
800, 2 Sam. xxiii. 8) men at one time. He is
named first among the chief of the mighty men
of David (1 Chr. xi. 11).
Ja'shub. L The third son of Issachar, and
founder of the family of the Jashnbites (Num.
xxvi. 24 ; 1 Chr. vii. 1 ). —2. One of the sons
of Bani, a layman in the time of Ezra who had
to put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 29).
Jashu'bi-le'liem, a person or a place
named among the descendants of Shelah, the
son of Judah by Bath-shua the Canaanitess
(I Chr. iv. 22). It is probably a place, and we
should Infer that it lay on the western side of
the tribe, in or near the Shefelah.
Jash'ubites, the. The family founded by
Jashub the son of Issachar (Num. xxvi. 24).
Ja'siel, the last named on the list of David's
heroes in 1 Chr. xi. 47.
Ja'son. 1. Jason the son of Eleazer
was one of the commissioners sent by Judas
Maccabosus to conclude a treaty with the Ro-
mans b.c. 161 (1 Mace. viii. 17). — 2. Jason
the father of Aktipater, who was an envoy
to Rome at a later period (1 Mace. xii. 16,
xiv. 22), is probably the same person as No. 1.
— 3. Jason of Ctrene, a Jewish historian
who wrote " in five books " a history of the Jew-
ish war of liberation, which supplied the chief
materials for the second book of the Maccabees.
[2 Maccabees.) His name and the place of
his residence seem to mark Jason as a Hellen-
istic Jew, but nothing more is known of him
than can be gathered from 2 Mace. ii. 19-23. —
4. Jason the Hioh-Priest, the second son of
Simon II., and brother of Onias III., who suc-
ceeded in obtaining the high-priesthood from
Antiochus Epiphancs (c. 175 B.C.) to the exclu-
sion of his older brother (2 Mace. iv. 7-26).
He labored in every way to introduce Greek
customs among the people, and that with great
success (2 Mace. iv.). After three years (cir.
B.C. 172) he was in turn supplanted in the
king's favor by his own emissary Menelaus, and
was forced to take refuge among the Ammonites
(2 Mace. iv. 26). On a report of the death of
Antiochus (c. 170 B.C.) he made a violent at-
tempt to recover his power (2 Mace. v. 5-7),
but was repulsed, and again fled to the Ammon-
ites. Afterwards he was compelled to retire to
Egypt, and thence to Sparta (2 Mace v. 9),
and there " perished in a strange land " (2 Macc-
l.c. ; cf. Dan. xii. 30 ff. ; 1 Mace, i 12 ff.). [Ap.]
— 5. Jason the Thessalonian, who enter-
tained Paul and Silas, and was in consequence
attacked by the Jewish mob (Acta. xvii. 5, 6,
7,9). He is probably the same as the Jason men-
tioned in Rom. xvi. 21, as a companion of the
apostle, and one of his kinsmen or fellow-tribes-
men. Lightfoot conjectured that Jason and
Secundus (Acts xx. 4) were the same.
Jasper, a precious stone frequently noticed
in Scripture. It was the last of the twelve insert-
ed in the high-priest's breastplate (Ex. xxviii.
20, xxxix. 13), and the first of the twelve used
, in the foundations of the new Jerusalem (Rev.
xxi. 19). The characteristics of the stone, a*
far as they are specified in Scripture (Rev. xxi.
11), are that it was " most precious," and " like
crystal : " we may also infer from Rev. iv. 3,
that it was a stone of brilliant and transparent
light. The stone which we name "jasper "
does not accord with this description. There
can be no doubt that the diamond would more
adequately answer to the description in the book
of Revelation.
Jasu/bas, 1 Esd. ix. 30. [Jashub, CJ Ap.
Ja'tal, 1 Esd. v. 28. [Atek, 1.] Ap.
Jath'niel, a Korhite Levins, the fourth of
the family of Meshelemiah (I Chr. xxvi. 2).
Jaftir, a town of Judah in the mountain
district (Josh. xv. 48), *ne of the group con-
taining Socho, Eshtemoa, &c (See also Josh,
xxi. 14 ; 1 Sam. xxx. 27 ; I Chr. vi. 57.) Bv
Robinson it is identified with 'Attir, 6 miles N.
of Molada, and 10 miles S. of Hecron.
Ja'van. 1. A son of Japheth, and die father
of Elishah and Tarshish, Kittim aud Dodanim
(Gen. x. 2, 4). The name appears in Is. lxvi.
19, where it is coupled with Tarshish, Pul, and
Lud, and more particularly with Tubal and
the " isles afar off," as representatives of the
Gentile world; again in Ez. xxvii. 13, where it
is coupled with Tubal and Mcshech, as carrying
on considerable commerce with the Tynans,
who imported from these countries slaves and
brazen vessels; in Dan. viii. 21, x. 20, xi. 2, in
reference to the Macedonian empire ; and lastly
in Zech. ix. 13, in reference to the Gnecc-Sy-
rian empire. From a comparison of these vari-
ous passages there can be no doubt that Jaran
was regarded as the representative of the Greek
race. The name was probably introduced into
Asia by the Phoenicians, to whom the Ionian*
were naturally better known than any other of
the Hellenic races, oj account of their commer-
cial activity and the high prosperity of their
towns on the western coast of Asia Minor. —
2. A town in the southern part of Arabia
( Yemen), whither the Phoenicians traded (Ex.
xxvii. 19).
Javelin. [Anns.]
Ja'zar, 1 Mace. v. 8. [Jaaxxb.1 Ad.
Ja'ier (Num. xxxii. 1,3; Josh, xxu 39 ;
2 Sam. xxiv. 5; 1 Chr. vi. 81, xxvi. 31 ; Is.
xvi. 8, 9 ; Jer. xlviii. 32). [Jaazesl]
Ja'six, a Hagarite who had charge of tht
flocks, the sheep and goats of King David
(1 Chr. xxvii. 31).
Je'arlm, Mount, a place named in speci-
fying the northern boundary of Judah (Josh,
xv. 10). The boundary ran from Mount Mr
Digitized by
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JKCONIAS
369
oaSZEiR
to " the shoulder of Mount Jeariro, which is
CesaJoa " — that is, Cession was the landmark
on the mountain. Kola stands, 7 miles doe
west €>f Jerusalem, on a high point on the north
slope of the lofty ridge between Wad* Ghurab
ana W. [mail. This ridge is probably Monnt
Jrarim
Jeatera'i, a Gershonite Levite, son of Ze-
rmh (1 Chr. vi. 21).
Jeborechi'ah, father of a certain Zecha-
riah, in the reign of Alias, mentioned Is. viii. 2.
As thU form occurs nowhere else, and both the
LXX. and Vulgate have Bertduak, it is proba-
bly only an accidental corruption.
Jet>US, one of the names l of Jerusalem,
the city of the Jebusites, also called Jebcsi.
It occurs only twice (Jndg. xix. 10, 1 1 ; 1 Chr.
xi. 4, 5 ) . Jebus is interpreted by some to mean a
place dry or down-trodden like a threshing-floor ;
an interpretation which by Ewald and Stanley
a taken to prove that Jebus must have been the
south-western hill.
Jeb'usi, the name employed for the city of
Jesus (Josh. xv. 8, xviii. 16, 28).
Jebusite, Jeb'usites, the. i. Accord-
ing to the table in Genesis x., " the Jebusite " is
the third son of Canaan. His place in the list
is between Heth and the Amorites (Gen. x. 16 ;
1 Chr. i. 14). But in the formula, by which the
Promised Land is so often designated, the Jeb-
usites are uniformly placed last. 2. Onr first
glimpse of the actual people is in the invalua-
ble report of the spies (Num. xiii. 29). When
Jabin organized his rising against Joshua, he
sent amongst others " to the Amorite, the Hit-
tite, the Perizzite, and the Jebusite in the
mountain " (Josh. xi. 3). A mountain-tribe
they were, and a mountain-tribe they remained.
" Jebus, which is Jerusalem," lost its king in
the slaughter of Bcth-horon (Josh. x. 1, 5, 26;
comp. xii. 10), was sacked and burned by the
men of Jndah (Judg. i. 21), and its citadel
finally scaled and occupied by David (2 Sam.
v. 6). After this they emerge from the dark-
ness but once, in the person of Araunah the
Jebusite, "Araunah the king," who appears
before us in true kingly dignity in his well-
known transaction with David (2 Sam. xxiv.
23 ; 1 Chr. xix. 23).
Jecajni'ah, one of seven, including Sala-
thiel and Pedaiah, who were introduced into the
royal line, on the failure of it in the person of
Jehoiachin (1 Chr. iii. 18).
Jecholiafa, wife of Amaziah kingof Judah,
and mother of Axariah or TJzxiah his successor
(2 K. xr. 2).
Jechoni'as. 1. The Greek form of the
name of King Jecrosiah, followed by our
translators in the books rendered from the
Greek, viz. Esth. xi. 4 ; Bar. i. 3, 9 ; Matt. i.
11,12. — 2. 1 Esd. viii. 22. [Shechakiah.]
Jeoholi'ah. The same as Jecouah (2
Chr. xxvi. 3).
Jeconi'ah, an altered form of the name of
Jehoiachin (1 Chr. iii. 16, 17 ; Jcr. xxiv. 1,
xxvii. 20, xxviii. 4, xxix. 1 ; Esth. ii. 6).
Jeconi'aa, 1 Esd. i. 9. [Conaxi ah.) Ap.
1 Jeboa was probably the original name of the
etty, for which. In nearly all passagea prevlona to Its
eantnrebv David, Jerusalem was substituted In the
text by later copy l*t* — Ell.
47
Jodai'ah. 1. Head of the second course
of priests, as thev were divided in the time of
David ( 1 Chr. xxiv. 7). Some of them survived
to return to Jerusalem after the Babylonish
captivity, as appears from Ezr. ii. 36 ; Neh. vii.
39. — 2. A priest in the time of Jeshua the
high-priest (Zech. vi. 10, 14).
Jeaai'ah. 1. A Simeonite, forefather of
Ziza (1 Chr. iv. 37). — 2. Son of Harumaph ;
a man who did his part in the rebuilding of the
wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 10).
Jod'du, 1 Esd. v. 24. [Jedaiah, 1.1 Ap.
Jode'us, 1 Esd. ix. 30. [Adaiar, 5.J Ap.
Jed'iael. 1. A chief patriarch of the tribe
of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 6, 11). It is usually
assumed that Jediael is the same as Ashbel
(Gen. xlvi. 21 ; Num. xxvi. 38 ; 1 Chr. viii. 1 ).
But this is not certain. — 2. Second son of
Meshelemiah, a Lerite (1 Chr. xxvi. 1, 2). —
3. Son of Shirari ; one of the heroes of David's
guard (1 Chr. xi. 45). — 4. One of the chiefs
of the thousands of Manasseh who rained David
on his march to Ziklag (1 Chr. xu. 20; comp.
1 Sam. xxix., xxx.).
Jed'idah, queen of Amon, and mother of
the good King Jomah (2 K. xxii. 1).
Jedidi'ah, the name bestowed, through
Nathan the prophet, on David's son Solomon
(2 Sam. xii. 25). Bathsheba's first child had
died — "Jehovah struck it" (ver. 15). A sec-
ond son was born, David called his name Shel-
omoh (" Peaceful ") ; and Jehovah loved the
child, i\e. allowed him to live. And David sent
by the hand of Nathan, to obtain through him
some oracle or token of the divine favor on the
babe, and the babe's name was called Jbdid-
Jah. To David himself, the " darling " of his
family and his people, no more precious seal of
his restoration to the divine favor after his late
fall could have been afforded than this an-
nouncement by the prophet, that the name of
his child was to combine his own name with
that of Jehovah, — Jkdid-Jah, "darling of
Jehovah."
Jed'uthun, a Levite, of the family of Me-
rari, who was associated with I Ionian the
Kohathite, and Asaph the Gershonite, in the
conduct of the musical service of the Taberna-
cle, in the time of David, according to what is
said I Chr. xxiii. 6. He is probably the same
as Ethan, and therefore a Merarite (comp. 1
Chr. xv. 17, 19, with 1 Chr. xvi. 41, 42, xxv.
1, 3, 6 ; 2 Chr. xxxv. 15). His office was gen-
erally to preside over the music of the temple
service, consisting of the rubd, or nablium, the
kinnor, or harp, and the cymbals, together with
the human voice. But bis peculiar part, as well
as that of his two colleagues Heman and Asaph,
was " to sound with cymbals of brass," while
the others played on the nablium and the harp.
After the ark was taken to Jerusalem, Jedu
tliuu and Heman were left with Zadok the
priest, to give thanks " before the tabernacle of
the Lord in the high place that was atGibeon."
Jeduthun's name stands at the head of the 39th,
62d, and 77th Psalms, indicating probably that
they were to be sung by his choir.
Je'eli, 1 Esd. v. 33. [Jaalah.] Ap.
JeelUS, 1 Esd. viii. 92. [Jehiel.] Ap.
Jee'ser, the form assumed in the list in
Numbers (xxvi. SO) by the name of a descend-
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JEHOAHAZ
370
JEHOIACHIN
ant of Manasseh. In parallel lists, the name ii
given u Abi-ezer.
Jee'serites, the, the family of the fore-
going (Mum. xxvi. SO).
Je'gar-Sahadu'tha ("heap of testi-
mony ), the Aramasan name given by Laban
thj Svrian to the heap of stones which he
erected as a memorial of the compact between
Jacob and himself, while Jacob commemorated
the same by setting up a pillar (Gen. xxxi. 47),
as was his custom on several other occasions.
Galecd, a " witness heap," which is given as
the Hebrew equivalent, does not exactly rep-
resent Jcgar-sahadutha.
Jehal'eleel. Four men of the Bcne-Je-
halleleel are introduced abruptly into the gen-
ealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 16).
Jehal'elel, a Merarite Levite, rather of
Azariah (2 Chr. xxix. 12).
Johdei'ah. 1. The representative of the
Bene-Shubacl, in the time of David (1 Chr.
xxiv. 20). — 2. A Meronothite who had charge
of the she-asses of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 30.)
Jehez'ekel, a priest to whom was given
by David the charge of the twentieth of tho
twenty-four courses in the service of the house
of Jehovah (1 Chr. xxiv. 16).
Jehi'ah and Obed-edom were " doorkeepers
for the ark " at the time of its establishment in
Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 24).
Jehi'el. 1. One of the Invites appointed
by David to assist in the service of the houso
of God (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20, xvi. 4).— 2. Ono
of the sons of Jchoshaphat king of Judah, put
to death by his brother Jchoram (2 Chr. xxi.
2). — 3. One of the rulers of the houso of God
at the time of the reforms of Josiah (2 Chr.
xxxv. 8). — 4. A Gcrshonite Levite, head of
the Bone-Lnadan in tho time of David ( 1 Chr.
xxiii. 8), who had charge of the treasures (xxix.
8). — 5. Son of Hachmoni, or of a Hachmon-
ite, named in the list of David's officers (1 Chr.
xxvii. 32) as "with the king's sons," whatever
that may mean. — 6. A Levite of tho Bene-
Heman, who took part in the restorations of
King Hezckiah (2 Chr. xxix. 14). — 7. Anoth-
er Levite at the some period (2 Chr. xxxi. 13).
— 8. Father of Obadiah, of tho Bono-Joab
(Ezr. viii. 9). — 9. Ono of the Bene-Elam,
father of Shcchaniah (Ezr. x. 21. — 10. A
member of the same family, who had himself
to part with his wife (Ezr. x. 26). — 11. A
priest, one of the Bcne-Horim, who also had to
put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 21). — 12.
A man described as father of Gibeon ; a fore-
father of King Saul (1 Chr. ix. 35). — 13.
One of the sons of Hotham the Aroerite ; a
member of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 44).
Jehi'eli, according to the A. V. a Gcrshon-
ite Levite of the family of Laadaw (1 Chr.
xxvi. 21, 22).
Jehizki'ah, son of Shallum, one of the
heads of the tribe of Ephraim in the time of
Ahaz (2 Chr. xxriii. 12; comp. 8, 13, 15).
Jeho'adah, one of the descendants of Saul
(1 Chr. viii. 36) ; great-grandson to Meribaal,
»'.e. Mephiboshcth.
Jehoad'dau, queen to King Joash, and
mother of Amaziah of Judah (2 K. xiv. 2 ; 2
Chr. xxv. 1 ).
Jeho'ahaz. 1. The son and successor of
Jehu, reigned 17 years B.C. 856-840 over Israel
in Samaria. His inglorious history is given is
2 K. xiii. 1-9. Throughout his reign (ver. 22)
he was kept in subjection by Uazacl king of
Damascus. Jehoahaz maintained the idolatry
of Jeroboam; but in the extremity of his hu-
miliation he besought Jehovah ; and Jehovah
fave Israel a deliverer — probably either Je-
oash (ver. 23 and 25), or Jeroboam tl. (2 K.
xiv. 24, 25). — 2. Jehoahaz, otherwise called
Shallum the fourth (ace. to 1 Chr. iii. 15), or
third, if Zedckiah's age be correctly stated (2
Chr. xxx vi. 11), son of Josiah, whom he suc-
ceeded as king of Judah. Re was chosen by
the people in preference to his elder (comp. 2
K. xxiii. 31 and 36) brother, B.C. 610, and he
reigned three months in Jerusalem. Pharaoh.
Necho on his return from Carchemish, perhaps
resenting the election of Jehoahaz, sent to Jeru-
salem to depose him, and to fetch him to Rib-
lah. There he was cast into chains, and from
thence he was taken into Egypt, where he died.
— 3. The name given (2 Chr. xxi. 17) to
Ahaziah, the youngest son of Jehoram king of
Judah.
Jeho'&sh, the uncontracted form of Joash.
— 1. The eighth king of Judah ; son of Aha-
ziah (2 K. xi. 21, xii. 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, 18, xiv. 13).
[Jo ash, 1.]— 2. The twelfth king of Israel;
son of Jehoahaz (2 K. xiii. 10, 25, xiv. 8, 9,
II, 13, 15, 16, 17). [Joash, 2.J
JehoTianan. 1. A Korhite Levite, one
of the doorkeepers to tho house of Jehovah, t\e.
the Tabernacle, according to the appointment
of David (1 Chr. xxvi. 3; comp. xxv. 1). He
was the sixth of the seven sons of Meshelemiah.
— 2. One of the principal men of Judah, under
King Jchoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 15 ; comp. 13
and 19). — 3. Father of Ishmael, one of the
" captains of hundreds " whom Jehoiada the
priest took into his confidence about the resto-
ration of the line of Judah (2 Chr. xxiii. 1 ). —
4. One of the Bcne-Bebai, a lay Israelite who
was forced by Ezra to put away his foreign wife
(Ezr. x. 28). — 5. A priest (Neh. xii. 13) ; the
representative of the house of Amariah (comp.
2), during the high-priesthood of Joiakim (ver.
12). — 6. A priest who took part in the dedica-
tion of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 42).
Jehoi'achin, son of Jchoiakim and Ne-
hushta, and for three months and ten days king
of Judah. Jchoiachin came to the throne at a
time when Egypt was still prostrate in conse-
quence of the victory at Carchemish. Jerusa-
lem at this time was quite defenceless, and un-
able to offer any resistance to the regular army
which Nebuchadnezzar sent to besiege it in the
8th year of his reign, and which he seems to
have joined in person after the siege was com-
menced (2 K. xxiv. 10, 11). In a very short
time, apparently, Jchoiachin surrendered at
discretion ; and he, and the queen-mother, and
all his servants, captains, and officers, came out
and gave themselves up to Nebuchadnezzar,
who carried them, with the harem and the eu-
nuchs, to Babylon (Jer. xxix. 2 ; Ezek. xvii. 12,
xix. 9). There he remained a prisoner, actual-
ly in prison, and wearing prison garments, for
thirty-six years, viz. till the death of Nebuchad-
nezzar, when Evil-Merodach, succeeding to the
throne of Babylon, treated him with much
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JEHOIADA
371
JEH0IAR1B
kindness, brought him out of prison, changed
his garments, raised him above the other sub-
ject or captive kings, and made him sit at his
own table. Whether Jehoiachin outlived the
two years of Evil-Merodach's reign or not does
not appear, nor have we any particulars of his
life at Babylon. The history of Susanna and
the Elders apparently makes Jehoiachin an im-
portant personage ; for, according to the author,
the husband of Susanna was Joacim, a man of
great wealth, and the chief person among tho
captives, to whose house all the people resorted
for judgment, a description which suits Jehoia-
chin. Africanns expressly calls Susanna's hus-
band king, and says that the king of Babylon
had made him his royal companion. It does
not appear certainly from Scripture, whether
Jehoiachin was married or had any children.
That Zedekiah, who in 1 Chr. iii. 16 is called
" his son," is the same as Zedekiah his uncle
(called " his brother," 2 Chr. xxxvi. 10), who
was his successor on the throne, seems cer-
Jehoi'ada. 1. FatherofBEXAiAH.David's
well-known warrior (2 Sam. viii. 18 ; 1 K. i.
and ii. passim ; 1 Chr. xviii. 17, 4c.). From 1
Chr. xxvii. 5, we learn that Benaiah's father
was the chief priest, and he is therefore doubt-
less identical with — 2. Leader of the Aaron-
ites, i-e, the priests ; who joined David at He-
bron ( 1 Chr. xii. 27). — 3. According to 1 Chr.
xxvii. 34, son of Benaiah. But in all proba-
bility Benaiah the son of Jehoiada is meant, by
a confusion similar to that which has arisen
with regard to Ahimelech and Abiathar, I Chr.
xviii. 16 ; 2 Sam. viii. 17. — 4. High-priest at
the time of Athaliah's usurpation of the throne
of Jndah (B.C. 884-878), and during the greater
portion of the 40 years' reign of Joash. He
probably succeeded Amariah. He married Je-
hosheba, or Jehoshabeath, daughter of King
Jehoram, and sister of King Ahaziah (2 Chr.
xxii. 11); and when Athaliah slew all the seed
royal of Jndah after Ahaziah had been put to
death by Jehu, he and his wife stole Joash from
among the king's sons, and hid him for six years
in the Temple, and eventually replaced him on
the throne of his ancestors. Having divided
the priests and Levites into three bands, which
were posted at the principal entrances, and filled
the courts with people favorable to the cause,
he produced the young king before the whole as-
sembly, and crowned and anointed him, and pre-
sented to him a copy of the Law according to
Dent. xvii. 18-20. The excitement of the mc-
: did not make him forget the sanctity of
God's bouse. None but the priests and minis-
tering Levites were permitted by him to enter
the Temple; and he gave strict orders that
Athaliah should be carried without its precincts
before she was put to death. The destruction
of Baal worship and the restoration of the
Temple were among the great works effected by
Jehoiada. He died B.C. 834, and, though far
advanced in years, too soon for the welfare of
Ins country, and the weak unstable character
of Joash. The text of 2 Chr. xxiv. IS, sup-
ported by the LXX. and Josephus, makes him
130 years old at his death ; but it is evident-
ly corrupt. — 6. Second priest, or sagan, to
Seraiah tie high-priest ( Jer. xxix. 25-29 ; 2 K.
xxv. 18). — 6. Son of Faseach, who assisted l»
repair the old gate of Jerusalem (Noh. iii. 6).
Jehoi'akim, ISth (or, counting Jehoahaa,
19th) king of Jndah from David inclusive — 25
years old at his accession, and originally called
Eliakim. He was the son of Josiah and Zeb.
udah, daughter of Pedaiah of Rumah. After
deposing Jehoahaz, Pharaoh Necho set Eliakim,
his elder brother, upon the throne, and changed
his name to Jehoiakim. Egypt played no part
in Jewish politics during the seven or eight
years of Jehoiakim's reign. After the battle of
Carchemish, Nebuchadnezzar came into Pales-
tine as one of the Egyptian tributary kingdoms,
the capture of which was the natural fruit
of his victory over Necho. He found Jehoia-
kim quite defenceless. After a short siege he
entered Jerusalem, took the king prisoner,
bound him in fetters to carry him to Babylon,
and took also some of the precious vessels of
the Temple, and carried them to the land of
Shinar. But he seems to have changed his
purpose as regarded Jehoiakim, and to have ac-
cepted his submission, and reinstated him on
the throne, perhaps in remembrance of the fidel-
ity of his father Josiah. What is certain is,
that Jehoiakim became tributary to Nebuchad-
nezzar after his invasion of Judith, and contin-
ued so for three years, but at the end of that time
broke his oath of allegiance and rebelled against
him (2 K. xxiv. I). What moved or encour-
aged Jehoiakim to this rebellion it is difficult to
say, for there is nothing to bear out Josephus's
assertion, that there was any thing in the atti-
tude of Egypt at this time to account for such
a step. Though Nebuchadnezzar was not able
at that time to come in person to chastise his
rebellious vassal, he sent against him numerous
bands of Chaldawns, with Syrians, Moabites,
and Ammonites, who were all now subject to
Babylon (2 K. xxiv. 7), and who cruelly har-
assed the whole country. We are not acquaint-
ed with the details of the close of the reign.
Probably as the time approached for Nebuchad-
nezzar himself to come against Judma, the des-
ultory attacks and invasions of his troops be-
came more concentrated. Either in an engage-
ment with some of these forces, or elst by the
hand of his own oppressed subjects, who thought
to conciliate the Babylonians by the murder of
their king, Jehoiakim came to a violent end in
the 11th year of his reign. His body was cast
out ignominiously on the ground; and then,
after being left exposed for some time, was
dragged away and buried " with the burial of
an ass," without pomp or lamentation, " beyond
the gates of Jerusalem" (Jer. xxii. 18, 19,
xxxvi. 30). All the accounts we have of Jehoi-
akim concur in ascribing to him a vicious and
irreligious character. The writer of 2 K. xxiii.
37 tells us that " he did that which was evil in
the sight of Jehovah," a statement which is re-
peated xxiv. 9, and 2 Chr. xxxvi. 5. But it is
in the writings of Jeremiah that we have the
fullest portraiture of him. The reign of Jehoi-
akim extends from B.C. 609 to n.c. 598, or at
some reckon, 599.
Jehoi'arib, head of the first of the 24
courses of priests, according to the arrange-
ment of King David (1 Chr. xxiv. 7). Some
of his descendants returned from the Babylo-
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JEHORAM
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JEHORAM
nish captivity, as we learn from 1 Chr. ix. 10 ;
Neh. xi. 10. Their chief in the days of Joia-
kim the son of Jeshua was Mattenai (Neh. xii.
6, 19). They were probably of the house of
Eleazar. To the course of Jehoiarib belonged
the Asmonttan family ( 1 Mace. ii. 1 ), and Jose-
phus, as he informs us.
Jeho'nadab and Jo'nadab, the son of
Rechab, founder of the Rechabitcs. It appears
from 1 Chr. ii. 55, that his father or ancestor
Rechab belonged to a branch of the Kenitcs ;
the Arabian tribe which entered Palestine with
the Israelites. One settlement of them was
established, under a fourfold division, at or near
the town of Jabez in Judah (1 Chr. ii. 55).
To these last belonged Rechab and his son Je-
honadab. The Bedouin habits, which were kept
up by the other branches of the Kenite tribe,
were inculcated by Jchonadab with the utmost
minuteness on his descendants (Jcr. xxxv. 6).
Bearing in mind this general character of
Jehonadab as an Arab chief, and the founder
of a half-religious sect, we are the better able
to understand the single occasion on which he
appears before us in the historical narrative.
Jehu was advancing, after the slaughter of
Betheked, 1 on the city of Samaria, when he
suddenly met the austere Bedouin coming to-
wards him (2 K. x. 15). The king was in his
thariot ; the Arab was on foot. According to
the Hebrew text, the king blessed Jehonadab.
The hand, whether of Jchonadab or Jehu, was
iflfered and grasped. The king lifted him up to
the edge of the chariot, apparently that he
might whisper his secret into his ear, and said,
" Come with me, and see my zeal for Jehovah."
Having intrusted him with the secret, he
(LXX.) or his attendants (Heb. and A. V.)
caused Jchonadab to proceed with him to Sama-
ria in the royal chariot. No donbt he acted
in concert with Jehu throughout: the only
•ccasion on which he is expressly mentioned is
when he went with Jehu through the temple of
Baal to turn out any that there might happen
to be in the mass of Pagan worshippers (2 K.
x. 23) . This is the last we hear of nim.
Jenon'athan. L Son of Uzziah ; super-
intendent ef certain of King David's store-
houses (1 Chr. xxvii. 25). — 2. One of thcLe-
vites who were sent by Jehoshaphat through the
cities of Judah, with a book of the Law, to teach
the people (2 Chr. xvii. 8). — 3. A priest (Neh.
xii. 18) ; the representative of the family of
Shemaiah (ver. 6), when Joiakim was high-
priest.
Jeho'ram. 1. Sonof Ahab king of Israel,
who succeeded his brother Ahaziah, B.C. 896,
and died b.c. 884. The alliance between the
kingdoms of Israel and Judah, commenced by
his father and Jehoshaphat, was very close
throughout his reign. We first find him asso-
ciated with Jehoshaphat and the king of Edom,
at that time a tributary of the kingdom of
Judah, in a war against the Moabites. Mesha,
their king, on the death of Ahab, had revolted
from Israel, and refused to pay the customary
tribute of 100,000 lambs and 100,000 rams.
Joram asked and obtained Jeboshaphat's help to
•ttdoce him to his obedience, and accordingly
> Or " shearlnc-housc," A. V
the three kings of Israel, Judah, and Edom,
marched through the wilderness of Edom to
attack him. The three armies were in the
utmost danger of perishing for want of water.
The piety of Jehoshaphat suggested an inquiry
of some prophet of Jehovah ; and Elisha the son
of Shapnat, at that time and since the lattei
part of Ahab's reign Elijah's attendant (2 K.
tii. 11 ; 1 K. xix. 19-21), was found with the
host. From him Jehoram received a severe
rebuke, and was bid to inquire of the prophets
of his father and mother, the prophets of Baal.
Nevertheless, for Jehoshaphat s sake, Elisha in-
quired of Jehovah, and received the promise of
an abundant supply of water, and of a great
victory over the Moabites, — a promise which
was immediately fulfilled. The Moabites were
put to the rout The allies pursued them with
great slaughter into their own land, which they
utterly ravaged and destroyed with all its cities.
Kirharascth alone remained, and there the king
of Moab made his last stand. An attempt to
break through the besieging army having failed,
he resorted to the desperate expedient of offer-
ing up his eldest son, the heir to his throne, as
a burnt-offering, upon the wall of the city, in
the sight of the enemy. Upon this, the Israel-
ites retired and returned to their own land (2 K.
iii.). A little later, when war broke out between
Syria and Israel, we find Elisha befriending
Jehoram. What happened after this to change
the relations between the king and the prophet
we can only conjecture. But it seems probable
that when the Syrian inroads ceased, and he
felt less dependent upon the aid of the prophet,
he relapsed into idolatry, and was rebuked by
Elisha, and threatened* with a return of the
calamities from which he had escaped. Refus-
ing to repent, a fresh invasion by the Syrians,
and a close siege of Samaria, actually came to
pass, according, probably, to the word of the
prophet. Hence, when the terrible incident
arose, in consequence of the famine, of a wo-
man boiling and eating her own child, tba
king immediately attributed the evil to Elisha
the son of Shaphat, and determined to takt
his life. The providential interposition by
which both Elisha's life was saved and the city
delivered, is narrated 2 K. vii., and Jehoram ap-
pears to have returned to friendly feeling towards
Elisha (2 K. viii. 4). It was very soon after
the above events that Elisha went to Damascus,
and predicted the revolt of Hazael, and his ac-
cession to the throne of Syria in the room of
Ben-hadad. Jehoram seems to have thought
the revolution in Syria, which immediately fol-
lowed Elisha's prediction, a good opportunity
to pursue his father's favorite project of recov-
ering Ramoth-Gilead from the Syrians. H«
accordingly made an alliance with his nephew
Ahaziah, who had just succeeded Joram on the
throne of Judah, and the two kings proceeded
to occupy Ramoth-Gilead by force. The expe-
dition was an unfortunate one. Jehoram was
wounded in battle, and obliged to return to Jez-
reel to be healed of his wounds (2 K. viii. 29,
ix. 14, 15), leaving his army under Jehu to hold
Ramoth-Gilead against Hazael. Jehu, however,
and the army under his command, revolted
from their allegiance to Jehoram (2 K. ix.),
and, hastily marching to Jeireel, surprised Je-
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JEHOSHAPHAT
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JEHOSHAPHAT
horam, wounded and defenceless as he was.
Jehonun, going ont to meet him, fell, pierced
by an arrow from Jehu's bow, on the very plat
of ground which Ahab had wrested from Na-
botn the Jezreelite ; thus fulfilling to the letter
the prophecy of Elyah ( 1 K. xxi. 21-29). With
the life of Jehoram ended the dynasty of Omri.
— 2. Eldest son of Jehoshaphat, succeeded his
father on the throne of Judah at the age of 32,
and reigned eight years, from B.C. 893-2 to
885-4. Jehosheba his daughter was wife to
the high-priest Jehoiada. As soon as he was
fixed on the throne, he put his six brothers to
death, with many of the chief nobles of the
land. He then, probably at the instance of his
wife Athaliah the daughter of Ahab, proceeded
to establish the worship of Baal. A prophetic
writing from the aged prophet Elijah (2 Chr.
xxi. 12) failed to produce any good effect upon
him. This was in the first or second year of
his reign. The remainder of it was a series of
calamities. First the Edomites, who bad been
tributary to Jehoshaphat, revolted from his do-
minion, and established their permanent inde-
pendence. Next Libnah, one of the strongest
fortified cities in Judah (2 K. xix. 8), rebelled
against him. Then followed invasions of armed
bands of Philistines and of Arabians, who
stormed the king's palace, put his wives and all
his children, except his youngest son Ahaziah,
to death (2 Chr. xxii. 1 ), or carried them into
taptivity, and plundered all his treasures. Ho
died of a terrible disease (2 Chr. xxi. 19, 20)
early in the twelfth year of his brother-in-law
Jehoram's reign over Israel.
Jehoshabe'ath, the form in which the
name of Jehosheba is given in 2 Chr. xxii.
11.
Jebosh'apbSt. L The son of Asa and
Azubah, succeeded to the throne B.C. 914, when
he was 35 years old, and reigned 25 years. His
history is to be found among the events recorded
in 1 K. xv. 24 ; 2 K. viii. 16, or in a continuous
narrative in 2 Chr. xvii. 1-xxi. 3. He was
contemporary with Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jeho-
ram. At first he strengthened himself against
Israel by fortifying and garrisoning the cities of
Judah and the Ephraimite conquests of Asa.
But soon afterwards the two Hebrew kings,
perhaps appreciating their common danger
from Damascus and the tribes on their eastern
frontier, formed an alliance. Jchoshaphat's eld-
est son Jehoram married Athaliah, the daugh-
ter of Ahab and Jezebel. In his own kingdom,
Jehoshaphat ever showed himself a zealous fol-
lower of the commandments of God : he tried,
it would seem not quite successfully, to pnt
down the high places and grovus in which the
people of Judah burnt incense. In his third
year he sent out certain princes, priests, and
Levites, to go through the cities of Judah,
teaching the people out of the Book of the
Law. Riches and honors increased around
him. He received tribute from the Philistines
and Arabians, and kept np a large standing
army in Jerusalem. It was probably about the
16th year of his reign (b.c. 898) when he went
to Samaria to visit Ahab, and to become his ally
in the great battle of Ramoth-Gilead. From
thence Jehoshaphat returned to Jerusalem in
peace; and went himself through the people
" from Beersheba to Mount Ephraim," reclaim-
ing them to the law of God. Turning his at-
tention to foreign commerce, he built at Ezion-
geber, with the help of Ahaziah, a navy de-
signed to go to Tarshish ; but it was wracked at
Ezion-geber. Before the close of his reign, ho
was engaged in two additional wars. He was
miraculously delivered from a threatened attack
of the people of Ammon, Moab, and Seir. Af-
ter this, perhaps, must be dated the war which
Jehoshaphat, in conjunction with Jehoram king
of Israel and the king of Edom, carried on
against the rebellious lung of Moab (2 K. iii.).
In his declining years, the administration of af-
fairs was placed (probably b.c. 891) in the
hands of his son Jehoram. — 2. Son of Aliilud,
who filled the office of recorder or annalist in
the courts of David (2 Sam. viii. 16, &c.) and
Solomon (1 K. iv. 3). — 3. One of the priests,
who (1 Chr. xv. 24) were appointed to blow
trumpets before the ark when it was carried
from the house of Obed-edom to Jerusalem. —
4. Son of Paruah ; one of the twelve purvey-
ors of King Solomon (1 K. iv. 17). — 5. Son
of Nimshi, and father of King Jehu (2 K. ix.
2, 14).
Jehoshaphat, Valley of, a volley men-
tioned by Joel only, as the spot m which, after
the return of Judah and Jerusalem from cap-
tivity, Jehovah would gather all the heathen
(Joel iii. 2 ; Hebr. iv. 2), and would there sit to
judge them for their misdeeds to Israel (iii.
12 ; Hebr. v. 4). The prophet seems to have
glanced back to that triumphant day when
King Jehoshaphat, the greatest king the nation
had seen since Solomon, led out his people to a
valley in the wilderness of Tckoah, and was
there blessed with such a victory over the hordes
of his enemies as was without a parallel in the
national records (2 Chr. xx.). But, though
such a reference to Jehoshaphat is both natural
and characteristic, it is not certain that it is in-
tended. The name may only be an imaginary
one conferred on a spot which existed nowhere
but in the vision of the prophet. Such waa
the view of some of the ancient translators.
By others, however, the prophet has been sup-
posed to have had the end of the world in view.
And not only this, but the scene of " Jehovah's
judgment " has been localized, and the name
has come down to us attached to the deep ra-
vine which separates Jerusalem from the Mount
of Olives, through which at one time the Ke-
dron forced its stream. At what period the
name was first applied to this spot is not known.
There is no trace of it in the Bible or in Jose-
phus. In both, the only name used for this
gorge is Kidbon (N. T. Cedbon). We first
encounter its new title in the middle of the 4th
century in the Onomatticon of Eusebius and
Jerome, and in the Commentary of the latter
Father on Joel. Since that time the name has
been recognized and adopted by travellers of all
ages and all faiths. Both Moslems and Jews
believe that the last judgment is to take place
there. The steep sides of the ravine, wherever
a level strip affords the opportunity, are crowd-
ed — in places almost paved — by the sepul-
chres of the Moslems, or the simpler slabs of
the Jewish tombs, alike awaiting the assembly
of the last Judgment. The name would seem
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JEHOVAH
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JEHOVAH
to be generally confined by travellers to the up-
per part of the glen, from about the " Tomb of
the Virgin " to the south-east corner of the
wall of Jerusalem.
Jahoshe'ba, daughter of Joram king of
Israel, and wife of Jehoiada the high-priest (2
K. xi. 2). Her name in tho Chronicles is given
Jbhosuaheath. As she is called, 2 K. xi. 2,
" the daughter of Joram, sister of Ahaziah," it
has been conjectured that she was the daughter,
not of Atholiah, bnt of Joram by another wife.
Tins may be ; but it is also possible that the
ombsion of Athaliah's namo may have been oc-
casioned by the detestation in which it was
hold. She is the only recorded instance of the
marriage of a princess of the royal house with
a high-priest. On this occasion it was a provi-
dential circumstance (2 Chr. xxii. 11), as in-
ducing and probably enabling her to rescue the
infant Joash from the massacre of his brothers.
Jehosh'ua. In this form is given the
name of Joshua in Num. xiii. 16, on the occa-
sion of its bestowal by Moses. Once more
only the name appears in its full form in the
A. V.— as
Jehosh'uah, in the genealogy of Ephraim
(1 Chr. vii. 27).
Jehovah. The true pronunciation of this
name, by which God was known to the He-
brews, has been entirely lost, the Jews them-
selves scrupulously avoiding every mention of
it, and substituting in its stead one or other
of the words with whose proper vowel-points it
may happen to be written. This custom, which
had its origin in reverence, and has almost de-
generated into a superstition, was founded upon
an erroneous rendering of Lev. xxiv. 16, from
which it was inferred that the mere utterance
of the name constituted a capital offence. Ac-
cording to Jewish tradition, it was pronounced
but once a year by the high-priest on the day of
Atonement when he entered the Holy of Holies ;
bnt on this point there is some doubt. On the
authority of Maimonides, wo learn that it ceased
with Simeon the Just. But even after the de-
struction of the second Temple instances are
met with of individuals who were in possession
of the mysterious secret. Von Bohlen asserts
that beyond all doubt the word Jehovah is not
Shemitic in its origin. He connects it with
the Sanscrit devas, devo, the Greek Aiof, and
Latin Java or Diovis. That the Hebrews
learned the word from the Egyptians is a theo-
ry which has found some advocates. There can
be but little doubt that the process in reality
was reversed, and that in this case the Hebrews
were, not the borrowers, but the lenders. We
have indisputable evidence that it existed among
them, whatever may have been its origin, many
centuries before it is found in other records ; of
the contrary we have no evidence whatever.
One argument for the Egyptian origin of Je-
hovah may be noticed. It is found in the cir-
cumstance that Pharaoh changed the name of
Eliakim to ,/rAoiak.ira (2 K. xxiii. 34), which it
is asserted is not in accordance with the practice
of conquerors towards the conquered, unless
the Egyptian king imposed upon the kins of
Judah the name of one of his own gods. But
the same reasoning would prove that the origin
of the word was Babylonian, for the king of
Babylon changed the name of Mmxtaniah to
ZedektoA (2 K. xxiv. 17). Bnt many, aban-
doning as untenable the theory of an Egyptian
origin, have sought to trace the name among
the Phoenicians and Canaan itish tribes. From
the occurrence of Jehovah as a compound
in the proper names of many who were not He-
brews, Hamakcr contends that it must have
been known among heathen people. Bat such
knowledge, if it existed, was no more than
might have been obtained by their neccssarv
contact with the Hebrews. The names of UrxuX
the Hittitc, of Arannah or Aranjak the Jebn-
site, of TobutA the Ammonite, and of the Ca-
noanitish town Bizjoth/aA, may be all ex-
plained without having recourse to Hamaker's
hypothesis. Most of the authorities on the
opposite side have taken for the basis of their
explanations, and the different methods of
punctuation which they propose, the passage
in Ex. iii. 14, to which we must naturally look
for a solution of the question. When Moses
received his commission to be the deliverer of
Israel, the Almighty, who appeared in the burn-
ing bush, communicated to him the name
which he should give as the credentials of his
mission: "And God said unto Moses, I am
that I am" (iv* rrrm rrr» d&k a**
ehytk) ; "and he said, Thus shalt thou say unto
tho children of Israel, I ah hath sent me unto
you." That this passage is intended to indi-
cate the etymology of Jehovah, as understood
by the Hebrews, no one has ventured to doubt :
it is in fact the key to the whole mystery.
But, though it certainly supplies the etymol-
ogy, the interpretation must be determined
from other considerations. According to this
view, then, rnrP must be the 3d sing, maac
fut of the substantive verb nTl, the older form
of which was rnn- Of *!>* many punctuation*
which have been proposed, the most correct
appear to be tTBT; or flirji and we accept the
former, i.e. YohSvth, as the more probable, con-
tinuing at the same time for the sake of con-
venience to adopt the form " Jehovah " in what
follows, on account of its familiarity to English
readers. The next point for consideration is
of vastly more importance : what is the mean-
ing of Jehovah, and what does it express of
the being and nature of God, more than or in
distinction from the other names applied to
the deity in the O. T.I Elohim is used in
many cases of the gods of the heathen, who
included in the same title the God of the He-
brews, and denoted generally the Oeity when
spoken of a supernatural being, and when no
national feeling influenced the speaker. But,
although the distinction between Elohim. as
the general appellation of Deity, and Jehovah,
the national God of the Israelites, contains tome
superficial truth, the real nature of their dif-
ference must be sought for far deeper ; and as a
foundation for the argument! which will be ad-
duced recourse must again be had to etymology.
With regard to the derivation of Elohim, ety-
mologists are divided in their opinions ; some
connecting it with H, and the unused root, it,
"to be strong." From whatever root, how-
ever, the word may be derived, most are of
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JEHOVAH
375
JEHOVAH
■minion that the primary idea contained in it is
that of strength, power ; so that Klohim is the
proper appellation of the Deity, as manifested
in His creative and universally sustaining agen-
cy, and in the general divine guidance and
government of the world. The question now
arises, What is the meaning to be attached to
the plural form of the word? Some have dis-
covered therein the mystery of the Trinity,
while others maintain that it points to poly-
theism. It is probable that the plural form
Elohim, instead of pointing to polytheism, is
applied to God as comprehending in Himself
the fulness of all power, and uniting in a per-
fect degree all that which the name signifies,
and all the attributes which the heathen ascribe
to the several divinities of their pantheon.
The singular ildaJt, with lew exceptions (Neh.
ix. 17; 2 Chr. xxxii. 15), occurs only in poet-
ry. It will be found, upon examination of the
passages in which Elohim occurs, that it is
chiefly in places where God is exhibited only
in the plenitude of his power, and where no
especial reference is made to his unity, person-
ality, or holiness, or to his relation to Israel
and the theocracy. But while Elohim exhibits
God displayed in his power as the creator and
governor of the physical universe, the name
Jehovah designates his nature as He stands in
relation to man, aa the only almighty, true,
personal, holy Being, a spirit, and " the father
at spirits" (Num. xvi. 22; comp. John iv. 24),
who revealed himself to his people, made a cov-
enant with them, and became their lawgiver,
and to whom all honor and worship are due.
If the etymology above given be accepted, and
the name be derived from the future tense of
the substantive verb, it would denote, in ac-
cordance with the general analogy of proper
names of a similar form, "He that is, "the
Being," whose chief attribute is eternal exist-
ence. As the Israelites were in a remarkable
manner distinguished as the people of Jehovah,
who became their lawgiver and supreme ruler,
it is not strange that He should be put in strong
contrast with Chemosh (Judg. xi. 24), Ashta-
roth (Judg. x. 6) and the Baalim (Jndg. iii. 7),
die national deities of the surrounding nations,
and thus be pre-eminently distinguished in one
aspect of his character as the tutelary deity of
the Hebrews. Such and no more was He to
the heathen (1 K. xx. 23) ; but all this and
nach more to the Israelites, to whom Jehovah
was a distinct personal subsistence, — the liv-
ing God, who reveals Himself to man by word
end deed, helps, guides, saves, and delivers, and
a to the Old what Christ is to the New Testa-
ment Jehovah was no abstract name, but
thoroughly practical, and stood in intimate
connection with the religious life of the people.
While Elohim represents God only in his most
outward relation to man, and distinguishes him
•> recognised in his omnipotence, Jehovah de-
scribes nim according to his innermost being.
Id Jehovah the moral attributes are presented
•a constituting the essence of his nature;
'bereas in Elohim there is no reference to per-
amality or moral character. That Jehovah is
identical with Elohim, and not a separate being,
is indicated by the joint use of the names Je-
eevab-Elohim, The antiquity of the name
Jehovah among the Hebrews has formed the
subject of much discussion. That it was not
known before the age of Moses has been in-
ferred from Ex. vi. 3; while Von Bohlcn as-
signs to it a much more recent date. But, on
the other hand, it would seem from the ety-
mology of the word that it originated in an age
long prior to that of Moses, in whose time the
root mn sm flTI was already antiquated. At
the same time it is distinctly stated in Ex. vi. 3,
that to the patriarchs God was not known by
the name Jehovah. If, therefore, this pas-
sage has reference to the first revelation of
Jehovah simply as a name and title of God,
there is clearly a discrepancy which requires to
be explained. In renewing His promise of de-
liverance from Egypt, " God spake unto Moses
and said unto him, I am Jehovah; and I ap-
peared unto Abraham, unto Isaac, and unto
Jacob, (by the name of) God Almighty {El
0, but by my n
known to them." It follows then, that, if the
Shaddai), but by my name Jehovah was I not
reference were merely to the name as a name,
the passage in question would prove equally
that before this time Elohim was unknown as
an appellation of the Deity, and God would
appear uniformly as El Shaddai in the patri-
archal history. Calvin saw at once that the
knowledge there spoken of could not refer to
the syllables and letters, but to the recognition
of God's glory and majesty. It was not the
name, but the true depth of its significance,
which was unknown to and uncomprehended
by tho patriarchs. They had known God as
the omnipotent, El Shaddai (Gen. xvii. 1,
xxviii. 3), the ruler of the physical universe,
and of man as one of his creatures ; as a God
eternal, immutable, and true to his promises, he
was yet to be revealed. In the character ex-
pressed by the name Jehovah he had not hith-
erto been fully known ; his true attributes had
not been recognized in his working and acts for
Israel. Referring to other passages in which
the phrase " the name of God " occurs, it ■*
clear that something more is intended by it
than a mere appellation, and that the proclama-
tion of the name of God is a revelation of his
moral attributes, and of his true character as
Jehovah (Ex. xxxiii. 19, xxxiv. 6, 7) the God
of the covenant. Great stress has been laid, by
those who deny the antiquity of the name Je-
hovah, upon the fact that proper names com-
pounded with it occur but seldom before the
age of Samuel and David. It is undoubtedly
true that, after the revival of the true faith
among the Israelites, proper names so com-
pounded did become more frequent, but if it
can be shown that prior to the time of Moses
any such names existed, it will be sufficient to
prove that the name Jehovah was not entirely
unknown. Among those which have been
quoted for this purpose are Jochebed the mother
of Moses, and daughter of Levi, and Moriah,
the mountain on which Abraham was com-
manded to offer up Isaac. Against the former
it is urged that Moses might nave changed her
name to Jochebed after the name Jehovah had
been communicated by God; but this is very
improbable, as he was at this time eighty years
old, and his mother in all probability dead. If
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JEHU
376
JEHU
Jus only be admitted as a genuine instance of a
name compounded with Jehovah, it takes as at
once back into the patriarchal age, and proves
that a word which was employed in forming
the proper name of Jacobs grand-daughter
could not hare been unknown to that patriarch
himself. The name Moriah is of more impor-
tance, for in one passage in which it occurs it is
accompanied by an etymology intended to in-
dicate what was then understood by it (2 Chr.
iii. 1).
Jeho'vah-Ji'reh, i.e. "Jehovah will see,"
or " provide," the name given by Abraham to
the place on which he had been commanded to
oner Isaac, to commemorate the interposition
of the angel of Jehovah, who appeared to pre-
vent the sacrifice (Gen. xxii. 14) and provided
another victim.
Jeho'vah-nis'si, i.e. "Jehovah my ban-
ner," the name given by Moses to the altar
which he built in commemoration of the dis-
comfiture of the Amalekites by Joshua and his
chosen warriors at Rephidim (Ex. xvii. 15).
The significance of the name is probably con-
tained in the allusion to the staff which Moses
held in his hand as a banner during the engage-
ment.
Jeho'vah-ahalom, i.e. "Jehovah (is)
peace," or, with an ellipsis, " Jehovah, the God
of peace : " the altar erected by Gideon in Oph-
rah was so called in memory of the salutation
addressed to him by the angel of Jehovah,
" Peace be unto thee " (Judg. vi. 24).
Jeho'sabad. L A Korahite Levite, sec-
ond son of Obed-edom, and one of the porters
of the south gate of the Temple, and of the
storehouse there in the time of David (1 Chr.
xx vi 4, 15, compared with Neh. xii. 25). — 2.
A Benjamite, captain of 180,003 armed men, in
the days of King Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 18).
— 3. Son of Shomer or Shimrith, a Moabitish
woman, who with another conspired against
King Joash and slew him in his bed (2 K. xii.
31 • 2 Chr. xxiv. 26).
Jeho'zadak, son of the high-priest Sera-
iah (1 Chr. vi. 14, 15) in the reign of Zede-
Irish. When his father was slain at Riblah by
order of Nebuchadnezzar, in the 11th of Zede-
kiah (2 K. xxv. 18, 21), Jehozadak was led
away captive to Babylon (1 Chr. vi. 15), where
he doubtless spent the remainder of his days.
He himself never attained the high-priesthood,
but he was the father of Jeshu a the nigh-priest
— who with Zerubbabel headed the Return from
Captivity — and of all his successors till the
pontificate of Alcimua (Ezr. iii. 2 ; Neh. xii.
26, &c.). Nothing more is known about him.
JellO. L The founder of the fifth dynasty
of the kingdom of Israel. His history was told
in the lost " Chronicles of the Kings of Israel "
(2 K. x. 44). His father's name was Jehosha-
phat (2 K. ir. 2) ; his grandfather's was Nim-
■hi. In his youth he had been one of the guards
of Ahab. His first appearance in history is
when, with a comrade in arms, Bidkar, he rode
behind Ahab on the fatal journey from Sama-
ria to Jezrecl, and heard, and laid up in his
heart, the warning of Elijah against the mur-
derer of Naboth (2 K. ix. 25). But he had al-
ready, as it would seem, been known to Elijah
*■ a youth of promise, and, accordingly, in the
vision at Horeb he is mentioned as the fubm
king of Israel, whom Elijah is to anoint as the
minister of vengeance on Israel (1 K. xix.
16, 17). This injunction, for reasons unknown
to us, Elijah never fulfilled. It was reserved
long afterwards for his successor Eliaha. Jehu
meantime, in the reigns of Ahaziah and Jeho-
ram, bad risen to importance. He was, under
the last-named king, captain of the host in the
siege of Ramoth-GUeaa. Whilst in the midst
of the officers of the besieging army a youth
suddenly entered, of wild appearance (2 K.
ix. 1 1 ), and insisted on a private interview with
Jehu. They retired into a secret chamber.
The youth uncovered a vial of the sacred oil
which he had brought with him, poured it over
Jehu's head, and after announcing to him the
message from Elisha, that he was appointed to
be king of Israel and destroyer of the house of
Ahab, rushed out of the house and disappeared.
Jehu's countenance, as he re-entered the as-
sembly of officers, showed that some strange
tidings had reached him. He tried at first to
evade their questions, but then revealed the
situation in which he found himself placed by
the prophetic call. In a moment the enthusiasm
of the army took fire. They threw their gar-
ments under his feet, so as to form a rough car-
pet of state, placed him on the top of the stairs,
as on an extempore throne, blew the royal sa-
lute on their trumpets, and thus ordained him
king. He then cut off all communication be-
tween Ramoth-Gilead and Jezreel, and set off,
full speed, with his ancient comrade, Bidkar,
whom he had made captain of the host in his
place, and a band of horsemen. From the
tower of Jezreel, a watchman saw the cloud of
dust (A. V. " company "1, and announced his
coining (2 K. ix. 17). The messengers that
were sent out to him he detained, on the same
principle of secrecy which hod guided all his
movements. It was not till he had almost
reached the city, and was identified by the
watchman, that alarm was taken. But it was
not till, in answer to Jehoram's question, " Is
it peace, Jehu % " that Jehu's fierce denuncia-
tion of Jezebel at once revealed the danger.
Jehu seized his opportunity, and shot him
through the heart fix. 24). The body was
thrown out on the fatal field, and whilst his
soldiers pursued and killed the king of Judah at
Beth-gan (A. V. " the garden-house "), probably
Engannim, Jehu himself advanced to the gates
of Jezreel and fulfilled the divine warning on
Jezebel as already on Jehoram. He then entered
on a work of extermination hitherto unpar-
alleled in the history of the Jewish monarchy.
AU the descendants of Ahab that remained in
Jezreel, together with the officers of the court,
and hierarchy of Astarte, were swept away.
His next step was to secure Samaria. Every
stage of his progress was marked with blood.
At the gates of Jezreel he found the heads of
seventy princes of the house of Ahab, ranged in
two heaps. Next, at " the shearing-bouse " (o>
Betheked) between Jezreel and Samaria he en-
countered forty-two sons or nephews (2 Chr.
xx. 8) of the late king of Judah. These also
were put to the sword at the fatal well. As be
drove on, he encountered a strange figure, such
as might hare reminded him of the great Eli-
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JEPHTHAH
jab- It tn Jehonadab, the austere Arabian
•ecmafy, the son of Rechab. In him his keen
eye discovered a ready ally. He took him into
ha chariot, and they concocted their schemes
at they entered Samaria (x. 15, 16). Up to this
moment there was nothing which showed any
thing beyond a determination to exterminate
in all its branches the personal adherents
of Ahab. There was to be a new inaugu-
ration of the worship of Baal. A solemn
assembly, sacred vestments, innumerable vie-
urns, were ready. The vast temple at Sa-
maria raised by Ahab (1 K. xvi. 32) was
crowded from end to end. The chief sacrifice
was offered, as if in the excess of his zeal, by
Jehu himself. Jehonadab joined in the decep-
tion. There was some apprehension lest wor-
shippers of Jehovah might be found in the tem-
ple ; inch, it seems, had been the intermixture
of the two religions. As soon, however, as it
was ascertained that all, and none but, the idol-
aters were there, the signal was given to eighty
trailed guards, and a sweeping massacre re-
moved at one blow the whole heathen popula-
tion of the kingdom of Israel. This is the last
public act recorded of Jehu. The remaining
twenty-seven years of his long reign are passed
over in a few words, in which two points only
are material: — He did not destroy the calf-
worship of Jeroboam; — the Trans-jordanic
tribes suffered much from the ravages of Hazael
(2 K. x. 29-33). He was buried in state in
Samaria, and waa succeeded by his son Jbhoa-
haz (2 K. x. 35). His name is the first of the
Israelite kings which appears in the Assyrian
monuments 2. Jehu, son of Hanani ; a
prophet of Judah, but whose ministrations were
chiefly directed to Israel. His father was prob-
ably the seer who attacked Asa (2 Chr. xvi 7).
He must have begun his career as a prophet
when very young. He first denounced Baasha
(I K. xvi. 1, 7), and then, after an interval of
thirty years, re-appears to denounce Jehoshaphai
for ab alliance with Ahab (2 Chr. xix. 2, 3).
He survived Jehoshaphat and wrote his life jxx.
34). —3. A man of Judah of the bouse of Hex-
mo (1 Chr. ii. 38). — 4. A Simeonite, son of
Josibiah (1 Chr. ir. 35). — 5. Jehu the Anto-
thite was one of the chief of the heroes of Ben-
jimin who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr.
xii.3).
Jehub'bah, a man of Aaher ; son of Sha-
meror Shomer, of the house of Beriah (1 Chr.
vii.34).
JelluoaL son of Shelemiah ; one of two
persons sent by King Zedckiah to Jeremiah to
tntreat bis prayers and advice (Jer. xxxvii. 3).
Ja'hud, one of the towns of the tribe of
Dan (Josh. xix. 45), named between Baalath
sod Bene-berak. A place called el-Yekudiych,
"serted on Van de Velde's map at seven miles
test of Jaffa, and five north or Lydd.
Jelracu, son of Nethaniah, a man employed
br the princes of Jehoiakim's court to fetch
Beroch to read Jeremiah's denunciation (Jer.
mvi. 14), and then by the king to fetch the
volnme itself and read it to him (21, 231.
Jehudijah. There is really no such name
m the Heb. Bible as that which our A. V. ex-
hibits at 1 Chr. fr. 18. If it is a proper name
•tall.itla Hfcjehadijah, like Ham-melech, Hak-
48
kox, &c. ; and it seems to be rather an appella-
tive, " the Jewess. " As far as an opinion can be
formed of so obscure and apparently corrupt a
passage, Mered married two wives — one a
Jewess, the other an Egyptian, a daughter of
Pharaoh. The Jewess was sister of Sahara,
the father of the cities of Keilah and Eshtcmoa.
JeTlUflh, son of Eshek, a rcmoto descend-
ant of 8aul (I Chr. viii. 39).
Jei'el. 1. ABeubcniteof the house of Joel
(1 Chr. v. 7). — 2. A Merarito Lcvite, ono of
the gate-keepers to the sacred tent (1 Chr.
xv. 18). His duty was also to play tho harp
(ver. 21), or the psaltery and harp (xvi. 5), in
the service before the Ark. — 8. A Gcrshonite
Levite, one of the Bene-Asaph, forefather of
Jauazibl in the time of Bong Jehoshaphat
(2 Chr. xx. 14). —4. The Scribe who kept the
account of the numbers of King Uuiah's irreg-
ular predatory warriors (2 Chr. xxri. 11). — 5.
A Gcrshonite Levite, one of the Beno-Elizaphon
(2Chr.xxix. 13). — 6. One of the chiefs of tho
Levites in the time of Josiah |2 Chr. xxxv. 9).
— 7. One of the Bene-Adonikam who formed
part of the caravan of Ezra from Babylon to
Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 13). — 8. A layman, of
the Bene-Nebo, who had taken a foreign wife,
and had to relinquish her (Ezr. x. 43).
Jekab'seel, a fuller form of the name of
Kabzbel, the most remote city of Judah on
the southern frontier (Xoh. xi. 25).
Jokame'am. a Levite in the time of King
David : fourth of the sons of Hebron, the son
of Kohath (1 Chr. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 23).
Jekami'ah, son of Shallum, in the line
of Ahlaifl Chr. ii. 41).
Jeku'thiel, a man recorded in the geneal-
ogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 18) as the son of •
certain Ezra or Mered, by his Jewish wife (A. V.
Jehudijah), and in his turn the father, or found-
er, of the town of Zanoah.
Jeml'ma, the eldest of the three daughters
born to Job after the restoration of his prosper-
ity (Job xlii. 14).
Jem'naan (Jud. ii. 28). No doubt Jabned
— generally called Jamnia by the Greek writ-
ers — is intended. Ap.
Jemu'el, the eldest son of Simeon (Gen.
xlvi. 10; Ex. ri. 15).
Jeph thBB (Heb. xi. 32). The Greek form
of the name Jbphthah.
Jeph'thah, a judge, about b.c. 1143-1137.
His history is contained in Judg. il.l-xii. 7.
He was a Gileadite, the son of GiTead by a con-
cubine. Driven by the legitimate sons from his
father's inheritance, he went to Tob, nnd became
the head of a company of freebooters in a de-
batable land probably belonging to Ammon
(2 Sam. x. 6). His fame as a bold and success-
ful captain was carried back to his native Gil-
ead ; and when the time was ripe for throwing
off the yoke of Ammon, Jcphthah consented to
become their captain, on the condition (solemnly
ratified bofore the Lord in Mispeb) that in the
event of his success against Ammon he should
still remain as their acknowledged head. He
collected warriors throughout Gilead and Ma-
nasseb, the provinces which acknowledged his
authority; and then he vowed his vow unto the
Lord. The Ammonites were routed with great
slaughter. Twenty cities, from Aroer on the
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JERAHMEEL
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JEREMIAH
Arnon to Minnith and to Abel Keramim, were
taken from them. Bat an tlie conqueror re-
turned to Mizpeh tliere came out to meet him a
procession of damsels with dances and timbrels,
and among them — the first person from his
own house — lu» daughter and only child.
" Alas I mr daughter, thou hast brought me
very low," Was the greeting of the heart-stricken
father. But the high-minded maiden is ready
for any personal suffering in the hour of her
father's triumph. Only she asks for a respite
of two months to withdraw to her native moun-
tains, and in their recesses to weep with her
virgin-friends over the early disappointment of
her life. When that time was ended she returned
to her father, and " he did unto her his vow."
But Jephthah had not long leisure, even if he
were disposed, for the indulgence of domestic
grief. The proud tribe of Ephraim challenged
his right to go to war, as he nad done without
their concurrence, against Amnion. He first
defeated them, then intercepted the fugitives at
the fords of Jordan, and there put forty-two
thousand men to the sword. He judged Israel
six years, and died. It is generally conjectured
that his jurisdiction was limited to the trans-
Jordanic region. That the daughter of Jeph-
thah was really offered up to God in sacrifice —
•Iain by the hand of her father and then burnt
— is a horrible conclusion, but one which it
teems impossible to avoid.' Joseph Kimchi sup-
posed that, instead of being sacrificed, she was
shut up in a house which her father built for
the purpose, and that she was there visited by
the daughters of Israel four days in each year
so long as she lived. This interpretation has
been adopted by many eminent men.
Jephun'ne (Ecclus. xlvi. 7). [Jephuk-
mi.] Ap.
Jephuu'neh. 1. Father of Caleb the spy.
He appears to have belonged to an Edomitish
tribe called Kenezites, from Kenaz their founder.
(See Num. xiii. 6, &c., xxxii. 12, &c. ; Josh,
xiv. 14, 4c.; I Chr. iv. 15). — 2. A descend-
ant of Asher, eldest of the three sons of Jcther
(1 Chr. vii. 38).
Je'rah, the fourth in order of the sons of
Joktan (Gen. x. 26 ; I Chr. i. 20), and the pro-
genitor of a tribe of Southern Arabia. He
has not been satisfactorily identified with the
name of any Arabian place or tribe, though a
fortress named Yertfkh is mentioned as belong-
ing to the district of the Nnjiid, which is in
Mahreh, at the extremity ofthe Yemen. A
very different identification has been proposed
by Bochart. Ho translates Jerab = " the moon "
into Arabic, and finds the descendants of Jerah
in the Alilasi, a people dwelling near the Bed
Sea, on the Btrength of a passage in Herodotus
(iii. 8), in which he says pf the Arabs, " Bac-
chus they call in their language Orotal; and
Urania, Alilat."
Jerah'meel. L, First-born son of Hezron,
the son of Pbarez, the son of Judah (1 Chr. ii.
9, 25-27, 33, 42). — 2. A Merarite Levite, the
representative of the family of Kish, the son of
Mahli (1 Chr. xxiv. 29 ; comp. xxiii. 21). — 3.
Son of Hammelech, who was employed by Je~
> It Is ecrtalnlr pouible to avoid this conclusion,
•i many eminent men have done, by adopting the
•apportion of Klmcbi. — En.
hoiakim to make Jeremiah and Baruch prison-
ers, after he had burnt the roll of Jeremiah's
prophecy (Jer. xxxvi. 26).
Joroh raeelitOB, the. The tribe descend-
ed from the first of the foregoing persons ( 1 Sam.
xxvii. 10). They dwelt in the south of Judah.
Jer'echus ( 1 Esd. v. 22). [Jericho] Ap.
Jered. L Son of Mahalaleel and father of
Enoch (1 Chr. i. 2). —2. One of the descend-
ants of Judah signalized as the "father — >".«.
the founder — of Gedor" (1 Chr. iv. 18).
Jerema'i, a layman; one of the Bene-
Hashum, who was compelled by Ezra to pat
away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 33).
Jeremi'ah. L Life.— It will be conve-
nient to arrange what is known as to the life and
work of this prophet in sections corresponding
to its chief periods. — (1.) Under Josiah, b.c.
638-608. — In the 13th year of the reign of
Josiah, the prophet speaks of himself as still
"a child" (1. 6). We cannot rely indeed 00
this word as a chronological datum. We may
at least infer, however, as we can trace his life
in full activity for upwards of forty years from
this period, that at the commencement of that
reign he could not have passed out of actual
childhood. He is described as " the son of Hil-
kiah of the priests that were in Anathoth "
(i. 11. Some have identified this Hilkiah with
the high-priest who bore so large a share in Jo
siah's work of reformation ; but of this there is
no evidence. The boy would hear among the
priests of his native town, not three miles dis-
tant from Jerusalem, of the idolatries and cru-
elties of Manasseh and his son Amon. He
would be trained in the traditional precepts and
ordinances of the Law. He would become ac-
quainted with the names and writings of older
prophets. As he grew up towards manhood,
he would hear also of the work which the kins
and his counsellors were carrying on, and of
the teaching of the woman, who alone, or near-
ly so, in the midst of that religious revival, was
looked upon as speaking from direct prophetic
inspiration. In all likelihood he came into ac-
tual contact with them. Possibly, too, to this
period of his life we may trace the commence-
ment of that friendship with the family of Ne-
riah which was afterwards so fruitful in results.
As the issue of all these influences we find in
him all the conspicuous features of the devout
prophetic character, — intense consciousness of
his own weakness, great susceptibility to vary-
ing emotions, a spirit easily bowed down. Left
to nimself, he might have Dome his part among
the reforming priests of Josiah 's reign, free
from their formalism and hvpocrisy. But " the
word of Jehovah came to him " (1. 2) ; and by
that divine voice the secret of his future life was
revealed to him, at the very time when the work
of reformation was going on with fresh vigor
(2 Chr. xxxiv. 3), when lie himself was begin-
ning to have the thoughts and feelings of a
man. A life-long martyrdom was set before
him, a struggle against kings and priests and
people (i. 18). For a time, it would seem he
held aloof from the work which was going on
throughout the nation. His name is nowhere
mentioned in the history of the memorable
eighteenth year of Josiah. Though five yean
had passed since he had entered on the work
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JEREMIAH
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JEREMIAH
of a prophet, it is from Huldah, not from him,
that the King and his princes seek for counsel.
The discovery of the Book of the Law, how-
ever, could not fail to exercise an influence on a
mind like Jeremiah's : his later writings show
abundant traces of it ; and the result apparently
was, that he could not share the hopes which
others cherished. He saw that the reformation
was but a surface one. Israel had gone into
captivity, and Jndah was worse than Israel (iii.
11). It was as hard for him, as it had been for
Isaiah, to find among the princes and people
who worshipped in the Temple one just, truth-
seeking man (v. 1, 28). His own work, as a
priest and prophet, led him to discern the, false-
hood and lust of rule which were at work un-
der the form of zeal (v. 31). The strange vis-
ions which had followed upon his call (i. 11-16)
taught htm that Jehovah would " hasten " the
performance of His word. Hence, though we
oave hardly any mention of special incidents in
the life of Jeremiah during the eighteen years
between his call and Josiah's death, the main
features of his life come distinctly enough be-
fore us. He had even then his experience of
the bitterness of the lot to which God had
called him. The duties of the priest, even if
he continued to discharge them, were merged
is those of the new and special office. To-
wards the close of the reign, however, he ap-
pears to have taken some part in the great na-
tional questions then at issue. Josiah, probably
following the advice of Jeremiah, chose to at-
tach himself to the new Chaldsean kingdom, and
lost his life in the vain attempt to stop the prog-
ress of the Egyptian king. We may think of
this at one of the first great sorrows of Jeremi-
ah's life. — (2.) Under Jehoahaz (— Shallum),
B.C. 608. — The short reign of this prince (cho-
sen by the people on hearing of Josiah's death,
and after three months deposed by Pharaoh-
Necho) gave little scope for direct prophetic ac-
tion. The fact of nis deposition, however,
shows that he had been set up against Egypt,
and therefore as representing the policy of
which Jeremiah had been the advocate ; and
■his may account for t^e tenderness and pity
with which he speaks of him in his Egyptian
exile (xxii. 11, 12). — (3.) Under Jehoiakim,
».c. 607-597. — In the weakness and disorder
which characterized this reign, the work of
Jeremiah became daily more prominent The
king had come to the throne as the vassal of
Egypt, and for a time the Egyptian party was
dominant in Jerusalem. Others, however, held
that the only way of safety lay in accepting the
supremacy of the Chaldseans. Jeremiah ap-
peared as the chief representative of this party.
He had learnt to discern the signs of the times ;
the evils of the nation were not to be cured by
any half-measures of reform, or by foreign al-
ienees. The king of Babylon was God's ser-
*unt (xxv. 9, xxvii. 6) doing His work, and
was for a time to prevail over all resistance.
Bard as it was for one who sympathized so
teptj with all the sufferings of his country,
{™ was the conviction to which he had to
bring himself. He had to expose himself to
ta suspicion of treachery by declaring it.
Men claiming to be prophets had their " word
of Jehovah " to set against his (xiv. 13, xxiii. 7),
and all that he could do was to commit his
cause to God, and wait for the result. Some
of the most striking scenes in this conflict are
brought before us with great vividness (xxvi.).
If Jeremiah was not at once hunted to death,
like Urijah (xxvi. 23), it was only because his
friend Ahikam was powerful enough to protect
him. The fourth year of Jehoiakim was yet
more memorable. The battle of Carchemisli
overthrew the hopes of the Egyptian party
(xlvi. 2) ; and the armies of Nebuchadnezzar
drove those who had no defenced cities to toke
refuge in Jerusalem (xxxv. 11). As one of the
consequences of this, we have the interesting ep-
isode of the Rechabites. In this year too came
another solemn message to the king : propli-
ecies which had been uttered, here and there
at intervals, were now to be gathered together,
written in a book, and read as a whole in the
hearing of the people. Baruch, already known
as the prophet s disciple, acted as scribe ; and
in the following year, when a solemn fast-day
called the whole people together in the Temple
(xxxvi. 1-9), Jeremiah — liindered himself, we
know not how — sent him to proclaim them.
The result was as it had been before: the
princes of Judah connived at the escape of (he
prophet and his scribe (xxxvi. 19). The king
vented his impotent rage upon the scroll which
Jeremiah had written. Jeremiah and Baruch,
in their retirement, re-wrote it with many
added prophecies; among them, probably, the
special prediction that the king should die by
the sword, and be cast out unburied and dis-
honored (xxii. 30). In ch. xlv., which belongs
to this period, we have a glimpse into the rela-
tions which existed between the master and the
scholar, and into what at that time were the
thoughts of each of them. In the absence of
special dates for other events in the reign of Je-
hoiakim, we may bring together into one pic-
ture some of the most striking features of this
period of Jeremiah's life. As the danger from
the Chaldseans became more threatening, tho
persecution against him grew hotter, his own
thoughts were more bitter and desponding
(xviii.). The people sought his life : his voice
rose up in the prayer that God would deliver
and avenge him. That thought he soon repro-
duced in act as well as word. Standing in the
Valley of Ben-Hinnom, he broke the earthen
vessel he carried in his hands, and prophesied
to the people that the whole city should be de-
filed with the dead, as that valley had been,
within their memory, by Josiah (xix. 10-13).
The boldness of the speech and act drew upon
him immediate punishment The rears that
followed brought no change for the better.
Famine and drought were added to the mise-
ries of the people (xiv. 1 ), but false prophets
still deceived them with assurances of plenty ;
and Jeremiah was looked on with dislike, as
" a prophet of evil," and "every one cursed "
him (xv. 10). He was set, however, " as a
fenced brazen wall" (xv. 20), and went on
with his work, reproving king and nobles and
people. — (4J Under Jehoiachin (=Jeconiah),
B.o. 697. — The danger which Jeremiah had so
long foretold at last came near. First Jehoia-
kim, and afterwards his successor, were carried
into exile (2 K. xxiv.). Of the work of the
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JEREMIAH
-prophet in thin short reign we hare bat the
fragmentary record of xxn. 24-30. — (S.) lin-
ger Zedeluah, B.C. 597-586. — In this prince
(probably, as having been appointed bv Nebu-
chadnezzar), we do not And the same obstinate
resistance to the prophet's counsels as in Jehoi-
akim. He respects him, fears him, seeks his
counsel ; bnt he is a mere shadow of a king,
powerless even against his own counsellors, and
in his reign, accordingly, the sufferings of Jere-
miah were sharper than they bad been before.
His counsel to the exiles was that they should
submit to their lot, prepare for a long captivity,
and wait quietly for the ultimate restoration.
The king at first seemed willing to be guided
by bun, and sent to ask for his intercession
(xxxvii. 3). He appears in the streets of the city
■with bonds and yokes upon his neck (xxvii. 2),
announcing that they were meant for Judah
and its allies. The approach of an Egyptian
army, however, and the consequent departure
of the Chaldasans, made the position of Jere-
miah full of danger ; and he sought to effect
his escape from a city in which, it seemed, he
-could no longer do good, and to take refuse in
bis own town of Anathoth or its neighborhood
(xxxvii. 12). The discovery of this plan led,
not unnaturally perhaps, to the charge of de-
sertion : it was thought that he too was " fall-
ing away to the Chaldaums," as others were
doing (xxxviii. 19), and, in spite of his denial,
he was thrown into a dungeon (xxxvii. 16).
The interposition of the king, who still re-
spected and consulted him, led to some miti-
gation of the rigor of his confinement (xxxvii.
11); but, as this did not hinder him from
speaking to the people, the princes of Judah,
bent on an alliance with Egypt, and calculat-
ing on the king's being unable to resist them
(xxxviii. 5), threw him into the prison-pit, to
die there. From this horrible fate be was again
delivered, by the friendship of the Ethiopian
eunuch, Etod-Melech, and the king's regard
for him ; and was restored to the milder custo-
dy in which he had been kept previously, where
we find (xxxii. 16) he had the companionship
of Baruch. The return of the Chaldasan army
filled both king and people with dismay (xxxii.
I ) ; and the risk now was that they would pass
from their presumptuous confidence to the
opposite extreme, and sink down in despair,
with no faith in God and no hope for the future.
The prophet was taught how to meet that dan-
ger also. In his prison, while the Chaldeans
were ravaging the country, he bought, with
all requisite formalities, the field at Anathoth
which his kinsman Hanameel wished to get rid
of (xxxii. 6-9). His faith in the promises of
God did not fail him. At last the blow came.
The city was taken, the Temple burnt. The
king and his princes shared the fate of Jehoia-
chin. The prophet gave utterance to his sor-
row in the Lamentations. — (6). After the
capture of Jerusalem, B.C. 586 — (t). — The
Chaldasan party in Judah had now the pros-
pect of better things. We find a special charge
given to Nebuzar-adan (xxxix. 11) to protect
the person of Jeremiah ; and, after being car-
ried as far as Ramah with the crowd of captives
(xl. 1 ), he was set free, and Gedaliah, the son
«f his steadfast friend Ahikam, made governor
over the cities of Judah. The feeling of tha
Chaldasans towards him was shown yet more
strongly in the offer made him by Nebuzar-adan
(xl. 4, 5). For a short time there was an inter-
val of peace (xl. 9-12), soon broken, however,
by the murder of Gedaliah by Ishmael and bis
associates. We are left to conjecture in what
way the prophet escaped from a massacre which
was apparently intended to include all the ad-
herents of Gedaliah. The fulness with which
the history of the massacre is narrated in chap.
xli. makes it, however, probable that he was
among the prisoners whom Ishmael was carry-
ing off to the Ammonites, and who were re-
leased by the arrival of Johonan. One of Jere-
miah's friends was thus cut off, but Baruch still
remained with him ; and the people, under Jo-
hanan, who had taken the command on the
death of Gedaliah, turned to him for counsel.
His warnings and assurances were in vain, and
did but draw on him and Baruch the old charge
of treachery (xliii. 3). The people followed
their own counsel, and — lest the two whom
they suspected should betray or counteract it
— took them also by force to Egypt. There,
in the city of Tahpanhes, we have the last clear
glimpses of the prophet's life. His words are
sharper and stronger than ever. He does not
shrink, even there, from speaking of the Chal-
dasan king once more as the " servant of Jeho-
vah" (xliii. 10). He declares that tbey should
see the throne of the conqueror set up in the
very place which they had chosen as the se-
curest refuge. He utters a final protest (xliv.)
against the idolatries of which they and their
fathers had been guilty, and which they were
even then renewing. After this all is uncer-
tain. If we could assume that lii. 31 was
written by Jeremiah himself, it would show
that be reached an extreme old age, but this is
so doubtful that we are left to other sources.
On the one hand there is the Christian tradi-
tion, resting doubtless on some earlier belief,
that die Jews at Tahpanhes, irritated by his
rebukes, at last stoned him to death. An
Alexandrian tradition reported that his bones
had been brought to that city by Alexander
the Great. On the other side there is the Jew-
ish statement that on the conquest of Egypt
by Nebuchadnezzar, he, with Baruch, made his
escape to Babylon or Judsea, and died in peace.
As it is, the darkness and doubt that brood
over the last days of the prophet's life are more
significant than either of the issues which pre-
sented themselves to men's imaginations as the
winding-up of his career. He did not need a
death by violence to make him a true martyr.
— H. Character and «yfe.— It will have been
seen from this narrative that there fell to the
lot of Jeremiah sharper suffering than any pre-
vious prophet had experienced. In every page
of his prophecies we recognize the temperament
which, while it does not lead the man who has
it to shrink from doing God's work,_however
painful, makes the pain of doing it infinitely
more acute, and gives to the whole character
the impress of a deeper and more lasting melan-
choly. He has to appear, Cassandra-like, as a
prophet of evil, dashing to the ground the false
hopes with which the people are buoying them-
selves up. Other prophets — Samuel, Elisha,
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Isaiah — had b*en sent to route the people to
resistance- He (like Pbocion in the parallel
crisis of Athenian history) has been brougb* to
the conclusion, bitter as it is, that the only
safety for bis countrymen lies in their accepting
that against which they are contending as the
worst of evils; and this brings on him the
charge of treachery and desertion. If it were
not for his trust in the God of Israel, for his
hope of a better future to be brought out of all
this chaos and darkness, his heart would fail
within him. But that vision is clear and
bright, and it gives to him, almost as fully as
to Isaiah, the character of a prophet of the gos-
pel. The prophet's hopes are not merely vague
visions of a better future : they gather round the
person of a Christ, and are essentially Messi-
anic. In much of all this, in their personal
character, in their sufferings, in the view they
took of the great questions of their time, there
is a resemblance, at once significant and inter-
esting, between the prophet of Anathoth and
the poet of the Divina Commedia. What Egypt
and Babylon were to the kingdom of Judah,
France and the Empire were to the Florentine
republic A yet higher parallel, however, pre-
sents itself. In a deeper sense than that of the
patristic divines, the fife of the prophet was a
type of that of Christ. The character of the
man impressed itself with more or less force
upon the language of the writer. As might be
expected in one who lived in the last days of
the kingdom, and had therefore the works of
the earlier prophets to look back upon, we find
in him reminiscences and reproductions of what
they had written, which indicate the way in
which his own spirit had been educated. Traces
of the influence of the newly-discovered Book
of the Law, and in particular of Deuteronomy,
appear repeatedly in his, as in other writings
of the same period. Throughout, too, there
are the tokens of his individual temperament :
a greater prominence of the subjective, elegiac
element than in other prophets, a less sustained
energy, a less orderly and completed rhythm.
— Ill Arrangement. — The absence of any
chronological order in the present structure of
the collection of Jeremiah's prophecies is obvi-
ous at the first glance. Confining ourselves,
for the present, to the Hebrew order (repro-
duced in the A. V.), we have two great divis-
ions: — (1.) Ch. i.-xlv. Prophecies delivered
at various times, directed mainly to Judah, or
connected with Jeremiah's personal history.
(2.) Ch. xlvi.-li. Prophecies connected with
other nations. Ch. lii., taken largely, though
not entirely, from 2 K. xxv., may be taken
either as a supplement to the prophecy, or as
an introduction to the Lamentations. Looking
more closely into each of these divisions, we
have the following sections: — I. Ch. i.-xxi.
Containing probably the substance of the book
of xxxvi. 32, and including prophecies from
the 13th year of Josiah to the 4th of Jehoiakim :
L 3, however, indicates a later revision, and the
whole of ch. i. may possibly have been added
on the prophet's retrospect of his whole work
from this its first beginning. Ch. xxi. belongs
to a later period, but has probably found its
place here as connected, by the recurrence of
the ""»* Pashor, with ch. xx. S. Ch. xxii.-
xxv. Shorter prophecies, delivered at different
times, against the kings of Judah and the false
prophets, xxv. 13, 14, evidently marks the
conclusion of a series of prophecies ; and that
which follows, xxv. 15-38, the germ of the
fuller predictions in xlvi.-xlix., has been placed
here as a kind of completion to the prophecy of
the Seventy Years and the subsequent fell of
Babylon. 3. Ch. xxvi.-xxviii. The two great
prophecies of the fall of Jerusalem, and the his-
tory connected with them. Ch. xxvi. belongs
to the earlier, ch. xxvii. and xxviii. to the later
period of the prophet's work. Jehoiakim, in
xxvii. 1 , is evidently (comp. ver. 3) a mistake
for Zedekiah. 4. Ch. xxix.-xxxi. The mes-
sage of comfort for the exiles in Babylon.
5. Ch. xxxii.-xliv. The history of the last two-
years before the capture of Jerusalem, and of
Jeremiah's work in them and in the period that
followed. The position of ch. xlv., unconnect-
ed with any thing before or after it, may be ac-
counted for on the hypothesis that Baruch de-
sired to place on record so memorable a pas-
sage in his own life, and inserted it where the
direct narrative of his master's life ended. The
same explanation applies in part to ch. xxxvi.
6. Ch. xlvi.-li. The prophecies against foreign
nations, ending with the great prediction
against Babylon. 7. The supplementary nar-
rative of ch. lii. — IV. Text. — The translation
of the LXX. presents many remarkable varia-
tions in the order of the several parts. The
two agree as far as xxv. 13. From that point
all is different, and the following table indicates
the extent of the divergency : —
LXX. «■■■■*.
nr. 14-11 - xHx.M-Ss.
xxvL — zlvL
snU.-zxfHL - L-a.
nix. 1-7 - llrti. -IT.
»-a - xnx.Ms>
an. I-* - tlU.l-S.
S-lt - SMS.
1S-1S - XMT.
XXxL m iflvtU.
XXXll. _ xxr.it-a
xxxUL-M. — xitI.-xW.
III. -111.
Jeromi'ah. Seven other persons bearing
the same name as the prophet are mentioned in
the O. T. L Jeremiah of Libnah, father of
Hamutal wife of Josiah (2 K. xxiii. 31). — 2.
8, 4. Three warriors — two of the tribe of Gad
— in David's army (1 Chr. xli. 4, 10, 13). — 0.
One of the " mighty men of valor " of the trans-
Jordanic half-tribe of Manasseh (1 Chr. v. 24).
— 6. A priest of high rank, head of the second
or third of the 21 courses which are apparently
enumerated in Neh. x. 2-8, xii. 1, 12. This
course, or its chief, took part in the dedication
of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 34). — 7.
The father of Jaasaniah the Rechabite (Jer.
xxxv. 3).
Jeremi'as. 1. The Greek form of the
name of Jeremiah the prophet (Eoclus. xlix. 6 ;
2 Mace. xv. 14 ; Matt xvi. 14).— 2. 1 Esd.
ix. 34. [Jbremai.]
Jer'emy, the prophet Jeremiah (1 Esd. i.
28, 32, 47757, ii. 1 ; 2 Esd. ii. 18 ; 2 Mace. ii.
1, 5, 7 ; Matt. ii. 17, xxvii. 9).
Jeriba'i, one of the Bene-Elnaan, named
among the heroes of David's guard (1 Chr. xi.
46).
Jericho, a city of high antiquity, and of
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JEROBOAM
considerable importance, situated in a plain trav-
ersed by the Jordan, and exactly over against
where that rivet wag crossed by the Israelites
under Joshna (Josh. iii. 16). Gilgal, which
formed their primary encampment, stood in its
east border (iv. 19). It had a king. Its walls
were so considerable that houses were built upon
them (ii. 15), and its gates were shut, as through-
out the East still, "when it was dark" (v. 5).
The spoil that was found in it betokened its
affluence. Jericho is first mentioned as the city
to which the two spies were sent by Joshua
from Shittim : they were lodged in the house
of liahab the harlot upon the wall, and departed,
having first promised to save her and all that
were found in her house from destruction (ii.
1-21 ). In the annihilation of the city that en-
sued, this promise was religiously observed . As
it had been left by Joshua it was bestowed by
him upon the tribe of Benjamin (Josh, xviii.
31 ), and from this time a long interval elapses
before Jericho appears again upon the scene.
It is only incidentally mentioned in the life of
David in connection with his embassy to the
Ammonite king (2 Sam. x. 5). And the solemn
manner in which its second foundation under
Hicl the Bethelite is recorded (1 K. xvi. 34)
would certainly seem to imply that up to that
time its site had been uninhabited. It is true
that mention is made of " a city of palm-trees "
( Judg. i. 16, and iii. 13) in existence apparently
at the time when spoken of. However, once
actually rebuilt, Jericho rose again slowly into
consequence. In its immediate vicinity the
sons of the prophets sought retirement from the
world : Elisha " healed the spring of the wa-
ters ; " and over against it, beyond Jordan, Eli-
jah " went up by a whirlwind into heaven " (2
K. ii. 1-22). In its plains, Zedekiah fell into
the hands of the Chaldeans (2 K. xxv. 5 ; Jer.
xxxix. 5). In the return under Zerubbabel the
" children of Jericho," 345 in number, are com-
prised (Ez. iii. 34 ; Neh. vii. 36) ; and it is even
implied that they removed thither again, for the
" men of Jericho " assisted Nehemiah in rebuild-
ing that part of the wall of Jerusalem that was
next to the sheep-gate (Neh. iii. 2). The Jeri-
cho of the days of Josephus was distant 1 50 sta-
dia from Jerusalem, and 50 from the Jordan. It
lay in a plain, overhung by a barren mountain
whose roots ran northwards towards Scythopo-
lis, and southwards in the direction of Sodom
and the Dead Sea. These formed the western
boundaries of the plain. Eastwards, its barri-
ers were the mountains of Moab, which ran par-
allel to the former. In the midst of the plain
— the great plain as it was called — flowed the
Jordan, and at the top and bottom of it were
two lakes : Tiberias, proverbial for its sweet-
ness, and Asphaltitcs for its bitterness. Away
from the Jordan it was parched and unhealthy
during summer ; but during winter, even when
it snowed at Jerusalem, the inhabitants here
wore linen garments. Hard by Jericho, burst-
ing forth close to the site of the old city, which
Joshua took on his entrance into Canaan, was
a most exuberant fountain, whose waters, before
noted for their contrary properties, had received,
proceeds Josephus, through Elisha's prayers,
their then wonderfully salutary and prolific effi-
cacy. Jericho was once more " a city of palms "
when our Lord visited it; such as Herod the
Great and Archelaus had left it, such He saw
it. Here He restored sight to the blind (two
certainly, perhaps three, St. Matt. xx. 30 ; St
Mark x. 46 : this was in leaving Jericho. St
Luke says " as He was come nigh unto Jericho,
&c., xviii. 35). Here the descendant of Rahab
did not disdain the hospitality of Zacchcus the
publican — whose office was likely to be lucra-
tive enough in so rich a city. Finally, between
Jerusalem and Jericho was laid the scene of His
story of the Good Samaritan. Posterior to the
Gospels the chronicle of Jericho may be briefly
told. Vespasian found it one of the toparchies
of Judaea, but deserted by its inhabitants in «
great measure when he encamped there. He
left a garrison on his departure — not necessa-
rily the 10th legion, whicn is only stated to have
marched through Jericho — which was still there
when Titus advanced upon Jerusalem. Is it
asked how Jericho was destroyed ? Evidently
by Vespasian. The city pillaged and burnt in
Bell. Jud. iv. 9, § 1 , was clearly Jericho with its
adjacent villages. The site of ancient (the first)
Jericho is with reason placed by Dr. Robinson
in the immediate neighborhood of the fountain
of Elisha; and that of the second (the city of
the N. T. and of Josephus) at the opening of
the Wady Kelt (Cherith), half an hour from the
fountain. These are precisely the sites that one
would infer from Josephus.
Jer'iel, a man of Issachar, one of the six
heads of the house of Tola at the time of the
census in the time of David (1 Chr. vii. 2).
Jer'emoth. 1. A Benjamite chief, a son
of the house of Bcriah of Elpaal (1 Chr. viii.
1 4 ; comp. 1 2 and 18). His family dwelt at Je-
rusalem. — 2. A Merarite Levite, son of Mnshi
(1 Chr. xxiii. 23). — 3. Son of Heman ; head
of the 13th course of musicians in the divine
service (1 Chr. xxv. 22). — 4. One of the sons
of Elam, and — 6. One of the sons of Zattu,
who had taken strange wives (Ezr. x. 26, 27).
— 6. The name which appears in the same list
as "and Ramoth " (vcr. 29).
Jeri'ah, a Kohathitc Levite, chief of the
{Treat house of Hebron when David organized
the service (1 Chr. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 23). The
same man is mentioned again as
Jeri'jah, in 1 Chr. xxvi. 31.
Jor'iinoth. 1. Son or descendant of Beta
(1 Chr. vii. 7). He is perhaps thesame as — 2.
who joined David nt Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5).
— 3. A son of Becher ( 1 Chr. vii. 8), and head
of another Benjamite house. — 4. Son of Mo-
shi, the son of Mcrari (1 Chr. xxiv. 30). — 6.
Son of Heman, head of the 15th ward of musi-
cians (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 22). — 6. Son of Azriel,
ruler of the tribe of Naphtali in the reign of Da-
vid ( 1 Chr. xxvii. 19). —7. Son of King David,
whose daughter Mahalath was one of the wive*
of Rchoboam, her cousin Abihoil being the other
(2 Chr. xi. 18). — 8. A Levite in the reign of
Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 13).
Jer'ioth, one of the elder Caleb's wives ( 1
Chr. ii. 18) ; but according to the Vulgate she
was his daughter by his first wife Azubah.
JerobO'am. 1. The first king of the divid-
ed kingdom of Israel. He was the son of an
Ephraimite of the name of Nebat; bis father
had died whilst he was young. At the time
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JEROBOAM
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JEROHAM
when Solomon was constructing the fortifica-
tions of Millo underneath the citadel of Zion,
his sagacious eye discovered the strength and
activity of a young Ephraimite who was em-
ployed on the works, and he raised him to the
rank of superintendent over the taxes and labors
exacted from the tribe of Ephraim (1 K. xi. 28).
This was Jeroboam. He made the most of his
position. He completed the fortifications, and
was long afterwards known as the man who had
"enclosed the city of David" (1 K. xi. 24;
LXX.). He then aspired to royal state, and at
last was perceived by Solomon to bo aiming at
the monarchy. These ambitious designs were
probably fostered by the sight of the growing
disaffection of the great tribe over which he pre-
sided, as well as by the alienation of the pro-
phetic order from the house of Solomon. He
was leaving Jerusalem, and he encountered on
one of the Mack-paved roads which ran out of
the city, Ahijah, " the prophet " of the .orient
sanctuary of Shiloh. Ahijah drew him aside
from the road into the field (LXX.), and, as
soon as they found themselves alone, the proph-
et, who was dressed in a new outer garment,
stripped it off, and tore it into 1 2 shreds ; 10 of
which he gave to Jeroboam, with the assurance
that, on condition of his obedience to His laws,
God would establish for him a kingdom and
dynasty equal to that of David ( 1 K. xi. 29-40).
The attempts of Solomon to cut short Jerobo-
am's designs occasioned his flight into Egypt.
There he remained during the rest of Solomon's
reign. On Solomon's death, he demanded
Shishak's permission to return. The Egyptian
king seems, in his reluctance, to have offered
any gift which Jeroboam chose, as a reason for
his remaining, and tbe consequence was the
marriage with Ano, the elder sister of the
Egyptian queen, Tahpenes, and of another
princess who had married the Edomite chief,
iladad. A year elapsed, and a son, Abijah
(or Abijam), was born. Then Jeroboam again
requested permission to depart, which was
granted; and he returned with his wife and
child to his native place, Sarira, or Zereda,
which he fortified, and which in consequence
became a centre foi his fellow-tribesmen (1 K.
xi. 41, xii. 24, LXX.). Still there was no
open act of insurrection, and it was in this pe-
riod of suspense (according to the LXX.) that
a pathetic incident darkened bis domestic his-
tory. His infant son fell sick. The anxious
father sent his wife to inquire of Ahijah con-
cerning him. She brought such gifts as were
thought likely to be acceptable, and had dis-
guised herself to avoid recognition. But the
blind prophet knew who was coming ; and
bade his boy go out to meet her, and invite her
to his house without delay. There he warned
her of the uselessness of her gifts. There was
a doom on the house of Jeroboam, not to be
averted. This child alone would die before the
calamities of the house arrived. The mother
returned. As she re-entered the town of Sarira
(Heb. Tirzah, 1 K. xiv. 17), the child died.
This incident, if it really occurred at this time,
seems to have been the turning-point in Jero-
boam's career. It drove him from his ances-
tral home, and it gathered the sympathies of
the tribe of Ephraim round him. He left
ft
Sarira and came to Shechem. Then., for the
second time, and in a like manner, the divine
intimation of his future greatness is conveyed
to him. The prophet Shemaiah, the Enlamite,
addressed to him the same acted parable, in
the ten shreds of a new unwashed garment-
Then took place the conference with Reho-
boam, and the final revolt ; which ended in the
elevation of Jeroboam to the throne of the
northern kingdom. From this moment one
fatal error crept, not unnaturally, into his pol-
icy, which undermined his dynasty, and tar-
nished his name as the first king of Israel.
The political disruption of the kingdom was
complete ; but its religions unity was as yet un-
impaired. He feared that the yearly pilgrim-
ages to Jerusalem would undo all the work
which he effected, and he took the bold sti
of rending it asunder. Two sanctuaries
venerable antiquity existed already, one at the
souther^, the other at the northern extremity
of his douinions. These he elevated into seats
of the national worship, which should rival
the newly established Temple at Jerusalem.
But he was not satisfied without another devia-
tion from the Mosaic idea of the national unity.
His long stay in Egypt had familiarized him
with the outward forms under which the Di-
vinity was there represented. A golden figure
of Mnevis, tbe sacred calf of Heliopolis, was
set up at each sanctuary, with the address,
" Behold thy God which brought thee up out
of the land of Egypt." The sanctuary at Dan,
as the most remote from Jerusalem, was estab-
lished first (I. K. xii. 30). The more impor-
tant one, as nearer the capital and in the heart
of the kingdom, was Bethel Tbe worship
and the sanctuary continued till Ihe end of the
northern kingdom. It was while dedicating
the altar at Bethel that a prophet from Judan
suddenly appeared, who denounced the altar,
and foretold its desecration by Josiah, and
violent overthrow. The king stretching out
his hand to arrest the prophet, felt it withered
and paralyzed, and only at the prophet's
prayer saw it restored, and acknowledged his
divine mission. Jeroboam was at constant war
with the house of Judah, but the only act dis-
tinctly recorded is a battle with Abijah, son of
Rehoboam ; in which he was defeated. The
calamity was severely felt; he never recovered
the blow, and soon after died, in tbe 22d year
of his reign (2 Chr. xiii. 20), and was buried
in his ancestral sepulchre (1 K. xiv. 20). — 2.
Jeroboam II., the son of Joash, the 4th of the
dynasty of Jehu. The most prosperous of the
kings of Israel. He repelled the Syrian in-
vaders, took their capital city Damascus (2 K
xiv. 28 ; Am. i. 8-5), and recovered the whole
of the ancient dominion from Hamath to the
Dead Sea (xiv. 25 ; Am. vi. 14). Ammon and.
Moab were reconquered (Am. i. 13, ii. 1-3) ;
the Trans-Jordanic tribes were restored to their
territory (2 K. xiii. 5 ; 1 Chr. v. 17-22). But
it was merely an outward restoration. Amos
was charged by Amaziah with prophesying tlie
destruction of Jeroboam and his house by the
sword (Am. vii. 9, 17).
Jer'oham. 1. Father of Elkanab, the fa-
ther of Samuel, of the house of Kohath (1 Chr.
vi. 27, 34; 1 Sam. i. 1). — 2. A Benjamite,
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JERUSALEM
■ad the founder of • family of Bene-Jeroham
il Chr. viii. 27). Probably the same as — 3.
'atber (or progenitor) of Ibneiah ( 1 Chr. ix. 8 ;
comp. 3 and 9). — 4. A descendant of Aaron,
of the house of Immer, the leader of the six-
teenth course of priests; son of Pashur and
father of Adaiah (1 Chr. ix. 12). He appears
to be mentioned again in Nch. xi. 12. — 5.
Jeroham of Gedor, some of whose sons joined
David at Ziklag ( 1 Chr. xii. 7). —6. A Danite,
whose son or descendant Azareel was head of
his tribe in the time of David (1 Chr. xxvii.
22). — 7. Father of Azariah, one of the " cap-
tains of hundreds" in the time of Athaliah
(2 Chr. xxiii. 1 ).
Jerubba'al, the surname of Gideon which
he acquired in consequence of destroying the
altar of Baal, when his father defended him
from the vengeance of the Abi-ezirites (Judg.
vi. 82).
Jerubbesh'eth, a name of Gideon (2 Sam.
xi. 21).
Jer'uel, the Wilderness of, the place
in which Jehoshaphat was informed by Jahaziel
the Levite that he should encounter the hordes
of Amnion, Moab, and the Mehunims (2 Chr.
xx. 16). The name has not been met with.
Jeru'salem. The subject of Jerusalem
naturally divides itself into three heads : — I.
The place itself : its origin, position, and physi-
cal characteristics. IL The annals of the
city. III. The topography of the town; the
relative localities of its various parts ; the sites
of the " Holy Places " ancient and modern, 4c.
I. The Place itself. — The arguments —
if arguments they can be callod — for and
against the identity of the " Salem " of Mel-
chizedek (Gen. xiv. 18) with Jerusalem — the
" Salem " of a late Psalmist (Ps. lxxvi. 2) —
are almost equally balanced. This question
will be discussed under the head of Salem. It
is during the conquest of the country that Jeru-
salem fin t appears in definite form on the scene
in which it was destined to occupy so promi-
nent a position. The earliest notice is probably
that in Josh. xv. 8 and xviii. 16, 28, describing
the landmarks of the boundaries of Judah and
Benjamin. Here it is styled Ha-Jebusi, i.e.
" the Jebusite " (A. V. Jebusi), after the name
of its occupiers, just as is the case with other
places in these lists. Next, we find the form
Jebus (Judg. xix. 10, 11) — " Jebus, which is
Jerusalem . . . the city of the Jcbusitcs ; "
and lastly, in documents which profess to be of
the same age as the foregoing — we have Jeru-
salem (Josh. x. 1, &c., xii. 10; Judg. i. 7, &c.).i
Jerusalem stands in latitude 31° 46' 35" North,
and longitude 35° 18' 30" East of Green-
wich. It is 32 miles distant from the sea, and
18 from the Jordan; 20 from Hebron, and 36
from Samaria. The western ridge of the city,
which forms its highest point, is about 2,600
feet above the level of the sea. The Mount of
Olives rises slightly above this — 2,724 feet.
The situation of the city in reference to the rest
of Palestine has been described by Dr. Robin-
son in a well-known passage, which is so com-
1 In every ease where the name Jerusalem ap-
pears prior to the time of David, tt has been substi-
tuted oy eopylsts for the original name Jebus.—
Ed.
plete and graphic a statement of the case, that
we take the liberty of giving it entire. " Jeru-
salem lies near the summit of a broad mountain
ridge. This ridge or mountainous tract ex-
tends, without interruption, from the plain of
Esdraelon to a line drawn between the south
end of the Dead Sea and the S. E. corner of
the Mediterranean : or more properly, perhaps,
it may be regarded as extending as far south as
to Joel 'Ami/ in the desert; where it sinks
down at once to the level of the great western
plateau. This tract, which is everywhere not
less than from twenty to twenty-five geographi-
cal miles in breadth, is in fact high uneven table-
land. It everywhere forms the precipitous
western wall ot' the great Valley of the Jordan
and the Dead Sea; while towards the west it
sinks down by an offset into a range of lower
hills, which lie between it and the great plain
along the coast of the Mediterranean. The
surface of this upper region is everywhere
rocky, uneven, and mountainous ; and is more-
over cut up by deep valleys which run east or
west on either side towards the Jordan or the
Mediterranean. The line of division, or water-
shed, between the waters of these valleys, — a
term which here applies almost exclusively to
the waters of the rainy season, — follows for
the most part the height of land along the
ridge ; yet not so but that the heads of the val-
leys, which run off in different directions, often
interlap for a considerable distance. Thus, for
example, a valley which descends to the Jordan,
often has its head a mile or two westward of
the commencement of other valleys which run
to the western sea. From the great plain of
Esdraelon onwards towards the south, the
mountainous country rises gradually, forming
the tract anciently known as the mountains of
Ephraim and Judah : until in the vicinity of
Hebron it attains an elevation of nearly 8,000
Paris feet above the level of the Mediterranean
Sea. Further north, on a line drawn from the
north end of the Dead Sea towards the true
west, the ridge has an elevation of only about
2,500 Paris feet ; and here, close upon the
water-shed, lies the cityof Jerusalem. Six or
seven miles N. and N. w. of the city is spread
out the open plain or basin round about el-Jib
(Gibeon), also extending towards d-Btreh (Bee-
roth) ; the waters of which flow off at its a. E.
part through the deep valley here called by the
Arabs Wady Beit Banina, — but to which
the monks and travellers have usually given the
name of the Valley of Turpentine, or of the
Terebinth, on the mistaken supposition that it
is the ancient Valley of Elan. This great val-
ley passes along in a S. W. direction an hour
or more west of Jerusalem ; and finally opens
out from the mountains into th* western plain,
at the distance of six or eight hours S. W. from
the city, under the name of Wady a-Sirar.
The traveller, on his way from Ramleh to Jeru-
salem, descends into ana crosses this deep val-
ley at the village of KSlonteli on its western side,
an hour and a half from the latter city. On
again reaching the high ground on its eastern
side, he enters upon an open tract sloping grad-
ually downwards towards the south and east ;
and sees before him, at the distance of a mile
and a half, the walls and domes of the Holy
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City, and beyond them the higher ridge or sum-
mit of the Moan t of Olivets. The traveller now
descend* gradually towards the city along a
broad swell of ground, having at some distance
on hit left the shallow northern part of the
Valley of Jehoshaphat ; and close at hand on
bis right the basin which forms the beginning
of the Valley of Hinnom. Upon the broad and
elevated promontory within the fork of these
two valleys lies the Holy City. All around are
higher hills ; on the east, the Mount of Olives ;
on the south, the Hill of Evil Counsel, so called,
rising directly from the Vale of Hinnom ; on
the west, the ground rises gently, as above de-
scribed, to the borders of the great Wady ; while
on the north, a bend of the ridge connected with
the Mount of Olives bounds the prospect at the
distance of more than a mile. Towards the
8. W. the view is somewhat more open ; for
here lies the plain of Rephaim, already de-
scribed, commencing just at the southern brink
of the Valley of Hinnom, and stretching off
8. W., where* it runs to the western sea. In the
N. W., too, the eye reaches up along the upper
put of the Valley of Jehoshaphat ; and from
many points, can discern the mosque of Ncby
Saamt, situated on a lofty ridge beyond the
great Wady, at the distance of two hours"
(Robinson's Bibl. Raearche*,\. 258-260). The
brights of the principal points in and round
the city, above the Mediterranean Sea, as given
by Lt Van de Velde, in the Memoir accom-
panying his Map, 1858, are as follow : —
r«et
K. W «rro*r of the city ( Katr Jalud) MM
■wt Hon ( Ca n aemlm m) JM7
UamiUori^h {UaramttkS/terjO Mil
BrUjf« over tile Kedron, near uetluemane . . . . tM
rwlef SDoam MM
straws, at the oonoaenee of Hinnom and Kedron ISM
aoentof Ouvee, Cburch of Aaceoalou on summit . ttZi
Bead*. — There appear to have been but two
main approaches to the city. 1. From the
Jordan Valley by Jericho and the Mount of
Olires. This was the route commonly taken
from the north and east of the country — as
from Galilee by onr Lord (Luke xvii. 11, xviii.
35, xix. 1, 29, 45, Ac.), from Damascus by
Pompey, to Marian aim by David (2 Sam. xv.,
xvl). It was also the route from places in the
antral districts of the country, as Samaria (2
Chr. xxviii. 15). The latter part of the ap-
proach, over the Mount of Olives, as generally
followed at the present day, is identical with
fast it was, at least in one memorable instance,
d the time of Christ. 2. From the great mari-
time plain of Philistia and Sharon. This road
W by the two Beth-horons up to the high
pound at Gibeon, whence it turned south, and
csme to Jerusalem by Ramah and Gibeah, and
onr the ridge north of the city. 3. The com-
■aoication with the mountainous districts of
die south is less distinct. — Gate*. — The situa-
tion of the various gates of the city is examined
in Section DX It may, however, be desirable
to supply here a complete list of those which
ere named in the Bible and Josephus, with the
references to their occurrences : — 1. Gate of
Jfybraim. 2 Chr. xxv. 23 ; Neh. viii 16, xii.
». This is probably the same as the — 2. Gate
af Benjamin. Jer. xx. 2, xxxvii. 13; Zech.
48
xiv. 10. If so, it was 400 cubits distant from
the — 3. Corner gate. 2 Chr. xxv. 23, xxvi.
9 ; Jer. xxxi. 38 ; Zech. xiv. 10. 4. Gate of
Joshua, governor of the city. 2 K. xxiii. 8.
5. Gate between the two walls 2 K. xxv. 4 ;
Jer. xxxix. 4. 6. Horse gate. Neh. iii. 38 ;
2 Chr. xxiii. 13; Jer. xxxi. 40. 7. Ravine
gate (U. opening on ravine of Hinnom). 2
Chr. xxvi. 9; Neh. ii. 13, 15, iii. 13. 8. Fish
gate. 1 Chr. xxxiii. 14 ; Neh. iii. I ; Zeph. i.
16. 9. Dung gate. Neh- ii. 13, iii. 13. 10.
Sheep gate. Neh. iii. 1, 32, xii. 39. 11. East
gate. Neh. iii. 29. 12. Miphkad. Neh. iii.
31. 13. Fountain gate (Siloam ?). Neh. xii.
37. 14. Water gate. Neh. xii. 37. 15. Old
gate. Neh. xii. 39. 16. Prison gate. Neb.
xii. 39. 17. Gate Harsith (perhaps the Sun;
A. V. East gate). Jer. xix. 2. 18. First gate.
Zech. xiv. 10. 19. Gate Gonna th (gardens).
Joseph. B. J. v. 4, § 4. 20. Essenes' gate.
Jos. B. J. 4, §2. — To these should be added
the following gates of the Temple : — Gate Sur.
2 K. xi. 6. Called also Gate of foundation.
2 Chr. xxiii. 5. Gate of the guard, or behind
the guard. 2 K. xi. 6, 19. Called the High
gate. 2 Chr. xxiii. 20, xxvii. 3 ; 2 K. xv. 35.
Gate Shallecheth. 1 Chr. xxvi. 16. — Burial-
grounds. — The main cemetery of the city seems
from an early date to have been where it is still
— on the steep slopes of the Valley of the Ke-
dron. The tombs of the kings were in the city
of David, that is, Mount /ion. The royal
sepulchres were probably chambers containing
separate recesses for the successive kings. Other
rts also were used for burial. — Wood; Gar-
i. — The king's gardens of David and Sol-
omon seem to have been in the bottom formed
by the confluence of the Kedron and Hinnom
(Neh. iii. 15). The Mount of Olives, as its
name and those of various places upon it seem
to imply, was a fruitful spot. At its foot was
situated the Garden of Gethsemane. At the
time of the final siege the space north of the
wall of Agrippa was covered with gardens,
rves, and plantations of fruit-trees, enclosed
_ hedges and walls; and to level these was
one of Titus's first operations. We know that
the gate Gennath (i.e. " of gardens ") opened on
this side of the city. — Water. — How the gar-
dens just mentioned on the north of the city
were watered it is difficult to understand, since
at present no water exists in that direction. At
the time of the siege there was a reservoir in
that neighborhood called the Serpent's Pool ;
but it has not been discovered in modern times.
The subject of the waters is more particularly
discussed in the third section, and reasons are
shown for believing that at one time a very
copious source existed somewhere north of the
town, the outflow of which was stopped, pos-
sibly by Hezekiah, and the water led under-
ground to reservoirs in the city, and below the
Temple. — Street*, Houte*, frc. — Of the nature
of these in tho ancient city we have only the
most scattered notices. The " East street " (2
Chr. xxix. 4); the "street of the city" — i.e.
the city of David (xxxii. 6) ; the " street facing
the water gate " (Neh. viii. 1, 3) — or, accord-
ing to the parallel account in 1 Esdr. ix. 38,
the " broad place of the Temple towards the
East; " the street of the house of God (Ear.x.
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9) ; the " street of the gate of Ephraim " (Neh.
nii. 16); and the " open place of the first gate
towards the East," mast have been not " streets "
in our sense of the word, so much as the open
spaces found in Eastern towns round the inside
of the gates. Streets, properly so called, there
were (Jer. v. 1, xi. 13, &c.) ; but the name of
only one, " the bakers' street " (Jer. xxxvii. 21 ),
is preserved to us. To the houses we have even
less clew; but there is no reason to suppose
that in either houses or streets the ancient Jeru-
salem differed very materially from the modern.
No doubt the ancient city did not exhibit that
air of mouldering dilapidation which is now so
prominent there. The whole of the slopes
south of the Haram area (the ancient Ophel),
and the modern Zion, and the west side of the
Valley of Jehoshaphat, present the appearance
of gigantic mounds of rubbish. In this point
at least the ancient city stood in favorable con-
trast with the modem, but in many others the
resemblance must have been strong. — Environs
of the City. — The various spots in the neighbor-
hood of the city will be described at length un-
der their own names, and to them the reader is
accordingly referred.
II. The Annals op the Citt. — In con-
sidering the annals of the city of Jerusalem,
nothing strikes one so forcibly as the number
and severity of the sieges which it underwent.
We catch our earliest glimpse of it in the brief
notice of the 1st chapter of Judges, which de-
scribes how the " children of Judah smote it
with the edge of the sword, and set the city on
fire ; " and almost the latest mention of it in the
New Testament is contained in the solemn warn-
ings in which Christ foretold how Jerusalem
should be " compassed with armies" (Luke xxi.
20), and the abomination of desolation be seen
standing in the Holy Place (Matt xxiv. 15).
In the fifteen centuries which elapsed between
those two points, the city was besieged no fewer
than seventeen times ; twice it was razed to
the ground; and on two other occasions its
walls were levelled. In this respect it stands
without a parallel in any city ancient or mod-
ern. The fact is one of great significance.
The first siege appears to nave taken place
almost immediately after the death of Joshua
(cir. 1400 B.C.). Judah and Simeon "fought
against it and took it, and smote it with the
edge of the sword, and set the city on fire"
(Judg. i. 8). To this brief notice Josephus
makes a material addition. He tells us that
the part which was taken at last, and in which
the slaughter was made, was the lower city ;
but that the upper city was so strong, that they
relinquished the attempt, and moved off to He-
bron. As long as the upper city remained in
the hands of the Jebusites they practically had
possession of the whole, and a Jebusite city in
fact it remained for a long period after this. The
Benjamites followed the men of Judah to Jeru-
salem, but with no hotter result (Judg. i. 21 ).
And this lasted during the whole period of the
Judges, the reign of Saul, and the reign of
David at Hebron. David advanced to the siege
at the head of the men-of-war of all the tribes
who had come to Hebron " to turn the king-
dom of Saul to him." They are stated as
280,000 men, choice warriors of the flower of
Israel (1 Chr. xii. 23-39). No doubt they ty.
{>roached the city from the south. As before, tht
ower city was immediately taken, and, as before,
the citadel held out The undaunted Jebnsito
believing in the impregnability of their fortress,
manned the battlements " with lame and blind."
David's anger was roused by the insult, and he
proclaimed to his host that the first who would
scale the rocky side of the fortress and kill •
Jebusite should be made chief captain of the
host. A crowd of warriors rushed forward to
the attempt, but Joab's superior agility gained
him the day, and the citadel, the fastness of
Zion, was taken (cir. 1046 B.C.). David at once
proceeded to secure himself m his new acquisi-
tion. He enclosed the whole of the city with a
wall, and connected it with the citadel. The
sensation caused by the fall of this impregnable
fortress must have been enormous. It reached
even to the distant Tyre, and before long an
embassy arrived from Hiram, the king of Phoj-
nicia, with the characteristic offerings of artifi-
cers and materials to erect a palace for David
in his new abode. The palace was built, and
occupied by the fresh establishment of wires
and concubines which David acquired. The
arrival of the Ark was an event of great im-
portance. It was deposited with the most im-
pressive ceremonies, and Zion became at once
the great sanctuary of the nation. In the
fortress of Zion, too, was the sepulchre of
David. The only works of ornament which
we can ascribe to him are the "royal gardens,"
which appear to have been formed by him in
the level space south-east of the city, formed
by the confluence of the valleys of Kedron and
Hinnom. Until the time of Solomon, we hear
of no additions to the city. His three great
works were the Temple, with its east wall and
cloister, his own Palace, and the Wall of Jerusa-
lem. One of the first acts of the new king was
to make the walls larger. But on the comple-
tion of the Temple he again turned his attention
to the walls, and both increased their height,
and constructed very large towers along them.
Another work of his in Jerusalem was the re-
pair or fortification of Millo (1 K. ix. 15, 24).
His care of the roads leading to the city is the
subject of a special panegyric from Josephus.
Rehoboam had only been on the throne four
years (cir. 970 B.C.) when Shishak, king of
Egypt, invaded Judah with an enormous host,
took the fortified places, and advanced to the
capital. Rehoboam did not attempt resistance
(2 Chr. xii. 9). Jerusalem was again threat-
ened in die reign of Asa, when Zerah the Cnsh-
ite, or king of Ethiopia, invaded the country
with an enormous horde of followers (2 Chr.
xiv. 9). He came by the road through the low
country of Philistia, where his chariots could
find level ground. But Asa was more faith-
ful and more valiant than Rehoboam had been.
He did not remain to be blockaded in Jeru-
salem, bnt went forth and met the enemy at
Mareshah, and repulsed him with great slaugh-
ter (cir. 940). The reign of his son Jehosha-
phat, though of great prosperity and splendor,
is not remarkable as regards the city of Jem
salem. Wo hear of a " new court " to the
Temple, but have no clew to its situation or its
builder (2 Chr. xx. 5). Jshoshaphat's son
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Jcboram was a prince of a different temper.
Ho began bis reign (cir. 887) by a massacre of
his brethren and of the chief men of the king-
dom. The Philistines and Arabians attacked
Jerusalem, broke into the palace, spoiled it of
all its treasures, sacked the royal harem, killed
or carried off the king's wires, and all his sons
but one. This was the fourth siege. The
next events in Jerusalem were the massacre of
the royal children by Joram's widow Athaliah,
and the six years' reign of that queen. But
with the increasing years of Joash, the spirit
of the adherents of Jehovah returned. The
king was crowned and proclaimed in the Tem-
ple l>y Jehoioda. Athaliah herself was hurried
out to execution from the sacred precincts into
the Valley of the Kedron. But this zeal for Je-
hovah soon expired. The burial of the good
priest in the royal tombs could hardly have been
forgotten before a general relapse into idolatry
took place, and his son Zechariah was stoned
with his family in the very court of the Temple
for protesting. The retribution invoked by the
dying martyr quickly followed. Before the end
of the year (cir. 838), Hazael, king of Syria, af-
ter possessing himself of Gath, marched against
the much richer prize of Jerusalem. The visit
was averted by a timely offering of treasure from
the Temple and the royal palace (3 K. xii. 18 ;
2 Chr. xxiv. 23). The predicted danger to the
city was, however, only postponed. After the
defeat of Amaziah by Joash, the gates were
thrown open, the treasures of the Temple and
the king's private treasures were pillaged, and
for the first time the walls of the city were in-
jured. A clear breach was made in them of
400 cubits in length " from the gate of Ephroim
to the corner gate," and through this Joash
drove in triumph, with his captive in the cha-
riot, into the city. This must have been on the
north side, and probably at the present north-
west corner of the walls. The long reign of
Uzziah (2 K. xv. 1-7 ; 2 Chr. xxvi.) brought
about a material improvement in the fortunes
of Jerusalem. The walls were thoroughly re-
paired and furnished for the first time with ma-
chines, then expressly invented for shooting
stones and arrows against besiegers. Later in
this reign happened the great earthquake de-
scribed by Josephus [Ant. ix. 10, § 4), and al-
luded to by the prophets as a kind of era (see
Stanley, S. 4r P- 184, 125). A serious breach
was made in the Temple itself, and below the
city a large fragment was detached from the
hill at Enrogel, and, rolling down the slope,
overwhelmed the king's gardens at the junction
of the Valleys of Hinnom and Kedron, and
rested against the bottom of the slope of Olivet.
Jotham (cir. 756) inherited his father's sagaci-
ty, as well as his tastes for architecture and
warfare. His works in Jerusalem were building
the upper gateway to the Templo — apparently
a gate communicating with the palace (2 Chr.
xxiii. 20) — and porticoes leading to the same.
He also built much on Ophel (2 K. xv. 35 ; 2
Chr. xxvii. 3), repaired the walls wherever they
were dilapidated, and strengthened them by-
very large and strong towers. Before the death
of Jotham (b.c. 740), the clouds of the Syrian
invasion began to gather. They broke on the
Jiead of Ahaz his successor ; Rezin king of Sy-
ria and Fekah king of Israel joined their armies
and invested Jerusalem (2 K. xvi. 5). The for-
tifications of the two previous kings enabled the
city to hold out during a siege of great length.
In the fight which followed, the men of Judah
lost severely, but there is no mention of the citv
having been plundered. To oppose the confed-
eracy which nad so injured bim, Ahaz had re-
course to Assyria. To collect presents he went
so far as to lay hands on part of the permanent
works of the Temple (2 K. xvi. 17, 18). Wheth-
er the application to Assyria relieved Ahaz from
one or both of his enemies, is not clear. From
one passage it would seem that Tiglath-Pilescr
actually came to Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxviii. 20).
At any rate, the intercourse resulted in fresh
idolatries, and fresh insults in the Temple. The
very first act of Hezekiah (b.c. 724) was to re-
store what his father had desecrated (2 Chr.
xxix. 3 ; and see 36, " suddenly "). High-places,
altars, the mysterious and obscene symbols
of Baal and Asherah, the venerable brazen ser-
pent of Moses itself, were torn down, broken to
pieces, and the fragments cast into the Valley
of the Kedron (2 Chr. xxx. 14; 2 K. xviii. 4).
It was probably at this time that the decorations
of the Temple were renewed. And now ap-
proached the greatest crisis which had yet oc-
curred in the history of the city : the dreaded
Assyrian army was to appear under its walls.
Hezekiah prepared for the siege. The springs
round Jerusalem were stopped — that is, their
outflow was prevented, and the water diverted
underground to the interior of the city (2 K.
xx. 20 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 4). This done, ne care-
fully repaired the walls of the city, furnisued
them with additional towers, and built a second
wall (2 Chr. xxxii. 5 ; Is. xxii. 10). He strength-
ened the fortifications of the citadel (2 Chr.
xxxii. 5, " Millo ; " Is. xxii. 9), and prepared
abundance of ammunition. At the time of Ti-
tus's siege the name of " the Assyrian Camp "
was still attached to a spot north of the city in
remembrance either of this or the subsequent
visit of Nebuchadnezzar. The reign of Manas-
sch (b.c. 696) must have been an eventful one
in the annals of Jerusalem, though only meagre
indications of its events are to be found in the
documents. He built a fresh wall to the cita-
del, "from the west side of Gihon-in-the-valley
to the fish-gate," i-e. apparently along the east
side of the central valley, which parts the upper
and lower cities from S. to N. He also con-
tinued the works which had been begun by Jo-
tham at Ophel, and raised that fortress or struc-
ture to a great height. The reign of Josiah
(b.c. 639) was marked by a more strenuous zeal
for Jehovah than even that of Hezekiah had
been. Ho began his reign at eight years of age,
and by his twentieth year (twelfth'of his reign
— 2 Chr. xxxiv. 3) commenced a thorough re-
moval of the idolatrous abuses of Manasseh and
Amon, and even some of Ahaz, which must
have escaped the purgations of Hezekiah (2 K.
xxviii. 12). His rash opposition to Pharaoh
Necho cost him his life, bis son his throne, and
Jerusalem much suffering. Before Jehoahaz
(b.c. 608) bad been reigning three months, the
Egyptian king found opportunity to send to Je-
rusalem, from Riblah where he was then on-
camped, a force sufficient to depose and takt
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him prisoner, to put his brother Eliakim on the
throne, and to exact a heavy fine from the city
and country, which was paid in advance by the
new king, and afterwards extorted by taxation
(2 K. xxiii. 33, 35). The fall of the city was
now rapidly approaching. During the reign of
Jehoiakim, Jerusalem was visited By Nebuchad-
nezzar, with the Babylonian army lately victo-
rious over the Egyptians at Carchemish. The
visit was possibly repeated once, or even twice.
A siege there must have been ; but of this we
have no account. Jehoiakim was succeeded by
his son Jehoiachin (B.C. 597). Hardly had his
short reign begun before the terrible army of
Babylon re-appeared before the city, again com-
manded by Nebuchadnezzar (2 K. xxiv. 10, 11).
Jehoiachin surrendered in the third month of
his reign. The treasures of the palace and
Temple were pillaged, certain golden articles
of Solomon's original establishment, which had
escaped the plunder and desecrations of the
previous reigns, were cut up (2 K. xxiv. 13),
and the more desirable objects out of the Tem-
ple carried off (Jer. xxvii. 19). The uncle of
Jehoiachin was made king in his stead, by the
name of Zedekiah (2 Chr. xxxvi. 13 ; Ezek.
xvii. 13, 14, 18). He applied to Pharaoh Hoph-
ra for assistance (Ezek. xvii. 15). Upon this,
Nebuchadnezzar marched in person to Jerusa-
lem (b c. 588), and at once began a regular
wege. at the same time wasting the country far
ana near (Jer. xxxiv. 7). The siege was con-
ducted by erecting forts on lofty mounds round
the city, from which, on the usual Assyrian
plan, missiles were discharged into the town,
«nd the walls and houses in them battered by
nuns (Jer. xxxii. 24, xxxiii. 4, Hi. 4; Ezek.
xxi. 22). The city was also surrounded with
troops (Jer. Hi. 7). The siege was once aban-
doned, owing to the approach of the Egyptian
army (Jer. xxxvii. 5, 11). But the relief was
«nly temporary, and in the 11th of Zedekiah
(B.C. 586), on the 9th day of the 4th month
(Jer. Hi. 6), being just a year and a half from
the first investment, the city was taken. It
was at midnight The whole city was wrapped
in the pitchy darkness characteristic of an East-
ern town, and nothing was known by the Jews
of what had happened till the generals of the
army entered the Temple (Joseph.) and took
their seats in the middle court (Jer. xxxix. 3 ;
Jos. Ant. x. 8, § 2). Then the alarm was given
to Zedekiah, and, collecting his remaining war-
riors, he stole out of the city by a gate at the
south side, somewhere near the present Bab-d-
Mugharibeh, crossed the Kedron above the royal
gardens, and made his way over the Mount of
Olives to the Jordan Valley. At break of day,
information of the flight was brought to the
Chaldseans by some deserters. A rapid pursuit
was made : Zedekiah was overtaken near Jeri-
cho, his people were dispersed, and he himself
captured and reserved tor a miserable fate at
Riblah. Meantime the wretched inhabitants
Buffered all the horrors of assault and sack : the
men were slaughtered, old and young, prince
and peasant; the women violated in Mount
Zion itself (Lam. ii. 4, v. 11, 12). On the sev-
enth day of the following month (2 K. xxv. 8),
Nebuzaradan, the commander of the king s
body-guard, who seems to have been charged
with Nebuchadnezzar's instructions as to what
should be done with the city, arrived. Two
days were passed, probably in collecting the cap-
tives and bootv ; and on the tenth (Jer. lii. 12)
the Temple, the royal palace, and all the more
important buildings of the city, were set on fire,
and the walls thrown down and left as heaps of
disordered rubbish on the ground (Neh. iv. 2).
The previous deportations, and the suffering*
endured in the siege, must to a great extent
have drained the place of its able-bodied people ;
and thus the captives, on this occasion, were
but few and unimportant. The land was prac-
tically deserted of all but the very poorest class.
Five years afterwards — the 23d of Nebuchad-
nezzar's reign — the insatiable Nebuzaradan,
on his way to Egypt, again visited the ruins,
and swept off 745 more of the wretched peas-
ants (Jer. lii. 30). Thus Jerusalem at last had
fallen, and the Temple, set op under such fair
auspices, was a heap of blackened ruins. The
spot, however, was none the less sacred because
the edifice was destroyed. It was still the cen-
tre of hope to the people in captivity, and the
time soon arrived for their return to it. The
decree of Cyrus authorizing the rebuilding
of the " house of Jehovah, God of Israel, which
is in Jerusalem," was issued B.C. 536. In con-
sequence thereof, a very large caravan of Jews
arrived in the country. A short time was oc-
cupied in settling in their former cities, but on
the first day of the 7th month (Ezr. iii. 6) a
general assembly was called together at Jeru-
salem, in " the open place of the first gate
towards the east " (I Esd. r. 47) ; the altar was
set up, and the daily morning and evening sac-
rifices commenced. Arrangements were made
for stone and timber for the fabric, and in the
2d year after their return (b.c. 534), on the
1st day of the 2d month (1 Esd. v. 57), the foun-
dation of the Temple was laid. But the work
was destined to suffer material interruptions.
The chiefs of the people by whom Samaria had
been colonized annoyed and hindered them in
every possible way ; but ultimately the Temple
was finished and dedicated in the 6th year of
Darius (B.C. 516), on the 3d (or 23d, 1 Esdr.
vii. 5) of Adar — the last month, and on the
14th day of the new year the first Passover was-
celebrated. All this time the walls of the city
remained as the Assyrians had left them (Neh.
ii. 12, 4c.). A period of 58 years now passed,
of which no accounts are preserved to us ; but
at the end of that time, in the year 457, Ezra
arrived from Babylon with a caravan of Priests,
Levites, Nethinims, and lay people. He left
Babylon on the 1 st day of the year, and reached
Jerusalem on the 1st of the 5th month (En.
vii. 9, viii. 32). We now pass another period
of eleven years until the arrival of Nehemiah,
about B.C. 445. After three days be collected
the chief people, and proposed the immediate
rebuilding of the walls. One spirit seized them,
and notwithstanding the taunts and threats of
Sanballat, the ruler of the Samaritans, and
Tobiah the Ammonite, in consequence of which
one-half of the people had to remain armed
while the other half built, the work was com-
pleted in 52 days, on the 25th of Elul. The
wall thus rebuilt was that of the city of Jeru-
salem as well as the city of David or Zion.
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Nehemish remained in the city for twelve yean
(Neh. r. 14, xiii. 6), daring which time he held
the office and maintained the state of governor
of the province (v. 14) from his own private re-
sonrces (v. 15^. The foreign tendencies of the
high-priest Eliashib and his family had already
f'ven Nehemiah some concern (xiii. 4, 28).
liashib's son Joiada, who succeeded him in
the high-priesthood, had two tons, the one Jon-
athan (Neh. xii. 11) or Johanan (Neh. xii. 22),
the other Joshua (Jos.). The two quarrelled,
and Joshua was killed by Johanan in the Tem-
ple (b.c. cir. 366). Johanan in his turn had
two sons, Jaddna (Neh. xii. 11, 22) and Ma-
nasseh (Jos. Ant. xi. 7, § 2). Manasseh married
the daughter of Sanballat the Horonite, and
eventually became the first priest of the Sa-
maritan temple on Gerizim. During the high-
priesthood of Jaddua occurred the famous visit
of Alexander the Great to Jerusalem. The re-
salt to the Jews of the visit was an exemption
from tribute in the Sabbatical year : a privilege
which they retained for long. We hear noth-
ing more of Jerusalem until it was taken by
Ptolemy Soter, about B.C. 320, daring his in-
cursion into Syria. A stormy period succeeded
— that of the struggles between Antigonns
and Ptolemy for the possession of Syria, which
hated until the defeat of the former at Ipsus
(b.c. 301), after which the country came into
the possession of Ptolemy. Simon the Just,
who followed his father Onias in the high-
priesthood (cir. b.c. 300), is one of the favorite
heroes of the Jews. Under his care, the sanc-
tuary was repaired, and some foundations of
great depth added round the Temple, possibly
to gain a larger surface on the top of the hill
(Eeelns 1. 1, 2). The large cistern or "sea"
of the principal court of the Temple, which
hitherto would seem to have been but tempo-
rarily or rousrhly constructed, was sheathed in
brass (ibid. 3 J ; the walls of die city were more
strongly fortified to guard against such attacks
ts those of Ptolemy (ib. 4) ; and the Tcmplo
service was maintained with great pomp and
ceremonial (ib. 11-21). His death was marked
by evil omens of vanous kinds presaging dis-
asters. The intercourse with Greeks was fast
eradicating the national character, but it was
»t any rate a peaceful intercourse during the
reigns of the Ptolemies who succeeded Sotcr ;
viz., Philadelphus (b.c. 285) and Eucrgctcs
(b.c. 247). A description of Jerusalem at this
period under the name of Aristeas still sur-
vives, which supplies a lively picture of both
Temple and city. The Temple was " enclosed
with three walls 70 cubits nigh, and of pro-
portionate thickness. . . . The spacious courts
^ere paved with marble, and beneath them lay
immense reservoirs of water, which by mechan-
ical contrivance was made to rush forth, and
thus wash away the blood of the sacrifices."
The city occupied the summit and the eastern
slopes of the opposite hill — the modern Zion.
The main streets appear to have run north and
south; some "along the brow; . . . others
lower down but parallel, following the course
of the valley, with cross streets connecting
them." They were "furnished with raised
pavements," either due to the slope of the
ground, or possibly adopted for the reason given
by Aristeas, via. to enable the passengers to
avoid contact with persons or things ceremoni-
ally unclean. The bazaars were then, as now,
a prominent feature of the city. Paring the
straggle between Ptolemy Philopator and An-
tiochns the Great, Jerusalem became alternately
a prey to each of the contending parties. In
203, it was taken by Antiochus. In 199, it was
retaken by Scopes the Alexandrian general,
who left a garrison in the citadel. In the fol-
lowing year, Antiochus again beat the Egyp-
tians ; and then the Jews, who had suffered most
from the latter, gladly opened their gates to bis
army, and assisted them in reducing the Egyp-
tian garrison. In the reign of Sclencus Sotcr,
Jerusalem was in much apparent prosperity.
But the city soon began to be much disturbed
by the disputes between Hyrcanus, the illegiti-
mate son of Joseph the collector, and his elder
and legitimate brothers. In 1 75, Sclencus Soter
died, and the kingdom of Syria came to his
brother, the infamous Antiochus Epiphanes.
His first act towards Jerusalem was to sell the
office of high-priest — still filled by the good
Onias HI. — to Onias's brother Joshua, who
changed his name to Jason (2 Mace. iv. 7). In
1 72, Jerusalem was visited by Antiochus. He
entered the city at night by torch-light and
amid the acclamations of Jason and his party,
and after a short stay returned (2 Mace. iv. 22).
During the absence of Antiochus in Egypt,
Jason, who had been driven out by Menelaus,
suddenly appeared before Jerusalem with a
thousand men, drove Menelaus into the citadel,
and slaughtered the citizens without mercy.
The news of these tumults reaching Antiochus
on his way from Egypt, brought him again to
Jerusalem (b.c. 170). He appears to have
entered the city without mnch difficulty. An
indiscriminate massacre of the adherents of
Ptolemy followed, and then a general pillage
of the contents of the Temple. The total ex-
termination of the Jews was resolved on, and
in two years (b.c. 1G8) an army was sent under
Apollonius to carry the resolve into effect.
Another great slaughter took place on the sab-
bath ; the city was now in its turn pillaged and
burnt, and the walls destroyed. Antiochus
next issued an edict to compel heathen wor-
ship in all his dominions. The Temple was
reconsecrated to Zens Olympius (2 Mace. vi. 2).
And while the Jews were compelled not only
to tolerate bnt to take an active part in these
foreign abominations, the observance of their
own rites and ceremonies — sacrifice, the sab-
bath, circumcision — was absolutely forbidden.
The battles of the Maccabees were fought on
the outskirts of the country, and it was not till
the defeat of Lysias at Bethzur that they thought
it safe to venture into the recesses of the cen-
tral hills. Then they immediately turned their
steps to Jerusalem. The precincts of the Tem-
ple were at once cleansed, the polluted altar
put aside, a new one constructed, and the holy
vessels of the sanctuary replaced ; and on the
third anniversary of the desecration — the 25th
of the month Chisleu, in the year B.C. 165,
the Temple was dedicated with a feast which
lasted for eight days. After this the outer wall
of the Temple was very much strengthened ( 1
Mace. iv. 60), and it was in fact converted into
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a fortress (comp. vi. 26, 61, 62), and occupied
by a garrison (iv. 61). The Acra was still
held by the soldiers of Antiochus. Two years
later (B.C. 163), Judas collected his people to
take it, and began a siege with banks and en-
?ines. In the mean time, Antiochus had died
B.C. 164), and was succeeded by his son Antio-
chus Eupator, a youth. The garrison in the
Acra, finding themselves pressed by Judas,
managed to communicate with the king, who
brought an army from Antioch, and attacked
Bethzur, one of the key-positions of the Macca-
bees. This obliged Judas to give np the siege
of the Acra, and to march southwards against the
intruder (1 Mace. vi. 32). Antiochus's army
proved too much for his little force, his brother
Eleazar was killed, and he was compelled to
fall back on Jerusalem, and shut himself up in
the Temple. Thither Lvsias, Antiochus's gen-
eral — and later, Antiochus himself — followed
him (vi. 48, 51, 57, 62), and commenced an ac-
tive siege. The death of Judas took place in
161. After it Bacchides and Alcimus again es-
tablished themselves at Jerusalem in the Acra
(Jos. Ant. xiii. 1, §3), and, in the intervals of
their contests with Jonathan and Simon, added
much to its fortifications. In the second month
(May) of 160 the high-priest Alcimus began to
make some alterations in the Temple, apparent-
ly doing away with the enclosure between ono
court and another, and in particular demolish-
ing some wall or building, to which peculiar
sanctity was attached as " the work of the
prophets" (1 Mace. ix. 54). Bacchides re-
turned to Antioch, and Jerusalem remained
without molestation for a period of seven years.
AH this time the Acra was held by the Macedo-
nian garrison {Ant. xiii. 4, § 92), and the male-
content Jews, who still held the hostages taken
from the other part of the community ( 1 Mace.
x. 6). In the year 153, Jonathan was made
high-priest In 145, he began to invest the Acra
(xi. 20 ; Ant. xiii. 4, § 9) ; but, owing partly to
the strength of the place, and partly to the con-
stant dissensions abroad, the siege made little
progress during fully two years. In the mean
time, Jonathan was killed at Ptolemais, and Si-
mon succeeded him both as chief and as high-
priest (xiii. 8, 42). The investment of the
Acra proved successful, but three years still
elapsed before this enormously strong place
could be reduced, and at last the garrison ca-
pitulated only from famine (xiii. 49 ; comp. 21 ).
Simon entered it on the 23d of the 2d month
B.C. 142. The fortress was then entirely de-
molished, and the eminence on which it had
stood lowered, until it was reduced below the
height of the Temple hill beside it. The valley
north of Moriah was probably filled up at this
time. A fort was then built on the north side
of the Temple hill, apparently against the wall,
so as directly to command the site of the Acra,
and here Simon and his immediate followers
resided (xiii. 52). One of the first steps of his
son John Hyrcanus was to secure both the city
and the Temple. Shortly after this, Antiochus
Sidetes, king of Syria, attacked Jerusalem. To
invest the city, and cut off all chance of es-
cape, it was encircled by a girdle of seven
camps. The active operations of the siege
were carried on as usual at the north, where
the level ground comes np to the walls. The
siege was ultimately relinquished. Antiochus
wished to place a garrison in the city, but this
the late experience of the Jews forbade, and hos-
tages and a payment were substituted. After
Antiochus's departure, Hyrcanus carefully re-
paired the damage done to the walls (5 Mace,
xxi. 18). During the rest of his long and suc-
cessful reign, John Hyrcanus resided at Jerusa-
lem, ably administering the government from
thence, and regularly fulfilling the duties of the
high-priest (see 5 Mace, xxiii. 3). He was suc-
ceeded (b.c. 107) by his son Aristobulus. Like
his predecessors, he was high-priest ; but unlike
them he assumed the title as well as the power
of a king (5 Mace, xxvii. 1 ). His brother Alex-
ander Janneas (b.c. 105), who succeeded him,
was mainly engaged in wars at a distance from
Jerusalem. About the year 95, the animosities
of the Pharisees and Sadducees came to an
alarming explosion. Alexander's severities
made him extremely unpopular with both par-
ties, and led to their inviting the aid of Deme-
trius Euchajrus, king of Syria, against him.
The actions between them were fought at a dis-
tance from Jerusalem; but the city did not
escape a share in the horrors of war ; for when,
after some fluctuations, Alexander returned
successful, be crucified publicly 800 of his op-
ponents, and had their wives and children
butchered before their eyes, while he and hi*
concubines feasted in sight of the whole scene
(Ant. xiii. 14, j 2). Such an iron sway as this
was enough to crush all opposition, and Alex-
ander reigned till the year 79 without further
disturbances. The " monument of King Alex-
ander " was doubtless his tomb. In spite of
opposition the Pharisees were now by far the
most powerful party in Jcrusalen: . and Alexan-
der had therefore before his death instructed his
queen, Alexandra, — whom he left to succeed
him with two sons, — to commit herself to
them. The elder of the two sons, Hyrcanus,
was made high-priest, and Aristobulus* had the
command of the army. The queen lived till
the year 70. On her death, Hyrcanus attempt-
ed to take the crown, but was opposed by his
brother, to whom in three months he yielded its
possession, Aristobulus becoming king in the
year 69. The brothers soon quarrelled again,
when Hyrcanus called to his assistance Arctns,
king of Damascus. Before this new enemy,
Aristobulus fled to Jerusalem, and took refute
within the fortifications of the Temple. The
siege was interrupted and eventually raised by
the interference of Scaurus, one of Pompey s
lieutenants, to whom Aristobulus paid 400 tal-
ents for the relief. This was in the year 65. Pom-
pey advanced from Damascus by way of Jeri-
cho. As he approached Jerusalem, Aristobulus,
who found the city too much divided for effect-
ual resistance, met him, and offered a large sum
of money, and surrender. Pompey sent forward
Gabinius to take possession of the place ; but
the bolder party among the adherents of Aris-
tobulus had meantime gained the ascendency,
and he found the gates closed. Pompey on this
threw the king into chains, and advanced on
Jerusalem. Hyrcanus was in possession of the
city, and received the invader with open arms.
The Temple on the other hand was held by the
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party of Aristobulus, which included the priests.
Pompey appears to hare stationed some part of
bis force on the high ground west of the city, bnt
he himself commanded in person at die north.
The first efforts of his soldiers were devoted to
filling up the ditch and the valley, and to con-
structing the banks on which to place the mili-
tary engines, for which purpose they cut down
all the timber in the environs. Pompey remarked
tint on the seventh day the Jews regularly de-
listed from fighting, and this afforded the Ro-
mans a great advantage, for it gave them the
opportunity of moving the engines and towers
nearer the walls. At the end of three months
the besiegers had approached so close to the
wall, that the battering-rams could be worked,
and a breach was effected in the largest of the
towers, through which the Romans entered, and
after an obstinate resistance, and loss of life, re-
mained masters of the Temple. Hyrcanus was
continued in his high-priesthood, but without the
title of king ; a tribute was laid upon the city,
the walls were entirely demolished. The Tem-
ple was taken in the year 63, in the third month
(Sivan).on the da v of a great fast ; probably that
for Jeroboam, which was held on the 23d of that
month. During the next few years nothing oc-
curred to affect Jerusalem. In 56, it was made
the seat of one of the five senates or Sanhedrim.
Two years afterwards (b.c. 54) the rapacious
Orassus plundered the city not only of the
money which Pompey had spared, but of a con-
siderable treasure accumulated from the contri-
butions of Jews throughout the world, in all
> ram of 10,000 talents, or about 2,000,000/.
sterling. During this time, Hyrcanus remained
at Jerusalem, acting under the advice of Anti-
pater the Idumsean, his chief minister. The
fear 47 is memorable for the first appearance
of An tipater's son Herod in Jerusalem. An tig-
cram, the younger and only surviving son of
Aristobulus, suddenly appeared in the country
•upported by a Parthian army. So sudden
was his approach, that he got into the city
and reached the palace in the upper market-
place — the modern Zion — without resistance.
Here, however, he was met by Hyrcanus
and Phasaelus with a strong party of sol-
diers, and driven into the Temple. Pacorus,
the Parthian general, was lying outside the
walls, and at the earnest request of Antigonns,
be and 500 horse were admitted, ostensibly to
mediate. The result was that Phasaelus and
Hyrcanus were outwitted, and Herod overpow-
ered, the Parthians got possession of the place,
and Antigonns was made king. Thus did Je-
rusalem (b.c. 40) find itself in the hands of the
Parthians. In three months, Herod returned
from Rome king of Judaea, and in the beginning
°f 39 appeared before Jerusalem with a force of
Romans, commanded by Sdo, and pitched his
camp on the west side of the city. Other oc-
currences, however, called him away from the
nege at this time. In 37, Herod appeared
*?am- He came, as Pompey had done, from
Jericho, and, like Pompey, he pitched his camp
and made his attack on the north side of the
Temple. For a short time after the commence-
ment of the operations, Herod absented himself
for his marriage at Samaria with Mariamne.
On his return ho was joined by Sosius, the Ro-
man governor of Syria, with a force of from
50,001) to 60,000 men, and the siege was then
resumed in earnest. The first of the two walls
was taken in forty days, and the second in fif-
teen more. The siege is said to have occupied
in all five months. Herod's first care was to
put down the Asmonean party. The appoint-
ment of the high-priest was the next considera-
tion. Herod therefore bestowed the office (b.c.
36) on one Anancl, a former adherent of his,
and a Babylonian Jew. Ananel was soon dis-
placed through the machinations of Alexandra,
mother of Herod's wife Mariamne, who pre-
vailed on him to appoint her son Aristobulus, a
youth of sixteen. But he was soon after mur-
dered at Jericho, and then Anancl resumed the
office. The intrigues and tragedies of the next
thirty years are too complicated and too long to
be treated of here. In the year 34, the city was
visited by Cleopatra. In the spring of 31, the
year of the battle of Actium, Judaea was visited
by an earthquake, the effects of which appear to
have been indeed tremendous. The panic at
Jerusalem was very severe. The following year
was distinguished by the death of Hyrcanus,
who, though more than eighty years old, was
killed by Herod, to remove the last remnant of
the Asmonean race. Herod now began to en-
courage foreign practices and usages. Amongst
his acts of this description was the building of
a theatre at Jerusalem. Of its situation no in-
formation is given, nor have any traces yet
been discovered. The zealous Jews took fire at
these innovations, and Herod only narrowly es-
caped assassination. At this time he occupied
the old palace of the Asmoneans. He had now
also completed the improvements of the Anto-
nia, the fortress built by John Hyrcanus on the
foundations of Simon Maecabseus. A descrip-
tion of this celebrated fortress will be given in
treating of the Temple. The year 25 — the
next after the attempt on Herod's life in the
theatre — was one of great misfortunes. In this
year or the next Herod took another wife, the
daughter of an obscure priest of Jerusalem
named Simon. It was probably on the occasion
of this marriage that he built a new and exten-
sive palace immediately adjoining the old wall,
nt the north-west comer of the upper city,
about the spot now occupied by the Latin con-
vent. But all Herod's works in Jerusalem were
eclipsed by the rebuilding of the Temple in
more than its former extent and magnificence.
He announced his intention in the year 19,
probably when the people were collected in Je-
rusalem at the Passover. The completion of
the sanctuary itself on the anniversary of Her-
od's inauguration, B.C. 16, was celebrated by
lavish sacrifices and a great feast. About b.c.
9 — eight years from the commencement — the
court and cloisters of the Temple were finished.
At this time equally magnificent works were
being carried on in another part of the city,
viz., in the old wall at the north-west comer.
In or about the year 7, Herod had fixed a largo
golden eagle, the symbol of the Roman em-
pire (Judica was now n province), over the en-
trance to the Sanctuary. This had excited the
indignation of the Jews, and especially of two
of the chief rabbis, who instigated their disci-
plea to tear it down. Being taken before Herod,
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the rabbis defended their conduct, and were
burnt alive. The high-priest Matthias was de-
posed, and Joazar took his place. This was the
state of things in Jerusalem when Herod died.
The government of Judaea, and therefore of
Jerusalem, had by the will of Herod been be-
queathed to Archelaus. During Archelaus'
absence at Rome, Jerusalem was in charge of
Sabinus, the Roman procurator of the province,
and the tumults were renewed with worse re-
sults. In the year 3 B.C., Archelaus returned
from Rome etnnarch of the southern province.
He immediately displaced Joazar, whom his
father had made high-priest after the affair of
the Eagle, and put Joazar's brother Elcazar in
his stead. Jutltea was now reduced to an ordi-
nary Roman province ; the procurator of which
resided, not at Jerusalem, but at Csesarea on
the coast. The first appointed was Coponius,
who accompanied Quirinus to the country im-
mediately on the disgrace of Archelaus. Two
incidents at once most opposite in their charac-
ter, and in their significance to that age and to
ourselves, occurred during the procuratorship
of Coponius. First, in the year 8, the finding
of Christ in the Temple. The second was
nothing less than the pollution of the Temple
by some Samaritans, who secretly brought nu
man bones, and strewed them about the clois-
ters during the night of the Passover. In or
about a.d. 10, Coponius was succeeded by M.
Ambivius, and he by Annius Rums. In 14,
Augustus died, and with Tiberius came a new
procurator — Val. Gratus, who held office till
26, when he was replaced by Pontius Pilate. —
a.d. 29. At the Passover of this year our Lord
mode His first recorded visit to the city since
His boyhood (John ii. 1.1). — a.d. 33. At the
Passover of this year occurred His crucifixion
and resurrection. In a.d. 37, Pilate having
been recalled to Rome, Jerusalem was visited
by Vitcllins, the prefect of Syria, at the time
of the Passover. In the following year Stephen
was stoned. The Christians were greatly per-
secuted, and all, except the Apostles, driven
out of Jerusalem (Acts viii. 1, xi. 19). In a.d.
40, Vitcllius was superseded by P. Pctronius,
who arrived in Palestine with an order to place
in the Temple a statue of Caligula. This order
was ultimately countermanded. With the ac-
cession of Claudius in 41 came an edict of tole-
ration to the Jews. Agrippa resided very much
at Jerusalem, and added materially to its pros-
perity and convenience. The city had for some
time been extending itself towards the north,
and a large suburb had come into existence on
the high ground north of the Temple, and out-
aide oif the "second wall" which enclosed the
northern part of the great central valley of the
eity . Hitherto the outer portion of this suburb
— which was called Bezetha, or " New Town,"
and had grown up very rapidly — was unpro-
tected by any formal wall, ana practically lay
open to attack. This defenceless condition at-
tracted the attention of Agrippa, who, like the
first Herod, was a great builder ; and he com-
menced enclosing it in so substantial and mag-
nificent a manner as to excite the suspicions of
the prefect, at whose instance it was stopped
by Claudius. Subsequently the Jews seem to
have purchased permission to complete the
work. The year 43 is memorable as that of
St. Paul's first visit to Jerusalem after his con-
version. The year 44 began with the murder
of St. James by Agrippa (Acts xii. 1 ), followed
at the Passover by the imprisonment and escape
of St Peter. Shortly after, Agrippa himself
died. Cuspius Fadus arrived from Rome as
frocurator, and Longinus as prefect of Syria,
n 45 commenced a severe famine, which lasted
two years. At the end of this year, St. Pool
arrived in Jerusalem for the second time. — a.d-
48. Fadus was succeeded by Ventidius Cuma-
nus. A frightful tumult happened at the Pass-
over of this year, caused, as on former occa-
sions, by the presence of the Roman soldiers in
the Antonia and in the courts and cloisters of
the Temple during the festival. Cumanus wat
recalled, and Felix appointed in his room. A
set of ferocious fanatics, whom Joscphus calls
Sicarii, had lately begun to make their appear-
ance in the city. In fact, not only Jerusalem,
but the whole country far and wide, was in the
most frightful confusion and insecurity. At
length a riot at Csesarca of the most serious de-
scription caused the recall of Felix, and in the
end of 60, or the beginning of 61, Pobcius Fes-
tus succeeded him as procurator. Festus was
an able and upright officer (B.J. ii. 14, § 1),
and at the same time conciliatory towards the
Jews (Acts xxv. 9). In the brief period of his
administration he kept down the robbers with
a strong hand, and gave the province a short
breathing time. His interview with St Paul
(Acts xxv., xxvi.) took place, not at Jerusalem,
but at Caesarea. In 62 (probably ) Festus died,
and was succeeded by A I bin us. He began his
rule by endeavoring to keep down the Sicarii
and other disturbers of the peace ; and indeed
he preserved throughout a snow of justice and
vigor, though in secret greedy and rapacious.
Bad as Albinus had been, Gessius Floras, who
succeeded him in 65, was worse. At the Pass-
over, probably in 66, when Cestius Gallus, the
prefect of Syria, visited Jerusalem, the whok>
assembled people besought him for redress; but
without effect Floras' next attempt was to
obtain some of the treasure from the Temple.
He demanded 17 talents in the name of the
emperor. The demand produced a frantic dis-
turbance. That night Floras took up his
quarters in the royal palace — that of Herod at
the N.W. corner of the city. On the following
morning he demanded that the leaders of the
late riot should be given up. On their refusal,
he ordered bis soldiers to plunder the upper
city. This order was but too faithfully earned
out. Foiled in his attempt to press through
the old city up into the Antonia, he relin-
quished the attempt, and withdrew to Casarea.
Cestius Gallus, the prefect, now found it neces-
sary for him to visit the city in person. Agrip-
pa had shortly before returned from Alexandria,
and had done much to calm the people. The
seditious party in the Temple, led by young
Elcazar, son of Ananias, rejected the offerings
of the Roman emperor, which, since the time
of Julius Ctesar, had been regularly made.
This, as a direct renunciation of allegiance, was
the true beginning of the war with Rome.
Hostilities at once began. The peace party,
headed by the high -priest, and fortified by
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Agrippa's soldiers, threw themselves into the
tipper city. The insurgents held the Temple
ana the lower city. In the Antonia was a
smaQ Roman garrison. Fierce contests lasted
for seven days, each side endeavoring to take
possession of the part held by the other. At
last the insurgents became masters of both
city and Temple, But they were not to remain
so long. Cestius Gallus advanced from Scopus
on the city. He encamped opposite the palace
at the foot of the second wall. The Jews re-
tired to the upper city and to the Temple. For
fire days, Cestius assaulted the wall without
(access ; on the sixth, he resolved to make one
more attempt. He could effect nothing, and
when night came he drew off to his camp at
Scopus. Thither the insurgents followed him,
and in three days gave him one of the most
complete defeats that a Roman army had ever
undergone. War with Rome was now inevi-
table. The walls were repaired, arms and war-
like instruments and machines of all kinds
fabricated, and other preparations made. In
this attitude of expectation, the city remained
while Vespasian was reducing the north of the
country, and till the fall of Giscala (Oct. or
Jiov. 67). Two years and a half elapsed till
Titos appeared before the walls of Jerusalem.
The whole of that time was occupied in con-
tests between the moderate party and the Zeal-
ots or fanatics. At the beginning of 70, when
Titos made his appearance, the Zealots them-
selves were divided into two parties — that of
John of Giscala and Eleaxar, who held the Tem-
ple and its courts and the Antonia — 8,400 men ;
that of Simon Bar-Gioras, whose head-quarters
were in the tower Phasaelus, and who held the
upper city, the lower city in the valley and the
district where the old Acra had formerly stood,
north of the Temple — 10,000 men, and 5,000
Idunueans, in all a force of between 23,000 and
24,000 soldiers trained in the civil encounters
of the last two years to great skill and thorough
recklessness. The numbers of the other in-
habitants it is extremely difficult to decide.
Titus's force consisted of four legions and some
auxiliaries — at the outside 30,000 men. These
were disposed on their first arrival in three
camps — the 12th and 15th legions on the
ridge of Scopus, about a mile north of the city ;
the 5th a little in the rear, and the 10th on the
top of the Mount of Olives, to guard the road
to the Jordan Valley. The first operation was
to dear the ground between Scopus and the
north wall of the city. This occupied four days.
The next step was to get possession of the
outer wall. The point of attack chosen was
in Simon's portion of the city, at a low and
comparatively weak place near the monument
of John Hyrcanus. Bound this spot the three
legions erected banks, from which they opened
batteries, pushing up the rams and other en-
gines of attack to the foot of the wall. Mean-
time from their camp on the Mount of Olives
toe 10th legion battered the Temple and the
east side of the city. A breach was made on
the 7th Artemisius (cir. April 15) ; and here
toe Romans entered, driving the Jews before
tan to the second wall. Titus now lay with
the second wall of the city close to him on his
right. He preferred, before advancing, to get
50
possession of the second wall. In five days a
breach was again effected. The district into
which the Romans had now penetrated was the
great valley which lay between the two main
hills of the city. Before attacking the Antonia,
Titus resolved to give his troops a few days'
rest. He therefore called in the 10th legion
from the Mount of Olives, and held an inspec-
tion of the whole army on the ground north
of the Temple. But the opportunity was
thrown away upon the Jews, and, after four
days, orders were given to recommence the at-
tack. Hitherto the assault had been almost
entirely on the city : it was now to be simul-
taneous on city and Temple. Accordingly two
pairs of large batteries were constructed, the
one pair in front of Antonia, the other at the old
point of attack — the monument of John Hyr-
canus. They absorbed the incessant labor of
seventeen days, and were completed on the
29th Artemisius (cir. May 7). But the Jews
undermined the banks, and the labor of the
Romans was totally destroyed. At die other
point, Simon had maintained a resistance with
all his former intrepidity, and more than his
former success. It now became plain to Titus
that some other measures for the reduction of
the place must be adopted. A council of war
was therefore held, and it was resolved to en-
compass the whole place with a wall, and then
recommence the assault. Its entire length was
39 furlongs, — very near 5 miles ; and it con-
tained 13 stations or guard-houses. The whole
strength of the army was employed on the work,
and it was completed in the short space of three
days. The siege was then vigorously pressed.
The north attack was relinquished", and the
whole force concentrated on the Antonia, On
the 5th Panemus (June 11) the Antonia was in
the hands of the Romans (Jos., Bell. Jud., vl. 1 ,
J 7). Another week was occupied in breaking
down the outer walls of the fortress for the pas-
sage of the machines, and a further delay took
place in erecting new banks, on the fresh level,
for the bombardment and battery of the Tem-
ple. But the Romans gradually gained ground.
At length, on the tenth day of Ah (July 15),
by the wanton act of a soldier, contrary to the
intention of Titus, and in spite of every exer-
tion he could make to stop it, the sanctuary it-
self was fired. It was, by one of those rare
coincidences that sometimes occur, the very
same month and day of the month that the first
Temple had been burnt by Nebuchadnezzar.
The whole of the cloisters that had hitherto
escaped were now all burnt and demolished.
Only the edifice of the sanctuary itself still re-
mained. The Temple was at last gained ; but
it seemed as if half the work remained to be
done. The upper city was still to be taken.
Titus first tried a parley. His terms, however,
were rejected, and no alternative was left him
but to force on the siege. The whole of the
low part of the town was burnt. It took 18
days to erect the necessary works for the siege ;
the four legions were once more stationed at the
west or north-west corner where Herod's palace
abutted on the wall, and where the three mag-
nificent and impregnable towers of Hippicus,
Phasaelus, and Mariamne, rose conspicuous.
This was the main attack. It was commenced
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on the 7th of GorpUeus (cir. Sept. 1 1 ), and by
the next day a breach was made in the wall,
and the Romans at last entered the city. The
city being taken, such parts as had escaped the
former conflagrations were bumed, and the
whole of both city and Temple was ordered to
be demolished, excepting the west wall of the
upper city, and Herod's three great towers at
the north-west corner, which were left standing
as memorials of the massive nature of the for-
tifications. — From its destruction by Titus, to the
present time. — For more than fifty years after its
destruction by Titus, Jerusalem disappears from
history. During the revolts of the Jews in
Cyrenaica, Egypt, Cyprus, and Mesopotamia,
which disturbed the latter years of Trajan, the
recovery of their city was never attempted.
But in the reign of Hadrian it again emerged
from its obscurity, and became the centre of an
insurrection, to subdue which the best blood
of Rome was shed. In despair of keeping the
Jews in subjection by other means, the Emperor
had formed a design to restore Jerusalem, and
thus prevent it from ever becoming a rallying-
point for this turbulent race. In furtherance
of his plan, he had sent thither a colony of
veterans, in numbers sufficient for the defence
of a position so strong by nature against the
then known modes of attack. The embers of
revolt, long smouldering, burst into a flame
soon after Hadrian's departure from the East in
a.d. 132. At an early period in the revolt the
Jews under Bar-Cochei>a became masters of
Jerusalem, and attempted to rebuild the Temple.
Hadrian, alarmed at the rapid spread of the insur-
rection, and the ineffectual efforts of his troops to
repress it, summoned from Britain Julius Seve-
rus, the greatest general of his time, to take the
command of the army of Judaea. Two years
were spent in a fierce guerilla warfare before
Jerusalem was taken, after a desperate defence
in which Bar-Cocheba perished. But the war
did not end with the capture of the city. The
Jews in great force had occupied the fortress
of Bether, and there maintained a struggle with
all the tenacity of despair against the repeated
onsets of the Romans. At length, worn out by
famine and disease, they yielded on the 9th of
the month Ab, a.d. 135. Bar-Cocheba has left
traces of his occupation of Jerusalem in coins
which were struck during the first two years of
the war. Hadrian's first policy, after the sup-
pression of the revolt, was to obliterate the ex-
istence of Jerusalem as a city. The ruins which
Titus had left were razed to the ground, and the
plough passed over the foundations of the Tem-
ple. A colony of Roman citizens occupied the
new city, which rose from the ashes of Jerusa-
lem, and their number was afterwards aug-
mented by the Emperor's veteran legionaries.
It was not, however, till the following year, a.d.
136, that Hadrian, on celebrating his viccnnalia,
bestowed upon the new city the name of jElia
Capitolina, combining with his own family
title the name of Jupiter of the Capitol, the
fuardian deity of the colony. Jews were for-
idden to ente"r on pain of (loath. About the
middle of the 4th century, the Jews were al-
lowed to visit the neighborhood, and afterwards,
once a year, to enter the city itself, and weep
over it on the anniversary of its capture. So
completely were all traces of the ancient city
obliterated, that its very name was in process
of time forgotten. It was not till after Coo-
stantine built the Martyrion on the site of the
crucifixion, that its ancient appellation was re-
vived. — After the inauguration of the new col-
ony of .(Elia, the annals of the city again re-
lapse into obscurity. The aged Empress Hele-
na, mother of Constantine, visited Palestine in
a.d. 326, and, according to tradition, erected
magnificent churches at Bethlehem, and on the
Mount of Olives. Her son, fired with the same
zeal, swept away the shrine of Astarte, which
occupied the site of the resurrection, and found-
ed in its stead a chapel or oratory. In the
reign of Julian (a.d. 362), the Jews, with the
permission and at the instigation of the Em-
peror, made an abortive attempt to lay the foun-
dations of a temple. — During the fourth and
fifth centuries, Jerusalem became the centre of
attraction for pilgrims from all regions, and its
bishops contended with those of Cassarea for
the supremacy ; but it was not till after the
council of Cnalccdon (451-453) that it was
made an independent patriarchate. In 529, the
Emperor Justinian founded at Jerusalem a
splendid church in honor of the Virgin, which
has been identified by most writers with the
building known in modern times as the Mosque
el-Aksa, but of which probably no remains now
exist. For nearly five centuries, the city had
been free from the horrors of war. But this
rest was roughly broken by the invading Per-
sian army under Chosroes II. The city was
invested, and taken by assault in June, 614.
After a struggle of fourteen years, the imperial
arms were again victorious, and in 628 Herac-
lius entered Jerusalem on foot. The dominion
of the Christians in the Holy City was now rap-
idly drawing to a close. After an obstinate
defence of four months, in the depth of winter,
against the impetuous attacks of the Arabs, the
patriarch Sophronius surrendered to the Klialif
Omar in person a.d. 637. With the fell of the
Abassidcs, the Holy City passed into the hands
of the Fatimite conqueror Muez, who fixed the
seat of his empire at Musr el-K&hirah, the mod-
ern Cairo (a.d. 969). Under the Fatimite
dynasty the sufferings of the Christians in Je-
rusalem reached their height, when EI-Hakem,
the third of his line, ascended the throne (a.d.
996). Abont the year 1084 it was bestowed by
Tutush, the brother of Melek Shah, upon Ortolt,
chief of a Turkman horde under his command.
From this time till 1091, Ortok was emir of the
city, and on bis death it was held as a kind of
fief by his sons Ilghazy and Sukman, whose
seventy to the Christians became the proximate
cause of the Crusades. On the 7th of June,
1099, the crusading army appeared before the
walls. Their camp extended from the gate of
St. Stephen to that beneath the tower of David.
On the fifth day after their arrival the crusaders
attacked the city, and at three o'clock on Friday,
the 1 5th of July, Jerusalem was in the hands of
the crusaders. Churches were established, and
for eighty-eight years Jerusalem remained in
the hands of the Christians. In 1 1 87, it was re-
taken by Saladin after a siege of several weeks.
In 1277, Jerusalem was nominally annexed to
the kingdom of Sicily. In 1517, it passed undw
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the sway of the Ottoman Sultan Scliml., whose
ioctessor Suliman built the present walls of
the city in 1542. Mohammed Aly, the Pacha
of Egypt, took possession of it in 1832. In
1834, it was seised and held for a time by the
Fellahin daring the insurrection, and in 1840,
after the bombardment of Acre, was again re-
ttored to the saltan.
HX TOPOORAPHT Or THE ClTT. — ThCTO
are at present before the public three distinct
views of the topography of Jerusalem, so dis-
crepant from one another in their most csscn-
tiaT features, that a disinterested person might
fairly feel himself justified in assuming that
there existed no real data for the determination
of the points at issue, and that the disputed
question* must forever remain in the same un-
satisfactory state as at present. — 1. The first
of these theories consists in the belief that all
the sacred localities were correctly ascertained
in the early ages of Christianity ; and, what is
still more important, that none have been
changed during the dark ages that followed, or
in the numerous revolutions to which the city
has been exposed. The first person who ren-
tal ed publicly to express his dissent from this
t»:w was Korte, a German printer, who trav-
elled in Palestine about the year 1728, and on
his return home published a work denying^ the
auttraiticity of the so-called sacred localities.
The arguments iu favor of the present localities
being the correct ones are well summed up by
the Kev. George Williams in his work on the
Holy Citv, and with the assistance of Professor
Willis all has been said that can be urged in
favor of their authenticity. — 2. Professor Rob-
inson, on the other hand, in his elaborate works
on Palestine, has brought together all the argu-
ments which from the time of Korte have been
accumulating against the authenticity of the
medieval sites and traditions. — 3. The third
theory is that put forward by Mr. Fcrgusson in
his "'Essay on the Ancient Topography of Je-
rusalem." It agrees generally with the views
urged by all those, from Korte to Robinson, who
doubt the authenticity of the present site of the
sepulchre ; but goes on to assert that the build-
ing now known to Christians as the Mosque of
Omar, but by Moslems called the Dome of the
Bock, is the identical church which Constantino
erected over the Rock which contained tho
Tomb of Christ. Our chief authority for the
topography of Jerusalem is of course Josephus.
In attempting to follow his description, there
•re two points which it is necessary should bo
fixed in order to understand what follows. The
first of these is the position and dimensions of
the Temple; the second the position of the
Tower Hippicus. — I. Site of the Temple. —
Without any exception, all topographers are
now agreed that the Temple stood within tho
limits of the great area now known as the Ha-
ram, though few are agreed as to the portion
of that space which it covered ; and at least
one author places it in the centre, and not at
the southern extremity of the enclosure. With
tab exception all topographers are agreed that
the south-western angle of the Haram area was
one of the angles of the ancient Jewish Temple.
The extent of the Temple northwards and east-
*srds from this point is a question on which
there is mncl less agreement than with icganl
to the fixation of its south-western angle, though
the evidence, both written and local, points in-
evitably to the conclusion that Josephus was
literally correct when he said that the Temple
was an exact square of a stadium, or 600 Greek
feet, on each side. There is no other written
authority on this subject except the Talmud,
which asserts that the Temple was a square of
500 cubits each side ; but the Rabbis, as if
aware that this assertion did not coincide with
the localities, immediately correct themselves
by explaining that it was the cubit of 1 5 inches
which was meant, which would make the side
625 feet. The instantia cruris, however, is the
existing remains, and these confirm the de-
scription of Josephus to the fullest possible ex-
tent. Proceeding eastward along the southern
wall from the south-western angle, we find the
whole Haram area filled up perfectly solid, with
the exception of the great tunnel-like entrance
under the Mosque El Aksa, until, at the dis-
tance of 600 feet from the angle, we arrive at a
wall running northwards at right angles to the
southern wall, and bounding the solid space.
Boyond this point, the Haram area is filled up
with a series of light arches supported on square
piers; the whole being of so slight a construc-
tion, that it mar be affirmed with absolute cer-
tainty that neither the Stoa Basilica, nor any
of the larger buildings of the Temple, ever
stood on them. In so far therefore as the
southern wall is concerned, we may rest per-
fectly satisfied with Josephus' description, that
the Temple extended east and west of* feet.
The position of the northern wall is as 4 osily
fixed. If the Temple was square, it must have
commenced at a point 600 feet from tho south-
west angle, and in fact the southern wall of the
platform which now surrounds the so-called
Mosque of Omar runs parallel to the southern
wall of the enclosure, at a distance of exactly
600 feet, while westward it is continued in a
causeway which crosses the valley itist 600 feet
from the south-western angle. Moreover the
south wall of what is now the platform of the
Dome of the Rock runs eastward fiom the west-
ern wall for just 600 feet; which again gives
the same dimension for the north wall of the
Temple as was found for the southern wall by
the limitation of tho solid space before the com-
mencement of the vaults. — II. Hippiau. —
Of all the towers that once adorned the city of
Jerusalem, only one now exists in any thing like
a state of perfection ; that, namely, in the centre
of the citadel, which from its prominence now,
and the importance which Josephus ascribes to
tho tower, has been somewhat nastily assumed
to be the Tower Hippicus. Tho reasons, how-
ever, against this assumption are too cogent to
allow of the identity being admitted. But at
the north-western angle of the present city there
are the remains of an ancient building of bevelled
masonry and large stones, whose position an-
swers so completely every point of the locality
of Hippicus as described by Josephus, as to
leave no reasonable doubt that it marks the site
of this celebrated edifice. — III. Walls. — As-
suming therefore for tho present that the Kasr
Jalud, as these ruins are now popularly called,
is the remains of the Hippicus, we have no diffi-
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culty in determining either the direction or the
extent of the walls of Jerusalem, as described
by Josephus. — The first or old wall began on
the north at the tower called Hippicus, and, ex-
tending to the Xystus, joined the council house,
and ended at the west cloister of the Temple.
Its southern direction is described as passing the
gate of the Essenes (probably the modern Jaffa
gate), and, bending above the fountain of Silo-
am, it reached Ophel, and was joined to the
eastern cloister of the Temple. The second wall
began at the gate Gennath, in the old wall,
probably near the Hippicus, and passed round
the northern quarter of the city, enclosing the
great Valley of the Tyropoeon, which leads up
to the Damascus gate; and then, proceeding
.southward, joined the Fortress Antonia. The
third wall was built by King Herod Agrippa ;
and was intended to enclose the suburbs which
had grown out on the northern sides of the city,
which before this had been left exposed. It
began at the Hippicus, and reached as far as the
Tower Pscphinus, till it came opposite the mon-
ument of Queen Helena of Auiabene; it then
passed by the sepulchral monuments of the
kings — a well-known locality — and, turning
south at the monument of the Fuller, joined the
old wall at the valley called the Valley of Kedron.
After describing these walls, Josephus adds that
the whole circumference of the city was 33 sta-
dia, or nearly four English miles, which is as
near as may be the extent indicated by the lo-
calities. He then adds that the number of
towers in the old wall was 60, the middle wall
40, and the new wall 99. — IV. Antonia. — Be-
fore leaving the subject of the walls, it may be
well to fix the situation of the Turns Antonia,
as far as the data at our command will admit.
It certainly was attached to the temple build-
ings, and on the northern side of them ; but
whether covering the whole space, or only a por-
tion, has been much disputed. After stating
that the Temple was foursquare, and a stadium
on each side, Josephus goes on to say that with
the Antonia it was six stadia in circumference.
The most obvious conclusion from this would
be that the Antonia occupied practically the
platform on which the so-called Mosque of
Omar now stands. But from certain facts con-
nected with the siege, we are forced to adopt
the alternative, which the words of Josephus
equally justify, that the Antonia was a tower or
keep attached to the north- western angle of the
Temple. — V. Hills and Vallc-js. — Topogra-
phers are still ntissuoas to tha true direction of
the upper part of the Tyrupeou Valley, and,
consequently, as to the position of Acra. The
difficulty of determining the truo course of the
upper part of the Tyroixeon Valley is caused
by the doubt whether Josephus, in describiii;
the city, Hi
Jerusalem, properly so called, as circumscrilied
he city, limits his description to the city of
by the first or old wall, or whether he includes
the city of David also, and speaks of the whole
city as enclosed by the third or great wall of
Agrippa. In the first case the Tyropoeon must
have been the depression leading from n spot
opposite the north-west angle of the Temple
towards the Jaffa gate ; in the second it was
the great valley leading from the same point
northwards towards the Damascus gate. The
principal reason for adopting the first hypothe.
sis arises from the words of Josephus himself,
who describes the Tyroixeon as an open span
or depression within the city, at " which the
corresponding rows of houses on both hills end."
In all the transactions mentioned in the 12th
and 13th books of the Antiquities, Josephus
commonly uses the word "A*po when speaking
of the fortress which adjoined the Temple in
the north ; and if we might assume that the hill
Acra and the tower Acra were one and the
same place, the question might be considered
as settled. The great preponderance of evi-
dence seems to be in favor of this view, — that
Acra was situated on the northern side of the
Temple, on the same hill, and probably on the
same spot, originally occupied by David as
the stronghold of Zion (2 Sam. v. 7-9), and near
where Boris and Antonia afterwards stood;
and consequently that the great northern de-
pression running towards the Damascus gate is
the Tyropoeon Valley, and that the valley of the
Asmoncans was a transverse cut, separating
the hill Bezctha from the Acra or citadel on the
Temple hill. If this view of the internal topog-
raphy of the city be granted, the remaining
hills and valleys fall into their places easily and
us a matter of course. The citadel, or upper
market-place of Josephus, was the modem Zion,
or the city enclosed within the old wall ; Acra
was the ancient Zion, or the hill on which the
Temple, the City of David, Baris, Acra, and
Antonia, stood. Bezctha was the well-defined
hill to the north of the Temple. — VI. Popula-
tion. — There is no point in which the exagger-
ation in which Josephus occasionally indulges
is more apparent than in speaking of the popu-
lation of tho city. Still the assertions that three
millions were collected at the Passover; that a
million of people perished in the siege; that
100,000 escaped, &c., arc so childish, that it U
surprising any one could ever have repeated
them. Even the more moderate calculation of
Tacitus, of 600,000 inhabitants, is far beyond
the limits of probability. The area within the
old walls never could have exceeded 180 acres.
Taking the area of the city enclosed by the two
old walls at 750,000 yards, and that enclosed
by the wall of Agrippa at 1,500,000, we have
2,250,000 for the whole. Taking the popula-
tion of the old city at the probable number of
one person to 50 yards, wo have 15,000; and at
the extreme limit of 30 yards, we should have
25,000 inhabitants for the old city ; and at 100
yards to each individual in the new city, about
15,000 more. So that the population of Jeru-
salem, in its days of greatest prosperity, may
have amounted to from 30,000 to 45,000 soult,
but could hardly ever have reached 50,000;
and assuming that in times of festival one-half
were added to this amount, which is an extreme
estimate, there mav have been 60,000 or "0,009
in the city when Titus came up against it —
VII. Zion. — It cannot be disputed that from
the time of Constantine downwards to the pres-
ent day, this name has been applied to the west-
em hill on which the city of Jerusalem now
stands, and in fact always stood. Notwith-
standing this, it seems equally certain that up
to the time of the destruction of the city by
Titus, the name was applied exclusively to to*
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JERUSALEM
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eastern hill, or that on which the Temple ttood.
From the passages in 2 Sam. t. 7, and 1 Chr.
zl 5-8, it is quite clear that Zion and the city
of David were identical, for it is there said,
" David took the castle of Zion, which is the
city of David." " And David dwelt in the cas-
tle, therefore they called it the city of David.
And he built the city round about, even from
Millo round about, and Joab repaired the rest
of the city." There are numberless passages
in which Zion is spoken of as a Holy place in
such terms as are never applied to Jerusalem,
and which can only be understood as applied to
the Holv Temple Mount (Ps. ii. 6, lxxxvii. 2,
*«.). When from the Old Test, we turn to the
Books of the Maccabees, we come to some pas-
sages written by persons who certainly were
acquainted with the localities, which seem to
fix the site of Zion with a considerable amount
of certainty (1 Mace. iv. 37 and 60, vii. 33 j. —
VIII. — Topography of the Book of Nehemiah. —
The only description of the ancient city of Je-
rusalem which exists in the Bible, so extensive
hi form as to enable us to follow it as a topo-
graphical description, is that found in the Book
of Nehemiah, and although it is hardly suffi-
ciently distinct to enable as to settle all the
moot points, it contains such valuable indica-
tions that it is well worthy of the most atten-
tive examination. The easiest way to arrive at
any correct conclusion regarding it, is to take
first the description of the Dedication of the
Walls in ch. xu. (31-40), and drawing such a
diagram as this, we easily get at the main fea-
tures of the old wall at least. If from this we
torn to the third chapter, which gives a descrip-
tion of die repairs of the wall, wc have no diffi-
culty in identifying all the places mentioned in
the first sixteen verses with those enumerated
in the 12th chapter. The first 16 verses refer
to the walls of Jerusalem, and the remaining
16 to those of the city of David. — IX. Wa-
ter* of Jerusalem. — The principal source of wa-
ter supply seems to have been situated to the
north. The earliest distinct mention of these
springs is in 2 Chr. xxxii. 4, 30 (comp. Ecclus.
xlviii. 17). Great rock-cut reservoirs nave been
(band under the Temple area, and channels
connecting them with the fountain of the Vir-
gin, and that again with the pool of Siloam ;
and many others may probably yet be discovered.
A considerable portion of these waters was at
one time diverted to the eastward to the great
reservoir known sometimes as the pool of Be-
thesda, which, from the curiously elaborate cha-
racter of its hydraulic masonry, must always
have been intended as a reservoir of water, and
never could have been the ditch of a fortifica-
tion. It seems, however, that in very ancient
times this northern supply was not deemed
sufficient, even with all these precautions, for
the supply of the city ; and consequently large
reservoirs were excavated from the rock, at a
place near Etham, now known as Solomon's
pools, and the water brought from them by a
long canal which enters the city above Siloam.
— X. Site of Holy Sepulchre. — As the question
now stands, the fixation of the site depends
mainly on the answers that may be (riven to
two questions: — First, did Constantino and
those who acted with him possess sufficient in-
formation to enable them to ascertain exactly
the precise localities of the crucifixion and bur-
ial of Christ ? Secondly, is the present church
of the Holy Sepulchre that which he built, or
does it stand on the same spot t In the first
place, though the city was destroyed by Titus,
and the Jews were at one time prohibited from
approaching it, it can almost certainly be proved
that there were Christians always present on
the spot, and the succession of Christian bishops
can be made out with very tolerable certainty
and completeness ; so that it is more than prob-
able they would retain the memory of the sa-
cred sites in unbroken continuity of tradition.
The account given by Eusebius of the uncover'
ing of the rock expresses no doubt or uncertain-
ty about the matter. It is minutely descriptive
of the site of the building now known as the
Mosque of Omar, but wholly inapplicable to the
site of the present church. Of the buildings
which Constantino, or his mother Helena, erect-
ed, Mr. Fergusson maintains that two of them
now remain — the one the Anastasis, a circular
building erected over the tomb itself; the other
the " Golden Gateway," which was the propy-
lea described by Eusebius as leading to the atri-
um of the basilica. In order to prove these
assertions, there are three classes of evi.Vnce
which may be appealed to, and which must
coincide, or the question must remain still in
doubt : — First, it is necessary that tfee circum-
stances of the locality should accord with those
of the Bible narrative. Secondly, the inciden-
tal notices furnished by those travellers who
visited Jerusalem between the time of Com tan-
tine and that of the Crusades must be descrip-
tive of these localities ; and, Thirdly, the archi-
tectural evidence of the buildings themselves
must be that of iNe age to which they art* as-
signed. Taking the last first, no one who is
familiar with the gradation of styles that look
place between the time of Hadrian and that of
Justinian can fail to see that the Golden Gate-
way and Dome of the Rock are about half-way
in the series, and are in fact buildings which
must have been erected within the century in
which Constantino flourished. With re«.*id to
the Golden Gateway, which is practicallj un-
altered, this is undoubted. Although in the
outer wall, it is a festal, not a fortified entrance,
and never could have been intended as a city
gate, bnt must have led to some sacred or pala-
tial edifice. It is difficult, indeed, to suggest
what that could have been, except the Basilica
described by Eusebius. The exterior of the
other building (the Anastasis) has been repaired
and covered with colored tiles and inscriptions
in more modern times ; but the interior is near-
ly unaltered, and even externally, wherever this
coating of tiles has peeled off, the old Roman
round arch appears in lieu of its pointed substi-
tute. It must also be added that it is essentially
a tomb-building, similar in form and arrange-
ment, as it is in detail, to the Tomb of the Em
peror Constantine at Rome, or of his daughtci
Constantia, outside the walls, and indeed mure
or less like all the tomb-buildings of that age.
We have therefore the pertinent question, which
rtill remains unanswered, What tomb-like build-
ing did Constantine or any one in his age erect
at Jerusalem, over a mass of the living rock,
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JERUSALEM
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JERUSALEM
rising eight or nine feet above the bases of the
columns, and extending over the whole central
area of the church, with a sacred cave in it, un-
less it were the church of the Holy Anastasis,
described by Eusebius ? Supposing it were pos-
sible to put this evidence aside, the most plau-
sible suggestion is to appeal to the presumed
historical fact that it was built by Omar, or by
the Moslems at all events. There is, however,
no proof whatever of this assumption. What
Omar did build is the small mosque on the east
of the Aksa, overhanging the southern wall,
and which still bears his name; and no Mo-
hammedan writer of any sort, anterior to the
recovery of the city from the Christians by Sa-
ladin, ventures to assert that his countrymen
built the Dome of the Rock. Irrefragable as
this evidence appears to be, it would be impos-
sible to maintain it otherwise than by assuming
that Constantino blindly adopted a wrong local-
ity, if the sites now assumed to be true were
such as did not accord with the details of the
Bible narratives: fortunately, however, they
agree with them to the minutest detail. To un-
derstand this it is necessary to bear in mind
that at the time of the crucifixion the third wall,
or that of Agrippa, did not exist, but was com-
menced twelve years afterwards : the spot where
the Dome of the Rock therefore now stands
was at that time outside the walls, and open to
the country. It was also a place where certain-
ly tombs did exist. The Protorium where
Christ was judged was most probably the An-
tonio, which at that time, as before and after-
wards, was the citadel of Jerusalem and the
residence of the governors ; and the Xystus and
Council-house were certainly, as shown above,
in this neighborhood. Leaving these localities,
the Saviour, bearing His cross, must certainly
have gone towards the country, and might well
meet Simon or any one coming towards the
city ; thus every detail of the description is sat-
isfied, and none offended by the locality now
assumed. The third class of evidence is from
its nature by no means so clear ; but there is
nothing whatever in it to contradict, and a great
deal that directly confirms the above statements.
Architecturally, there is literally no feature and
no detail which would induce us to believe that
any part of the present church is older than the
time of the Crusades. The only things about
it of more ancient date are the fragments of an
old classical cornice, which are worked in as
string courses with the Gothic details of the ex-
ternal facade, and singularly enough this cor-
nice is identical in style with, and certainly be-
longs to the age of, the Golden Gateway, and
Dome of the Rock, and consequently can scarce-
ly be any thing else than a fragment of the old
basilica, which El Hakeem had destroyed in the
previous century, and the remains of which
must still have been scattered about when the
Crusaders arrived. Nothing, however, can be
more remarkable than the different ways in
which the Crusaders treated the Dome of the
Rock and the Mosque El Aksa. The latter
they always called the " Tcmplumseu palatium
Soiomonis," and treated it with the contempt
always applied by Christians to any thing Jew-
ish. The mosque was turned into a stable, the
buildings into dwellings for knights, who took
the title of Knights Templars, from their rest
dence in the Temple. But the Dome of the
Rock they called "Templum Domini." — XL
Rebuilding of the Temple by Julian. — Before
leaving the subject, it is necessary to revert to
the attempt of Julian the Apostate to rebuild
the Temple of the Jews. Even if we have not
historical evidence of these facts, the appearance
of the south wall of the Haram would lead us
to expect that something of the sort had been
attempted at this period. The great tunnel-
like vault under the Mosque El Aksa, with its
four-domed vestibule, is almost certainly part
of the Temple of Herod, and coeval with his
period ; but externally to this, certain architect-
ural decorations have been added, and that so
slightly, that daylight can be perceived between
the old walls and the subsequent decorations,
except at the points of attachment It is not
difficult to ascertain, approximately at least, the
age of these adjuncts. They may with very
tolerable certainty be ascribed to the age of Ju-
lian, while, from the historical accounts, tbey
are just such as we should expect to find them.
The principal bearing of Julian s attempt on the
topography of Jerusalem consists in the fact of
its proving not only that the site of the Jewish
temple was perfectly well known at this period
(a.d. 36a), but that the spot was then, as al-
ways, held accursed by the Christians, and as
doomed by the denunciation of Christ Himself
never to be re-established ; and this consequent-
ly makes it as absurd to suppose that the Aksa
is a building of Justinian as that the Dome of
the Rock or the Golden Gateway, if Christian
buildings, ever stood within its precincts. — XIL
Church of Justinian. — Nearly two centuries af-
ter the attempt of Julian, Justinian erected a
church at Jerusalem ; of which, fortunately, we
have so full and detailed an account in the
works of Procopius that we can have little diffi-
culty in fixing its site, though no remains (at
least above ground) exist to verify our conjec-
tures. Almost all topographers nave jumped
to the conclusion that the Mosque El Aksa is
the identical church referred to ; but the archi-
tecture of that building is alone sufficient to re-
fute any such idea. Notwithstanding this, there
is no difficulty in fixing on the site of this
church, inasmuch as the vaults that fill up the
south-eastern angle of the Haram area are al-
most certainly of the age of Justinian, and are
just such as Procopius describes ; so that, if it
were situated at the northern extremity of the
vaults, all the arguments that apply to the
Aksa, equally apply to this situation. But
whether we assume the Aksa, or a church out-
side the Temple, on these vaults, to have been
the Mary-church of Justinian, how comes it that
Justinian chose this remote corner of the city,
and so difficult a site, for the erection of his
church t The answer seems inevitable : that it
was because in those times the Sepulchre and
Golgotha were here, and not on the spot to which
the Sepulchre with his Mary-church have subse-
quent!)/ been trans/erred. Having now gone
through the main outlines of the topography
of Jerusalem, in so far as the limits of this
article would admit, or as seems necessary
for the elucidation of the subject, the many
details which remain will be given under their
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JESHUA
399
JE8BE
separate titles, as Temple, Tomb, Palace,
Ac.
Jeru'8ha, daughter of Zadok, and queen of
Uzxiah (2 K. xt. 33).
Jera'ahah (2 Chr. xxvii. 1 ). The same as
the preceding.
Jesai'ah. 1. Son of Hananiah, brother of
Pelatiah, and grandson of Zerubbabel (1 Chr.
UL 21). — 2. A Benjamite (Neh. xi. 7).
Jeahai'ah L One of the six sons of Jed-
uthun (I Chr. xxt. 3, IS). — 2. A Levitt in
the reign oi David, eldest son of Rehabiah, a
descendant of Amram through Moses (1 Chr.
xxri 25). JIsshiah.1 — 3. The son of Atha-
liah, and chief of the noose of the Bene-Elam
who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 7). [Josias.]
— 4. A Merarite who returned with Ezra
(Ezr. Tiii. 19).
Jenhanab, a town which, with its depend-
ent villages, was one of the three taken from
Jeroboam by Abijah (2 Chr. xiii. 19). Its site
has not been identified in modern times, save by
Schwarz (158), who places it at " Al-Sanim, a
Tillage two miles W. of Bethel ; " but it is not
barked on any map.
Jesharelah, son of Asaph, and head of
8>e seventh of the 24 wards into which the
oaskians of the Levites were divided (1 Chr.
ZXV. 14). [ASAKSLAH.]
Jeaheb eab, head of the 14th course of
priests (1 Chr. xxiv. 13). [Jehoiarib.]
Jesh'er, one of the sons of Caleb the son
of Hetron by his wife Azubah (1 Chr. ii. 18).
Jesh'imon., " the waste," a name which
sccurs in Num. xxi. 20 and xxiii. 28, in desig-
nating the position of Pisgah and Peor ; both
described as " facing the Jeshimon." Perhaps
the dreary, barren waste of hills lyingimmedi-
ately on the west of the Dead Sea. But it is
not sale to lay much stress on the Hebrew sense
of the word. The passages in which it is first
mentioned are indisputably of very early date,
and it is quite possible that it is an archaic name
bund and adopted by the Israelites.
iTrmhinhn/li one of the ancestors of the
Gaditea who dwelt in Uilead (1 Chr. v. 14).
Joahoha'iah. a chief of the Simeonites,
descended from Shimei (1 Chr. iv. 36).
Jesh'ua. L, Joshua, the son of Nun (Neh.
riii. 17). [Joshua.] — 2. A priest in the reign
of David, to whom the ninth course fell by lot
(1 Chr. xxiv. 11). — 3. One of the Levites in
the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 15). — 4.
Son of Jehozadak, first high-priest of the third
series, viz. of those after the Babylonish captiv-
ity, and ancestor of the fourteen high-priests his
successors down to Joshua or Jason, and Onias
or Menelaos, inclusive. [Hiqh-Peiest.] Jesh-
oa, like his contemporary Zerubbabel, was prob-
ably born in Babylon, whither his father Jehoz-
adak had been taken captive while yonng (1
Chr. vi. 15, A. V.). He came up from Babylon
in the first vear of Cyrus with Zerubbabel, and
took a leading part with him in the rebuilding
of the Temple, and the restoration of the Jew-
ish coramonwealfh. Besides the great impor-
tance of Jeshua as an historical character, from
the critical times in which he lived, and the
great work which he accomplished, his name
Jesus, his restoration of the Temple, his office as
high-priest, and especially the two prophecies
concerning him in Zech. iii. and vL 9-15, point
him ont as an eminent type of Christ — 6.
Head of a Levitical house, one of those which
returned from the Babylonish captivity, and
took an active part under Zerubbabel, Ezra,
and Nehemiah. The name is used to desig-
nate either the whole family or the successive
chiefs of it (Ezr. ii. 40, iii. 9 ; Neh. iii. 19, viii.
7, ix. 4, 5, xii. 8, Ac.). — 6. A branch of the
family of Pahath-Moab, one of the chief fam-
lies, probably, of the tribe of Judah (Neh. x.
14, viL 11, Ac.; Ezr. x. 30).
Jesh'ua, one of the towns re-inhabited by
the people of Judah after the return from cap-
tivity (Neh. xi. 26). It is not mentioned else-
where.
Jesh'oah, a priest in the reign of DavU
(1 Chr. xxiv. 11), the same as Jeshua, No. 2.
Jesh'urun, and once by mistake in A. V.
Jos'urun (Is. xliv. 2), a symbolical name for
Israel in Deut. xxxii. 1 5, xxxiii. 5, 26 ; Is. xliv.
2, for which various etymologies have been sug-
gested. Of its application to Israel there seems
to be no division of opinion. It is most prob-
ably derived from a root signifying " to be
blessed." With the intensive termination, Jesh-
urun would then denote Israel as supremely
happy or prosperous, and to this signification
it must be allowed the context in Deut. xxxii.
15 points. Michaelis considers it as a diminu-
tive of Israel yisreelun. Such too was the opin-
ion of Grotius and Vitringa, and of the author
of the Veneto-Greek version, who renders it
'lopat?joia>t ; but for this there is not the small-
est foundation.
Jesi'ah. 1. A Korhite, one of the mighty
men who joined David's standard at Ziklag ( 1
Chr. xii. 6). — 2. The second son of Usziel, the
son of Kohath (1 Chr. xxiii. 20). IJeshiah.1
Jeeim'iel, a Simeonite chief or the family
of Shimei (I Chr. iv. 36).
Jesse. The father of David. He was the
son of Obed, who again was the fruit of the
union of Boaz and the Moabitess Ruth. Nor
was Buth's the only foreign blood that ran in
his veins ; for his great-grandmother was no
less a person than Bahab the Canaanite, of Jer-
icho (Matt. i. 5). Jesse's genealogy is twice
given in full in the O. T., viz. Ruth iv. 18-22,
and 1 Chr. ii. 5-12. He is commonly desig-
nated as "Jesse the Bethlehcmite " (1 Sam.
xvi. 1, 18). So he is called by his son David,
then fresh from home (xvii. 58) ; but his full
title is " the Ephrathitc of Bethlehem-Judah "
(xvii. 12). He is an " old man " when we first
meet with him (1 Sam. xvii. 12), with eight
sons (xvi. 10, xvii. 12), residing at Bethlehem
(xvi. 4, 5). Jesse's wealth seems to have con-
sisted of a flock of sheep and goats, which were
under the care of David (xvi. 11, xvii. 34, 35)
When David's rupture with Saul had finally
driven him from the court, and he was in the
Cave of Adullnm, " his brethren and all his
father's house " joined him (xxii. 1 ). Anxious
for their safety, he took his father and his
mother into the country of Moab, and deposited
them with the king, and there they disappear
from our view in the records of Scripture. Who
the wife of Jesse was we are not told. His
eight sons will be found displayed under
David.
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JB8US CHRIST
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JESUS CHBIST
Jes'SUQ, a Levite, the same aa Jeshua (1
Esd. v. 26 ; comp. Ezr. ii. 40). Ap.
Je'SU, the same as Jeshua the Levite, the
father of Jozabad ( 1 End. viii. 63 ; see Ezr. viii.
83), also called Jessue and Jesus. Ap.
Jes'ui, the son of Asher, whose descendants
the Jkbdites were numbered in the plains of
Moab at the Jordan of Jericho (Num. xxvi. 44).
He U elsewhere called Isui (Gen. xlvi. 17) and
Ishuai (1 Chr. vii. 30).
Jes'uites, the. A family of the tribe of
Asher (Num. xxvi. 44).
Jes'urun. [JiwHtmcir.l
Je'sUS, the Greek form of the name Joshua
or Jeshua, a contraction of Jehoshua, that is,
" help of Jehovah " or " Saviour" (Num. xiii.
16). [Jehoshua. I 1. Joshua the priest, the
son of Johozadak (1 Esd. v. 5, 8, 84,48,56, 68,
70, vi. 8, ix. 19; Ecclus. xlix. 12). Also called
Jeshua. [Jeshua, No. 4.1 — 2. Jeshua the
Levite (1 Esd. v. 58, iv. 48). — 3. Joshua the
son of Nun (2 Esd. vii. 37 ; Ecclus. xlvi. 1 ;
1 M*x. ii. 55 ; Acta vii. 45 ; Heb. iv. 8). [Josh-
daJ
Jmus the Father Of Slraoh. and grand-
father of the following (Ecclus. pro!.). Ap.
Jesus the Son of Siraoh is described in
the text of Ecclesiasticus (1-27) as the author
of that book, which in the LXX., and generally,
except in the Western Church, is called by his
name the Wisdom ■ >/ Jesus the Son of Siraclt,
or simply the Wisdom of Sirach. The name
passage speaks of him as a native of Jerusalem
(Ecclus. I.e.); and the internal character of the
book confirms its Palestinian origin. Among
the later Jews, the " Son of Sirach " was cele-
brated under the name of Ben Sira as a writer
of proverbs. Ap.
Je'sUS, called Justus, a Christian who was
with St. Paul at Rome (Col. iv. 11).
JeSUS Christ. The name Jesus signifies
Saviour. The name of Christ signifies Anointed.
Priests were anointed among the Jews, as their
inauguration to their office (1 Chr. xvi. 23;
Ps. cv. 15); and kings also (2 Mace. i. 24;
Ecclus. xlvi. 19). In the New Testament the
name Christ is used as equivalent to Messiah
(John i. 41 ), the name given to the long-prom-
ised Prophet and King whom the Jews hod
been taught by their prophets to expect (Acts
xix. 4 ; Matt. xi. 3). The use of this name, as
applied to the Lord, has always a reference to
the promises of the prophets. The name of
Jesus is the proper name of our Lord, and that
of Christ is added to identify Him with the
promised Messiah. The Life, the Person, and
the Work of our Lord and Savionr Jesus Christ
occupy the whole of the New Testament. Of
this threefold subject the present article includes
the first part, namely, the Life and Teaching.
According to the received chronology, which is
in fact that of Dionysius Exiguus in the 6th
century, the Birth of Christ occurred in the
year of Rome 754 ; but from other considera-
tions it is probable that the Nativity took place
some time before the month of April 750 ; and
if it happened only a few months before Herod's
death, then its date would be four years earlier
than the Dionysian reckoning.
The salutation addressed by the Angel to
Mary His mother, " Hail ! Thou that art high-
ly favored," was the prelude to a new act of
divine creation. Mary received the announce-
ment of a miracle, the full import of which she
could not have understood, with the submission
of one who knew that the message came from
God ; and the Angel departed from her. The
Rrophct Micah had foretold (Mic. v. 2) that the
iture King should be born in Bethlehem of
Judaea, the place where the house of David had
its origin ; out Mary dwelt in Nazareth. Au-
gustus, however, had ordered a general census
of the Roman empire. From the well-known
and much-canvassed passage, Luke ii. S, it ap-
pears that the taxing was not completed till the
time of Quirinus (Cyrenius), some years later ;
and bow far it was carried now cannot be de-
termined : all that we learn is that it brought
Joseph, who was of the house of David, from
his home to Bethlehem, where the Lord was
born. As there was no room in the inn, a
manger was the cradle in which Christ the Lord
was laid. But signs were not wanting of the
greatness of the event that seemed so unimpor-
tant. Lowly shepherds were the witnesses of
the wonder that accompanied the lowly Sa-
viour 's birth ; an angel proclaimed to them
" good tidings of great joy ; " and then the ex-
ceeding joy that was in heaven amongst the
angels about this mystery of love broke through
the silence of night with the words, " Glory to
God in the highest, and on earth peace, good
will towards men " (Luke ii. 8-20). The child
Jesus is circumcised in due time, is brought to
the Temple, and the mother makes the onerinp
for her purification. Simeon and Anna, taught
from God that the object of their earnest long
injj-s was before them, prophesied of His divine
work ; the oae rejoicing that his eyes had seen
the salvation of God, and the other speaking of
Him " to all that looked for redemption in
Jerusalem" (Luke ii. 28-38). Thus recog-
nized amongst His own people, the Saviour was
not without witness amongst the heathen.
" Wise men from the East " — that is, Persian
magi of the Zend religion, in which the idea of
a Zoziosh or Redeemer was clearly known —
guided miraculously by a star or meteor created
for the purpose, came 'and sought out the Sa-
i iour to pay Him homage. A little child made
the great Herod quake upon his throne. When
he knew that the magi were come to hail their
King and Lord, and did not stop at his palace,
but passed on to a humbler roof, and when he
found that they would not return to betray this
child to him, he put to death all the children in
Bethlehem that were under two years old. The
crime was great ; but the number of the victims,
in a little place like Bethlehem, was small
enough to escape special record, amongst the
wicked acts of Herod, by Josepbus and other
historians, as it had no political interest.
Joseph, warned bv a dream, flees to Egypt with
the young child, beyond the reach of Herod's
arm. After the death of Herod, in less than a
year, Jesus returned with his parents to their
own land, and went to Nazareth, where they
abode.
Except as to one event, the Evangelists an
silent upon the succeeding years of our Lord's
life down to the commencement of His ministry.
When He was twelve years old, He was found
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in the Temple, hearing the doctor* and asking
them questions (Lake ii. 40-52). We are
■town this one feet that we may know that at
the time when the Jews considered childhood
to be f««i"g into youth, Jesus was already
aware of His mission, and consciously preparing
for it, although years passed before its actual
commencement. Thirty years had elapsed
from the birth of oar Lorn to the opening of
His ministry. In that time great changes had
come over the chosen people. Herod the Great
had united under him almost all the original
kingdom of David; after the death of that
prince it was dismembered forever. It was in
the fifteenth year of Tiberias the Emperor,
reckoning from his joint rule with Augustus
(Jan. u.c. 765), and not from his sole rale
(Aug. o.c. 767), that John the Baptist began
to teach. He was the last representative of the
prophets of the old covenant ; and his work was
twofold — to enforce repentance and the terrors
of the old law, and to revive the almost forgot-
ten expectation of the Messiah (Matt. iii. 1-10;
Mark I 1-8 ; Lake iii. 1-1 8). The career of
John seems to have been very short. Jesus
came to Jordan with the rest to receive baptism
at John's hands : first, in order that the sacra-
meat by which all were hereafter to be admitted
into His kingdom might not want His example
to justify its use (Matt iii. 15) ; next, that John
might have an assurance that his course as the
herald of Christ was now completed by His ap-
pearance (John i. 33) ; and last, that some pub-
lic token might be given that He was indeed the
Anointed of God (Heb. v. 5). Immediately
after this inauguration of His ministry, Jesus
was led up of the Spirit into the wilderness to be
tempted of the devil (Matt iv. 1-11 ; Mark i.
12, 13; Lake iv. 1-13). As the baptism of
our Lord cannot have been for Him the token
of repentance and intended reformation which
it was for sinful men, so does our Lord's sin-
tcssneas affect the nature of His temptation ;
for it was the trial of One who could not
possibly have fallen. 1 The three temptations
are addressed to the three forms in which the
disease of sin makes its appearance on the
Kml — to the solace of sense, and the love of
C" e, and the desire of gain (1 John ii. 16).
there is one element common to them all
— they are attempts to call up a wilful and
wayward spirit in contrast to a patient self-
denying one. Deserting for a time the histori-
cal order, we shall And that the records of this
first portion of His ministry, from the temptation
to the transfiguration, consist mainly — (1 ) of
miracles, which prove His divine commission ;
(2) of discourses and parables on the doctrine of
"the kingdom of heaven;" (3) of incidents
showing the behavior of various persons when
brought into contact with our Lord.
1. The Miracle*. — The expectation that
Messiah would work miracles existed amongst
the people, and was founded on the language
of prophecy. Oar Lord's miracles are de-
scribed in the New Testament by several
* Tat we read mat He •' was In all points
ad like as we are" (Heb. Iv. IS). Thrre
therefore, have been the possibility of yleld-
or his temptation would hare been essentially
61
laf, or bis temptation i
■ana* oars.— Er>.
names : they are signs, wonders, works (most
frequently in St. John), and mighty works, ac-
cording to the point of view from which they
are regarded. They are indeed astonishing
works, wrought as signs of the might and
presence of God ; and they are powers or
mighty works because they are such as no
power short of the divine could have effected.
But if the object had been merely to work won-
ders, without any other aim than to astonish
the minds of the witnesses, the miracles of our
Lord would not have been the best means of
producing the effect, since many of them were
wrought for the good of obscure people, before
witnesses chiefly of the humble and uneducated
class, and in the coarse of the ordinary life of
our Lord, which lay not amongst those who
made it their special business to inquire into
the claims of a prophet. The miracles of our
Lord were to be not wonders merely, but signs ;
and not merely signs of preternatural power,
but of the scope and character of His ministry,
and of the divine nature of His Person. This
will be evident from an examination of those
which are more particularly described in the
Gospels. There are about seventeen recorded
cases of the cure of bodily sickness, including
fever, leprosy, palsy, inveterate weakness, the
maimed limb, the issue of blood of twelve
years' standing, dropsy, blindness, deafness, ami
dumbness (John iv. 47 ; Matt. ▼iii. 2, 14, ix. 2 ;
John v. 5 ; Matt. xii. 10, viii. 5, ix. 20, 27 ; Mark
viii. 22 ; John ix. 1 ; Luke xiii. 10, xvii. 1 1 , xviii.
35, xxii. 51 ). Most of the miracles pertain to
one class : they brought help to the suffering or
sorrowing, and proclaimed what love the Man
that did them bore towards the children of men.
There is another class, showing a complete con-
trol over the powers of nature : first by acts of
creative power ; secondly by setting aside nat-
ural laws and conditions. In a third class of
those miracles we find our Lord overawing the
wills of men ; as when He twice cleared the
Temple of the traders (John ii. 13 ; Matt. xxi.
12) ; and when His look starred the officers
that came to take Him (John xviii. 6). And
in a fourth subdivision will stand one miracle
only, where His power was used for destruc-
tion — the case of the barren fig-tree (Matt.
xxi. 18). On reviewing all the recorded mira-
cles, we see at once that they are signs of the
nature of Christ's Person and mission. They
show how active and unwearied was His love :
they also show the diversity of its operation.
The miracles were intended to attract the witr
ucsses of them to become followers of Jesus,
and members of the kingdom of heaven. They
have then two purposes, the proximate arid
subordinate purpose of doing a work of love to
them that need it, and the higher purpose of
revealing Christ in His own Person and nature
as the Son of God and Saviour of men.
2. The Parable*. — Nearly fifty parables are
f (reserved in the Gospels, and they are only se-
eded from a larger number (Mark iv. 33). In
the parable some story of ordinary doings is
made to convey a spiritual meaning, beyond
what the narrative itself contains. In reference
to this kind of teaching, some hive hastily con-
cluded from our Lord's words (Luke viii. 10)
that the parable was employed to conceal
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knowledge from those who were not suscepti-
ble pf it, and that this was its chief purpose.
But it was chosen not for this negative object,
but for its positive advantages in the instruc-
tion of the disciples. If there was any mode
of teaching better suited than another* to the
purpose of preserving truths for the memory
that were not accepted by the heart, that mode
would be the best suited to their peculiar posi-
tion. Eastern teachers have made this mode
of instruction familiar ; the originality of the
parables lay not in the method of teaching by
stories, but in the profound and new truths
which the stories taught so aptly. Besides the
parables, the more direct teaching of our Lord
is conveyed in many discourses dispersed
through the Gospels, of which three may be
here selected as examples : the Sermon on the
Mount (Matt, v.-vii.), the discourse after the
feeding of the five thousand (John vi. 22-65),
and the final discourse and prayer which pre-
ceded the Passion (John xiv.-xvii.). Notwith-
standing the endeavor to establish that the
Sermon on the Mount of St. Matthew is different
from the Sermon on the Plain of St Luke, the
evidence for their being one and the same dis-
course greatly preponderates. If so, then its
historical position must be fixed from St. Luke;
and its earlier place in St. Matthew's Gospel
must be owing to the Evangelist's wish to com-
mence the account of the ministry of Jesus
with a summary of His teaching. From Luke
we learn that Jesus had gone up into a moun-
tain to pray, that on the morning following He
made np the number of His twelve Apostles,
and solemnly appointed them; and then dc-
tconding He stood upon a level place (Luke vi.
17), not necessarily at tlie bottom of the moun-
tain, but where the multitude could stand round
•nd hear; and there He taught them in a sol-
emn address the laws and constitution of His
new kingdom, the kingdom of Heaven. The
differences between the reports of the two Evan-
gelists are many. In the former Gospel the
sermon occupies one hundred and seven verses ;
in the latter, thirty. The longer report includes
the exposition of the relation of the Gospel to
the Law : it also draws together, as we have
seen, some passages which St. Luke reports
elsewhere ana in another connection ; and where
the two contain the same matter, that of St.
Luke is somewhat more compressed. But in
taking account of this, the purpose of St. Mat-
thew is to be borne in mind : the morality of
the Gospel is to be fully set forth at the begin-
ing of our Lord's ministry, and especially in its
bearing on the Law as usually received by the
Jews, for whose use espcciallv this Gospel was
designed. And when this discourse is com-
pared with the later examples to which we
shall presently refer, the fact comes out more
distinctly, that we have here the Code of the
Christian Lawgiver, rather than the whole
Gospel. The next example of the teaching of
Jesus must be taken from a later epoch in His
ministry. It is probable that the great dis-
course in John vi. took place about the time of
the Transfiguration. The effect of His personal
work on the disciples now becomes the promi-
nent subject. He bad taught them that He
wat the Christ, and had given them His law,
wider and deeper far than that of Moses. But
the objection to every law applies more strongly
the purer and higher the law is ; and " how to
perform that which I will " is a question that
grows more difficult to answer as the standard
of obedience is raised. It is that question
which our Lord proceeds to answer here. The
Redeemer alludes to His death, to the body
which shall suffer on the Cross, and to the blood
which shall be poured out This great sacrifice
is not only to be looked on, but to be believed;
and not only believed, but appropriated to the
believer, to become part of his very heart and
life. Faith, here as elsewhere, is the means of
apprehending it : but when it is once laid hold
of, it will be as much a part of the believer as
the food that nourishes the body becomes incor-
porated with the body. Many of the disciples
went back and walked no more with Jesus, be-
cause their conviction that He was the Messiah
had no real foundation. The rest remained
with Him for the reason so beautifully expressed
by Peter: "Lord, to whom shall we go!
Thou hast the words of eternal life. And we
believe and are rare that Thou art that Christ,
the Son of the living God" (John vi. 68, 69).
The third example of our Lord's discourses
which may be selected is that which closes His
ministry. This great discourse, recorded only
by St. John, extends from the thirteenth to the
end of the seventeenth chapter. It hardly ad-
mits of analysis. It announces the Saviour's
departure in the fulfilment of His mission ; it
imposes the new commandment on the disciples
of a special love towards each other which
should be the outward token to the world of
their Christian profession; it consoles them
with the promise of the Comforter who should
be to them instead of the Saviour ; it tells them
all that He should do for them, teaching them,
reminding them, reproving the world, and guid-
ing the disciples into all truth. It offers them,
instead of the bodily presence of their beloved
Master, free access to the throne of His Father,
and spiritual blessings such as they had not
known before. Finally, it culminates in that
sublime prayer (eh. xvii.) by which the High-
priest as it were consecrates Himself the victim.
These three discourses are examples of the
Saviour's teaching — of its progressive charac-
ter from the opening of His ministry to the
close.
The scene of the Lord's Ministry. — As to the
scene of the ministry of Christ, no less than as
to its duration, the three Evangelists seem at
first sight to be at variance with the fourth.
Matthew, Mark, and Luke record only our
Lord's doings in Galilee : if we put aside a few
days before the Passion, we find that they
never mention His visiting Jerusalem. John,
on the other hand, whilst he records some acts
in Galilee, devotes the chief part of bis Gospel
to the transactions in Judtea. But when the
supplemental character of John's Gospel is
borne in mind there is little difficulty in ex-
plaining this. The three Evangelists do not
profess to give a chronology of the ministry,
but rather a picture of it : notes of time are not
frequent in their narrative. And as they chiefly
confined themselves to Galilee, where the Re-
deemer's chief acts were done, they might
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naturally omit to mention the feasts, which,
being passed by our Lord at Jerusalem, added
nothing to the materials for His Galilean min-
istry. — Duration of the Ministry. — It is impos-
sible to determine exactly from the Gospels the
number of years during which the Redeemer
exercised His ministry before the Passion : but
the doubt lies between two and three. The
data are to be drawn from St. John. This
Evangelist mentions six feasts, at five of which
Jesus was present ; the Passover that followed
His baptism (ii. 13); "a feast of the Jews"
(v. 1), a Passover during which Jesus remained
in Galilee (vi. 4) ; the feast of Tabernacles
to which the Lord went up privately (vii. 2) ;
the feast of Dedication (x. 22); and lastly the
feast of Passover, at which he suffered (xii.,
xiii.). There are certainly three Passovers,
and it is possible that "a feast" (v. 1) may be
a fourth. Upon this possibility the question
turns. But if this feast is not a Passover, then
no Passover is mentioned by John between the
first (ii. 13), and that which is spoken of in the
sixth chapter ; and the time between those two
must be assumed to be a single year only. Now,
although the record of John of this period con-
tains but few facts, yet, when all the Evangel-
ists are compared, the amount of labor com-
pressed into this single year would he too much
tor its compass. It is, to say the least, easier
to suppose that the " feast " (John v. 1 ) was a
Passover, dividing the time into two, and throw-
ing two of these circuits into the second year
of the ministry. Upon the whole, thongh there
is nothing that amounts to proof, it is probable
that there were four Passovers, and consequent-
ly that our Lord's ministry lasted somewhat
more than three years, the " beginning of mir-
acles" (John ii.) having been wrought before
the first Passover. The year of the first of
these Passovers was u.o. 780, and the Bap-
tism of our Lord took place either in the be-
ginning of that year or the end of the year pre-
ceding.
Onr Lord has now passed through the ordeal
of temptation, and His ministry is begun. At
Bethabara, to which He returns, disciples be-
gin to be drawn towards Him; Andrew and
another, probably John, the sole narrator of
the fact, see Jesus, and hear the Baptist's testi-
mony concerning Him. Andrew brings Si-
mon Peter to see Him also ; and he receives
from the Lord the name of Cephas. Then
Philip and Nathanael are brought into contact
with onr Lord. The two disciples last named
saw Him as He was about to set out for Gali-
ilee, on the third day of His sojourn at Beth-
abara. The third day after this interview,
Jesus is at Cana in Galilee, and works His first
miracle by making the water wine (John i. 29,
35, 43, ii. I). He now betakes Himself to
Capernaum, and, after a sojourn there of " not
many days," sets out for Jerusalem to the Pass-
over, which was to be the beginning of His
ministry in Judssa (John ii. 12, 13). The
cleansing of the Temple is associated by St.
John with this first Passover (ii. 12-22), and a
similar cleansing is assigned to the last Pass-
over by the other Evangelists. These two can-
not be confounded without throwing discredit
•n the historical character of one narrative or
the other; the notes of time are too precise.
The expulsion of the traders was not likely to
produce a permanent effect, and at the end of
three years Jesus found the tumult and the
traffic defiling the court of the Temple as they
had done when He visited it before. The visit
of Nicodemus to Jesus took place about this
first Passover. It implies that our Lord had
done more at Jerusalem than is recorded of Him
even by John ; since we have here a Master of
Israel (John iii. 10), a member of the Sanhe-
drim (John vii. SO), expressing his belief in
Him, although too timid at this time to make
an open profession. The object of the visit,
though not directly stated, is still clear : be was
one of the better Pharisees, who were expecting
the kingdom of Messiah, and having seen the
miracles that Jesus did, he came to inquire
more fully about these signs of its approach. It
has been well said that this discourse contains
the whole Gospel in epitome. After a sojourn
at Jerusalem of uncertain duration, Jesus went
to the Jordan with His disciples; and they
there baptized in His name. The Baptist was
now at -dEnon near Salim ; and the jealousy of
his disciples against Jesus drew from John an
avowal of his position, which is remarkable for
its humility (John iii. 27-30). How long this
sojourn in Judasa lasted is uncertain. But in
order to reconcile John iv. 1 with Matt iv. 12,
we must suppose that it was much longer than
the "twenty -six or twenty - seven " days, to
which Mr. Greswell wonld limit it. In the way
to Galilee, Jesus passed by the shortest route,
through Samaria. In the time of our Lord the
Samaritans were hated by the Jews even more
than if they had been Gentiles. Vet even in
Samaria were souls to be saved, and Jesus
would not shake off even that dust from His
feet. He came in His journey to Sichem,
which the Jews in mockery bad changed to
Sychar. Wearied and athirst, He sat on the
side of Jacob's well. A woman from the neigh-
boring town came to draw from the well, and
was astonished that a Jew should address her
as a neighbor, with a request for water. The
conversation that ensued might be taken for an
example of the mode in which Christ leads to
Himself the souls of men. In this remarkable
dialogue are many things to ponder over. The
living water which Christ would give ; the an-
nouncement of a change in the worship of
Jew and Samaritan ; lastly, the confession that
He who speaks is truly the Messiah, are all
noteworthy.
Jesus now returned to Galilee, and came to
Nazareth, His own city. In the Synagogue He
expounded to the people a passage from Isaiah
(lxi. I), telling them that its fulfilment was
now at hand in His person. The same truth
that had filled the Samaritans with gratitude,
wrought up to fury the men of Nazareth, who
would have destroyed Him if He had not es-
caped out of their hands (Luke iv. 16-30). He
came now to Capernaum. On his way hither,
when He had reached Cana, He healed the son
of one of the courtiers of Herod Antipas (John
iv. 46-54), who "himself believed, and his
whole house." This was the second Galilean
miracle. At Capernaum He wrought many
miracles for them that needed. Here two dis-
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ciplea who had known him before — namely,
Simon Peter and Andrew — were called from
their fishing to become " fishers of men " (Matt.
iv. 19), and the two sons of Zebedee received the
same summons. After healing on the Sabbath
• demoniac in the Synagogue, a miracle which
was witnessed by many, and was made known
everywhere, He returned the same day to Si-
mon s house, and healed the mother-in-law of
Simon, who was sick of a fever. At sunset, the
multitude, now fully aroused by what they had
heard, brought their sick to Simon's door to
get them healed. He did not refuse His succor,
and healed them all (Mark i. 29-34). He now,
after showering down on Capernaum so many
cures, turned His thoughts to the rest of Gali-
lee, where other " lost sheep " were scattered :
— " Let us go into the next towns that I may
preach there also, for therefore came I forth "
[Mark i. 38). The journey through Galilee,
on which He now entered, must have been a
general circuit of that country.
Second year of the ministry. — Jesus went up
to Jerusalem to " a feast of the Jews," which
was probably the Passover. At the pool Be-
thesda (= house of mercy), which was near the
sheep-gate (Neh. iii. 1) on the north-east side
of the Temple, Jesus saw many infirm persons
waiting their turn for the healing virtues of the
water (John v. 1-18). Among them was a
man who had an infirmity thirty-eight years :
Jesus made him whole by a word, bidding him
take up his bed and walk. The miracle was
done on the Sabbath ; and the Jews, who acted
against Jesus, rebuked the man for carrying his
bed. It was a labor, and as such forbidden
(Jer. xvii. 21 ). In our Lord's justification of
Himself, " My Father worketh hitherto, and I
work" (John v. 17), there is an unequivocal
claim to the divine nature. Another discussion
about the Sabbath arose from the disciples
plucking the ears of corn as they went through
the fields (Matt. xii. 1-8). The time of this is
somewhat uncertain; some would place it a
year later, just after the third Passover : but its
place is much more probably here. Our Lord
quotes cases where the law is superseded or set
aside, because He is One who has power to do
the same. And the rise of a new law is implied
in those words which St Mark alone has re-
corded : " The Sabbath was made for man, and
not man for the Sabbath." The law upon the
Sabbath was made in love to men, to preserve
for them a due measure of rest, to keep room
for the worship of God. The Son of Man has
power to re-adjust this law, if its work is done,
or if men are fit to receive a higher. This may
have taken place on the way to Jerusalem after
the Passover. On another Sabbath, probably
at Capernaum, to which Jesus had returned,
the Pharisees gave a far more striking proof of
the way in which their hard and narrow and
unloving interpretation would turn the benefi-
cence of the Law into a blighting oppression.
Our Lord entered into the synagogue, and
found there a man with a withered hand —
some poor artisan perhaps, whose handiwork
was bis means of life. Jesus was about to heal
him — which would give back life to the suf-
ferer — which would give joy to every beholder
who had one touch of pity 'in his heart. The
Pharisees interfere : " Is it lawful to heal on
the Sabbath-day 1 " Their doctors would have
allowed them to pull a sheep out of a pit ; but
they will not have a man rescued from the
depth of misery. Rarely is that loving Teacher
wroth; but here His anger, mixed with grief,
showed itself: He looked round about upon
them " with anger, being grieved at the hard-
ness of their hearts," and answered their cavils
by healing the man (Matt xii. 9-14; Mark iii.
1-6; Luke vi. 6-11).
In placing the ordination or calling of the
Twelve Apostles just before the Sermon on the
Mount, we are under the guidance of St. Luke
(vi. 13, 17). But this more solemn separation
for their work by no means marks the time of
their first approach to Jesus. That which takes
place here is the appointment of twelve disci-
ples to be a distinct body, under the name
of Apostles. They are not sent forth to preach
until later in the same year. The number
twelve must have reference to the number of
the Jewish tribes : it is a number selected on
account of its symbolical meaning, for the work
confided to them might have been wrought by-
more or fewer. In the four lists of the name*
of the Apostles preserved to us (Matt. x. ;
Mark iii. ; Luke vi. ; Acts i.), there is a certain
order preserved, amidst variations. The two
pairs of brothers, Simon and Andrew, and the
sons of Zebedee, are always named the first;
and of these Simon Peter ever holds the first
place. Philip and Bartholomew, Thomas and
Matthew, are always in the next rank ; and of
them Philip is always the first. In the third
rank, James the son of Alphaeus is the first, as
Judas Iscariot is always the last, with Simon
the Zealot and Thaddcus between. Some of
the Apostles were certainly poor and unlearned
men; it is probable that the rest were of the
same kind. Four of them were fishermen, not
indeed the poorest of their class ; and a fifth
was a "publican," one of the tax-gatherers,
who collected the taxes farmed by Romans of
higher rank. From henceforth the education
of the twelve Apostles will be one of the princi-
pal features of the Lord's ministry. First He
instructs them ; then He takes them with Him
as companions of His wayfaring ; then He sends
them forth to teach and heal for Him. The
Sermon on the Mount, although it is meant for
all the disciples, seems to have a special refer-
ence to the chosen Twelve ( Matt v. 1 1 ) . About
this time it was that John the Baptist, long
a prisoner with little hope of release, sent his
disciples to Jesus with the question, " Art thou
He that should come, or do we look for anoth-
er?" In all the Gospels there is no more
touching incident Tne great privilege of
John's life was that he was appointed to recog-
nize and bear witness to the Messiah (John i.
31). After languishing a year in a dungeon,
after learning that even yet Jesus had made no
steps towards the establishment of His kingdom
of the Jews, and that His following consisted
of only twelve poor Galileans, doubts began to
cloud over his spirit Was the kingdom of
Messiah as near as he had thought f Was
Jesus not the Messiah, but some forerunner of
that Deliverer, as he himself had been ? There
is no unbelief; be does not suppose that Jesus
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has deceived ; when the doubts arise, it is to
Jesus that he submits them. But it was not
without great depression and perplexity that he
put the question, "Art thou Ho that should
come ! " The scope of tho answer given lies in
its recalling John to the grounds of his former
confidence.
Now commences the second circuit ot Gali-
lee (Luke viii. 1-3), to which belong the para-
ble* in Matt, xiii., the visit of our Lord's
mother and brethren (Luke viii. 19-21), and
the account of His reception at Nazareth (Murk
vi. 1-6). During this time the twelve have
journeyed with Him. But now a third circuit
in Galilee is recorded, which probably occurred
during the last three months of this year (Matt
ix. 35-38) ; and daring this circuit, after re-
minding them how great is the harvest and how
pressing the need of laborers, He carries tho
training of the disciples one step further by
seeding them forth by themselves to teach (Matt.
x., xi.). They went forth two and two ; and
our Lord continued His own circuit (Matt. xi.
i), with what companions does not appear.
After a journey of perhaps two months dura-
tion, the twelve return to Jesus, and give an ac-
count of their ministry. The third Passover
was now drawing near ; but the Lord did not
go up to it. He wished to commune with His
Apostles privately upon their work, and, we
mar suppose, to add to the instruction they
had already received from Him (Mark vi. 30,
31). He therefore went with them from tho
neighborhood of Capernaum to a mountain on
the eastern shore of the Sea of Tiberias, near
Bcthsaida Julias, not far from the head of the
sea. Great multitudes pursued them ; and here
the Lord, moved to compassion by the hunger
and weariness of the people, wrought for them
one of His most remarkable miracles. Out of
fife barely-loavcs and two small fishes, He pro-
duced food for five thousand men besides wo-
men and children. After the miracle the dis-
ciples crossed the sea, and Jesus retired alone
to a mountain to commune with the Father.
They were toiling at the oar, for the wind was
contrary, when, as the night drew towards
morning, they saw Jesus walking to them on
the sea, having passed the whole night on the
mountain. They were amazed and terrified.
Re came into the ship, and the wind ceased.
When they reached the shore of Gennesarct the
whole people showed their faith in Him as a
healer of disease (Mark vi. 53-56) ; and He per-
formed very many miracles on them. Tet on
the next day the great discourse just alluded to
wu uttered, and " from that time many of His
disciples went back, and walked no more with
Him* (John vi. 66).
Third Year of lie Ministry. — Hearing per-
haps that Jesus was not coming to the feast,
Scribes and Pharisees from Jerusalem went
down to see Him at Capernaum (Matt. xv. 1).
Leaving the neighborhood of Capernaum, our
Lord now travels to the north-west of Galilee, to
the region of Tyre and Sidon. The time is not
strictly determined; but it was probably the
<ariy summer of this year. It does not appear
(oat He retired into this heathen country for
the purpose of ministering ; more probanly it
"as a retreat from the machinations of the Jews
(Matt xv. 21-28; Mark vii. 24-30). Retim-
ing thence, He passed round by the north of the
Sea of Galilee to the region of Decapolis on its
eastern side (Mark vii. 31-37). In this dis-
trict He performed many miracles, and especial-
ly the restoration of a deaf man who had an
impediment in his speech, remarkable for the
seeming effort with which He wrought it. To
these succeeded the feeding of the four thousand
with the seven loaves (Matt. xv. 32). He now
crossed the Lake of Magdala, where the Phari-
sees and Sadducees asked and were refused a
" sign." After they had departed, Jesus crossed
the lake with His disciples. At Bethsaida
Julias, He restored sight to a blind man; and
here, as in a former case, the form and prepara-
tion which He adopted are to be remarked
(Mark. viii. 22-26). The ministry in Galilee is
now drawing to its close. Through the length
and breadth of that country, Jesus has pro-
claimed the kingdom of Heaven, and has shown
by mighty works that He is the Christ that was
to come. The lengthened journey - through the
land, the miracles, far more than are recorded
in detail, had brought the Gospel home to all
the people. Capernaum was the focus of His
ministry. Through Chorazin and Bethsaida
He had no doubt passed with crowds behind
Hint, drawn together by wonders that they had
seen, and by the hope of others to follow them.
Many thousands had actually been benefited by
the miracles ; and yet of all \hoso there were only
twelvethat really clave to Him, and one of them
was Judas the traitor. With this rejection an
epoch of the history is connected. He begins
to unfold now the doctrine of His passion more
fullv. The doctrine of a suffering Messiah, so
plainly exhibited in the prophets, had receded
from sight in the current religion of that time.
The announcement of it to the disciples was at
once now and shocking. Turning now to the
whole body of those who followed nim (Mark,
Luke), He published the Christian doctrine of
self-denial. Tho Apostles had just shown that
they took the natural view of suffering, that it
was an evil to bo shunned. They shrank from
conflict, and pain, and death, as it is natural
men should. But Jesus teaches, that, in com-
parison with the higher life, the life of the soul,
the life of the body is valueless (Mntt. xvf. 21-
28 ; Mark viii. 81-38 ; Luke ix. 22-27) The
Transfiguration, which took place just a week
after this conversation, is to be understood in
connection with it. The minds of the twelve
were greatly disturbed at what they had heard.
Now, if ever, they needed support for their per-
plexed spirits, and this their loving Master
failed not to (rive them. He takes with Him
three chosen disciples, Peter, John, and James,
who formed as it were a smaller circle nearer to
Jesus than thereat, into a high mountain, apart
by themselves. There are no means of deter-
mining the position of the mountain. The
three disciples were taken up with Him, who
should afterwards be the three witnesses of His
agonyin the Garden of Gethsemane : those who
saw His glory in the holy mount would be
sustained by the remembrance of it when they
beheld His lowest humiliation. The calmness
and exactness of the narrative preclude all doubt
as to its historical character. There has been
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much discussion on the purport of this great I
wonder. Bat thus much seems highly probable.
First, as it was connected with the prayer of
Jesus, to which it was no doubt an answer, it
is to be regarded as a kind of inauguration of
Him in His new office as the High-priest who
should make atonement for the sins of the peo-
ple with His own blood. Secondly, as the wit-
nesses of this scene were the same three disciples
who were with the Master in the Garden of
Gethsemane, it may be assumed that the one
was intended to prepare them for the other.
As they came down from the mountain, He
charged them to keep secret what they had seen
till after the Resurrection ; which shows that
this miracle took place for His use and for theirs,
rather than for the rest of the disciples. Mean-
time amongst the multitude below a scene was
taking place which formed the strongest con-
trast to the glory and the peace which they had
witnessed, and which seemed to justify Peter's
remark, " It is good for us to be here." A
poor youth, lunatic and possessed by a devil,
was brought to the disciples who were not with
Jesus, to be cured. They could not prevail ;
and when Jesus appeared amongst them, the
gpnized and disappointed father appealed to
im, with a kind of complaint, of the impotence
of the disciples. What the disciples had failed
to do, Jesus did at a word. He then explained
to them that their want of faith in their own
power to heal, and in His promises to bestow
the power upon them, was the cause of their
inability (Matt xvii. 14-21 ; Mark ix. 14-29;
Luke ix. 37-43). Once more did Jesus fore-
tell His sufferings on their way back to Ca-
pernaum (Mark ix. 30-32).
From the Feast of Tabernacle*, Third Year. —
The Feast of Tabernacles was now approach-
ing. His brethren set out for the feast without
Hun, and He abode in Galilee for a few days
longer (John vii. 2-10). Afterwards He set
out, taking the more direct but less frequented
route by Samaria. St. Luke alone records, in
connection with this journey, the sending-forth
of the seventy disciples. This event is to be
regarded in a different light from that of the
twelve. The seventy had received no special
education from our Lord, and their commission
was of a temporary kind. The number has
reference to the Gentiles, as twelve had to the
Jews; and the scene of the work, Samaria,
reminds us that this is a movement directed
towards the stranger.' After healing the ten
lepers in Samaria, He came about the midst
of the feast to Jerusalem. The Pharisees and
rulers sought to take Him ; some of the people,
however, believed in Him, but concealed their
opinion for fear of the rulers. To this divis-
ion of opinion we may attribute the failure
of the repeated attempts on the part of the
Sanhedrim to take One who was openly teach-
ing in the Temple (John vii. 11-53: see esp.
ver. 30, 32, 44, 45, 46). The officers were
partly afraid to seize in the presence of the
people the favorite Teacher ; and partly were
themselves awed and attracted by Him. The
1 They were sent " Into every dty whither He
Himself would come » (Luke x. 1) ; but of Himself
He says. " I am not sent save to the lost sheep of
the house of Israel " (Matt. xv. 34).
history of the woman taken in adultery be
longs to this time. To this place belongs the
account, given by John alone, of the healing
of one who was born blind, and the conse-
quences of it (John ix. 1-41, x. 1-21). The
well-known parable of the Good Shepherd is an
answer to the calumny of the Pharisees, that
He was an impostor and breaker of the law,
" This man is not of God, because he keepeth
not the Sabbath-day" (ix. 16).
We now approach a difficult portion of the
sacred history. The note of time given us by
John immediately afterwards is the Feast of
the Dedication, which was celebrated on the
25th of Chisleu, answering nearly to December.
According to this Evangelist, our Lord does not
appear to have returned to Galilee between the
Feast of Tabernacles and that of Dedication,
but to have passed the time in and near Jeru-
salem. Matthew and Mark do not allude to
the Feast of Tabernacles. Luke appears to do
so in ix. 51 : but the words there used would
imply that this was the last journey to Jeru-
salem. Now in St. Luke's Gospel a large
section, from ix. 51 to xviii. 14, seems to belong
to the time preceding the departure from Gali-
lee ; and the question is how is this to be ar-
ranged, so that it shall harmonize with the
narrative of St. John. In most harmonies a
return of our Lord to Galilee has been assumed,
in order to find a place for this part of Lake's
Gospel. Perhaps this great division of Luke
(x. 17-xviii. 14) should be inserted entire be-
tween John x. 21 and 22. Some of die most
striking parables, preserved only by Luke, be-
long to this period. The parables of the Good
Samaritan, the prodigal son, the unjust steward,
the rich man and Lazarus, and the Pharisee
and publican, all peculiar to this Gospel, be-
long to the present section. The instructive
account of Mary and Martha and the miracle
of the ten lepers belong to this portion of the
narrative. Besides these, scattered sayings that
occur in St. Matthew are here repeated in a
new connection. The account of the bringing
of young children to Jesus unites again the
three Evangelists (Matt. xix. 13-15; Mark
x. 18-16 ; Luke xviii. 15-17). On the way to
Jerusalem through Perea, to the Feast of Dedi-
cation, Jesus again puts before the minds of
the twelve what they are never now to forget,
the sufferings that await Him. They " under-
stood none of these things," for they could not
reconcile this foreboding of suffering with the
signs and announcements of the coming of His
kingdom (Matt. xx. 17-19; Mark x. 32-34;
Luke xviii. 31-34). In consequence of this
new, though dark, intimation of the coming
of the kingdom, Salome, with her two sons,
James and John, came to bespeak the two
places of highest honor in the kingdom. Jesus
tells them that they know not what they ask;
that the places of honor in the kingdom shall
be bestowed, not by Jesus in answer to a chance
request, but upon those for whom they are pre-
pared by the Father. As sin ever provokes sin,
the ambition of the ten was now aroused, and
they began to he much displeased with James
and John. Jesus once more recalls the principle
that the child-like disposition is that which He
approves (Matt. xx. 20-28 ; Mark x. 35-45).
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The healing of the two blind men at Jericho
b chiefly remarkable among the miracles from
the difficulty which has arisen in harmonizing
the accounts. Matthew speaks of two blind
men, and of the occasion as the departure from
Jericho ; Mark of one, whom he names, and of
their arrival at Jericho ; and Luke agrees with
him. This point has received much discussion ;
but the view of Lightfoot finds favor with
many eminent expositors, that there were two
blind men, and both were healed under similar
circumstances, except that Bartinueus was on
one side of the city, and was healed by Jesus
as He entered, and the other was healed on the
other side as they departed (Matt xx. 29-34 ;
Mark x. 46-93 ; Luke xviii. 35-43). The
calling of Zacchseus has more than a mere per-
sonal interest. He was a publican, one of a
class hated and despised by the Jews. But he
was one who sought to serve God. From such
did Jeans wish to call His disciples, whether
they were publicans or not (Luke xix. 1-10).
We have reached now the Feast of Dedication ;
bat, as has been said, the exact place of the
events in St. Lake about this part of the min-
istry has not been conclusively determined.
After being present at the feast, Jesus returned
to Bethabara beyond Jordan, where John hod
formerly baptized, and abode there. How long
He remained here does not appear. It was
probably for some weeks. The sore need of a
family in Bethany, who were what men call
the intimate friends of our Lord, called Him
thence. Lazarus was sick, and his sisters sent
word of it to Jeans, whose power they well
knew. It was not till Lazarus had been four
days in the gf» T 8 that the Saviour appeared on
the scene. But with the power of God He
breaks the fetters in which Lazarus was held
by death, and at His word the man on whom
corruption had already begun to do its work
came forth alive and whole (John xi. 1-45).
A miracle so public, for Bethany was close to
Jerusalem, and the family of Lazarus well
known to many people in the mother-city,
could not escape the notice of the Sanhedrim.
A meeting of this Council was called without
loss of time, and the matter discussed. We
now approach the final stage of the history,
sod every word and act tends towards the great
act of suffering. Bach day is marked by its
own events or instructions. Our Lord entered
into Bethany on Friday the 8th of Nisan, the
en of the Sabbath, and remained over the
Sabbath.
Saturday the 9th of Niton (April 1st). — As
be was at supper in the house of one Simon,
unnamed " the Leper," a relation of Lazarus,
who was at table with Him, Mary, full of grati-
tode for the wonderful raising of her brother
from the dead, took a vessel containing a Quan-
tity of pore ointment of spikenard, and anointed
the feet of Jeans, and wiped His feet with her
bur, and anointed His head likewise.
Pamon Wale. Sunday tke 10M day of Niton
[April 2d). — When He arrives at the Mount
of Olives He commands two of His disciples to
go into the village near at hand, where they
would find an ass, and a colt tied with her.
With these beasts, impressed as for the service
of a king, He was to enter into Jerusalem. The
disciples spread upon the ass their ragged cloaks
for Him to sit on. And the multitudes cried
aloud before Him, in the words of the 118th
Psalm, " Hosannu, Save now ! blessed is He
that cometh in the name of the Lord." All the
city was moved. Blind and lame came to the
Temple when He arrived there, and were healed.
After working miracles in the Temple, Ho re-
turned to Bethany. The 10th of Nisan was the
day for the separation of the paschal lamb (Ex.
xii. 3). Jesus, the Lamb of God, entered Jeru-
salem and the Temple on this day, and although
none but He knew that He was the Paschal
Lamb, the coincidence is not undesigned (Matt.
xxi. 1-11, 14-17; Mark xi. 1-11 ; Lake xix.
29-44 ; John xii. 12-19).
Monday the llth of Niton (April 3a*).— The
next day Jesus returned to Jerusalem, again to
take advantage of the mood of the people to in-
struct them. On the way He approached ono
of the many fig-trees which grew in that quarter,
and found that it was full of foliage, but with-
out fruit. He said, " No man eat fruit of thee
hereafter forever!" and the fig-tree withered
away (Matt. xxi. 18, 19; Mark xi. 12-14). Pro-
ceeding now to the Temple, Ho cleared its
court of the crowd of traders that gathered
there (Matt, xxi. 12, 13 ; Mark xi. 15-19 ; Luko
xix. 45-48). In the evening he returned again
to Bethany.
Tuaday the 12n of Niton (April 4th).—
On this the third day of Passion week, Jesus
went into Jerusalem as before, and visited the
Temple. The Sanhedrim came to Him to call
Him to account for tho clearing of tho Temple :
" By what authority doest thou these things ? "
The Lord answered their question by another.
They refused to answer, and Jesus refused in
like manner to answer them. To this time be-
long the parables of the two sons (Matt xxi.
23-32 ; Mark xi. 27-33 ; Lnko xx. 1-8), of tho
wicked husbandman, and of tho wedding gar-
ment (Matt xxi. 33-46, xxii. 1-14 ; Mark xii.
1-12; Luke xx. 9-19). Another great dis-
course belongs to this day, which, more than
any other, presents Jesas as the grwt Prophet
of His people. On leaving tho Temple His
disciples drew attention to the beauty or its
structure, its "goodly stones and gifts,'- their
remarks probably arising from the threats of
destruction which had so lately been uttered
by Jesus. Their Master answered that not ono
stone of the noble pile should be left upon
another. When they reached the Mount of
Olives, the disciples, or rather the first four
(Mark), speaking for the rest, asked Him when
this destruction should be accomplished. To
understand the answer, it must be borne in mind
that Jesus warned them that He was not giving
them an historical account such as would en-
able them to anticipate the events. " Of that
day and hour knoweth no man, no, not the an-
gels of heaven, but my Father only." Exact
data of time are to be purposely withheld from
them. Accordingly two events, analogous in
character but widely sundered by time, are so
treated in the prophecy that it is almost impos-
sible to disentangle them. The destruction of
Jerusalem and the day of judgment — the na-
tional and the universal days of account — are
[ spoken of together or alternately without hint
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of the great interval of time that separates them.
The conclusion which Jesus drew from His own
awful warning was, that they were not to attempt
to fix the date of His return. The lesson of the
parable of the Ten Virgins is the same (Matt
xxiv. 44, xxv. 13). And the parable of the
Talents, here repeated in a modified form,
teaches how precious to souls are the uses of
time (xxv. 14-30). In concluding this moment-
ous discourse, our Lord puts aside the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem, and displays to our eyes
the picture of the final judgment (Matt. xxv.
31-46). With these weighty words ends the
third day.
Wednaday the 13th of Nixm (April «*).—
This day was passed in retirement with the
Apostles. Satan had put it into the mind of
one of them to betray Him ; and Judas Iscari-
ot made a covenant to betray Him to the chief
?riests for thirty pieces of silver (Matt. xxvi.
4-16; Mark xiv. 10, 11 ; Luke xxii. 1-6).
Thunday the 14M of Niton (April 6th). — On
" the first day of unleavened bread," the disci-
ples asked their Master where they were to eat
the Passover. He directed Peter and John to
Si into Jerusalem, and to follow a man whom
ey should see bearing a pitcher of water, and
to demand of him, in their Master's name, the
use of the guest-chamber in his house for this
purpose. All happened as Jesus had told them,
and in the evening they assembled to celebrate,
for the last time, the paschal meal. The se-
quence of the events is not quite clear from a
comparison of the Evangelists. The order
seems to be as follows. When they had taken
their places at table and the supper had begun,
Jesus gave them the first cap to divide amongst
themselves ( Luke). It was customary to drink
at the paschal supper four cups of wine mixed
with water; and this answered to the first
of them. There now arose a contention among
the disciples which of them should be the great-
est ; perhaps in connection with the places which
they had taken at this feast (Luke). After a
solemn warning against pride and ambition,
Jesus performed an act which, as one of the last
of His life, must ever have been remembered by
the witnesses as a great lesson of humility. He
rose from the table, poured water into a basin,
girded himself with a towel, and proceeded to
wash the disciples' feet (John). After all had
been washed, the Saviour explained to them the
raeaningof what He had done. " If I, your Lord
and Master, have washed your feet, ye also
ought to wash one another's feet. For I have
given you an example, that ye should do as I
nave done to you " (Matt. xxvi. 17-20 ; Mark
xiv. 12-17 ; Luke xxii. 7-30 ; John xiii. 1-20).
From this act of love it does not seem that even
the traitor Judos was excluded. But hU treason
was thoroughly known ; and now Jesus de-
nounces it. One of them should betray Him.
The traitor having gone straight to his wicked
object, the end of the Saviour's ministry seemed
already at hand. He gave them the new com-
mandment, to love one another, as though it
were a last bequest to them (Matt. xxvi. 21-25 ;
Mark xiv. 18-21 ; Luke xxii. 21-23 ; John xiii.
21-35). Towards the close of the meal, Jesus
instituted the sacrament of the Lord's Supper
(Matt. xxvi. 26-29; Mark xiv. 22-25; Luke
xxii. 19, 20 ; 1 Cor. xi. 23-25). The denial of
Peter is now foretold, and to no one would sock
an announcement be more incredible than to
Peter himself (Matt. xxvi. 31-35; Mark xiv.
27-31 ; Luke xxii. 31-38 ; John xiii. 36-38).
That great final discourse, which John alone
has recorded, is now delivered. Although in
the middle of it there is a mention of departure
(John xiv. 31), this perhaps only implies that
they prepared to go ; and then the whole dis-
course was delivered in the house before they
proceeded to Gethsemane (John xiv.-xvS).
Friday the 15rA of Niton (Apnlltk), imeLdmg
part of the eve of it. — "When they had song a
hymn," which perhaps means, when they bad
sung the second part of the Haliel, or song of
praise, which consisted of Psalms cxv.-cxviii.,
the former part (Psalms cxiii., cxiv.) having
been sung at an earlier part of the supper, they
went out into the Mount of Olives. Jesus take*
only His three proved companions, Peter, James
and John, and passes with them farther into the
garden, leaving the rest seated, probably near
the entrance. No pen can attempt to describe
what passed that night in that secluded spot.
He tells them, " My soul is exceeding sorrowful,
even onto death : tarry ye here and watch with
me," and then leaving even the three He goes
farther, and in solitude wrestles with an incon-
ceivable trial. The words of Mark are still
more expressive — " He began to be sore
amazed, and to be very heavy (xiv. 33). The
former word means that he was struck with a
great dread ; not from the fear of physical suf-
fering, however excruciating, we may well be-
lieve, but from the contact with the sins of the
world, of which, in some inconceivable way, He
felt the bitterness and the weight. He did not
merely contemplate them, but bear and feet
them. It is impossible to explain this scene in
Gethsemane in any other way. The disciples
have sunk to steep. It was in search of conso-
lation that He came back to them. The disci-
fle who had been so ready to ask, " Why cannot
follow thee now ? " must hear another ques-
tion, that rebukes his former confidence —
" Couldest not thou watch one hour 1 " A sec-
ond time He departs and wrestles in prayer with
the Father. A second time He returns and finds
them sleeping. The same scene is repealed yet
a third time ; and then all is concluded. Hence-
forth they may sleep and take their rest ; never-
more shall they be asked to watch one hoar with
Jesus, for His ministry in the flesh is at an end.
This scene is in complete contrast to the Trans-
figuration (Matt. xxvi. 36-46 ; Mark xiv. 82-42 ;
Luke xxii. 39-46 ; John xviii. 1). Jadat now
appeared to complete his work. In the doubt-
ful light of torches, a kiss from him was the sign
to the officers whom they should take. Peter,
whose name is first given in John's Gospel,
drew a sword and smote a servant of the high-
priest, and cut off his ear ; but bis Lord refused
such succor, and healed the wounded man. All
the disciples forsook Him and fled (Matt. xxvi.
47-56 ; Mark xiv. 43-52 ; Luke xxii. 47-53;
John xviii. 9-12).
There is some difficulty in arranging the
events that immediately follow, sou to eiabraee
nil the four accounts. On the capture «f Jesus
He was first taken to the house of Annas, the
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father-in-law of Caiaphas the high-priest. It
might appear from the course of John's narra-
tive that the examination of our Lord, and the
first denial of Peter, took place in the house of
Annas (John xriii. 13, 14). But the 34th verse
is retrospective ; and probably all that occurred
after verse 14 took place not at the house of
Annas, but at that of Caiaphas. The house of
the high-priest consisted probably, like other
Eastern houses, of an open central court with
chambers round it. Into this court a gate ad-
mitted them, at which a woman stood to open.
As Peter passed in, the portress took note of
him ; and afterwards, at the fire which had been
lighted, asked him, " Art not thou also one of
this man's disciples?" (John.) All the zeal
and boldness of Peter seems to have deserted
him. He had come as in secret; he is deter-
mined so to remain, and he denies his Master !
Feeling now the danger of his situation, he went
ont into the porch and there some one, or,
looking at all the accounts, probably several
persons, asked him the question a second time,
and he denied more strongly. About an hour
after, when he had returned into the court, the
same question was put to him a third time, with
the same result. Then the cock crew; and
Jesus, who was within sight, probably in some
open room communicating with the court,
" turned and looked upon Peter. And Peter
remembered the word of the Lord, how He had
said unto Him, Before the cock crow, thou shalt
deny Me thrice. And Peter went out and wept
bitterly" (Matt. xxvi. 57, 58, 69-75; Markxiv.
53, 54, 66-73 ; Lake xxii. 54-63 ; John xviii.
13-18, 34-97).
The first interrogatory to which onr Lord
was subject (John xviii. 19-34) was addressed
to Him by Caiaphas, probably before the San-
hedrim had time to assemble. It was the ques-
tioning of an inquisitive person who had an
important criminal in hispresence, rather than
a formal examination. The Lord's refusal to
answer is thns explained and justified. When
the more regular proceedings begin, He is ready
to answer. A servant of the high-priest, know-
ing that he should thereby please his master,
smote the cheek of the Son of God with the
palm of his hand. But this was onlv the be-
ginning of horrors. At the dawn of* day the
Sanhedrim, summoned by the high-priest in
the course of the night, assembled, and brought
their band of false witnesses, whom they most
have had ready before. These gave their tes-
timony, but even before this unjust tribunal it
could not stand ; it was so full of contradic-
tions. At last two false witnesses came, and
their testimony was very like the truth. Even
these two fell into contradictions. The high-
priest now with a solemn adjuration asks Him
whether He is the Christ, the Son of God. He
answers that He is, and foretells His return in
glory and power at the last day This is
enough for their purpose. They pronounce
Him guilty of a crime for which death should
be the punishment (John xviii. 19-34; Luke
xxii. 68-71 ; Matt. xxvi. 59-68 ; Mark xiv.
55-65). Although they had pronounced Jesus
to be guilty of death, the Sanhedrim possessed
no power to carry ont such a sentence. As
lit was day they took Him to Pilate, the
(3
Roman procurator. The hall of judgment, or
pratorium, was probably a part of the tower
of Antonia near the Temple, where the Roman
garrison was. Pilate, hearing that Jesus was
an offender under their law, was about to give
them leave to treat him accordingly ; and this
would have made it quite safe to execute Him.
From the first, Jesus found favor in the eyes
of Pilate, and he pronounced that he found no
fault in Him. Not so easily were the Jews to
be cheated of their prey. They heaped up ac-
cusations against Him as a disturber of tfle
public peace (Luke xxiii. 5). Pilate was no
match for their vehemence. Finding that Jesus
was a Galilean, he sent Him to Herod to be
dealt with ; but Herod, after cruel mockery and
persecution, sent Him back to Pilate. Now
commenced the fearful «truggle between the
Roman procurator, a weak as well as cruel
man, and the Jews. The well-known incidents
of die second interview are soon recalled.
After the examination by Herod, an 1 the re-
turn of Jesus, Pilate proposed to release Him,
as it was usual on the feast-day to release a
prisoner to the Jews out of grace. Pilate knew
well that the priests and rulers would object to
this ; but it was a covert appeal to the people.
The multitude, persuaded by the priests, pre-
ferred another prisoner, called Barabbas. Now
came the scourging, and the blows and insults
of the soldiers, who, uttering truth when they
thought they were only reviling, erowned Him
and addressed Him as'King of the Jews. Ac-
cording to John, Pilate now made one more
effort for His release; bat the last argument,
which had been in the minds of both sides all
along, was now openly applied to Him : " If
thou let this man go, thou art not Conor's
friend." This decided the question. He deliv-
ered Jesus to be crucified (Mote xxvii. 15-30;
Mark xv. 6-19; Luke xxiii. 17-35; John
xviii. 39, 40, xix. 1-16). John mentions that
this occurred about the sixth hour, reckoning
probably from midnight In Mark, the Jewish
reckoning from six in the morning is followed.
One Person alone has been calm amidst the
excitements of that night of horrors. On Him
is now laid the weight of His cross, or at least
of the transverse beam of it ; and, with this
pressing Him down, they proceed out of the
city to Golgotha or Calvary, a place the site of
which is now uncertain. As He began to druop,
His persecutors, unwilling to defile themselves
with the accursed burden, lay hold of Simon
of Cyreno, and compel him to carry the cross
after Jesus. After offering Him wine and
myrrh, they crucified him between two thieves.
Nothing was wanting to His humiliation ; a
thief had been preferred before Him, and two
thieves share His punishment. Pilate set over
Him in three languages the inscription, " Jesus,
the King of the Jews." The chief priests took
exception to this that it did not denounce Him
as falsely calling Himself by that name; bat
Pilate refused to alter it. One of the two
thieves underwent a change of heart even on
the cross : he reviled at first (Matt.) ; and then,
at the sight of the constancy of Jesus, repented
iLnke ; Matt, xxvii. ; Mark xv. ; Luke xxiii. ;
ohn xix.). In the depths of His bodilv suffer-
ing, Jesus calmly commended to John (?), who
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JESUS CHRIST
410
JESUS CHRIST
stood near, the care of Mary his mother.
" Behold thy son ! behold thy mother." From
the sixth hour to the ninth there was darkness
over the whole land. At the ninth hour (3 p.m.),
Jesus uttered with a loud voice the opening
words of the 22d Psalm, all the inspired words
of which referred to the suffering Messiah. One
of those present dipped a sponge in the com-
mon sour wine of the soldiers, and put it on a
reed to moisten the sufferer's lips. Again He
cried with a loud voice, " It is finished " (John) ;
" Father, into thy hands I commend my spirit "
(Luke) ; and gave up the ghost (Matt, xxvii.
31-56 ; Mark xv. 20-41 ; Luke xxiii. 33-49 ;
Johnxix. 17-30). On the death of Jesus the
veil which covered the most Holy Place of the
Temple, the place of the more especial pres-
ence of Jehovah, was rent in twain. There
was a great earthquake. Many who were dead
rose from their graves, although they returned
to the dust again after this great token of
Christ's quickening power had been given to
many (Matt.). The Jews, very zealous for
the Sabbath in the midst of their murderous
work, begged Pilate that he would put an end
to the punishment by breaking the legs of the
criminals that they might be taken down and
buried before the Sabbath, for which they were
preparing (Deut. xxi. 23 ; Joseph., B. J. iv. 5,
| 2). Those who were to execute this duty
found tlvat Jesus was dead and the thieves still
living. The death of the Lord before the others
was, no doubt, partly the consequence of the
previout mental suffering which He had under-
gone, a id partly because His will to die lessened
the natural resistance of the frame to dissolu-
tion. Joseph of Arimathea, a member of the
Council, but a secret disciple of Jesus, came to
Pilate to beg the body of Jesus, that he might
bury it Nicodemus assisted in this work of
love, and they anointed the body and laid it in
Joseph's new tomb (Matt, xxvii. 50-61 ; Mark
xv. 37-47 ; Luke xxiii. 46-56 ; John xix.
30-42).
Saturday the IBthof Nuan (April 8th). —The
chief priests and Pharisees, with Pilate's per-
mission, set a watch over the tomb, " lest His
disciples come by night and steal Him away,
and say unto the people He is risen from the
dead " (Matt. xxvu. 62-66).
Sunday the Mthqf Niton (April 9tf) . — The
Sabbath ended at six on the evening of Nisan
16th. Early the next morning the resurrection
of Jesus took place. The exact hour of the
resurrection is not mentioned by any of the
Evangelists. Of the great mystery itself, the re-
sumption of life by Him who was truly dead,
we see but little. The women, who had stood
by the cross of Jesus, had prepared spices on
the evening before, perhaps to complete the
embalming of our Lord's body, already per-
formed in haste by Joseph and Nicodemus.
They came very early on the first day of the
week to the sepulchre. When they arrive they
find the stone rolled away, and Jesus no longer
in the sepulchre. He had risen from the dead.
Mary Magdalene at this point goes back in
haste ; and at once, believing that the body has
been removed by men, tells Peter and John
tliat the Lord has been taken away. The other
■"omen, however, go into the sepulchre, and
they see an angel (Matt., Mark). The tw>
angels, mentioned by St. Luke, are probably
two separate appearances to different members
of the group ; for he alone mentions an in
definite number of women. They now leave
the sepulchre, and go in haste to make known
the news to the Apostles. As they were going,
"Jesus met them, saying, All hail." The
eleven do not believe the account when they
receive it. In the mean time, Peter and John
came to the sepulchre. They ran, in their
eagerness, and John arrived first and looked
in ; Peter afterwards came up, and it is char-
acteristic that the awe which had prevented the
other disciple from going in appears to have
been unfelt by Peter, who entered at once, and
found the grave-clothes lying, but not Him who
had worn them. This fact must have suggested
that the removal was not the work of human
hands. They then returned, wondering at
what they had seen. Mary Magdalene, how-
ever, remained weeping at the tomb, and she
too saw the two angels in the tomb, though
Peter and John did not. They address her,
and she answers, still, however, without any
suspicion that the Lord is risen. As she turns
away she sees Jesus, but in the tumult of her
feelings does not even recognize Him at His
first address. But He calls her by name, and
then she joyfully recognizes her Master. The
third appearance of our Lord was to Peter
(Luke, Paul) ; the fourth to the two disciples
going to Emmaus in the evening (Mark, Luke) ;
the fifth in the same evening to the eleven as they
sut at meat (Mark, Luke, John). All of these oc-
curred on the first day of the week, the very day
of the Resurrection. Exactly a week after, He
appeared to the Apostles, and gave Thomas a
convincing proof of His Resurrection (John) ;
this was the sixth appearance. The seventh
was in Galilee, where seven of the Apostles
were assembled, some of them probably about
to return to their old trade of fishing (John).
The eighth was to the eleven (Matt), and
probably to five hundred brethren assembled
with them (Paul) on a mountain in Galilee.
The ninth was to James (Paul) ; and the last
to the Apostles at Jerusalem just before the
Ascension (Acts).
Chbonoloo t. — Visor of the birth of Christ.
— It is certain that our Lord was born before
the death of Herod the Great. The death of
Herod took place in a.u.c. 750. It follows,
therefore, that the Dionysian era, which cor-
responds to a.d.c. 754, is at least four years
too late. Many have thought that the star
seen by the wise men gives grounds for an ex-
act calculation of the time of our Lord's birth.
It will be found, however, that this is not the
case. [Stab in thk East.] The census taken
by Augustus Cesar, which led to the journey
of Mary from Nazareth just before the birth of
the Lord, has also been looked on as an im-
portant note of time, in reference to the chro-
nology of the life of Jesus. The value of this
census, as a fact in the chronology of the life
of Christ, depends on the connection which is
sought to be established between it and the in-
surrection which broke out under Matthias
and Judas, the son of Sariphnus, in the last
illness of Herod. If the insurrection aroso
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JETHRO
411
JEW
oat of the census, a point of connection be-
tween the sacred history and that of Josephus
is made out. Such a connection, however, has
not been clearly made out. The age of Jesus
at Hi* baptism (Luke iii. 23) affords an ele-
ment of calculation. "And Jesus Himself
began to be about thirty years of age." Born
in the beginning of a.u.c. 750 (or the end of
749), Jeans would be thirty in the beginning
of A.C.C. 780 ( a.d. 37). To the first Passover
after the baptism attaches a note of time which
will confirm the calculations already made.
" Then said the Jews, Forty and six years was
this Temple in building, and wilt thou rear it
up in three days ? " There can he no doubt
that this refers to the rebuilding of the Temple
by Herod. It is inferred from Josephus (Ant.
xv. 1 1, 1 5 and 6) that it was begun in the month
Chislen, a.u.c. 734. And if the Passover at
which this remark was made was that of a.u.c.
780, then forty-five years and some months
have elapsed, which, according to the Jewish
mode of reckoning, would be spoken of as
" forty and six years." One datum remains :
the commencement of the preaching of John
the Baptist is connected with the fifteenth year
of the reign of Tiberius Cesar (Luke iii. 1).
The rule of Tiberius may be calculated either
from the beginning of his sole reign, after the
death of Augustus, a.u.c. 767, or from his
joint government with Augustus, i\e. from the
beginning of A.C.C. 765. In the latter case,
the fifteenth year would correspond with a.u.c.
779, which goes to confirm the rest of the cal-
culations reued on in this article.
Jetfrer. 1. Jethro, the father-in-law of
Mows (Ex. iv. 18). — 2. The first-born of
Gideon's seventy sons (Judg. viii. SO). — 3.
The father of Amass, captain-general of Ab-
salom's army. Jether is merely another form
of Ithra (3 Sam. xvii. 35), the latter being
probably a corruption. He is described in
1 Chr. li- 17 as an Ishmaelite, which again is
more likely to be correct than the " Israelite "
of the H eb. i n 3 Sam. xvii., or the "Jezreelite"
of the LXX. and Vnlg. in the same passage.
— 4. The son of Jsds, i descendant of Hexron,
of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 33).— 5.
The son of Ezra, whose name occurs in a dis-
located passage in the genealogy of Judah
(1 Chr. iv. 17).— 6. The chief of a family
of warriors of the line of Asher, and father of
Jephunneh (1 Chr. vii. 38). He is probably
the same as Ithran in the preceding verse.
Jeth'eth, one of the phylarchs (A. V.
"dukes") who came of Esau (den. xxxvi.
40; 1 Chr. i. 51 ). This record of the Edomite
phylarchs may point specially to the places and
habitations, or towns, named after or occupied
by them. El-Wendeh, which is etymological-
ly connected with Jetheth, is a place in Nejd ;
there is also a place called El-Wetid; and El-
Wetidit, which is the name of mountains be-
longing to Beuee 'Abd-AIIah Ibn Qhatfan.
Jewish, one of the cities of the tribe of
Dan (Josh. xix. 42).
Jeth'ro was priest or prince of Midian, both
•Sees probably being combined in one person.
Hoses spent the forty years of his exile from
~ pt with him, and married his daughter Zip-
By the advice of Jethro, Moses ap-
pointed seventy deputies to judge the congrega-
tion and share the burden of government with
himself (Ex. xviii.). On account of his local
knowledge, he was entreated to remain with the
Israelites throughout their journey to Canaan
(Num. x. 31,33). It is said in Ex. ii. 18 that
the priest of Midian whose daughter Moses
married was Reucl ; afterwards, at ch. iii. 1, he
is called Jethro, as also in ch. xviii. ; but in
Num. x. 29, " Hobab the son of Raguel the Mid-
ianite" is apparently called Moses' father-in-
law (comp. Judg. iv. 11). Some commenta-
tors take Jethro and Reuel to be identical, and
call Hobab the brother-in-law of Moses. The
present punctuation of our Hebrew Bibles does
not warrant this.
Je'tur. Gen. xxv. 15; 1 Chr. 1. 31, v. 19.
[Itub-xa.]
Jeu'el. 1. A chief man of Judah, one of
the Bene-Zerah (1 Chr. ix. 6; comp. 3). — 2.
One of the Bene-Adonikam who returned to
Jerusalem with Esdras (1 Esdr. viii. 39).
[Jbibl.]
Jo'ush. 1. Son of Esau by Aholibamah,
the daughter of Anah, the son of Zebeon the
Hivite (Gen. xxxvi. 5, 14, 18; 1 Chr. i. 35).
— 2. A Benjamite, son of Bilhan (1 Chr. vii.
10, 11). — 3. A Gershonite Levite, of the house
of Shimei (I Chr. xxiii. 10, 11). — 4. Son of
Rehoboam king of Judah (3 Chr. xi. 18, 19).
Je'ua, head of a Benjamite house, in an ob-
scure genealogy (1 Chr. viii. 10), apparently
son of Shaharaim and Hodesh his third wife,
and born in Moab.
Jew. This name was properly applied to a
member of the kingdom of Judah after the sep-
aration of the ten tribes. In this sense it oc-
curs twice in the second book of Kings, — 3 K.
xvi. 6, xxv. 35 ; and seven times in the later
chapters of Jeremiah, — Jer. xxxii. 12, xxxiv. 9
(in connection with Hebrew), xxxviii. 19, xl.
12,xli.3, xliv. 1, Iii. 28. The term first makes
its appearance just before the captivity of the
ten tribes, and then is used to denote the men
of Judah who held Elath, and were driven out
by Resin king of Syria (3 K. xvi. 6). The
fugitives in Egypt (Jer. xliv. 1 ) belonged to the
two tribes, and were distinguished by the name
of the more important. After the Return the
word received a larger application. Partly
from the predominance of the members of the
old kingdom of Judah among those who returned
to Palestine, partly from the identification of
Judah with the religious ideas and hopes of the
people, all the members of the new state were
called Jews (Judasans), and the name was ex-
tended to the remnants of the race scattered
throughout the nations (Dan. iii. 8, 12 ,- Ezr. iv.
1 3, 23, &c. ; Neh. i. 2, ii. 1 6, v. 1 , tc. ; Esth. iii. 4
ff., &c.). Under the name of "Judasans," the
people of Israel were known to classical writers
(Tac. B. v. 2, *c.). The force of the title
" Jew " is seen particularly in the Gospel of St.
John, who very rarely uses any other term to
describe the opponents of our Lord. The name,
indeed, appeared at the close of the apostle's life
to be the true antithesis to Christianity, as de-
scribing the limited and definite form of a na-
tional religion ; but at an earlier stage of the
progress of the faith, it was contrasted with
Greek as implying an outward covenant with
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JEZEBEL
412
JEZEB1TES
God (Rom. i. 16, ii.9,10; Col. Hi. 11, 4c.), which
was the correlative of Hellenist [Hbllbnist],
•nd marked a division of language subsisting
within the entire body, and at the same time
less expressive than Israelite, which brought
out with especial clearness the privileges and
hopes of the children of Jacob (2 Cor. xi. 32;
John i.47 ; 1 Mace. i. 43, 53, and often). The
history of Judaism is divided by Jost — the
most profound writer who has investigated it
— into two great eras, the first extending to
the close of the collections of the oral laws, 536
B.c-600 a.d. : the second reaching to the pres-
ent time.
Jews' Language, in the. Literally
"Jewishly;" for the Hebrew must be taken
adverbially. It denotes as well the pure Hebrew
as the dialect acquired during the Captivity,
which was characterized by Aramaic forms and
idioms.
Jew'el. [Prbciods Stohbs.]
Jew'eSS, a woman of Hebrew birth, with-
out distinction of tribe (Acts. xvi. 1, xxiv. 24}.
Jew'iflh, of or belonging to Jews ; an epi-
thet applied to their Rabbinical legends (Tit
i.14).
Jew'ry, the same word elsewhere rendered
Jndah and Judna. It occurs several times in
the Apoc and N. T., but once only in the O. T.
iDan. v. 13.) Jewry comes to as through the
Gorman-French, and is of frequent occurrence
in Old English.
Jezani ah, the son of Hoshaiah, the Ma-
achathite, and one of the captains of the forces,
who had escaped from Jerusalem during the
final attack of the beleaguering army of the
Chaldanns. When the Babylonians had de-
parted, Jezaniah, with the men nnder his com-
mand, was one of the first who returned to
Gedaliah at Mizpah. In the events which fol-
lowed the assassination of that officer, Jezaniah
took a prominent part (2 K. xxv. 23 ; Jer. xl.
6, xlii. l.xliii. 2).
Jez'ebel, wife of Ahab, king of Israel, and
mother of Athaliah, queen of Judah, and Aha-
siah and Joram, kings of Israel. She was a
Phoenician princess, daughter of " Ethbaal king
of the Zidonians." Her marriage with Ahab
was a turning-point in the history of Israel.
She was a woman in whom, with the reckless
and licentious habits of an Oriental queen, were
united the sternest and fiercest qualities inhe-
rent in the Phoenician people. In her hands
her husband became a mere puppet (1 K.
xxi. 25). The first effect of her influence was
the immediate establishment of the Phoenician
worship on a grand scale in the court of Ahab.
At her table were supported no less than 450
prophets of Baal, and 400 of Astarte ( 1 K. xvi.
31, 32, xviii. 19). The prophets of Jehovah,
who up to this time had founa their chief refuge
in the northern kingdom, were attacked by her
orders and put to the sword (1 K. xviii. 13; 2
K. ix. 7). When at last the people, at the in-
stigation of Elijah, rose against her ministers,
and slaughtered them at the foot of Carmel,
and when Ahab was terrified into submission,
the alone retained her presence of mind ; and
when she received in the palace of Jezreel the
tidings that her religion Was all but destroyed
<;1 K.xix. 1), her only answer was one of those
fearful vows which have made the leaders of She-
mitic nations so terrible whether for good or
evil — expressed in a message to the very man
who, as it might have seemed but an hour be-
fore, had her life in his power. The next in-
stance of her power is still more characteristic
and complete. When she found her husband
cast down by his disappointment at being
thwarted by Naboth, she took the matter into
her own hands, with a spirit which reminds us
of Clytemnestra or Lady Macbeth (1 K. xxi. 7).
She wrote a warrant in Ahab's name, and sealed
it with his seal. To her, and not to Ahab, was
sent the announcement that the royal wishes
were accomplished (1 K. xxi. 14), and she bade
her husband go and take the vacant property ;
and on her accordingly fell the prophet's curse,
as well as on her husband (1 K. xxi. 23). We
hear no more of her for a long period. But
she survived Ahab for fourteen years, and still,
as queen-mother (after the Oriental custom),
was a great personage in the court of her sons,
and, as such, became the special mark for the
vengeance of Jehu. But in that supreme hour
of her house the spirit of the aged queen rose
within ber, equal to the dreadful emergency.
She was in the palace, which stood by the gate
of the city, overlooking the approach from the
east. Beneath lay the open space under the city
walls. She determined to face the destroyer of
her family, whom she saw rapidly advancing in
his chariot. She painted her eyelids in the
Eastern fashion with antimony, so as to give a
darker border to the eyes, and make them look
larger and brighter, possibly in order to induce
Jehu, after the manner of Eastern usurpers, to
take ber, the widow of his predecessor, for his
wife, but more probably as the last act of regal
splendor. She tired her head, and, looking
down upon him from the high latticed window
in the tower, she met him by an allusion to a
former act of treason in the history of her adopt-
ed country. Jehu looked up from his chariot
Two or three eunuchs of the royal harem
showed their feces at the windows, and at his
command dashed the ancient princess down
from the chamber. She fell immediately in
front of the conqueror's chariot The blood
flew from ber mangled corpse over the palace-
wall behind, and over the advancing horses in
front. The merciless destroyer passed on ; and
the last remains of life were trampled out by the
horses' hoofs. The body was left in that open
space called in modern Eastern language " the
mounds," where offal is thrown from the city-
walls. The dogs of Eastern cities, which prowl
around these localities, and which the present
writer met on this very spot by the modern
village which occupies the site of Jezreel,
pounced upon this unexpected prey. Noth-
ing was left by them but the hard portions of
the human skeleton, the skull, the hands, and
the feet
Jeselus. h The same as Jahazibl ( 1 Esd.
viii. 32). — 3. Jbhiel, the father of Obadiah
(1 Esd. viii. 35). Ap.
Jes'er, the third son of Naphtali (Oen. xlvi.
24 ; Num. xxvi. 49 ; 1 Chr. vti. 13), and father
of the family of the Jbzbbitbb.
Jexferitea, the. A family of the tribe of
Naphtali, descendants of Jezer (Num. xxvi. 49).
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JEZREEL
413
JOAB
Jes'iah, s descendant of Parosh, who had
married a foreign wife (Kxr. x. 25).
Jes'iel, a Benjamite who joined Darid at
Ziklagfl Chr. xii. 3).
Jesliah, a Benjamite of the sons of Elpaal
(I Chr. viii. 18).
Jeso'ar, the son of Helah, one of the wires
of Asher (I Chr. ir. 7).
Jexrah'iah, a Levite, the leader of the chor-
iftera at the solemn dedication of the wall of
Jerusalem under Nehcmiah (Neh. xii. 43).
Jex'reel, a descendant of the father or
founder of Etam, of the Kne of Jndah (I Chr.
ir. 3). But as the verse now stands, we most
■apply some such word as " families ; " " these
(are the families of) the father of Etam."
Jnifronl Ita modem name is Zerix. The
name is used in 3 Sam. ii. 9 and (?) ir. 4, and
Hos. i. 5, for the valley or plain between Gilboa
sad Little Hermon; and to this plain, in its
widest extent, the general form of the name
Esdraelon (first used in Jnd. i. 8) has been ap-
plied in modern times. In its more limited
•Hue, as applied to the city, it first appears in
Josh. xix. 18. Bat its historical importance
dates from the reign of Ahab, who chose it for
his chief residence. The situation of the mod-
em village of Zerin still remains to show the
fitness of hi* choice. It is on one of the gentle
swells which rise ont of the fertile plain of Es-
d/adon, bat with two peculiarities which mark
it sat from the rest. One is its strength. On
the N.E. the hill presents a steep rocky descent
of at least 10O feet. The other is its central
locality. It stands at the opening of the mid-
dle branch of the three eastern forks of the
plain, and looks straight towards the wide west-
ern level ; thus commanding the view towards
the Jordan on the east (3 K. ix. 17), and visible
from Carmel on the west (IK. xviii. 46). In
the neighborhood, or within the town probably,
was a temple and grove of Astarte, with an es-
tablishment of 400 priests supported by Jezebel
(1 K. xvi. 33; 2 K. x. 11). The palace of
Ahab (1 K. xxi. 1, xviii. 46), probably contain-
ing his "ivory house" (I K. xxii. 39), was on
the eastern side of the city, forming part of the
city vaO (cotnp. 1 K. xxi. 1 ; 3 K. ix. 25, 30, 33).
The seraglio, in which Jezebel lived, was on the
city wall, and had a high window facing east-
ward (3 K. ix. 30). Close by, if not forming
part of this seraglio, was a watch-tower, on
which a sentinel stood, to give notice of arrivals
bom the disturbed district beyond the Jordan
(J K. ix. 17). An ancient sauare tower which
•lands among the hovels of the modern village
may be its representative. The gateway of the
city on the east was also the gateway of the
palace (IK. ix. 34). Whether the vineyard of
aaboth was here or at Samaria is a doubtful
question. Still in the same eastern direction
are two springs, one IS minutes from the town,
the other 30 minutes. The latter, probably
both from its sise and situation, was known as
"Tb> Spki.io op Jbzkexl" (mistranslated
A.V. "a fountain," 1 Sam. xxix. 1). With
the tall of the boose of Ahab the glory of Jex-
recl departed. — 2. A town in Jndah, in the
neighborhood of the southern Carmel (Josh. xv.
N). Here David in his wanderings took Ahin-
osm the Israelitess for his first wife (1 Sam.
xxvii. 3, xxx. 5). — 3. The eldest son of the
prophet Hosea (Hos. i. 4).
Jet/reelite. An inhabitant of Jesreel
(1 K. xxi. 1, 4, 6, 7, 15, 16; SK.ii. 31,
25).
Jeuweli'tett. A woman of Jezreel (1
Sam. xxvii. 3, xxx. 5 ; 3 Sam. ii. 8, iii. 8 ; 1 Chr.
iii. 1).
Jib'sun, one of the sons of Tola, the son
of Issachar (1 Chr. vii. 3).
Jidlaph, a son of Nahor (Gen. xxii. 32).
Jim'na, the first-born of Ashcr (Num.
xxvi. 44). He is elsewhere called in the A. V.
Jiknah (Gen. xlvi. 17) and Ikxah (1 Chr. vii.
30).
Jim'nah=Jim«A = I«iKAH(Gen.xlvi.l7).
Jim/nites, the, descendants of the preced-
ing (Num. xxvi. 44).
Jiph'tah, one of the cities of Judah in the
maritime lowland, or Shefclah (Josh. xv. 43).
I It has not yet been met with,
j Jiph'tnah-el, the Valley of. a valley
which served as one of the landmarks for the
| boundary both of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 14) and
Asher (27). Dr. Robinson suggests that Jiph-
thah-el was identical with Jotapata, and tluu
they survive in the modern Jefal, a village in
the mountains of Galilee, half way between
the Bay of Acre and the Lake of Gencsareth.
In this case, the valley is the great Wadg-
Abilin.
Jo'ab, the most remarkable, though perhaps
not the eldest (1 Chr. ii. 16), of the three
nephews of David, the children of Zeruiah,
David's sister. Their father is unknown, but
seems to hare resided at Bethlehem, and to
have died before his sons, as we find mention
of his sepulchre at that place (3 Sam. ii. 32).
Joab first appears after David's accession to the
throne at Hebron. He with his two brothers
went out from Hebron at the head of David's
" servants," or guards, to keep a watch on the
movements of Abner. The two parties sate
opposite each other, on each side of the tank
by that city. Abner's challenge, to which Joab
assented, led to a desperate struggle between
twelve champions from either side. This roused
the blood of the rival tribes ; a general encoun
ter ensued; Abner and his company were de-
feated, and in his flight, being hard pressed by
the swift-footed Asahel, he reluctantly killed
the unfortunate youth. His two brothers, on
seeing the corpse, only harried on with greater
fury in the pursuit. In answer to the appeal
of Abner, Joab withdrew his men ; but his
revenge was only postponed. He had been on
another of these predatory excursions from
Hebron, when he was informed on his return
that Abner had in his absence paid a visit to
David, and been received into favor (3 Sam.
iii. 33). He broke out into a violent remon-
strance with the king, and then, without David's
knowledge, immediately sent messengers after
Abner, who was overtaken by them at the well
of Sirah. Abner, with the unsuspecting gene-
rosity of his noble nature, returned at once.
Joab and Abishai met him in the gateway of
the town ; Joab took him aside (3 Sam. Iii.
37), as if with a peaceful intention, and then
struck him a deadly blow " under the fifth rib."'
There was now no rival left in the way of
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Joab's advancement, and at the siege or Jebus
he was appointed, for his prowess, commander-
in-chief — " captain of the host " — the same
office that Abner had held under Soul, the
highest in the state after the king (1 Chr. xi.
6 ; 2 Sam. viii. 16). In this post he was con-
tent, and served the king with undeviating
fidelity. In the wide range of wars which
David undertook, Joab was the acting gene-
ral. He had a chief armor-bearer ol his
own, Naharai, a Beerothite (2 Sam. xxiii. 37 ;
1 Chr. xi. 39), and ten attendants to carry his
equipment and baggage (2 Sam. xviii. IS).
He had the charge of giving the signal by
trumpet for advance or retreat (2 Sam. xviii.
16). He was called by the almost regal title
of "Lord" (2 Sam. xi. 11), "tho prince of
the king's army" (1 Chr. xxvii. 34). His
usual residence was in Jerusalem ; but he had
a house and property, with barley-fields adjoin-
ing, in the country (2 Sam. xiii. 23), in tho
" wilderness " ( 1 K. ii. 34), probably on the N.E.
of Jerusalem (comp. 1 Sam. xiii. 18; Josh,
viii. 15, 20), near an ancient sanctuary, called
from its nomadic village " Baalhazor"*(2 Sam.
xiii. 23; comp. with xiv. 30), where there wero
extensive shecpwalks. — I. His great war was
that against Amnion, which he conducted in
person. It was divided into three campaigns,
(u) The first was against the allied forces of
Syria and Ammon. (6) The second was against
Edom. The decisive victory was gained by
David himself in the " valley of salt," and
celebrated by a triumphal monument (2 Sam.
viii. 13). But Joab had the charge of carrying
out the victory, and remained for six months,
extirpating the male population, whom he then
buried in the tombs of l'otra (1 K. xi. 15, 16).
(c) The third was against the Ammonites.
They were again left to Joab (2 Sam. x. 7-19).
At the siege of Rabbah, the ark was sent with
him, and the whole army was encamped in
booths or huts round the beleaguered city (2
Sam. xi. 1, 11). After a sortie of the inhabit-
ants, which caused some loss to the Jewish
army, Joab took the lower city on the river,
and then sent to urge David to come and take
the citadel (2 Sam. xii. 26-28). — 2. The ser-
vices of Joab to the king were not confined to
these military achievements. In the entangled
relations which grew up in David's domestic
life, he bore an important part, (a) The first
occasion was the unhappy correspondence which
passed between him and the king during the
Ammonite war respecting Uriah the Hittite
(2 Sam. xi. 1-25). (6) The next occasion on
which it was displayed was in his successful
endeavor to reinstate Absalom in David's
favor, after the murder of Amnon (2 Sam.
xiv. 1-20). (c) The same keen sense of his
master's interests ruled the conduct of Joab no
less, when the relations of the father and son
were reversed by the successful revolt of Ab-
salom. His former intimacy with the prince
did not impair his fidelity to the king. He
followed him beyond the Jordan, and in the
final battle of Ephraim assumed the respon-
sibility of taking the rebel prince's dangerous
life in spite of David's injunction to spare him,
and when no one else hod courage to act so
decisive a part (2 Sam. xviii. 2, 11-15). Tho
king transferred the command to
(d) Nothing brings out more strongly the good
and bad qualities of Joab than his conduct in
this trying crisis of his history. With hi* own
guard and the mighty men under Abishai, he
went out in pursuit ot the remnants of the re-
bellion. In the heat of pursuit, he encountered
his rival Amasa, more leisurely engaged in the
same quest At " the great stone* in Gibeon,
the cousins met. Joab's sword was attached
to his girdle ; by design or accident it protrud-
ed from the sheath; Amasa rushed into the
treacherous embrace, to which Joab invited him,
holding fast his beard by his own right hand,
whilst the unsheathed sword in his left hand
plunged into Amasa's stomach : a single blow
from that practised arm, as in the case of Ab-
ner, sufficed to do its work, (e) At the moment,
all were absorbed in the pursuit of the rebels.
Once more a proof was given of the wide-spread
confidence in Joab's judgment (2 Sam. xx.
1C-22). (/) His last remonstrance with David
was on the announcement of the king's desire
to number the people. — 3. There is something
mournful in the end of Joab. At the close of
his long life, his loyalty, so long unshaken, at
lost wavered. " Though he had not turned
after Absalom, he turned after Adonijah" (1 K.
ii. 28). This probably filled up the measure
of the king's long-cherished resentment. The
revival of the pretensions of Adonijah after
David's death was sufficient to awaken the
suspicions of Solomon. Joab fled to the shel-
ter of the altar at Gibeon, and was there slain
by Benaiah. — 2. Son of Seraiah, and descend-
ant of Kenaz (1 Chr. iv. 14).— 3. The head
of a family, not of priestly or Levitical rank,
whose descendants, with those of Jcshua, were
the most numerous of all who returned with
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 6, viii. 9 ; Neh. vii. 1 1 ; I
Esd. viii. 35).
Jo'achaz = Jehoahaz (1 Esd. i. 34), the son
of Josiuh. Ap.
Joachim. 1. (Bar. i. 3) = Jehoiakim,
called also Joacim. — 2. A " high-priest " at
Jerusalem in the time of Baruch " the son of
Chclcias," »'.«. Hilkiah (Bar. i. 7). Ap.
Jo'acim. 1. = Jehoiakim (1 Esd. i. 37,
38,39). [Joacim, 1.] — 2. = Jehoiachin (I
Esd. i.43). — 3. — Joiakim, the son of Jeshna
(1 Esd. v. 5). — 4. "The high-priest which
was in Jerusalem " (Jud. iv. 6, 14) in the time
of Judith (xv. 8 ft".). It is impossible to iden-
tify hiin with any historical character. — 6.
The husband of Susanna (Sus. 1 if.). Ap.
Joada'nus, one of the sons of Jcshua, the
son of Jozodak (1 Esd. ix. 19). Ap.
Jo'ah. 1. The son of Assph, and chroni-
cler, or keeper of the records, to Hezckiah (Is.
xxxvi. 3, 11, 22). — 2. The son or grandson
of Zimmah, a Gershonite ( 1 Chr. vi. 21 ). — 3.
The third son of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 4),
a Korhite, and one of the doorkeepers appoint-
ed by David. — 4. A Gershonite, the son of
Zimmah, and father of Eden (2 Chr. xxix.
12). — 6. The son of Joabai, and keeper of
the records, or annalist to Josiah (S Chr.
xxxiv. 8).
Jo'ahaz, the father of Joab, the chronicler,
or keeper of the records, to King Josiah (2 Chr.
xxxiv. 8).
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Jb'uan = Johajiah, the son of Eliubib
(lEsd.ii. 1). Ap.
Joon'na, son of Rhesa, according to the
text of Luke iii. 87, and one of the ancestors
of Christ ; bat, according to the view explained
in a previous article, son of Zernbbabel, and
the same as TT«nani»h in 1 Chr. iii. 19.
Joan'na, the name of a woman, occurring
twice in Lake (riii. 3, xxir. 10), bat evidently
denoting the same person. In the first passage
she U expressly stated to have been " wife of
Chasa, steward of Herod," that is, Antipas,
tetrarch of Galilee.
Joan'nan, somamed Caddis, the eldest
brother of Jndas Maccabeus (1 Mace. ii. 2).
Ap.
Jo'anb, chief of the first of the twenty-four
courses of priests in the reign of David, and
ncestor of the Maccabees (1 Mace. ii. 1). Ap.
Jo ash, contr. from Jbhoash. L Son of
Ahaziah king of Judah, and the only one of his
children who escaped the murderous hand of
Athaliah. After his father's sister Jehoshabe-
sth, the wife of Jehoiada, had stolen him from
among the king;'! sons, he was hid for six years
in the chambers of trie Temple. In the 7th
ytar of his age and of his concealment, a
raccessful revolution placed him on the throne
of his ancestors, and freed the country from
the tyranny and idolatries of Athaliah. For at
least 23 years, while Jehoiada lived, this reign
was very prosperous. Excepting that the high-
places were still resorted to for incense and sac-
rifice, pure religion was restored ; large contri-
butions were made for the repair of the Temple,
which was accordingly restored ; and the coun-
try seems to have been free from foreign inva-
«on and domestic disturbance. But, after the
death of Jehoiada, Joash fell into the hands of
bad advisers, at whose suggestion he revived the
worship of Baal and Ashtaroth. When he was
rebuked for this by Zechariah, the son of Jehoi-
ada, Joash caused him to be stoned to death in
the very court of the Lord's house {Matt, xxiii.
IS). The vengeance imprecated by the mur-
iered high-priest was not long delayed. That
very year, Haxael king of Syria came up against
Jeriualem, and carried off a vast booty as the
price of his departure. Joash had scarcely es-
caped this danger, when he foil into another
rail fatal one. Two of his servants, taking ad-
vantage of his severe illness, some think of
a wound received in battle, conspired against
him, and slew him in his bed in the fortress of
MiUo. Joaah's reign lasted 40 years, from 878
to 838 b.c.
2. Son and successor of Jehoahax on the
throne of Israel from B.C. 840 to 835, and for
two foil years a contemporary sovereign with
the preceding' (2 K. xiv. 1 ; comp. with xii. 1,
xiii 10). when he succeeded to the crown,
the kingdom was in a deplorable state from the
deraatanoas of Hazael and Benhadad, kings of
Syria. On occasion of a friendly visit paid by
Joash to Klisha on his death-bed, the prophet
promised him deliverance from the Syrian yoke
m Aphek (1 K. xx. 26-30). He then bid him
"Bite npon the ground, and the king smote
thrice and then stayed. The prophet rebuked
hhn for staying, and limited to three his victo-
rita over Syria. Accordingly Joash did beat
Benhadad three times on the field of battle, and
recovered from him the cities which Hasael had
taken from Jehoahax. The other great military
event of Joash's reign was his successful war
with Amaziah king of Judah. The grounds of
this war are given fully in 2 Chr. xxv. The
two armies met at Beth-shemesh (that of Joash
was victorious) , put the army of Amaziah to the
rout, took him prisoner, brought him to Jeru-
salem, broke down the wall of Jerusalem, and
plundered the city. He died in the 1 5th year
of Amaziah king of Judah, and was succeeded
by his son Jeroboam II. — 3. The father of
Gideon, and a wealthy man among the Abiez-
rites (Judg. vi. 11, 29, 30, 31, vii. 14, viii. 13,
29, 32). — 4. Apparently a younger son of
Ahab, who held a subordinate jurisdiction in
the lifetime of his father, or was appointed
viceroy (2 Chr. xviii. 25) during his absence
in the attack on Ramoth-Gilead ( 1 K. xxii. 26 ;
2 Chr. xviii. 25) ; or he may have been merely
a prince of the blood-royal. — 5. A descendant
of Shelah the son of Judah, but whether his
son, or the son of Jokim, is not clear (I Chr. iv.
22). — 6. A Benjamite, son of Shemaahof Gib-
eah (1 Chr. xii. 3), who resorted to David at
Ziklag. — 7. One of the officers of David's
household (1 Chr. xxvii. 28).
Jo'aah, son of Becher, and head of a Ben-
jamite house (1 Chr. vii. 8).
Jo'atham = Jotham the son of Uzziah
(Matt. i. 9).
Joaeab'dua = Jozabad the Levite ( 1 Esd.
ix. 48 ; comp. Neh. viii. 7). Ap.
Job, the third son of Issachar (Gen. xlvi.
13), called in another genealogy Jashub (1
Chr. vii. 1 ).
Job. This book consists of five parts : the
introduction, the discussion between Job and
his three friends, the speech of Elihu, the
manifestation and address of Almighty God,
and the concluding chapter.
I. Analysis. — I . The introduction supplies
all the facts on which the argument is based.
Job, a chieftan in the land of Uz, of immense
wealth and high rank, " the greatest of all the
men of the East," is represented to us as a man
of perfect integrity, blameless in all the relations
of life, declared indeed by the Lord Himself to bo
"without his like in all the earth," " a perfect
and an upright man, one that feareth God, and
escheweth evil." One question could be raised
by envy ; may not the goodness which secures
such direct and tangible rewards be a refined
form of selfishness ? In the world of spirits,
where all the mysteries of existence are brought
to light, Satan, the accusing anjrcl, suggests
the doubt, " doth Job fear God for nought 1 "
and asserts boldly that if those external bless-
ings were withdrawn Job would cast off his alle-
giance — " he will curse thee to thy face." The
problem is thus distinctly propounded which
this book is intended to discuss and solve. Can
goodness exist irrespective of reward ? can the
rear of God be retained by man when every
inducement to selfishness is taken away ? The
accuser receives permission to make the trial.
He destroys Job s property, then his children ;
and afterwards, to leave no possible opening
for a cavil, is allowed to inflict iipon him the most
terrible disease known in the East. Job's wifo
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JOB
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break* down entirely under the trial. Job
remains steadfast. He repels his wife's sug-
gestion with the simple words, " What I shall
we receive good at the hand of the Lord, and
shall we not receive evil ? " " In all this Job
did not sin with his lips." The question
raised bv Satan was thus answered.
2. Still it is clear that many points of deep
interest wonld have been left in obscurity.
Entire as was the submission of Job, he must
have been inwardly perplexed by events to
which he bad no clew, which were quite unac-
countable on any hypothesis hitherto enter-
tained, and seemed repugnant to the ideas of
justice engraven on man's heart. An opportu-
nity for the discussion of the providential gov-
ernment of the world is afforded in the most
natural manner by the introduction of three
men, representing the wisdom and experience
of the age, who came to condole with Job on
hearing of his misfortunes. The meeting is
described with singular beauty. At a distance
they greet him with the wild demonstrations
of sympathizing grief usual in the East ; com-
ing near they are overpowered by the sight
of his wretchedness, and sit seven days and
seven nights without uttering a word. This
awful silence drew out all his anguish. In
an agony of desperation, he curses the day
of his birth. With the answer to this out-
burst begins a series of discussions, contin-
ued probably, with some intervals, during sev-
eral successive days. The results of the Jint
discussion (from c. iii.-xiv.) may be thus
summed up. We have on ths part of Job's
friends a theory of the divine government rest-
ing upon an exact and uniform correlation
between sin and punishment (iv. 6, 11, and
throughout). Afflictions are always penal,
issuing in the destruction of those who are
radically opposed to God, or who do not sub-
mit to His chastisements. They lead, of course,
to correction and amendment of life, when the
sufferer repents, confesses his sins, puts them
away, and turns to God. In that case, restora-
tion to peace, and even increased prosperity,
may be expected (v. 17-27). Still the fact of
the suffering always proves the commission of
some special sin, while the demeanor of the
sufferer indicates the true internal relation be-
tween him and God. These principles are
applied by them to the case of Job. In this
part of the dialogue the character of the three
friends is clearly developed. In order to do
justice to the position and arguments of Job, it
must be borne in mind, that the direct object
of the trial was to ascertain whether he would
deny or forsake God, and that his real integrity
is asserted by God Himself. He denies the
assertion that punishment follows surely on
guilt, or proves its commission. In the gov-
ernment of Providence he can see but one point
clearly, viz., that all events and results are ab-
solutely in God's hand (xii. 9-25) ; but as for
the principles which underlie those events he
knows nothing. In fact, he is sure that his
friends arc equally uninformed. Still he doubts
not that God is just. There remains then bat
one coarse open to him, and that he takes. He
turns to snpplication, implores God to give him
a fair and open trial (xiii. 18-28). Believing
that with death all hope connected with this
world ceases, he prays that he may be hidden
in the grave (xiv. 13), and there reserved far
the day when God will try his cause, and mani-
fest Himself in love (ver. 16).
In the tecond discussion (xr.-xxi.) there is
a more resolute elaborate attempt on die part
of Job's friends to vindicate then- theory of re-
tribntive justice. This requires an entire over-
throw of the position taken by Job. Eliphax
(xv.), who, as usual, lays down the basis of th*
argument, does not now hesitate to impute to-
Job the worst crimes of which man could be
guilty. Bildail (xviii.) takes up this suggestion
of ungodliness, and concludes that the special
evils which had come upon Job are peculiarly the
penalties due to one who is without God- Zo-
phar not only accounts for Job's present calam-
ities, but menaces him with still greater evil*
(xx.). In answer, Job recognizes the hand of
God in his afflictions (xvi. 7-16 and xix. 6-80),
but rejects the charge of ungodliness : be has
never forsaken his Maker, and never ceased to
pray. He argues that, since in this life th*
righteous certainly are not saved from evil, it
follows that their ways are watched and then
sufferings recorded, with a view to a future and
perfect manifestation of the divine justice.
On the other band, stung by the harsh and
narrow-minded bigotry of his opponents, Job
draws out (xxi.) with terrible force the unde-
niable fact, that, from the beginning to the end
of their lives, ungodly men, avowed atheists
(ver. 14, 15), persons, in fact, guilty of the very
crimes imputed, out of mere conjecture, to
himself, frequently enjoy great and unbroken
prosperity. In the third dialogue (xxii.— xxxL)
no real progress is made by Job's opponents.
Eliphazjxxii.) makes a last effort. Tbestarion
in which Job was formerly placed presented
temptations to certain crimes ; the punishment*
which be undergoes are precisely such as mnrht
be expected had those crimes been committed j
hence be infers they actually were committed.
Bildad has nothing to add but a few solemn
words on the incomprehensible majesty of God
and the nothingness of man. Zopnar is put to
silence. In his two last discourses, Job does not
alter his position, nor, properly speaking, ad-
duce any new argument ; but he states with in-
comparable force and eloquence the chief points
which he regards as established (xxvi.). He
then (xxvii.) describes, even more completely
than his opponents had done, the destruction
which, as a rule, ultimately falls upon the hypo-
crite. Then follows (xxviii.) the grand de-
scription of Wisdom. The remainder of this
discourse (xxix.-xxxi.) contains a singularly
beautiful description of his former life, con-
trasted with his actual misery, together with a
full vindication of his character from all the
charges made or insinuated by his opponents.
3. Thus ends the discussion, in which it is
evident both parties had partially failed. The
points which had been omitted, or imperfectly
developed, are now taken up by a new inter-
locutor (xxxii.-xxxvii. ). Elihu, a young man,
descended from a collateral branch of the
family of Abraham, has listened in indignant
silence to the arguments of his elders (xxxii. 7),
and, impelled by an inward inspiration, he now
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JOB
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addresses himself to both parties in the discus-
sion, sad specially to Job. He shows that they
bad accused Job upon false or insufficient
grounds, and railed to convict him, or to vindi-
cate God's justice. Job again had assumed his
entire innocence, and had arraigned that justice
(xxxiii. 9-1 1 ). These errors he traces to their
both overlooking one main object of all suffer-
ing. God speaks to man by chastisement.
This statement does not involve any charge of
special guilt, such as the friends bad alleged
and Job Bad repudiated. Again, Elihu argues
(xxxiv. 10-17) that any charge of injustice,
direct or implicit, against God, involves a con-
tradiction in terms. God is the only source of
justice ; the very idea of justice is derived from
His governance of the universe. Job is silent,
and Elihu proceeds (xxxvi.) to show that the
Almightiness of God is not, as Job seems to
assert, associated with any contempt or neglect
of His creatures. The rest of the discourse
brings out forcibly the lessons taught by the
manifestations of goodness, as well as great-
ness, in creation. The last words are evident-
ly spoken while a violent storm is coming
on.
*. It is obvious that many weighty truths
hare been developed in the course of the dis-
cussion — nearly every theory of the objects
and uses of suffering bias been reviewed — while
s great advance has been made towards the ap-
prehension of doctrines hereafter to be revealed,
inch as were known only to God. But the
mystery is not as yet really cleared up. Hence
the necessity for the Theophany — from the
midst of the storm Jehovah speaks. In lan-
guage of incomparable grandeur He reproves
sod silences the murmurs of Job. God does
not condescend, strictly speaking, to argue with
His creatures. The speculative questions dis-
cussed in the colloquy are unnoticed; but the
declaration of God's absolute power is illustrat-
ed by a marvellously beautiful and comprehen-
sive survey of the glory of creation, and his all-
embracing Providence by reference to the phe-
nomena of the animal kingdom. A second
sddress completes the work. It proves that a
charge of injustice against God involves the
coMeqnence that the accuser is more competent
•ban He to rule the universe. — 5. Job's unre-
sened submission terminates the trial. In the
rebuke then addressed to Job's opponents the
integrity of his character is distinctly recog-
abxo, while they are condemned for untruth,
which is pardoned on the intercession of Job.
The restoration of his external prosperity,
*hkh is an inevitable result of God s personal
manifestation, symbolizes the ultimate com-
pensation of the righteous for all sufferings
undergone upon earth. The great object of the
took must surely be that which is distinctly
mumated In the introduction, and confirmed in
the conclusion, to show the effects of calamity
in its worst and most awful form upon a truly
relirioBs spirit.
H Integrity of the book. — Four parts of the
book have been most generally attacked. Ob-
jections have been made to the introductory
and concluding chapters (1) on account of the
*tyls. Of course there is an obvious and natural
difference b etween the prose of the narrative
S3
and the highly poetical language of the collo-
quy. Tet the best critics now acknowledge
that the style of these portions is quite as an-
tique in its simple and severe grandeur as that
of the Pentateuch itself. It is said again that
the doctrinal views are not in harmony with
those of Job. This is wholly unfounded. The
form of worship belongs essentially to the early
patriarchal type. It is moreover alleged that
there are discrepancies between the facts related
in the introduction, and statements or allusions
in the dialogue. — 2. Strong objections are
made to the passage xxvii. from ver. 7 to the
end of the chapter. Here Job describes the ul-
timate fate of the godless hypocrite in terms
which some critics hold to be in direct contra-
diction to the whole tenor of his arguments in
other discourses. The fact of the contradiction
is denied by able writers, who have shown that
it rests upon a misapprehension of the patri-
arch's character and fundamental principles.
The whole chapter is thoroughly oohartnt: the
first part is admitted by all to belong to Job ;
nor can the rest be disjoined from it without in-
jury to the sense. As for the style, M. Kenan,
a most competent authority in a matter of
taste, declares that it is one of the finest de-
velopments in the poem. — 3. The last two
chapters of the address of the Almighty have
been rejected as interpolations by many wri-
ters, partly because of an alleged inferiority of
style, partly as not having any bearing upon
the argument. — 4. The speech of Elihu presents
greater difficulties, and has been rejected by
several, whose opinion, however, is controvert-
ed not only by orthodox writers, but by some
of the most sceptical commentators. The
former support their decision chiefly on the
manifest, and to a certain extent the real, dif-
ference between this and other parts of the
book in tone of thought, in doctrinal views, and
more positively in language and general style.
Much stress also is hud upon the facts that
Elihu is not mentioned in the introduction nor
at the end, and that his speech is unanswered
by Job, and unnoticed in the final address of
the Almighty. A candid and searching ex-
amination, however, leads to a different conclu-
sion. It is proved that there is a close internal
connection between this and other parts of the
book ; there are references to numerous passages
in the discourses of Job and his friends, so
covert as only to be discovered by close inquiry,
yet, when pointed out, so striking and natural
as to leave no room for doubt. Elihu supplies
exactly what Job repeatedly demands — a con-
futation of his opinions by rational and human
arguments. There is no difficulty in account-
ing for the omission of Elihu's name in the in-
troduction. No persons are named in the book
until they appear as agents, or as otherwise
concerned in the events. Again, the discourse,
being substantially true, did not need correction,
and is therefore left unnoticed in the final de-
cision of the Almighty. More weight is to he
attached to the objection resting upon diversity
of style and dialectic peculiarities. It may be
accounted for on the supposition that the fjhal-
daic forms and idioms are such as peculiarly
suit the style of the young and fiery speaker.
HI. Historical character of the work.— Three
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JOB
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JOB
distinct theories hare been maintained at rari-
otu times ; some believing the book to be strict-
ly historical ; others a religions fiction ; others
a composition based upon facts. By gome the
authorship of the work was attributed to Moses.
The fact of Job's existence, and the substantial
truth of the narrative, were not likelv to be de-
nied by Hebrews or Christians, considering the
terms in which the patriarch is named in the
14th of Ezekiel and in the Epistle of St. James
(v. 11). It is, to say the least, highly improb-
able that a Hebrew, had he invented such a
character as that of Job, should have represent-
ed him as belonging to a race which, though
descended from a common ancestor, was never
on friendly, and generally on hostile, terms with
his own people. To this it must be added that
there is a singular air of reality in the whole
narrative, such as must either proceed naturally
from a faithful adherence to objective truth, or
be the result of the most consummate art.
Forcible as these arguments may appear, many
critics have adopted the opinion either that the
whole work is a moral or religious apologue, or
that, upon a substratum of a few rudimental
facts preserved by tradition, the genius of an
original thinker has raised this, the most re-
markable monument of the Shemitic mind.
Samuel Bar-Nachman declares his conviction
" Job did not exist, and was not a created man,
bat the work is a parable." Luther first sug-
gested the theory, which, in some form or other,
is now most generally received. He says, " I
look upon the book of Job as a true history, yet
I do not believe that all took place just as it is
written, but that an ingenious, pious, and learned
man brought it into its present form."
IV. The probable age, country, and position of
the author. — The language alone does not, as
some have asserted, supply any decisive test as
to the date of the composition. The fact that
the language of this work approaches far more
nearly to the Arabic than any other Hebrew
production was remarked by Jerome, and is
recognized by the soundest critics. On the oth-
er hand, there are undoubtedly many Aramaic
words, and grammatical forms, which some
critics have regarded as strong proof that the
writers must have lived during or even after the
captivity. At present this hypothesis is uni-
versally given np as untenable. It is proved
that the Aramaisms of the book of Job are such
as characterize the antique and highly poetic
style. It may be regarded as a settled point
that the book was written long before the exile;
while there is absolutely nothing to prove a
later date than the Pentateuch, or even those
parts of the Pentateuch which appear to belong
to the patriarchal age. This impression is
borne out by the style. All critics have recog-
nized its grand archaic character. The extent to
which the influence of this book is perceptible
in the later literature of the Hebrews is a sub-
ject of great interest and importance ; but it
las not yet been thoroughly investigated. Con-
siderable weight must be attached to the fact that
Job is far more remarkable for obscurity than
any Hebrew writing. There is an obscurity
which results from confusion of thought, from
carelessness and inaccuracy, or from studied
involutions and artificial combination of mcta-
£
phors indicating a late age. But when it is
owing to obsolete words, intense concentration
of thought and language, and incidental allu-
sions to long-forgotten traditions, it ia an all bnt
infallible proof of primeval antiquity. Such are
precisely the difficulties in this book. We ar-
rive at the same conclusion from considering
the institutions, manners, and historical facta
described or alluded to. Ewald, whose judg-
ment in this case will not be questioned, asserts
very positively that in all the descriptions of
manners and customs, domestic, social, and po-
litical, and even in the indirect allusions and
illustrations, the genuine coloring of die age of
Job, that is of the period between Abraham and
Moses, is very faithfully observed ; that all his-
torical examples and allusions are taken exclu-
sively from patriarchal times, and that there is
a complete and successful avoidance of direct
reference to later occurrences, which in his opin-
ion may have been known to the writer. All
critics concur in extolling the fresh, antique
simplicity of manners described in this book,
the genuine air of the wild, free, vigorous life
of the desert, the stamp of hoar antiquity, and
the thorough consistency in the development of
characters, equally remarkable for originality
and force. Moreover, there is sufficient reason
to believe that nnder favorable circumstances a
descendant of Abraham, who was himself a war-
rior, and accustomed to meet princes on terms
of equality, would at a very early age acquire
the habits, position, and knowledge, which we
admire in Job. Mo positive historical fact or
allusion can be produced from the book to prove
that it could not have been written before the
time of Moses. The single objection which
presents any difficulty is the mention of the
Chaldavras in the introductory chapter. It is
certain that they appear first in Hebrew history
about the year B.C. 770. But the name of
Chesed, the ancestor of the race, is found in the
genealogical table in Genesis (xxii. S3), a fact
quite sufficient to prove the early existence of
the people as a separate tribe.
The arguments which have induced the gen-
erality of modern critics to assign a later date
to this book may be reduced to two heads : — I.
We are told that the doctrinal system is consid-
erably in advance of the Mosaic ; in fact that it
is the result of a. recoil from the stem, narrow
dogmatism of the Pentateuch. Again it is said
that the representation of angels, and still more
specially of Satan, belongs to a later epoch. It
is also to be remarked that no charge of idol-
atry is brought against Job by his opponents
when enumerating all the crimes which they
can imagine to account for his calamities. The
only allusion to the subject (xxxi. 26) refers to
the earliest form of false religion known in the
East. To an Israelite, living after the intro-
duction of heathen rites, snch a charge was the
very first which would have suggested itself,
nor can any one satisfactory reason be assigned
for the omission. — 2. Nearly all modern critics,
even those who admit the inspiration of the
author, agree in the opinion that the composi-
tion of the whole work, the highly systematic
development of the plot, and the philosophic
tone or thought, indicate a considerable progress
in mental cultivation far beyond what can, with
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JOBAB
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JOEL
any show of probability, be supposed to hare
existed before the age of Solomon. It should,
however, be remarked that the persons intro-
duced in this book belong to a country cele-
brated for wisdom in the earliest times ; inso-
much that the writer who speaks of those
schools considers that the peculiarities of the
Salomonian writings were derived from inter-
course with its inhabitants. The book of Job
diners from those writings chiefly in its greater
earnestness, vehemence of feeling, vivacity of
imagination, and free independent inquiry into
the principles of divine government ; character-
istics as it would seem of a primitive race, ac-
quainted only with the patriarchal form of
religion, rather than of a scholastic age. There
is indeed nothing in the composition incompati-
ble with the Mosaic age, admitting the authen-
ticity and integrity of the Pentateuch. These
considerations lead of course to the conclusion
that the book must have been written before
the promulgation of the Law, by one speaking
the Hebrew language, and thoroughly conver-
sant with the traditions preserved in the family
of Abraham. One hypothesis which has been
lately brought forward, and supported by very
ingenious arguments, deserves a more special
notice. That supposition is, that Job may have
been written after the settlement of the Israel-
ites by a dweller in the south of Judasa, in a
district immediately bordering upon the Idu-
roean desert. The inhabitants of that district
were to a considerable extent isolated from the
rest of the nation. A resident there would have
peculiar opportunities of collecting the varied
sad extensive information which was possessed
by the author of Job. The local coloring, so
strikingly characteristic of this book, and so
evidently natural, is just what might be expect-
ed from such a writer. The people appear also
to have been noted for freshness and originality
of mind ; qualities seen in the woman of Te-
koah, or still more remarkably in Amos, the
poor and unlearned herdsman, also of Tekoali.
Some weight mav also be attached to the ob-
servation that the dialectic peculiarities of
Southern Palestine, especially the softening of
the aspirate* and exchanges of the sibilants,
resemble the few divergences from pure Hebrew
which are noted in the book of Job. The con-
troversy about the authorship cannot ever be
inallv settled. From the introduction it may
•certainly be inferred that the writer lived many
years after the death of Job. From the strong-
est internal evidence it is also clear that tie
mast either have composed the work before the
Law was promulgated, or under most peculiar
circumstances which exempted him from its
influence.
JoTmb. L The last in order of the sons
of JokUn (Gen. x. 39 ; 1 Chr. i. 23). His name
has not been discovered among the Arab names
of places in Southern Arabia, where he ought
to he found with the other sons of Joktan. — 2.
One of the " kings " of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 33,
34; 1 Chr. i. 44, 45), enumerated after the
genealogy of Esau and Seir, and before the
phylarchs descended from Esau. — 3. King of
Madoh; one of the northern chieftains who
attempted to oppose Joshua's conquest, and
were routed by him at Meron (Josh. xi. 1, only).
— 4. Head of a Benjamite bouse (1 Chr. via.
10).
JOOhe'bed, the wife and at the same time
the aunt of Amram, and the mother of Moses
and Aaron (Ex. ii. I, vi. 30 ; Num. xxvi. 59).
Jo'da. Judah the Levite, in a passage
which is difficult to unravel (1 Esd. v. 58; see
Ezr. iii. 9). Ap.
Jo'ed, a Benjamite, the son of Pedaiah
(Neh. xi. 7).
Jo'el. 1. Eldest son of Samuel the prophet
(I Sam. viii. 3; 1 Chr. vi. 33, xv. 17), and fa-
ther of Heman the singer. — 2. In 1 Chr. vi.
36, A. V., Joel seems to be merely a corruption
of Sliaul in ver. 34. — 3. One of the twelve
minor prophets ; the son of Pcthuel, or, accord-
ing to the LXX., Bethuel. Beyond this fact all
is conjecture as to the personal history of Joel.
Pseudo-Epiphanius (ii. 245) records a tradition
that he was of the tribe of Reuben, born and
buried at Bcth-horon, between Jerusalem and
Cassarea. It is most likely that he lived in Ju-
dasa. Many different opinions have been ex-
pressed about the date of Joel's prophecy.
Credner has placed it in the reign of Joash,
Bertholdt of Hezekiah, Kimchi, Jalin, Ac., of
Manasseh, and Calmct of Josiah. The majori-
ty of critics and commentators fix upon the
reign of Uzziah.
The nature, style, and content) of the prophecy.
— We And, what we should expect on the sup-
position of Joel being the first prophet to Ju-
dah, only a grand outline of the whole terrible
scene, which was to be depicted more and more
in detail by subsequent prophets. The scope,
therefore, is not any particular invasion, but the
whole day of the Lord. The proximate event
to which the prophecy related was a public ca-
lamity, then impending on Judssa, of a twofold
character, — want of water, and a plague of lo-
custs, continuing for several years. The proph-
et exhorts the people to turn to God with peni-
tence, fasting, and prayer; and then (he says)
the plague shall cease, and the rain descend in
its season, and the land yield her accustomed
fruit. Nay, the time will be a most joyful one ;
for God, by the outpouring of His Spirit, will
impart to His worshippers increased knowledge
of Himself, and, after the excision of the ene-
mies of His people, will extend through them
the blessings of true religion to heathen lands,
This is the simple argument of the book ; only
that it is beautified and enriched with variety
of ornament and pictorial description. The
style of the original is perspicuous (except
towards the end) and elegant, surpassing that
of all other prophets, except Isaiah and Habak-
kuk, in sublimity. The locusts of ch. ii. were
regarded by many interpreters of the last cen-
tury (Lowth, Shaw, &c.) as figurative, and in-
troduced by way of comparison to a hostile
army of men from the north country. This
view is now generally abandoned. Maurice
strongly maintains the literal interpretation.
And yet the plague contained a parable in it,
which it was the prophet's mission to unfold.
The " afterwards,'' ch. ii. 37 of the A. V., raises
us to a higher level of vision, and brings into
view Messianic times and scenes. Here, says
Steudel, we have a Messianic prophecy alto-
gether. If this prediction ha* aver yet been
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JOHANAN
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JOHN THE APOSTLE
fulfilled, we must certainly refer the event to
Acts ii. Lastly, the accompanying portents and
judgments upon the enemies of God find their
various solutions, according to the interpreters,
in the repeated deportations of the Jews by
neighboring merchants, and sale to the Mace-
donians (1 Mace. iii. 41, and Ezek. xxvii. 13),
followed by the swecping-away of the neighbor-
ing nations (Maurice) ; in the events accompa-
nying the crucifixion, in the fall of Jerusalem,
the breaking-up of all human polities. But
here again ute idea includes all manifestations
of judgment, ending with the last. — 4. A Sim-
eonite chief (1 Chr. iv. 35). — 6. A descendant
of Reuben. Junius and Tremcllius make him
the son of Hanoch, while others trace his de-
scent through Carmi (1 Chr. v. 4). — 6. Chief
of the Gadites, who dwelt in the land of Bashan
(1 Chr. v. 12). — 7. The son of Izrahiah, of the
tribe of Issacharfl Chr. vii.3). — 8. Thebroth-
er of Nathan of Zobah (1 Chr. xi. 38), and
one of David's guard. — 9. The chief of the Ger-
shomites in the reign of David ( 1 Chr. xv. 7, 1 1 ).
— 10. A Gcrshonite Levite in the reign of Da-
rid, son of Jchiel, a descendant of Laadan, and
probably the same as the preceding (1 Chr.
xxih' 8, xxvi. 22). — 11. The son of Pedaiah,
and a chfcf of the half-tribe of Manasseh, west
of Jordan, in the reign of David ( 1 Chr. xxvii.
20). — 12. A Kohathite Levite in the reign of
Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). — 13. One of the
sons of Nebo, who returned with Ezra, and had
married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 43). — 14. The
son of Zichri, a Benjamite (Neh. xi. 9).
Jo'elah, son of Jeroham of Gedor (I Chr.
xii. 7).
Joe'aer, a Korhite, one of David's captains
(1 Chr. xii. 6).
Joglsehah, one of the cities on the east
of Jordan which were built and fortified by the
tribe of Gad when they took possession of their
territory (Num. xxxii. 35).
Jogli, the lather of Bukki, a Danite chief
(Num. xxxiv. 22).
JoTia. 1. One of the sons of Beriah, the
Benjamite (I Chr. viii. 16). — 2. The Tizite,
one of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 45).
Jo'hanan. 1. Son of Azariah, and grand-
son of Ahimaaz the son of Zadok, and father of
Azariah, 3 (1 Chr. vi. 9, 10, A. V.). We mav
conclude without much doubt that Johanan s
pontificate fell in the reign of Rehoboam. — 2.
Son of EHcenai, the son of Neariah, the son of
Shemaiah, in the line of Zerubbabel's heirs (1
Chr. iii. 24). — 3. The son of Eareah, and one
of the captains of the scattered remnants of the
army of Judah, who escaped in the final attack
upon Jerusalem by the Chaldasans. He warned
Gedaliah against the plot of Ishmael, but in
vain. After the murder of Gedaliah, Johanan
was one of the foremost in the pursuit of his
assassin, and rescued the captives he had
carried off from Mizpah (Jer. xii. 11 -IS).
Fearing the vengeance of the Chaldieans, the
captains, with Johanan at their head, notwith-
standing the warnings of Jeremiah, retired into
Egvpt. — 4. The first-bom son of Josiah king
of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 15). — 6. A valiant Ben-
jamite who joined David at Ziklag ( 1 Chr. xii.
4). — 6. A Gadite warrior, who followed David
M Chr. xii. IS). — 7. The ftthar of Azariah,
an Ephraimite in the time of Ahaz (2 Chr.
xxviii. 12). — 8. The son of Hakkatan, and
chief of the Bene-Azgad who returned with
Ezra (Ezr. viii. 12). —9. The son of Elia-
shib, one of the chief Levites (Neh. xii. 23 ;
Ezr. x. 6). — 10. The son of Tobiah the Am-
monite (Neh. vi. 18).
Johan'nes = Jehohanan son of Bebai
(1 Esd. ix. 29 ; comp. Ezr. x.28). Ap.
John. 1. The father of Mattathias, and
grandfather of the Maccabsan family (1 Mace
u. 1). — 2. The eldest son of Mattathias, sur-
named Caddis, who was slain by " the children
of Jambri " (1 Mace. ii. 2, ix. 36-38). — 3. The
father of Eupolemus, one of the envoys whom
Judos MnccaWus sent to Rome ( 1 Mace viii.
17 ; 2 Mace. iv. 11). — 4. The son of Simon,
the brother of Judas Maccabteus ( 1 Mace. xiii.
53, xvi. 1 ). — 5. An envoy from the Jews to
Lysias (2 Mace. xi. 17). Ap.
John. 1. One of the high-priest's family,
who, with Annas and Caiaphos, sat in judg-
ment upon the apostles Peter and John (Acts iv.
6). Lightfoot identifies him with R. Johanan
ben Zaccai. — 2. The Hebrew name of the
evangelist Mark (Acts xii. 12, 25, xiii. 5, 13,
xv. 37).
John the Apostle. It will be convenient
to divide the life which is the subject of the
present article into periods corresponding both
to the great critical epochs which separate one
part of it from another, and to marked differ-
ences in the trustworthiness of the sources from
which our materials are derived. In no instance,
perhaps, is such a division more necessary than
in this. One portion of the apostle's life and
work stands out before us as in the clearness of
broad daylight. Over those which precede and
follow it there brood the shadows of darkness
and uncertainty. — I. Before the call to the died-
plethip. — We have no data for settling with
any exactitude the time of the apostle's birth.
The general impression left on us by the Gos-
pel narrative is that he was younger than the
brother whose name commonly precedes his
iMatt. iv. 21, x. 3, xvii. 1, &c. ; but comp.
iuke ix. 28, where the order is inverted),
younger than his friend Peter, possibly also
than his Master. The Gospels give us the
name of his father Zebedsus (Matt. iv. 21) and
his mother Salome (Matt, xxvii. 56, compared
with Mark xv. 40, xvi. 1 ). They lived, it may
be inferred from John i. 44, jn or near the same
town as those who were afterwards the compan-
ions and partners of their children. There, on
the shores of the Sea of Galilee, the apostle
and his brother grew up. The mention of the
" hired servants (Mark i. 20), of his mother's
" substance " (Luke viii. 3), of " his own
house " (John xix. 27), implies a position re-
moved by at least some steps from absolute pov-
erty. Of the character of Zebedaeus we nave
hardly the slightest trace. We are led to infci
that he had died before his wife followed hci
children in their work of ministration. Ilei
character meets us as presenting the same
marked features as those which were conspicu-
ous in her son.
H. From the call to the ditriplesMp to the de-
parture from Jertualem. — The ordinary life of
the fisherman of the Sea of Galilee was at last
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JOHN THE APOSTLE
421
JOHN THE APOSTLE
broken in upon by the news that a prophet had
once more appeared. The voice of John the
Baptist was heard in the wilderness of Judaa ;
and the publicans, peasants, soldiers, and fish-
ermen of Galilee gathered round him. Among
these were the two sons of Zebedteus and their
friends. With them perhaps was One whom as
jet they knew not. Assuming that the un-
named disciple of John i. 37-40 was the evangel-
ist himself, we are led to think of that meeting,
of the lengthened interview that followed it,
as the starting-point of the entire devotion of
heart and soul which lasted through his whole
life. Them Jesus loved him as ne loved all
earnest seekers after righteousness and truth
(comp. Mark x. 21 ). The words of that even-
ing, though unrecorded, were mighty in their
effect. The disciples (John apparently among
them) followed their new teacher to Galilee
(John i. 44), were with him, as such, at the
marriage-feast of Cana (ii. 2), journeyed with
him to Capernaum, and thence to Jerusalem
(ii- 12, 22), came back through Samaria (iv. 8),
and then, for some uncertain interval of time,
returned to their former occupations. From
this time they take their place among the corn-
pan j- < < disciples. They come within the inner-
most circle of their Lord's friends. The three,
Peter, James, and John, are with him when none
else are, in the chamber of death (Mark v. 37),
in the glory of the transfiguration (Matt. xvii.
1), when he forewarns them of the destruction
of the Holy City (Mark xiii. 3, Andrew, in this
instance, with them), in the agony of Gethsem-
ane. Peter is throughout the leader of that
band ; to John belongs the yet more memorable
distinction of being the disciple whom Jesus
loved. Facts hardly sustain the popular notion
in respect to the latter, fostered by the received
types of Christian art, of a nature gentle, yield-
ing, feminine. The name Boanerges (Mark iii.
17) implies a vehemence, zeal, intensity, which
rave to those who had it the might of Sons of
Thunder. Through his mother, we may well
believe, John first came to know that Marv
Magdalene, whose character he depicts with
such a life-like touch, and that other Mary to
whom he was afterwards to stand in so close
and special a relation. The fulness of his nar-
rative of what the other evangelists omit (John
xi.) leads to the conclusion that be was united
also by some special ties of intimacy to the fam-
ily of Bethany.
It is not necessary to dwell at length on the
familiar history of the Last Supper. As they
go out to the Mount of Olives, the chosen three
are nearest to their Master. They only are
within sight or hearing of the conflict in Geth-
seznane (Matt. xxvi. 37). When the betrayal is
accomplished, Peter and John, after the first
moment of confusion, follow afar off, while the
others simply seek safety in a hasty flight (John
xriii. 15). The personal acquaintance which
existed between John and Caiaphas enabled him
to gain access both for himself and Peter ; but
the latter remains in the porch, with the officers
and servants, while John himself apparently is
admitted to the council-chamber, and follows
Jesus thence, even to the prietorium of the
Roman Procurator (John xviii. 16, 19, 28).
Thence, as if the desire to see the end, and the
love which was stronger than death, sustained
him through all the terrors and sorrows of that
day, he followed, accompanied probably by his
own mother, Mary the mother of Jesus, and
Mary Magdalene, to the place of crucifixion.
The teacher who had been to him as a brother
leaves to him a brother's duty. He is to be as
a son to the mother who is left desolate (John
xix. 26, 27). The Sabbath that followed was
spent, it would appear, in the same company.
He receives Peter, in spite of his denial, on the
old terms of friendship. It is to them that Man'
Magdalene first runs with the tidings of the
emptied sepulchre (John xx. 2) ; they are the
first to go together to see what the strange
words meant. Not without some bearing on
their respective characters is the fact that John
is the more impetuous, running on most eagerly
to the rock-tomb ; Peter, the least restrained by
awe, the first to enter in and look (John xx.
4-6). For at least eight davs thev continued
in Jerusalem (John xx. 26). Then, in the
interval between the resurrection and the as-
cension, we find them still together on the
Sea of Galilee (John xxi. 1), as though thev
would calm the eager suspense of that period of
expectation by a return to their old calling and
their old familiar haunts. Here too there is a
characteristic difference. John is the first to
recognize in the dim form seen in the morning
twilight the presence of his risen Lord ; Peter
the first to plunge into the water and swim to-
wards the snore where He stood calling to them
(John xxi. 7). The last words of the Gospel
reveal to us the deep affection which united the
two friends. It is not enough for Peter to
know his own future. That at once suggests
the question, " And what shall this man do 1 "
(John xxi. 21.) The history of the Acts shows
the same union. Tbey are of course together
at the ascension and on the day of Pentecost.
Together they enter the Temple as worshippers
( Acts iii. 1 ), and protest against the threats of
the Sanhedrim (iv. 13). They arc fellow-work-
ers in the first great step of the Church's ex-
pansion. The apostle, whose wrath had been
roused by the unbelief of the Samaritans, over-
comes his national exclusiveness, and leceivea
them as his brethren jviii. 14). The persecu-
tion which was pushed on by Saul of Tarsus
did not drive him or any of the apostles from
their post ( viii. 1 ). When the persecutor came
back as the convert, he, it is true, did not see
him (Gal. i. 19) ; but this of course does not in-
volve the inference that he had left Jerusalem.
The sharper though shorter persecution which
followed under Herod Agrippa brought a great
sorrow to him in the martyrdom of his brother
(Acts xii. 2). His friend was driven to seek
safety in flight Fifteen years after St. Paul's
first visit he was still at Jerusalem, and helped
to take part in the settlement of the great con-
troversy between the Jewish and the Gentile
Christians (Acts xv. 6). His position and rep-
utation there were those of one ranking among;
the chief " pillars " of the Church (Gal. ii. 9).
Of the work of the apostle during this period
we have hardly the slightest trace.
III. From his departure from Jerusalem to his
death. — The traditions of a later age come in,
with more or less show of likelihood, to fill us
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JOHN THE BAPTIST
the great gap which separates the Apostle of
Jerusalem from the Bishop of Ephesus. It was
a natural conjecture to suppose that he remained
in Judasa till the death of the Virgin released
him from his trust. When this took place we
can only conjecture. There are no signs of his
being at Jerusalem at the time of St. Paul's
last visit (Acts xxi.). The pastoral epistles set
aside the notion that he had come to Ephesus
before the work of the Apostle of the Gentiles
was brought to its conclusion. Out of many
contradictory statements, fixing his departure
under Claudius, or Nero, or as late even as
Domitian, we have hardly any data for doing
more than rejecting the two extremes. Nor is
it certain that his work as an apostle was
transferred at once from Jerusalem to Ephesus.
The picture which tradition fills up for us has
the merit of being full and vivid ; but it blends
together, without much regard to harmony,
things probable and improbable. He is ship-
wrcckea off Ephesus, and arrives there in time
to check the progress of the heresies which
sprang up after St. Paul's departure. In the
persecution under Domitian he is taken to
Rome, and there, by his boldness, though not
by death, gains the crown of martyrdom. The
boiling oil into which he is thrown has no
power to hurt him. He is then sent to labor in
the mines, and Patmos is the place of his exile.
The accession of Nerva frees him from danger,
and he returns to Ephesus. There he settles
the canon of the Gospel history by formally at-
testing the truth of the first three Gospels, and
writing his own to supply what they left want-
ing. Heresies continue to show themselves ; but
he meets them with the strongest possible pro-
test. Through his agency the great temple of
Artemis is at last reft of its magnificence, and
even levelled with the ground. He introduces
and perpetuates the Jewish mode of celebrating
the Easter feast. At Ephesus, he appears as
one who was a true priest of the Lord, bearing
on his brow the plate of gold, with the sacred
name engraved on it. The very time of his
death lies within the region of conjecture rather
than of history, and the dates that have been
assigned for it range from A.D. 89 to a.d. 120.
The result of all this accumulation of apocry-
phal materials is, from one point of view, disap-
pointing enough. We find it better and more
satisfying to turn again, for all our conceptions
of the apostle's mind and character, to the
scanty records of the N. T., and the writings
which he himself has left. The truest thought
that we can attain to is still that he was " the
disciple whom Jesus loved," returning that
love with a deep, absorbing, unwavering devo-
tion. He is the Apostle of Love, not because
he starts from the easy temper of a general be-
nevolence, nor again as being of a character
soft, yielding, feminine, but because he has
grown, ever more and more, into the likeness
of Him whom he loved so truly.
John the Baptist was of the priestly race
by both parents ; for his father Zacharias was
himself a priest of the course of Abia, or Abijah
(1 Chr. xxiv. 10), offering incense at the very
time when a son was promised to him ; and Elis-
abeth was of the daughters of Aaron (Luke i. 5).
The divine mission of John was the subject of
prophecy many centuries before his birth. Hit
birth — a birth not according to the ordinary
laws of nature, but through the miraculous in-
terposition of almighty power — was foretold
by an angel sent from God, who proclaimed the
character and office of this wonderful child.
These marvellous revelations as to the character
and career of the son, for whom he had so lone
prayed in vain, were too much for the faith or
the aged Zacharias. And now the Lord's gra-
cious promise tarried not : Elizabeth, for greater
privacy, retired into the hill-country, whither
she was soon afterwards followed by her kins-
woman Mary. Three months after this, and
while Mary still remuined with her, Elizabctk
was delivered of a son. The birth of John pre-
ceded by six months that of our Lord. On the
eighth day the child of promise was, in con-
formity with the law of Moses (Lev. xii. 3),
brought to the priest for circumcision, and as
the performance of this rite was the accustomed
time for naming a child, the friends of the fam-
ily proposed to call him Zacharias after the name
of his father. The mother, however, required
that he should be called John ; a decision which
Zacharias, still speechless, confirmed bv writing
on a tablet, " his name is John." T*he judg-
ment on his want of faith was then at once
withdrawn. God's wonderful interposition in
the birth of John had impressed the minds of
many with a certain solemn awe and expecta-
tion (Luke iii. 15). A single verse contains all
that we know of John's history for a space of
thirty years, — the whole period which elapsed
between his birth and the commencement of
his public ministry. "The child grew and
waxed strong in spirit, and was in the deserts
till the day of his showing unto Israel " (Luke
i. 80). John was ordained to be a Naxarite
from his birth (Luke i. 15). Dwelling by him-
self in the wild and thinly peopled region west-
ward of the Dead Sea, he prepared himself by
self-discipline, and by constant communion with
God, for the wonderful office to which be had
been divinely called. The very appearance of
the holy Baptist was of itself a lesson to his
countrymen; his dress was that of the old
prophets, — c garment woven of camel's hair
(2 K. i. 8), attached to the body by a leathern
girdle. His food was such as the desert afforded,
— locusts (Lev. xi. 22) and wild honey (Ps.
lxxxi. 16). And now the long secluded hermit
came forth to the discharge of his office. His
supernatural birth, his hard ascetic life, his
reputation for extraordinary sanctity, and the
generally prevailing expectation that some great
one was about to appear, — these causes, with-
out the aid of miraculous power, for " John did
no miracle " (John x. 41), were sufficient to at-
tract to him a great multitude from " every
quarter " (Matt. iii. 5). Brief and startling was
his first exhortation to them : " Repent ye ; for
the kingdom of heaven is at hand." Some
score of verses contain all that is recorded of
John's preaching, and the sum of it all is re-
pentance ; not mere legal ablution or expiation,
nut a change of heart and life. Many of every
class pressed forward to confess their sins and
to be baptized. The preparatory baptism of
John was a visible sign to the people, and a dis-
tinct acknowledgment by them, that a beauty
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JOHN THE BAPTIST
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JOHN, GOSPEL OP
r-nanciation of on and * real amendment of
life were necessary for admission into the king-
dom of heaven, which the Baptist proclaimed to
he at band. Bat the fundamental distinction
between John's baptism unto repentance, and
that baptism accompanied with the gift of the
Hoi? Spirit which our Lord afterwards ordained,
is clearly marked by John himself (Matt. iii.
11, IS).
As a preacher, John was eminently practical
and discriminating. The mission or the Bap-
tist — an extraordinary one for an extraordinary
purpose — was not limited to those who had
openly (broken the covenant of God, and so
forfeited its principles. It was to the whole
people alike. Jesus Himself came from Galilee
to Jordan to be baptized of John. But here a
■lirficult question arises — How is John's ac-
knowledgment of Jesus at the moment of His
presenting Himself for baptism compatible with
nU subsequent assertion that he knew Him not,
care by the descent of the Holy Spirit upon
Him, which took place after His baptism 1 It
most be borne in mind that their places of rew-
(lence were at the two extremities of the coun-
try, with but little means of communication
between them. It is possible therefore that the
Saviour and the Baptist had never before met.
It was certainly of the utmost importance that
there should be no suspicion of concert or collu-
sion between them. With the baptism of Jesus,
John's more especial office ceased. He still
continued, however, to present himself to his
ronntrymen in the capacity of witness to Jesus.
Prom incidental notices in Scripture we learn
that John and his disciples continued to baptize
tome time after our Lord entered upon His
ministry (see John iii. 33, iv. 1 ; Acts xix. 3).
We gather also that John instructed his disci-
ples in certain moral and religious duties, as
fisting (Matt. ix. 14; Luke v. 33) nnd prayer
(Lake xL 1). But shortly after he hud given
his testimony to the Messiah, John's public min-
istry was brought to a close. In daring disre-
gard of the divine laws, Herod Antipas had
taken to himself the wife of his brother Philip ;
snd when John reproved him for this, as well
m (brother sins (Luke iii. 19), Herod cast him
into prison. The place of his confinement was
the castle of Machierus — a fortress on the east-
ern shore of the Dead Sea. It was here that
reports reached him of the miracles which our
Lord was working in Jud«ea. With a view
therefore to overcome the scruples of hit disci-
ples, John sent two of them to Jesus Himself to
•sk the question, " Art Thon He that should
come?" They were answered, not bv words,
hot by ■ series of miracles wrought before their
eye* ; and while Jesus bade the two messengers
carry back to John as His only answer the report
»f what they had seen and heard, He took oc-
casion to jruard the multitude who surrounded
Him against supposing that the Baptist him-
»lf was shaken in mind, by u direct appeal
to their own knowledge of his life and cnar-
acter. Jesus further proceeds to declare that
John was, according to the true meaning of
the prophecy, the Elijah of the new cove-
nant, foretold by Malachi (iii. 4). The event
indeed proved that John was to Herod what
Ehjah had been to Ahab. Nothing but the
death of the Baptist would satisfy the resent-
ment of Herodias. A court festival was kept
at Mactuerus in honor of the king's birthday.
After supper, the daughter of Herodias came
in and danced before the company, and so
charmed was the king by her grace that he
promised with an oath to give her whatsoever
she should ask. Salome, prompted by her
abandoned mother, demanded the head of John
the Baptist. Herod gave instructions to an of-
ficer or his guard, who went and executed John
in the prison, and his head was brought to feast
the eyes of the adulteress whose sins he had
denounced. His death is supposed to have oc-
curred just before the third possover, in the
course of the Lord's ministry.
John, Gospel Of. 1. Authority.— No
doubt has been entertained at any time in the
Church, either of the canonical authority of
this Gospel, or of its being written by St. John.
No other book of the N. T. is authenticated
by testimony of so early a date as that of
the disciples which is embodied in the Gospel
itself , txi. 34, 25). Among the Apostolic Fa-
thers, ignatius appears to have known and
recognized this Gospel. The fact that this
Gospel is not quoted by Clement of Rome (a.d.
68 or 96) serves merely to confirm the state-
ment that it is a very late production of the
apostolic age. Polvcarp in his short epistle,
Hennas, and Barnabas, do not refer to it But
its phraseology may be clearly traced in the
Epistle to Diognctus, and in Justin Martyr,
a.d. 150. Tatian, a.d. J70, wrote a harmony
of the four Gospels, and he quotes St. John s
Gospel in his only extant work ; so do his con-
temporaries Apollinaris of Hierapolis, Athe-
nagoras, and the writer of the Epistle of the
churches of Vienne and Lyons. The Valen-
tinians made great use of it ; and one of their
sect, Heracleon, wrote a commentary on it
And, to close the list of writers of the second
century, the numerous and full testimonies of
Irenteus in Gaul and Tertullian at Carthage,
with the obscure but weighty testimony o; the
Roman writer of the Muratorinn Fragment on
the Canon, sufficiently show the authority at-
tributed in the Western Church to this Oos-
pel. Cerdon, Morcion, the Montanists, and
other ancient heretics, did not deny that St
John was the author of the Gospel ; but they
held that the Apostle was mistaken, or that his
Gospel had been interpolated in those passages
which are opposed to their tenets. The Alogi,
a sect in the beginning of the third century,
were singular in rejecting the writings of St.
John. Guerike enumerates later opponents of
the Gospel.
2. Place and Time at which it was writtci. —
Ephesus and Patmos ore the two" places men-
tioned by early writers; and the weight of
evidence seems to preponderate in favor of
Ephesus. The Apostle's sojourn at Ephesus
probably began after St. Paul's Epistle to the
Ephesians was written, i.e. after a.d. 62. Ense-
bius specifics the fourteenth roar of Domitian,
i.r. a.d. 95, as the year of his banishment to
Patmos. Probably the date of the Gospel may
lie about midway between these two, about
a.d. 78.
3. Occasion and Scope. — After the destruo-
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JOHN, FIRST EPISTLE
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JOHN, 8ECOND EPISTLE
non of Jerusalem, a.d. 69, Ephesus probably
became the centre of the active life of Eusterh
Christendom. This half-Greek, half-Oriental
city, contained a large church of faithful Chris-
tians, a multitude of zealous Jews, an indige-
nous population devoted to the worship of a
strange idol whose image was borrowed from
the East, its name from the West. It was the
Slace to which Cerinthus chose to bring the
octrines which he devised or learned at Alex-
andria. The Gospel was obviously addressed
primarily to Christians, not to heathens. The
object of the writer, according to some, was to
supplement the earlier Gospels ; according to
others, to confute the Nicolaitans and Cerin-
thus; according to others, to state the true
doctrine of the divinity of Christ It has in-
deed been pronounced by high critical autho-
rity that the supplementary theory is entirely
untenable ; and so it becomes if put forth in its
most rigid form. But though St. John may
not have written with direct reference to the
earlier three Evangelists, he did not write with-
out any reference to them. There is no in-
trinsic improbability in the early tradition as to
the occasion and scope of this Gospel, which is
most fully related in the commentary of Theo-
dore of Mopsuestia.
4. Content* and Integrity. — The following
is an abridgment of Lampe's synopsis of its
contents: — A. The Pboloocb, i. 1-18. — B.
The History, i. 19-xx. 29. a. Various events
relating to our Lord's ministry, narrated in
connection with seven journeys, i. 19-xii.
50 : — 1. First journey, into Jmlsa and begin-
ning of His ministry, i. 19— ii. 12. 2. Second
journey, at the Passover, in the first year of His
ministry, ii. 13-iv. 3. Third journey, in the
second year of His ministry, about the Pass-
over, v. 4. Fourth journey, about the Passover,
in the third year of His ministry, beyond Jor-
dan, vi. 5. Fifth journey, six months before
His death, begun at the Feast of Tabernacles,
vii.-x. 21. 6. Sixth journey, about the Feast
of Dedication, x. 22-42. 7. Seventh journey,
in Judsea towards Bethany, xi. 1-54. 8. Eighth
journey, before His last Passover, xi. 55-xii.
6. History of the death of Christ, xiii.-xx. 29.
1. Preparation for His Passion, xiii.-xvii. 2.
The circumstances of His Passion and Death,
xviii., xix. 3. His Resurrection, and the proofs
of it, xx. 1-29. — C. The Cohclusion, xx.
30-xxi. : — 1. Scope of the foregoing history,
xx. 30, 31. 2. Confirmation of the authority
of the Evangelist by additional historical facts,
and by the testimony of the elders of the
Church, xxi. 1-24. 3. Reason of the termina-
tion of the history, xxi. 25. Some portions
of the Gospel have been regarded by certain
critics as interpolations. The 25th verse and
the latter half of the 24th of ch. xxi. are gene-
rally received as an undisguised addition, prob-
ably by the elders of the Ephesian Church,
where 'the Gospel was first published. There
is a tradition that this Gospel was written
many years before the Apostle permitted its
general circulation. This fact — rather im-
probable in itself — is rendered less so by the
obviously supplementary character of the latter
part, or perhaps the whole of ch. xxi.
John, the First Epistle General of.
Its Authenticity. — The external evidence iter
the most satisfactory nature. Eusebius places
it in his list of " acknowledged " books, and we
have ample proof that it was received as the
production of the Apostle John in the writings
of Polycarp, Pipit*. Irenasua, Origen, Clement
of Alexandria, Tertullian, Cyprian, and there
is no voice in antiquity raised to the contrary.
On the other hand the internal evidence for in
being the work of St John, from its similarity
in style, language, and doctrine, to the Gospel,
is overwhelming. The allusion again of the
writer to himself is such as would suit St John
the Apostle, and very few but St. John (1 Ep.
i. I). With regard to the time at which St
John wrote the Epistle there is considerable
diversity of opinion. It was most likely writ-
ten at the close of the first century. Like the
Gospel, it was probably written from Ephesus.
Lardner is clearly rigfit when he says that it
was primarily meant for the Churches of Asia
under St. John's inspection, to whom he had
already orally delivered his doctrine (i. 3, ii. 7).
The main object of the Epistle does not appear
to be that of opposing the errors of the DocetK,
or of the Gnostics, or of the Nicolaitans, or of
the Cerinthians, or of all of them together, or
of the Sabians, or of Judaiters, or of apostates
to Judaism : the leading purpose of the Apostle
appears to be rather constructive than polemical.
In the introduction (i. 1-4) the apostle states
the purpose of his Epistle. It is to declare the
Word of life to those whom he is addressing,
in order that he and they might be united in
true communion with each other, and with God
the Father, and His Son Jesus Christ The
first part of the Epistle may be considered to
end at ii. 28. The apostle begins afresh with
the doctrine of sonship or communion at ii. 29,
and returns to the same theme at iv. 7. His
lesson throughout is, that the means of union
with God are, on the part of Christ, his atoning
blood (i. 7, ii. 2, iii. 5, iv. 10, 14, v. 6) and ad-
vocacy (ii. 1) — on the part of man, holiness
(i. 6), obedience (ii. 3), purity (iii. 3), faith (iii.
23, iv. 3, v. 5), and, above all, love (ii. 7, iii. 14,
iv. 7, v. I ). There are two doubtful passages
in this Epistle, ii. 23, "but he that acknowl-
edged) the Son hath the Father also," and
v. 7, " For there are three that bear record in
heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy
Ghost, and these three are one." It would ap-
pear without doubt that they are not genuine.
The latter passage is contained in four only of
the 150 MSS. of the Epistle, the Codex Guel-
pherbytanns of the 17th century, the Codex
Kavianns, a forgery subsequent to the year 1514,
the Codex Britannicus or MoDfbrtii of the fif-
teenth or sixteenth century, and the Codex Ot-
tobonianus of the 15th century. It is not found
in any ancient version except the Latin ; and
the best editions of even the Latin version omit
it. It was not quoted by one Greek Father, or
writer previous to the 14th century.
John, the Second and Third Epistles
Of. Their Authenticity. — These two Epistles
are placed by Eusebius in the class of " dis-
puted " books, and he appears himself to be
doubtful whether they were written by the
evangelist, or by some other John. The evi-
dence of antiquity in their favor is not very
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JOKMEAM
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JONADAB
strong, but yet it is considerable. Clement of
Alexandria speaks of the First Epistle as " the
larger " (Strom, lib. ii.). Origen appears to have
had the same doubts as Eusebius. Dionysius
and Alexander of Alexandria attribute them
to St John. So does Irenasus. In the 5th
century they are almost universally received.
If the external testimony is not as decisive as
we might wish, the internal evidence is pecu-
liarly strong. Mill has pointed out that of the
13 verses which compose the Second Epistle, 8
are to be found in the first Epistle. The title
and contents of the Epistle are strong argu-
ments against • fabricator, whereas they would
account for its non-universal reception in early
times. Tbe Second Epistle is addressed fiAatry
opt*. An individual woman who had children,
and a sister and nieces, is clearly indicated.
Whether her name is given, and if so, what it
is, has been doubted. According to one inter-
pretation she is " the Lady Electa," to another,
" the elect Kyria," to a third, " the elect Lady."
The English version is probably right, though
here too we should have expected tbe article.
The Third Epistle is addressed to Gaius or Cai-
ns. We have no reason for identifying him
with Cams of Macedonia (Acts xix. 29), or with
Cains of Derbe (Acts xx. 4), or with Cains of
Corinth (Rom. xvi. 23 ; 1 Cor. i. 14), or with
Cains, Bishop of Ephesus, or with Caius, Bishop
of Thessalonica, or with Caius, Bishop of Per-
gamos. He was probably a convert of St. John
(Ep. iii. 4), and a layman of wealth and dis-
tinction (Kp. iii. 5) in some city near Ephesus.
Tbe object of St. John in writing the Second
Epistle was to warn the lady, to whom he wrote,
•gainst abetting the teaching known as that of
Basilides and bis followers, by perhaps an un-
due kindness displayed by her towards the
preachers of tbe false doctrine. The Third
epistle was written for the purpose of com-
mending to the kindness and hospitality of Cai-
ns some Christians who were strangers in the
place where he lived. It is probable that these
Christians carried this letter with them to Caius
as their introduction. We may conjecture that
the two Epistles were written shortly after the
Fint Epistle from Ephesus. They both apply
to individual cases of conduct the principles
which had been laid down in their fulness in the
Km Epistle. The title " Catholic " does not
properly belong to the Second and Third Epis-
tles.
Joi'ada, high-priest after his father Eliashib
(Neh. xiii. 28).
Joi'akim, a high-priest, son of the renowned
Jeshoa (Neh. xii. 10).
Joi'arib. 1. A layman who returned from
Babylon with Ezra (Eir. viii. 16). — 2. The
founder of one of the courses of priests, else-
where called in full Jehoiariu (Neh. xii. 6, 19).
—3. A Shilonite — ijt. probably a descendant
of Shblah the son of Judah (Neh. xi. 5).
Jok'deam, a city of Judah, in the moun-
tains (Josh. xv. 56), apparently sou£h of He-
bron.
Jotim, one of the sons of Shelah the son
of Jndah ( 1 Chr. iv. 22), of whom nothing fur-
ther is known.
Jok'meam, a city of Ephraim, given with
Ha suburbs to the Kohathite Levites ( 1 Chr. vi.
64
68). In the parallel list of Levitical cities la
Josh, xxi., Kibzaim occupies the place of Jok-
meam (ver. 22). The situation of Jokmeam is
to a certain extent indicated in 1 K. iv. 12,
where it is named with places which we know
to have been in the Jordan Valley at the ex-
treme east boundary of the tribe.
Jok Beam, a city of the tribe of Zebulun,
allotted with its suburbs to the Merarite Le-
vites (Josh. xxi. 34), but entirely omitted in 1
Chr. vi. (comp. ver. 77). It is the modern site
TtU Kaimm, an eminence which stands just
below the eastern termination of Carmel.
Jok'shan, a son of Abraham and Keturab
(Gen. xxr. 2, 3 ; 1 Chr. i. 32), whose sons
were Sheba and Dedan. While the settlements
of his two sons are presumptively placed on
the borders of Palestine, those of Jokshan are
not known. Arab writers mention a dialect of
Jokshan as having been formerly spoken near
'Aden and El-Jened, in Southern Arabia ; but
that Midianites penetrated so far into the penin-
sula we hold to be highly improbable.
Joktan, son of Eber (Gen. x. 25 ; I Chr.
i. 19), and the father of the Joktanite Arabs.
Scholars are agreed in placing tbe settlements
of Joktan in the south of the peninsula. The
original limits are stated in the Bible, " their
dwelling was from Mesha, as thou goest unto
Sephar, a mount of the East" (Gen. x. 30).
The native traditions respecting Joktan com-
mence with a difficulty. The ancestor of the
great southern peoples was called Kahtan, who,
say the Arabs, was the same as Joktan. To
this some European critics have objected that
there is no good reason to account for the
change of name, and that tbe identification of
Kahtan with Joktan is evidently a Jewish tra-
dition adopted by Mohammed or his followers,
and consequently at or after the promulgation
of El-Islam. A passage in the Mir-dt tx-Zemdn,
hitherto unpublished, throws new light on the
point. It is as follows : — " Ibn-El-Kelbee says,
Yuktan [whose name is also written Yuktan]
is the same as Kahtan son of A'bir," i.e. Eber,
and so say the generality of the Arabs. If the
traditions of Kahtan be rejected (and in this
rejection we cannot agree), they are, it must be
remembered, immaterial to the fact that the
peoples called by the Arabs descendants of
kahtan are certainly Joktanites. His sons'
colonisation of Southern Arabia is proved by
indisputable and undisputed identifications;
and the great kingdom which there existed for
many ages before our era, and in it» later days
was renowned in the world of classical antiqui-
ty, was as surely Joktanite.
Jok'theel. ' 1. A city in the low country
of Judah (Josh. xv. 38), named next to La-
chish. — 2. " God-subdued," the title given by
Amaziah to the cliff (A. V. Selah) — the strong-
hold of the Edomites — after he had captured it
from them (2 K. xiv. 7). The parallel narra-
tive of 2 Chr. xxv. 11-13 supplies fuller details.
Jo'na, the father of the Apostle Peter (John
i. 42), who is hence addressed as Simon Bar-
jona in Matt. xvi. 17.
Jon'adab. 1. Son of Shimeah and nephew
of David. He is described as " very subtil "
(2 Sam. xiii. 3). His age naturally made him
the friend of his consin Amnon, neir to the
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JONAH
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JONATHAN
throne (2 Sara. xiii. 3). He gave him the fatal
advice for insnaring his sister Tamar (5, 6).
Again, when, in a later stage of the same trage-
dy, Amnon was murdered by Absalom, and the
exaggerated report reached David that all the
princes were slaughtered, Jonadab was already
aware of the real state of the case (2 Sam. xiii.
32, 33). — 2. Jer. xxxv. 6, 8, 10, 14, 16, 18, 19.
[Jkhonadab.]
Jo'nah, a prophet, son of Amittai. We
learn from 2 K. xiv. 25, he was of Gath-hepher,
a town of Lower Galilee, in Zebulun. He lived
after the reign of Jcbn, when the losses of Israel
(2 K. x. 32) began ; and probably not till the
latter part of the reign of Jeroboam II. The
general opinion is that Jonah was the first of
the prophets. The king of Nineveh at this
time is supposed to have been Pul, who is
placed B.C. 750 ; but an earlier king, Adram-
melech II., B.C. 840, is regarded more probable
by Drake. Our English Bible gives B.C. 862.
The personal history of Jonah is brief, and
well known ; but is of such an exceptional and
extraordinary character, as to have been set
down by many German critics to fiction, either
in whole or iii part. The book, say they, was
composed, or compounded, some time after the
death of the prophet, perhaps at the latter part
of the Jewish kingdom, during the reign of
Josiah, or even later. The supposed improba-
bilities are accounted for by them in a variety
of ways; e.g. as merely fabulous, or fanciful
ornaments to a true history, or allegorical, or
parabolical and moral, both in their origin and
design. We feel ourselves precluded from any
doubt of the reality of the transactions recorded
in this book, by the simplicity of the language
itself; by the accordance with other authorities
of the historical and geographical notices ; above
all, by the explicit words and teaching of our
blessed Lord Himsolf (Matt. xii. 39, 41, xvi. 4 ;
Luke xi. 29). We shall derive additional
arguments for the same conclusion from the
history and meaning of the prophet's mission.
Having already, as it seems,prophesied to Israel,
he was sent to' Nineveh. The time was one of
political revival in Israel ; but ere long the As-
syrians were to be employed by God as a
scourge upon them. The prophet shrank from
• commission which he felt sure would result
(iv. 2) in the sparing of a hostile city. He at-
tempted therefore to escape to Tarshish. The
providence of God, however, watched over him,
first in a storm, and then in his being swallowed
by a large fish for the space of three days and
three nights. After his deliverance, Jonah ex-
ecuted his commission ; and the king, " believ-
ing him to be a minister from the supreme
deity of the nation," and having heard of his
miraculous deliverance, ordered a general fast,
and averted the threatened judgment. But the
prophet, not from personal but national feel-
ings, grudjjed the mercy shown to a heathen
nation. He was therefore taught, by the sig-
nificant lesson of the " gourd," whose growth
and decay brought the truth at once home to
him, that he was sent to testify by deed, as
other prophets would afterwards testify by
word, the capacity of Gentiles for salvation,
and the design of God to make them partakers
•f it This was " the sign of the prophet Jonas "
(Luke xi. 29, 30). But the resurrection of
ChriBt itself was also shadowed forth in the
history of the prophet The mission of Jonah
was highly symbolical. The facts contained a
concealed prophecy. The old tradition made
the burial-place of Jonah to be Gath-hepher:
the modern tradition places it at Nebi-Yunus,
opposite Mosul.
Jo nan, son of Eliakim, in the genealogy
of Christ (Luke iii. 30).
Jo'nas. 1. This name occupies the same
position in 1 Esd. ix. 23 as Eliexer in the cor-
responding list in Eir. x. 23. — 2. The prophet
Jonah (2 Esd. i. 39 ; Tob. xiv. 4, 8 ; Matt, xii
39,40,41, xvi. 4).— 8. John xxi. 15-17.
[JONA.I
Jon athan, the eldest son of King Saul
The name ("the gift of Jehovah") seems to
have been common at that period. He first
appears some time after his father's accession
(I Sam. xiii. 2). If his younger brother Ish-
bosheth was 40 at the time of Saul's death
(2 Sam. ii. 8), Jonathan must have been at
least 30 when he is first mentioned. Of his own
family we know nothing, except the birth of one
son, 5 years before his death (2 Sam. iv. 4).
He was regarded in his father's lifetime as heir
to the throne. Like Saul, he was a man of
great strength and activity (2 Sam. i. 23), of
which the exploit at Michmash was a proof.
He was also famous for the peculiar martial
exercises in which his tribe excelled, — arch-
ery and slinging (1 Chr. xii. 2). His bow was
to him what the spear was to his father:
" the bow of Jonathan turned not back " (2 Sam.
i. 22). It was always about him (1 Sam.
xviii. 4, xx. 35). It is through bis relation
with David that he is chiefly known to us,
probably as related by his descendants at Da-
vid's court But there is a background, not
so clearly given, of his relation with his father.
From the time that he first appears, he is Saul's
constant companion. He was always present
at his father's meals. The whole story implies,
without expressing, the deep attachment of the
father and son. Their mutual affection was
indeed interrupted by the growth of Saul's in-
sanity. But he cast his lot with his father's
decline, not with his friend's rise, and " in death
they were not divided " (2 Sam. i. 23 ; 1 Sam.
xxiii. 16). His life may be divided into two
main parts. — 1 . The war with the Philistines ;
commonly called, from its locality, " the war of
Michmash " ( 1 Sam. xiii. 21 ). In the previous
war with the Ammonites (1 Sam. xi. 4-15) there
is no mention of him. He is already of great
importance in the State. Of the 3,000 men of
whom Saul's standing army was formed (xiii.
2, xxiv. 2, xxvi. 1, 2), 1,000 were under the
command of Jonathan at Gibeah. The Phi-
listines were still in the general command of the
country ; an officer was stationed at Geba, cither
the same as Jonathan's position or close to it
In a sudden act of youthful daring, Jonathan
slew this officer, and thus gave the signal for a
general revolt. Saul took advantage of it, and
the whole population rose. But it was a pre-
mature attempt The Philistines poured in
from the plain, and the tyranny became more
deeply rooted than ever.
From this oppression, as Jonathan by his for.
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mer act had been the first to provoke it, to now
be was the first to deliver his people. Without
communicating his project to any one, except
the young man, whom, like all the chiefs of
that age, he retained as his armor-bearer, he
sallied forth from Gibeah to attack the garrison
of the Philistines stationed on the other side of
the steep defile of Michmash (xiv. 1 ). A panic
seised toe garrison, thence spread to the camp,
and thence to the surrounding hordes of ma-
rauders ; an earthquake combined with the ter-
ror of the moment ; the confusion increased ;
the Israelites who had been taken slaves by the
Philistines daring the last 3 days (LXX.) rose
in mutiny ; the Israelites, who lay hid in the
aomerous caverns and deep holes in which the
rocks of the neighborhood abound, sprang out
of their subterranean dwellings. Saul and his
little band had watched in astonishment the
wild retreat from the heights of Gibeah : he now
joined in the pursuit. Jonathan had not heard
of the rash curse (xiv. 24) which Saul invoked
on any one who ate before the evening. In the
dizziness and darkness (see Heb. 1 Sam. xiv. 27)
that came on after his desperate exertions, he
pat forth the staff which apparently had (with
his sling and bow) been his chief weapon, and
tasted the honey which lay on the ground as they
passed through the forest. Jephthah's dreadful
sacrifice would have been repeated ; but the peo-
ple interposed in behalf of the hero of that great
day, and Jonathan was saved (xiv. 24-46). —
1 This is the only great exploit of Jonathan's
life. But the chief interest of his career is de-
rived from the friendship with David, which
began on the day of David's return from the
victory over the champion of Gath, and con-
tinued till his death. Their last meeting was
in the forest of Ziph, during Saul's pursuit of
David (1 Sam. xxiii. 16—18). From this time
forth we bear no more till the battle of Gilboa.
la that battle he fell, with his two brothers and
his father, and his corpse shared their fate
(1 Sam. xxxi. 2, 8). His ashes were buried
first at Jabesh-Gilead (ib. 13), but afterwards
removed with those of his father to Zelah in
Benjamin (2 Sam. xx». 12). The news of his
death occasioned the celebrated elegy of David.
3. Son of Shimoah, brother of Jonadab, and
nephew of David (2 Sam. xxi. 21 ; lChr.xx.7).
He inherited the union of civil and military
tins, so conspicuous in his uncle. Like David,
he engaged in a single combat, and slew a gigan-
tic Philistine of Gath (2 Sam. xxi. 21 ). Per-
haps he is the same as Jonathan in 1 Chr.
xxvii.32. — 3. The son of Abiathar, the high-
priest. He is the last descendant of Eli of
whom we hear any thing. He appears on two
occasions. 1. On the day of David's flight
from Absalom (2 Sam. xv. 36, xvii. 15-21).
t. On the day of Solomon's inauguration
(1 K. i. 42, 43). —4. The son of Shage the
Harsrite (1 Chr. xi. 34 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 32). He
v/ss one of David's heroes. — 5. The son, or
descendant, of Gershora the son of Moses ( Judg.
xviii. 30). While wandering through the coun-
try in search of a home, the young Lerite of
Bethlehem-Judah came to the house of Micah,
the rich Ephraimite, and was by him appointed
to be a kind of private chaplain. When the
Dsnites went northwards to found a city, Jona-
than went with them, stole the ephod and tera-
phira of Micah, and became priest of the Dan-
ites at Laish or Dan (Judg. xviii.). — 6. One
of the Bene-Adin (Ear. viii. 6). — 7. A priest,
the son of Asahel, in the time of Ezra (Ezr.
x. 15). — 8. A priest of the family of Mclicu,
in the days of Joiakim, son of Jeshua (Neh.
xii. 14). — 9. One of the sons of Kareah, and
brother of Johanan (Jer. xl. 8). He was one
of the captains of the army who had escaped
from Jerusalem in the final assault by the Cual-
dwans, and with his brother Johanan resorted
to Gedaliah at Mizpah : from that time we hear
nothing more of him. — 10. Son of Joiada,
and his successor in the high-priesthood. The
only fact connected with his pontificate recorded
in Scripture, is that the genealogical records of
the priests and Levites were kept in his day
(Neh. xii. 11,22), and that the chronicles of
the state were continued to his time (ib. 23).
Josephus relates that he murdered his own
brother Jesus in the Temple, because Jesus was
endeavoring to get the nigh-priesthood from
him through the influence of Bagoses the Per-
sian general. — 11. Father of Zcchariah, a priest
who blew the trumpet at the dedication of the
wall (Neh. xii. 35). — 12. 1 Esdr. viii. 32. (See
No. 6.1 — 13. A son of Mattathias, and brother
of Judas Maccahaeus (1 Mace. ix. 19 S.). — 14.
A son of Absalom (1 Mace. xiii. 11), sent by
Simon with a force to occupy Joppa, which was
already in the hands of the Jews (1 Mace,
xii. 33). Jonathan was probably a brother of
Mattathias 2 (1 Mace. xi. 70). — 15. A priest
who is said to have offered up a solemn prayer
on the occasion of the sacrifice made by Nche-
miah after the recovery of the sacred fire
(2 Mace. i. 23 ft".).
Jon'athas. the Latin fom; of the name
Jonathan (Tob. v. 13). Ap.
Jo'nath-Elem-Be'ohokim. "a dumb
dove of (in) distant places," a phrase found
once only in the Bible as a heading to the 56tb
Psalm. Critics and commentators are very far
from being agreed on its meaning. Rashi con-
siders that David employed the phrase lo de-
scribe his own unhappy condition when, exiled
from the land of Israel, he was living with
Achish. A ben Ezra, who regards Jonath Elem
Rechokim as merely indicating the modulation
or the rhythm of the psalm, appears to come
the nearest to the meaning of the passage in
his explanation, " after the melody of the air
which begins Jonath Elem Rechokim." In the
commentary to Mendelssohn's version of the
Psalms, Jonath Elem RecJuJeim a mentioned as
a musical instrument which produced dull,
mournful sounds.
Joppa, a town on the S. W. coast of Pal-
estine, the port of Jerusalem in the days of
Solomon, as it has been ever since. According
to Josephus, it originally belonged to the Phoe-
nicians (/Int. xiii. 15, § 4). Here, writes Strabo,
some say Andromeda was exposed to the whale.
Japho or Joppa was situated in the portion of
Dan (Josh. xix. 46) on the coast towards the
south. Having a harbor attached to it —
though always, as still, a dangerous one — it
became the port of Jerusalem, when Jerusa-
lem became metropolis of the kingdom of the
house of David ; and certainly never did port
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.and metropolis mote strikingly resemble each
other in difficulty of approach both by sea and
land. Hence, except in journeys to and from
Jerusalem, it was not much used. But Joppa
was the place fixed upon for the cedar and
pine wood, from Mount Lebanon, to be landed
by the servants of Hiram king of Tyre. It
was by way of Joppa, similarly, that like ma-
terials were conveyed from the same locality,
by permission of Cyrus, for the rebuilding of
the 2d Temple under Zerubbabel (1 K. v. 9 ;
2 Chr. ii. 16 ; Ezr. iii. 7). Here Jonah, when-
ever and wherever he may have lived (2 K.
xiv. 25), " took ship to flee from the presence
of his Maker." Here, lastly, on the house-top
of Simon the tanner, " by the seaside," St.
Peter had his vision of tolerance. These are
the great biblical events of which Joppa has
been the scene. In the interval that elapsed
between the Old and New Dispensations it ex-
perienced many vicissitudes. It had sided with
Apollonius, and was attacked and captured by
Jonathan Maccabssus (I Mace. x. 76). It wit-
nessed the meeting between the latter and
Ptolemy (ibid. xi. 6). Simon had his suspi-
cions of its inhabitants, and set a garrison
there (ibid. xii. 34), which he afterwards
strengthened considerably ( ibid. xiii. 11). But
when peace was restored, he re-established it
once more as a haven (ibid. xiv. 5). He like-
wise rebuilt the fortifications (ibid. v. 34).
This occupation of Joppa was one of the
grounds of complaint urjjcd by Antiochus, son
of Demetrius, against Simon ; but the latter
alleged in excuse the mischief which had been
clone by its inhabitants to his fellow-citizens
(ibid. xv. 30 and 35). It would appear that
Judas Maccabeus had burnt their haven some
time back for a gross act of barbarity (2 Mace,
xii. 6). Tribute was subsequently exacted for
its possession from Hyrcanus by Antiochus
Sidetes. By Pompey it was once more made
independent, and comprehended under Syria ;
but by Caesar it was not only restored to the
Jews, but its revenues, whether from land or
from export-duties, were bestowed upon the 2d
Hyrcanus and his heirs. When Herod the
Great commenced operations, it was seized by
him, lest he should leave a hostile stronghold
in his rear when he marched upon Jerusalem ;
and Augustus confirmed him in its possession.
It was afterwards assigned to Archclaus, when
-constituted cthnarch, and passed, with Syria,
under Cyrcnius, when Archclaus hod been de-
posed. Under Cestius (i.e. Gcssius Floras) it
was destroyed amidst grunt slaughter of its in-
habitants ; and such a nest of pirates had it
become, when Vespasian arrived in those parts,
that it underwent a second and entire destruc-
tion, together with the adjacent villages, at his
hands. Thus it appears that this port had al-
ready begun to be the den of robbers and out-
c-asts which it was in Strabo's time. When
Joppa first became the seat of a Christian
bishop is unknown. It was taken possession
of by the forces of Godfrey de Bouillon pre-
viously to the capture of .Jerusalem. Saludin,
in a.d. 1 1 88, destroyed its fortifications; but
Richard of England, who was confined here
by sickness, rebuilt them. Its Inst occupation by
<?nristians was that of St. Louis, a.d. 1253; and
when he came it was still a city, and governed
by a count. After this it came into the hands
of the Sultans of Egypt, together with the rest
of Palestine, by whom it was once more laid in
ruins. Finally, Jaffa fell under the Turks,
in whose possession it still is. The existing
town contains in round numbers about 4,000
inhabitants. Its chief manufacture is soap.
The oranges of Jaffa are the finest in all Pales-
tine and Syria, and its gardens and orange and
citron groves deliriously fragrant and fertile.
Jbp J>e, I Esd. v. 55 ; 1 Mace. x. 75, 76,
xi. 6, xii. 33, xiii. 11, xiv. 5, 34, xv. 28, 35;
2 Mace. iv. 21, xii. 3, 7. I Joppa.] Ap.
Jb'rah, the ancestor of a family of 1 12 who
returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. ii. 18).
In Neh vii. 24, he appears under the name
Hariph ; or more correctly the same family are
represented as the Bene-Hariph, the variation
of name originating probably in a very slight
confusion of the letters which compose it.
Jora'i. One of the Gadites dwelling in
Gilead in Bashan, in the reign of Jotnam
king of Judah (1 Chr. v. 13).
JO 'ram. X. Son of Ahab ; king of Israel
(2 K. viii. 16, 25, 28, 29, ix. 14, 17, 21-23,
29). [Jehoram, 1.1 — 2. Son of Jehoshaphat;
king of Judah (2 K. viii. 21, 23, 24 ; 1 Chr.
iii. 1 1 ; 2 Chr. xxii. 5, 7 ; Matt. i. 8). |Je-
horam, 2.] — 3. A priest in the reign of
Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 8). — 4. A Levite,
ancestor of Shelomith in the time of David
(1 Chr. xxvi. 25). —5. Son of Toi, king of
Hamath (2 Sam. viii. 10). (Hadoram.] — 6.
1 Esd. i. 9. [Jozabad, 3.]
Jor/dan, a river that has never been navi-
gable, flowing into a sea that has never known
a port. It winds through scenery remarkable
rather for sameness and tamenesg than for bold
outline. Its course is not much above 200 miles
from first to lost — from the roots of Anti-Leba-
non to the head of the Dead Sea. Such is the
river of the " great plain "of Palestine — toe
" Descender " — if not " the river of God " in
the book of Psalms, at least that of His chosen
people throughout their history The earliest
allusion to it is not so much to the river itself
us to the plain orplains which it traversed
(Gen. xiii. 10). We must anticipate events
slightly to be able to speak of the fords or pas-
sages of the Jordan. There were fords over
against Jericho, to which point the men of
Jericho pursued thy spies (Josh. ii. 7 ; comp.
Judg. iii. 28). Higher up, perhaps over against
Succoth, some way above where the little Hirer
Jubbok (Zerka) enters the Jordan, were the
fords or passages of Betlibarah (probably the
rit'tliabara of the Gospel) where Gideon lay
in wait for the Midianites (Judg. vii. 24), and
where the men of Gilead slew the Ephraimites
(xii. 6). These fords undoubtedly witnessed
the first recorded passage of the Jordan in tlie
0. T. (Gen. xxxii. 10.) And Jordan was next
crossed, over against Jericho, by Joshua the
son of Nun, at the head of the descendants of
the twelve sons of him who signalized the first
passage (Josh. iv. 12 and 13.) From their vi-
cinity to Jerusalem the lower fords were much
used ; David, it is probable, passed over them
in one instance to fight the Syrians (2 Sam. x.
17) : and subsequently, when a fugitive himself.
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JORDAN
in hi* war to Mahanaim (xrii. 23) on the east
Thus ■
i there were two customary places,
at which the Jordan was fbrdable, though there
mar hare been more, particularly during the
rammer, which are not mentioned. And it
most hare been at one of these, if not at both,
that baptism was afterwards administered by St.
John, and by the disciples of oar Lord. Where
oar Lord was baptized is not stated expressly ;
bat it was probably at the upper ford. These
fords — and more light will be thrown upon
their exact site presently — were rendered so
much the more precious in those days from two
circumstances. First, it does not appear that
there were then any bridges thrown over, or
boats regularly established on, the Jordan. And
secondly, because, in the language of the author
of the book of Joshua (iii. 15), " Jordan over-
flowed all his banks all the time of harvest."
The channel or bed of the rirer became brimful,
«o that the lerel of the water and of the banks
was then the same. Dr. Robinson seems to have
good reason for saying that the ancient rise of
the rirer has been greatly exaggerated. The
last feature which remains to be noticed in the
seriptaral account of the Jordan is its frequent
mention as a boundary : " orer Jordan," " this,"
and "the other side," or "beyond Jordan,"
were expressions as familiar to the Israelites as
" across the water," " this," and " the other side
of the Channel," are to English ears. In one
sense indeed, that is, in so far as it was the east-
ern boundary of the land of Canaan, it was the
eastern boundary of the promised land (Nam.
raxrr. 12). Paniam, says Josephus, appears
to be the source of the Jordan ; whereas it has
a sscret passage hither under ground from Phia-
ls, as it is called, about 130 stadia distant from
Caaarea, on die road to Trachonitis, and on the
right-hand side of and not far from the road.
That this is the tree source of the Jordan was
ant discovered by Philip, tetrarch of Trachoni-
ta. It is from this care at all erents that the
Jordan commences its ostensible course abore
pound; traversing the marshes and fens of
Senucbonitis (L. Merom or HUeh), and then,
after a course of 1 90 stadia, passing by the town
Was, and intersecting the Lake of Oenesareth,
winds its way through a considerable wilderness,
all it finds its exit in the Lake Asphaltites (B.
J. in. 10, $71. While Josephus dilates upon its
"meet, Pausanias, who had visited the Jordan,
Elates upon its extraordinary disappearance.
Not one of the earlier or later travellers dwells
■pon the phenomenon that from the village of
HaMega on the N. W. to the rillage of Shib'a
on the N. E. of BAtd&t, the entire slope of Anti-
kbenon is alire with bursting fountains and
fusing streams, erery one of which', great or
mall, finds its war sooner or later into the
•warap between Bdniat and Lake HiUh, and
fwstnally becomes part of the Jordan. Far be
it horn us to depreciate those time-honored
parent tpriags — the noble fountain (of Daphne)
**fcr the Tell, or hill of Dan (Tdl d-Kadg),
•Wca " gushes out all at once a beautiful rirer
of delickma water " in the midst of verdure and
"•tana shade; still less, that .magnificent
"bant of water out of the low slope" in front
of dm picturesoue care of Banias, inscriptions
I* ths niches of which still testify to the deity
] that was once worshipped there, and to the royal
munificence that adorned his shrine. But what
shall we say to " the bold perpendicular rock "
near Hasbbeiya, " from beneath which," we are
told, " the rirer gushes copious, translucent, and
cool, in two rectangular streams, one to the
N. E., and the other to the N. W." ? Captain
Newbold has detected a 4th source, which accord-
ing to the Arabs is never dry, in the Wady d-
Kid, which the captain appears to hare followed
to the springs called JSth-Shw; though we must
add, that its sources, according to our impres-
sion, lie considerably more to the N. It runs
rit the ruined walls and forts of Banias on the
E. Again, the Phiala of Josephus has not
yet been identified. Any lake would have been
called Phiala by the Greeks that bore that shape.
But Birlat er-Ham, or the alleged Phiala, lies to
the S. E. of, and at some distance from, the care
of Banias. The direction of Shib'a — to the
N. E. of Banias — is beyond doubt the true one.
The actual description given by Captain New-
bold of the lake Merj d-Man, " 3 hrs. E. 10° N.
from Banias," leads to the supposition that it is
the true Phiala. Once more, according to Mr.
Thompson, " the Ilashbeiya, wWn it reaches the
L. Huleh, has been immensely enlarged by the
waters from the great fountains of Bdniat, Tdl
d-Kady, d-Mdldhah, Derakit or Bdit, and in-
numerable other springs." Thejunction taken
place one-third of a mile N. of Tdl Sheikh Yu-
tuf. The Jordan enters Qenesareth about two
miles below the ruins of the ancient city Julias,
or the Bethsaida of Gaulanitis, which fay upon
its eastern bank. At its month it is about 70
feet wide, a lazy turbid stream, flowing between
low alluvial batiks. There are several bars not
far from its mouth where it can be forded. . . .
From the site of Bethsaida to hir Ben&t Ya'kdb
is about six miles. The Jordan here rushes
along, a foaming torrent (much of course de-
pending on the season when it is visited),
through a narrow winding ravine, shut in by
high precipitous banks. Above the bridge tho
current is less rapid and the banks are lower.
The whole distance from the Lake cl-Huleh to
the Sea of Tiberias is nearly nine miles, and the
fall of the river is about 600 feet (Porter's Hand-
book, part. ii. p. 436-7). The two principal fea-
tures in the course of the Jordan are its descent
and its windings. From its fountain-heads to
the point where it is lost to nature, it rushes
down one continuous inclined plane, only bro-
ken by a series of rapids or precipitous falls.
Between the Lake of Tiberias and the Dead Sea,
Lieutenant Lynch passed down 37 rapids ; the
depression of the Lake of Tiberias below the
lerel of the Mediterranean was 653.3 feet; and
that of the Dead Sea 1 ,3 1 6.7 feet. Its sinnosity
is not so remarkable in the upper part of its
course. Lieutenant Lynch would regard the
two phenomena in the light of cause and effect.
" The great secret," he says, " of the depression
between Lake Tiberias and the Dead Sea, is
solved by the tortuous course of the Jordan. In
a space of 60 miles of latitude and 4 or 5 miles
of longitude, the Jordan traverses at least 300
miles. The greatest width mentioned was 1 80
yards, the point where it enters the Dead Sea.
Here it was only 3 feet deep. The only living
tributaries to the Jordan noticed particularly
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below Genesareth were the Yarmik (Hiero-
max) and the Zerka (Jabbok). There are no
bridges over Jordan to which an earlier date has
been assigned than that of the Roman occupa-
tion. In the fords, we find a remarkable yet
perfectly independent conenrrence between the
narrative of Lieutenant Lynch and what has
been asserted previously respecting the fords or
passages of the Bible. Yet still it is no slight
coincidence that no more than three, or at most
four regular fords should have been set down
by the chroniclers of the American expedition.
The two first occur on the same day within a
few hours of each other, and are called respec-
tively Waeaba and SShm. The next ford is
the lord of Damieh, as it is called, opposite to
the commencement of the Wady Zerka, some
miles above the taction of that river with the
Jordan. The ford el-Mashra'a over against Jeri-
cho was the last ford to put upon record, and it
is too well known to need any lengthened notice.
Here tradition has chosen to combine the pas-
sage of the Israelites under Joshua with the
baptism of our Lord. Not a single city ever
crowned the banks of the Jordan. Still Beth-
shan and Jericho to the W., Gerasa, Pella, and
Gadara to the E. of it, were important cities,
and caused a good deal of traffic between the
two opposite batiks. The physical features of
the Jordan, or of the Ghor, will be treated of
more at large under the general head of Pales-
tine.
Jo'ribas = Jabib (I Esd. viii. 44 ; comp.
Ezr. viii. 16). Ap.
Jo'ribUS = Jabib (1 Esd. ix. 1 9 ; comp. Ezr.
x. 18). Ap.
Jo'rim, son of Matthat, in the genealogy of
Christ (Luke iii. 29).
Jor/koam, either a descendant of Caleb,
the son of Hezron, or the name of a place in the
tribe of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 44).
Jo'sabad. 1. Properly Jozabad, the Ged-
erathite, one of the warriors of Benjamin who
joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 4). — 2.
Jozabad, son of Jeshua the Levite (I Esd. viii.
63 ; comp. Ezr. viii. 33). — 3. One of the sons
of Bebai (1 Esd. ix. 29). [Zabbai.]
Jo'saphat =» Jchoshapnat king of Judah
(Matt. i. 8).
Josaphi'as = Josipbiab (I Esd. viii. 36;
comp. Ezr. viii. 10). Ap.
Jo's©, son of Eliezer, in the genealogy of
Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 29).
Jo'sedeC, 1 Esd. v. 5, 48, 56, vi. 2 ix. 19;
Ecclus. xlix. 12 — Jehozadak or Jozadak,
the father of Jeshua, whose name also appears
as Josbdech (Hag. i. 1). Ap.
Jb'sedech — Jkhozadak the son of Sera-
iah (Hag. i. 1, 12, 14, ii. 2, 4; Zcch. vi. II).
Jo'seph. 1. The elder of the two sons of
Jacob by Rachel. The date of Joseph's birth
relatively to that of the coming of Jacob into
Efrypt is fixed by the mention that he was
thirty years old when he became governor of
Egypt (Gen. xli. 46), which agrees with the
statement that he was "seventeen years old"
(xxxvii. 2) about the time that his brethren sold
him. He was therefore born about 39 years
before Jacob came into Egypt, and, according
to the most probable chronology, B.C. cir. 1906.
After Joseph's birth he is first mentioned when
a youth, seventeen years old. At the child or
Rachel, and "son of his old age" (xxxvii. 3),
and doubtless also for his excellence of charac-
ter, he was beloved by his rather above all his
brethren. Probably at this time W« wt iH was
already dead, and Benjamin but an infant. Ja-
cob had now two small pieces of land in Ca-
naan, Abraham's burying-place at Hebron in
the south, and the " parcel of a field, where he
[Jacob] had spread his tent" (xxxiii. 19), at
Shechem in the north, the latter being prob-
ably, from its price, the smaller of the two. He
seems then to have staid at Hebron with the
aged Isaac, while his sons kept his flocks. Jo-
seph, we read, brought the evil report of his
brethren to his father, and they hated him be-
cause his father loved him more than them, and
had shown his preference by making him a dress,
which appears to have been a long tonic with
sleeves, worn by youths and maidens of the rich-
er class. The hatred of Joseph's brethren was
increased by his telling of a dream foreshow-
ing that they would bow down to him, which
was followed by another of the same import.
They had gone to Shechem to feed the flock ;
and Joseph was sent thither from the vale of
Hebron by his father to bring him word of their
welfare and that of the flock. They were not
at Shechem, but were gone to Dothan, which
appears to have been not very far distant, pas-
turing their flock like the Arabs of the present
day, wherever the wild country (xxxvii. 22) was
unowned. On Joseph's approach, his brethren,
except Reuben, resolved to kill him; butRenbea
saved him, persuading them to cast him into a
dry pit, to tne intent that he might restore him
to his father. Accordingly, when Joseph was
come, they stripped him of his tunic, and cast
him into the pit, " and they sat down to eat
bread : and they lifted up their eyes and looked,
and, behold, a company of Ishmaeli tea came from
Gilead with their camels." Judah suggested to
his brethren to sell Joseph to the Ishmaelites,
appealing at once to their covetousness, and, in
proposing a less cruel course than that on which
they were probably still resolved, to what rem-
nant of brotherly feeling they may still have
had. Accordingly, they took Joseph out of the
pit, and sold him " for twenty " [shekels] " of sil-
ver " (ver. 28). Reuben was absent, and on his
return to the pit was greatly distressed at not
finding Joseph. His brethren pretended to Ja-
cob that Joseph had been killed by some wild
beast, taking to him the tonic stained with a
kid's blood, while even Reuben fort-bore to tell
him the truth, all speaking constantly of the
lost brother as though they anew not what had
befallen him, and even as dead. " And Jacob
rent his clothes, and pot sackcloth upon his
loins, and mourned for his son many days"
(ver. S4>.
The Midianites sold Joseph in Egypt to
Potiphar, " an officer of Pharaoh, captain of the
executioners, an Egyptian " xxxix. 1 ; comp.
xxxvii. 36). It is important to observe that a
careful comparison of evidence has led us to the
conclusion that, at the time that Joseph was
sold into Egypt, the country was not united un-
der the rule or a single native line, but governed
by several dynasties, of which the Fifteenth Dy-
nasty, of Shepherd Kings, was the predominant
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JOSEPH
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JOSEPH
line, the re»t being tributary to it. The abso-
lute dominion! of this dynasty lay in Lower
Egypt, and it would therefore always be most
connected with Palestine. The manners de-
scribed axe Egyptian, although there is appar-
ently an occasional slight tinge of Shemitism.
The date of Joseph's arrival we should consider
b.c. cir. 1890. In Egypt, the second period of
Joseph's lifo begins. As a child he had been a
true son, and withstood the evil example of his
brethren. He is now to serve a strange master
in the hard state of slavery, and his virtue will
be put to a severer proof than it had yet sus-
tained. Joseph prospered in the house of the
Egyptian, who, seeing that God blessed him,
and pleased with his good service, "set him
over his house, ami all [that] " he had ho gavo
into his hand" (xxxix. 4, comp. 5). He was
placed over all his master's property with per-
fect trust, and " the Lord blessed the Egyptian's
house for Joseph's sako" (ver. 5). The sculp-
tures and paintings of the ancient Egyptian
tombs bring vividly before us the daily life and
duties of Joseph His master's wife, with the
well-known profligacy of the Egyptian women,
tempted him, and, failing, charged him with the
crime she would have trade him commit. Poti-
phar, incensed against Joseph, cast him into
prison. The punishment of adulterers was se-
vere, and a moral tale recently interpreted,
" The Tux Brothers," is founded upon a case
nearly resembling that of Joseph. It has, in-
deed, been imagined that this story was based
upon the trial of Joseph. The prison is de-
scribed as " a place where the king s prisoners "
[were] " bound "(xxxix. 20). Here the hardest
time of Joseph's period of probation began.
He was cast into prison on a false accusation,
to remain there for at least two years, and per-
haps for a much longer time.
In the prison, as in Potiphar's bouse, Joseph
was found worthy of complete trust, and the
keeper of the prison placed every thing under
his control. After a while, Pharaoh was in-
censed against two of his officers, " the chief
of the cup-bearers" avd the "chief of the
bakers," and cast them in*o the prison where
Joseph was. Here the chief of the execution-
ers, doubtless a successor of Potiphar, charged
Joseph to serve these prisoners. Each dreamed
a prophetic dream, which Joseph interpreted,
disclaiming human skill, and acknowledging
that interpretations were of God. "After two
years," Joseph's deliverance came. Pharaoh
dreamed two prophetic dreams. w ne stood
by the river" [the Nile]. "And, behold, com-
ing up ont of the river seven kine" for
"heifers"], "beautiful in appearance and fat-
fleshed ; and they fed in the marsh-grass. And,
behold, seven other kine coming up after them
out of the river, evil in appearance, and lean-
fleshed " (xli. 1-3). These, afterwards described
still more strongly, ate up the first seven, and
vet, as is said in the second account, when they
Lad eaten them, remained as lean as before (xli.
1-4,17-21). Then Pharaoh had a second dream,
— " Behold, seven ears of corn coming up on
one stalk, fat " [or " full," ver. 22] " and good.
And, behold, seven ears, thin and blasted with
the east wind, sprouting forth after them " (ver.
5, «). These, also described more strongly in
the second account, devoured the first seven
ears (ver. 5-7, 22-24). In the morning, Pha-
raoh sent for the " scribes " and the " wiso men,"
and they were unable to give him an interpre-
tation. Then the chief of the cup-bearers re-
membered Joseph, and told Pharaoh how a
young Hebrew, " servant to the captain of tho
executioners," had interpreted his and his fellow-
prisoner's dreams. " Then Pharaoh sent and
colled Joseph, and they made him hasten out
of the prison : and he shaved " [himself], " and
changed his raiment, and came unto Pharaoh"
(ver. 14). The king then related his dreams;
and Joseph, when he had disclaimed human
wisdom, declared to him that they were sent of
God to forewarn Pharaoh. There was essential-
ly but one dream. Both kino and ears symbol-
ized years. There were to bo seven years of great
plenty in Egypt, and after them seven years
of consuming and " very heavy famine." Tho
doublii g of the dream denoted that the events
it foreshadowed were certain and imminent.
On the interpretation it may be remarked, that
it seems evident that the kine represented the
animal products, and the ears of corn the vege-
table products, the most important object in
each class representing the whole class. The
perfectly Egyptian color of the whole narrative
is very noticeable, and nowhere more so than
in the particulars of the first dream. Having
interpreted the dream, Joseph counselled Pha-
raoh to choose a wise man and set him over tho
country, in order that he should take the fifth
part of the produce of the seven years of plenty
against the years of famine. To this high post
the king appointed Joseph. Thus, when ho
was thirty years of age, was he at last released
from his state of suffering, and placed in a po-
sition of the greatest honor.
The Pharaoh here mentioned was probably
Assa, Manetho's Assis or Asses, whose reign
we suppose to have about occupied the first half
of the nineteenth century B.C. Pharaoh, seeing
the wisdom of giving Joseph, whom he per-
ceived to be under God's guidance, greater
powers than he had advised should be given to
the officer set over the country, made him not
only governor of Egypt, but second only to the
sovereign. He also " gave him to wife Asenath
daughter of Poti-pheran, priest " [or " princo "]
"of On " (ver. 45). Joseph's first act wna to go
throughout all the land of Egypt (ver. 4C).
During the seven plenteous years, there was a
very abundant produce, and he gathered the fifth
part, as he had advised Pharaoh, and laid it up.
Before the year of famine, Asenath bare Joseph
two sons. When tho seven good years had
passed, the famine began (Gen. xli. 54-57).
The expressions here used do not require us to
suppose that the famine extended beyond the
countries around Egypt, such as Palestine,
Syria, and Arabia, as well as some part of Af-
rica. It must also be recollected that Egypt
was anciently the granary of neighboring coun-
tries. Famines are not very unfrcqucnt in the
history of Egypt [Famine.] After the fam-
ine had lasted for a time, apparently two years,
Joseph gathered up all the money that was
found in the land of Egypt, and in the land of
Canaan, for the corn which they bought: and
Joseph brought the money into Pharaoh's house
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JOSEPH
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JOSEPH
(xlvii. 13, 14). When all the money of Egypt
and Canaan was exhausted, barter became ne-
cessary. Joseph then obtained all the cattle of
Egypt, and in the next year all the land, ex-
cept that of the priests, and apparently, as a
consequence, the Egyptians themselves. Ho
demanded, however, only a fifth part of tho
produce as Pharaoh's right.
It has been attempted to trace this enactmcut
of Joseph in the fragments of Egyptian history
preserved by profane writers; out the result
has not been satisfactory. The evidence of
the narrative in Genesis seems favorable to tho
theory we support, that Joseph ruled Egypt
under a shepherd-king. There is a notice, in an
ancient Egyptian inscription, of a famine which
has been supposed to be that of Joseph. The
inscription is in a tomb at Bene-Hasan, and
records of Amenee, a governor of a district of
Upper Egypt, that, when there were years of
famine, his district was supplied with food.
This was in the time of Sesertesen I., of the
xiith Dynasty. It has been supposed that this
most be Joseph's famine ; but not only are the
particulars of the record inapplicable to that
instance, but the calamity it relates was never
unusual in Egypt, as its ancient inscriptions
and modern history equally testify. Joseph's
policy towards the subjects of Pharaoh is im-
portant in reference to the forming an estimate
of his character. It displays the resolution and
breadth of view that mark his whole career.
He perceived a great advantage to be gained,
and he lost no part of it. Early in the time of
famine, which prevailed equally in Canaan and
Egypt, Jacob reproved his helpless sons, and
sent them to Egypt, where he knew there was
corn to be bought. Benjamin alone he kept
with him. Joseph was now governor, an Egyp-
tian in habits and speech, for like all men of
Urge mind he had suffered no scruples of preju-
dice to make him a stranger to the people he
ruled. His brethren did not know him, grown,
from the boy they had sold, into a man, and
to their eyes an Egyptian ; while they must have
been scarcely changed. Joseph remembered his
dreams, and behaved to them as a stranger,
using, as we afterwards learn, an interpreter,
and spoke hard words to them, and accused
them of being spies. In defending themselves
they spoke of their household. The whole
story of Joseph's treatment of his brethren is so
graphically told in Gen. xlii.-xlv., and is so fa-
miliar, that it is unnecessary here to repeat it.
After the removal of his family into Egypt,
Jacob and his house abode in the land of Goshen,
Joseph still ruling the country. Here Jacob,
when near his end, gave Joseph a portion above
his brethren, doubtless including the " parcel of
ground " at Shechem, his future burying-place
(comp. John iv. 5). Then he blessed his sons,
Joseph most earnestly of all, and died in Egypt.
" And Joseph fell upon his face, and wept upon
him, and kissed him" (1. I). When he had
caused him to be embalmed by " his servants
the physicians " he carried him to Canaan, and
laid him in the cave of Machpelah, the burying-
place of his fathers. Then it was that his
brethren feared that, their father being dead,
Joseph would punish them, and that he strove
to remove their fears. From his being able to
make the journey into Canaan with " a very
great company " (9), as well as from his living
apart from his brethren and from their fear of
him, Joseph seems to have been still governor
of Egypt. We know no more than that he
lived " a hundred and ten years " (22, 26), hav-
ing been more than ninety in Egypt ; that be
" saw Ephraim's children of the thud " [Genera-
tion] ; and that " the children also of Madiir
the son of Manasseh were borne upon Joseph's
knees " (23) ; and that dying he took an oath
of his brethren that they should carry up his
bones to the land of promise : thus showing in
his latest action the faith (Heb. xi. 22) which
had guided his whole life. Like his father, he
was embalmed, " and he was put in a coffin in
Egypt" (I. 26). His trust Moses kept, and
hud the bones of Joseph in his inheritance in
Shechem, in the territory of Ephraim his off-
spring.
2. Father of Igal, who represented the tribe
of Issachar among the spies (Num. xiii. 7). —
8. A lay Israelite of the family of Bani who
was compelled by Ezra to put away his foreign
wife (Ezr. x. 42). — 4. Representative of toe
priestly family of Shebaniah, in the next gene-
ration after the Return from Captivity (Neh.
xii. 14). — 5. A Jewish officer defeated by
Gorgiasc. 164 B.C. (1 Mace. v. 8, 56,60). — 6.
In 2 Mace. viii. 32, x. 19, Joseph is named
among the brethren of Judas Maccabeus ap-
yarently in place of John. — 7. An ancestor of
udith (Jud. viii. 1 ). — 8. One of the ancestors
of Christ (Luke iii. 30), son of Jonan. — 9.
Another ancestor of Christ, son of Judah (Luke
iii. 26). — 10. Another, son of Mattathias
(Luke iii. 24).
11. Son of Heli, and reputed father of Jesus
Christ. All that is told us of Joseph in the
N. T. may be summed np in a few words. He
was a just man, and of the house and lineage
of David. The public registers also contained
his name under the reckoning of the house of
David (John i. 45 ; Lnke iii. 23 ; Matt. 5. SO ;
Luke ii. 4). He lived at Nazareth in Galilee,
and it is probable that his family had been set-
tled there for at least two preceding generations,
possibly from the time of Matthat, the common
grandfather of Joseph and Mary, since Mary
lived there too (Luke i. 26, 27). He espoused
Mary, the daughter and heir of his uncle Jacob,
and before he took her home as his wife received
the angelic communication recorded in Matt,
i. 20. It must have been within a very short
time of his taking her to his home, that the
decree went forth from Augustus Cesar which
obliged him to leave Nazareth with his wife and
go to Bethlehem. He was there with Mary and
her first-born, when the shepherds came to see
the babe in die manger, and he went with them
to the temple to present the infant according
to the law, and there heard the prophetic words
of Simeon, as he held him in his arms. When
the wise men from the East came to Bethlehem
to worship Christ, Joseph was there; and he
went down to Egypt with them by night, when
warned by an angel of the danger which threat-
ened them ; and on a second message he returned
with them to the land of Israel, intending to re-
side at Bethlehem the city of David ; bnt being
afraid of Archelans he took up his abode, aa
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In illu.st rali- tin-
N EW II. SI AM KM
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JOSHAPHAT
433
JOSHUA
before bis marriage, at Nazareth, where he car-
ried on his trade as a carpenter. When Jesus
was 12 years old, Joseph and Mary took him
with them to keep the Passover at Jerusalem,
and when they returned to Nazareth he contin-
ued to act as a father to the child Jesus, and was
reputed to be so indeed. But here our knowl-
edge of Joseph ends. That he died before our
Lord's crucifixion is indeed tolerably certain
by what is related, John xix. 27 ; and perhaps
Mark vi. 3 may imply that he was then dead.
But where, when, or how he died, we know not.
Joseph of Arimathsea, a rich and pious
Israelite who had the privilege of performing
the last offices of duty and affection to the body
of our Lord. He is distinguished from other
persons of the same name by the addition of his
birth-place Arimathsea. Joseph is denominat-
ed by Mark (xv. 43) an honorable council-
lor, by which we are probably to understand
that be was a member of the Great Council, or
Sanhedrim. He is further characterized as " a
good man and a just" (Luke xxiii. 50), one of
those who, bearing in their hearts the words of
their old prophets, were waiting for the king-
dom of God (Mark xv. 43 ; Luke ii. 25, 38,
xxiii. 51). We are expressly told that he did
not " consent to the counsel and deed " of his
colleagues in conspiring to bring about the
death of Jesus ; but he seems to have lacked
the courage to protest against their judgment.
At all events we know that he shrank, through
fuar of his countrymen, from professing himself
openly a disciple of our Lord. The crucifixion
seems to have wrought in him the same clear
conviction that it wrought in the centurion
who stood by the cross ; for on the very evening
of that dreadful day, when the triumph of the
chief priests and rulers seemed complete, Jo-
seph "went in boldly unto Pilate and craved
the body of Jesus." Pilate consented. Joseph
and Nicodemus then, having infolded the sa-
cred body in the linen shroud which Joseph had
bought, consigned it to a tomb hewn in a |
rock, — a tomb where no human corpse had ever |
vet been laid. The tomb was in a garden be- 1
longing to Joseph, and close to the place of I
crucifixion. There is a tradition that he was '
one of the seventy disciples. Another, whether j
authentic or not, deserves to be mentioned as j
generally current, namely, that Joseph bein£
sent to Great Britain by the apostle St. Philip, j
about theyear 63, settled with his brother dis-
ciples at Glastonbury.
Joseph, called Bar'sabas, and snrnamed j
Justus ; one of the two persons chosen by the j
assembled church (Acts i. 23) as worthy to fill j
the place in the apostolic company from which j
Judas had fallen. Eusebius states that he was j
one of the seventy disciples.
Jose'phus, 1 Esdr. ix. 34. [Joseph, 3.] Ap.
Jo'ses. 1. Son of Eliczer, in the gene-
alogy of Christ (Luke iii. 29). — 2. One of
theLord's brethren (Matt. xiii. 55 ; Mark vi. 3).
— 3. Joses Babxabas (Acts i v. 36). [Bab-
KABAS.l
Jb'shah, a prince of the house of Simeon,
son of Amaziah, in the days ofHezekiah (1 Chr.
iv. 34, 38-41 ).
Jo'shaphat, the Mithnite, one of David's
guard (1 Chr. xi. 43).
bt,
Joshavi'ah, the son of Elnaam, and one
of David's guards (1 Chr. xi. 46).
Joahbeka'shah, son of Heman, head of
the 17th course of musicians (1 Chr. xxv. 4,
24).
Josh'ua. His name appears in the various
forms of Hoshba, Oshea, Jehoshda, Jesrua,
and Jesus. — 1. The son of Nun, of the tribe
of Epbraim (1 Chr. vii. 27). The future cap-
tain of invading hosts grew up a slave in the
brick-fields of Egypt. Born about the time
when Moses fled into Midian, he was a man of
nearly forty years when he saw the ten plagues,
and shared in the hurried triumph of the Exo-
dus. He is mentioned first in connection with
the fight against Amalck at Rephidim, when
he was chosen (Ex. xvii. 9) by Moses to lead
the Israelites. When Moses ascended Mount
Sinai to receive for the first time (compare Ex.
xxiv. 13 and xxxiii. II) the two Tables, Josh-
ua, who is called his minister or servant, ac-
companied him part of the way, and was the
first to accost him in his descent (Ex. xxxii.
17). Soon afterwards he was one of the twelve
chiefs who were sent (Num. xiii. 17) to explore
the land of Canaan, and one of the two (xiv. 6)
who gave an encouraging report of their jour-
ney. The 40 years of wandering were almost
passed, and Joshua was one of the few survi-
vors, when Moses, shortly before his death, was
directed (Num. xxvii. 18) to invest Joshua so-
lemnly and publicly with definite authority in
connection with Eleazar the priest, over the
people. And after this was done, God Him-
self gave Joshua a charge by the mouth of the
dying Lawgiver (Deut. xxxi. 14,23). Under
the direction of God again renewed (Josh i. 1),
Joshua, now in his 85th year (Joseph. AM. v. I,
§ 29), assumed the command of the people at
Shittim, sent spies into Jericho, crossed the
Jordan, fortified a camp at Gilgal, circumcised
the people, kept the passover, and was visited
by the Captain of the Lord's Host. A miracle
made the fall of Jericho more terrible to the
Canaanites. In the first attack upon Ai the
Israelites were repulsed : it fell at the second
assault, and the invaders marched to the relief
of Gibcon. In the great battle of Beth-horon
the Amorites were signally routed, and the
south country was open to the Israelites. Josh-
ua returned to the camp at Gilgal, master of
half of Palestine. In the north, at the waters
ofMerom, he defeated the Canaanites under
Jabin king of Hazor ; and pursued his success
to the gates of Zidon and into the Valley of
Lebanon under Hermon. In six years, six tribes
with thirty-one petty chiefs were conquered;
amongst others the Anakiin — the old terror of
Israel — are especially recorded as destroyed
everywhere except in Philistia. Joshua, now
stricken in years, proceeded in conjunction with
Eleazar and the heads of the tribes to complete
the division of the conquered land ; and when
all was allotted, Timnath-seroh in Mount Epbra-
im was assigned by the people as Joshua's pe-
culiar inheritance. The Tabernacle of the con-
gregation was established at Sliiloh, six cities
of refuge were appointed, forty-eight cities as-
signed to the Levitcs, and the warriors of the
trans-Jordanic tribes dismissed in peace to
their homes. After an interval of rest, Joshmi
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JOSHUA, BOOK OF
434
JOSIAH
convoked an assembly from all Israel. He de-
livered two solemn addresses reminding them
of the marvellous fulfilment of God's promises
to their fathers, and warning them of the condi-
tions on which their prosperity depended ; and
lastly, he caused them to renew their covenant
with God, at Shechem, a place already famous
in connection with Jacob (Gen. xxxv. 4), and
Joseph (Josh. xxiv. 32). He died at the age
of 110 years, and was buried in his own city,
Timnath-serah. — 2. An inhabitant of Beth-
shemesh, in whose land was the stone at which
the milch-kine stopped, when they drew the ark
of God with the offerings of the Philistines
from Ekron to Bethshemesh (1 Sam. vi. 14,
18). — 8. A governor of the city who gave his
name to a gate of Jerusalem (2 K. xxiii. 8). —
4. Jkshox the son of Jozadak (Hag. i. 14, ii. 1 ;
Zech. iii. 1, &c.).
Joshua, Book Of. 1. Authority. — The
claim of the book of Joshua to a place in the
Canon of the O. T. has never been disputed. Its
authority is confirmed by the references, in other
books of Holy Scripture, to the events which
are related in it; as Ps. lxxviii. 53-45; Is.
xxviii. 21 ; Hab. iii. 11-13 ; Acts vii. 45 ; Heb.
iv. 8, xi. 30-32 ; James ii. 25. The miracles
which it relates, and particularly that of the
prolongation of the day of the battle of Makke-
dah, have led some critics to entertain a suspi-
cion of the credibility of the book as a history.
The treatment of the Canaanitcs which is sanc-
tioned in this book has been denounced for its
severity by Eichhom and earlier writers. But
there is nothing in it inconsistent with the di-
vine attribute of justice, or with God's ordinary
way of governing the world. Some discrepan-
cies are alleged by De Wette and Hauff to
exist within the book itself, and have been de-
scribed as material differences and contradic-
tions. But they disappear when the words of
the text are accurately stated and weighed, and
they do not affect the general credibility of die
book. Other discrepancies have been alleged
by Dr. Davidson, with the view, not of dispara-
ging the credibility of the book, but of sup-
porting the theory that it is a compilation from
two distinct documents. These are not suffi-
cient either to impair the authority of the book,
or to prove that it was not substantially the
composition of one author.
2. Scope and Contents. — The book of Joshua
is a distinct whole in itself. There is not suffi-
cient ground for treating it as a part of the
Pentateuch, or a compilation from the same
documents as formed the groundwork of the
Pentateuch. Perhaps no part of the Holy
Scripture is more injured than the first half
of this book by being printed in chapters and
verses. The first twelve chapters form a con-
tinuous narrative, which seems never to halt
or flag. And the description is frequently so
minute as to show the hand not merely of a
contemporary, but of an eye-witness. Step by
step we are led on through the solemn prepara-
tion, the arduous struggle, the crowning tri-
umph. The second part of the book (ch. xiii.-
xxi.) has been aptly compared to die Domes-
day-book of the Norman conquerors of Eng-
land. The documents of which it consists
were doubtless the abstract of such reports as
were supplied by the men whom Joshua sent
out (xvm. 8) to describe the land. The book
may be regarded as consisting of three parts :
(a) the conquest of Canaan (i.-xii.) ; (6) the
partition of Canaan (xiii.-xxii.); (c) Joanna's
farewell (xxiii.-xxiv.). The events related
in this book extend over a period of about
25 years from B.C. 1451 to 1426. — 3. Author —
Nothing is really known as to the authorship
of the book. Joshua himself is generally
named as the author by the Jewish writers and
the Christian Fathers. Others have conjec-
tured Phinehas, Eleazar, Samuel, Jeremiah.
Von Lengerke thinks it was written by some
one in the time of Josiah ; Davidson, by some
one in the time of Saul, or somewhat later;
Masius, Le Clerc, Maurer, and others, by some
one who lived after the Babylonish captivity.
It has been supposed that the book as it now
stands is a compilation from two earlier docu-
ments, one, the original, called Elohistic, the
other, supplementary, called Jehovistic. The
last verses (xxiv. 29-38)were obviously added
by some later hand. The account of some
other events may have been inserted in the
book of Joshua by a late transcriber. — 4.
There is extant a Samaritan book of Joshua
in the Arabic language, written in the 13th
century.
Josi'ah. 1. The son of Amon and Je-
didah, succeeded his father B.C. 641, in the
eighth year of his age, and reigned 31 years.
His history is contained in 2 K. xxii.-xxiv. 30 ;
2 Chr. xxxiv., xxxv. ; and the first twelve chap-
ters of Jeremiah throw much light upon the
general character of the Jews in his days. He
began in the eighth year of his reign to seek the
Lord ; and in his twelfth year, and for six years
afterwards, in a personal progress throughout
all the land of Judah and Israel, he destroyed
everywhere high places, groves, images, and all
outward signs and relics of idolatry. The
temple was restored under a special commis-
sion ; and in the course of the repairs Hilkiah
the priest found that book of the Law of the
Lord! which quickened so remarkably the ar-
dent zeal of the king. The great day of
Josiah's life was the day of the Passover in the
eighteenth year of his reign. After this, his
endeavors to abolish every trace of idolatry
and superstition were still carried on. But the
time drew near which had been indicated by
Huldah (2 K. xxii. 20). When Pharaoh-Neeho
went from Egypt to Carchemish to carry on
his war against Assyria (comp. Herodotus, ii.
159), Josiah, possibly in a spirit of loyalty to
the Assyrian king, to whom he may have been
bound, opposed his march along the sea-coast.
Necho reluctantly paused, and gave him battle
in the Valley of Esdraelon. Josiah was mortal-
ly wounded, and died before he could reach Je-
rusalem. He was buried with extraordinary
honors. It was in the reign of Josiah that a
nomadic horde of Scythians overran Asia
(Herodotus, i. 104-106). Ewald conjectures
that the 59 th Psalm was composed by King
Josiah during a siege of Jerusalem by these
Scythians. The town of Bethshan is said to
derive its Greek name, Srythopolis, from these
invaders. — 2. The son of Zcphaniah, at whose
house the prophet Zechariah was commanded
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to iwrmMe the chief men of the captivity to
witness the solemn and symbolical crowning
of Joshua the high-priest (Zech. vi. 9).
Joei ad. L Joaiah, king of Judah (1 Esd.
L 1, 7, 18, 21-23, 25, 28, 29, 32-34; Eoclus.
xlix. I, 4; Bar. L 8; Matt. i. 10, 11).— 2.
Jeshaiah too son of Athaliah (1 Ead. viii. 33 ;
comp. Ezr. viii. 7).
Joeibi'ah, the lather of Jehu, a 8imeonite
(I Chr. ir. 351.
Josiphi'an, the &ther or ancestor of Shel-
omith, who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 10).
A word is evidently omitted in the first part of
the rene. It should probably read, " of the
sons of Bani, Shciomith, the son of Josiphiah."
Jofbah. the native place of Meshullemeth,
the qaeen of Manasseh (2 K. xxi. 19).
Jofbath, or Jofbathah (Deut x. 7;
Nod. xxxiii. 33), a desert station of the Israel-
ites.
Jo'tham. L The youngest son of Gideon
(Jodg. ix. 5), who escaped from the massacre
of his brethren. His parable of the reign of
the bramble is the earliest example of the kind.
Nothing is known of him afterwards, except
that he dwelt at Beer. —2. The son of King
Uziiah or Azariah and Jerushah. After ad-
ministering- the kingdom for some years during
his father's leprosy, he succeeded to the throne
b.c. 758, when he was 25 years old, and reigned
16 years in Jerusalem. He was contempora-
ry with Pekah and with the prophet Isaiah.
His history is contained in 2 K. XT. and 2 Chr.
xxrii. — 8. A descendant of Judah, son of Jah-
duflChr. ii. 47).
Jozabad. !• A captain of the thousands
of Manasseh, who deserted to David before the
battle of Gilboa (1 Chr. xii. 20).— 2. A hero
of Manasseh, like the preceding (1 Chr. xii.
20)- — 3. A Levite in the reign of Hezekiah
(2 Chr. xxxi. 13). — 4. A chief Levite in
the reign of Josiali (2 Chr. xxxv. 9). — 6.
A Lsvite, son of Jcshua, in the days of Ezra
(Ew. viii. 33). Probably identical with 7. —
8. A priest of the sons of Pashur, who had mar-
neda foreign wife (Ezr. x. 22). — 7. A Levite
among those who returned with Ezra and had
married foreign wives. He is probably identi-
cal with Jozabad the Levite (Neh. viii. 7), and
with Jozabad who presided over the outer
fork of the Temple (Neh. xi. 16).
Jo'saohar, the son of Shimeath the Am-
monitess, and one of the murderers of Joash
king of Judah (2 K. xii. 21 ). The writer of
the Chronicles (2 Chr. xxiv. 26) calls him Za-
oxl, which is nothing more than a clerical
«rror for Jozachar.
Jo'Mdak, Ezr. iu. 2, 8, r. 2, x. 18 ; Neh.
xii. 26. The contracted form of Jehozadak.
. Ju/bal, a son of Lantech by Adab, and the
inventor of the "harp and organ " (Gen. iv.
"I, probably general terms for stringed and
find instruments.
Jubilee, the Year Of, the fiftieth year,
«rar the succession of seven Sabbatical Years,
■» which all the land which had been alienated
f*u™ed to the families of those to whom it
"M been allotted in the original distribution,
"» all bondmen of Hebrew blood were liber-
*jL The relation in which it stood to the
Sabbatical Year and the general directions for
its observance are given Lev. xxv. 8-16 and
23-55. Its bearing on lands dedicated to Je-
hovah is stated Lev. xxvii. 16-25. There is no
mention of the Jubilee in the book of Deuter-
onomy, and the only other reference to it in the
Pentateuch is in Num. xxxvi. 4. — II. Tho
year was inaugurated on the Day of Atone-
ment with the blowing of trumpets throughout
the land, and by a proclamation of universal
liberty. — 1 . The soil was kept under the same
condition of rest as had existed during the
preceding Sabbatical Year. There was to be
neither ploughing, sowing, nor reaping; but
the chance produce was u> be left for the use of
all comers. — 2. Every Israelite returned to " his
possession and to his family ; " that is, he re-
covered his right in the land originally allotted
to the family of which he was a member, if he,
or his ancestor, had parted with it. (a) A
strict rule to prevent fraud and injustice in such
transactions is laid down : — if a Hebrew, urged
by poverty, had to dispose of a field, the price
was determined according to the time of tho
sale in reference to the approach of the next
Jubilee. (4) The possession of the field could,
at any time, be recovered by the original pro-
prietor, if his circumstances improved, or by
his next of kin. (c) Houses in walled cities
were not subject to the law of Jubilee, (d)
Houses and buildings in villages, or in the
country, being regarded as essentially connected
with the cultivation of the land, were not ex-
cepted, but returned in the Jubilee with the
land on which they stood, (e) The Levitical
cities were not, in respect to this law, reckoned
with walled towns, [/) If a man had sancti-
fied a field of his patrimony unto the Lord, it
could be redeemed at any timo before tho next
Year of Jubilee, on his paying one-fifth in ad-
dition to the worth of tho crops, rated at a
stated valuation (Lev. xxvii. 19). If not so
redeemed, it became, at the Jubilee, devoted for-
ever, (g) If he who had purchased tho usufruct
of a field sanctified it, he could redeem it till
the next Jubilee, that is, as long as his claim
lasted ; but it then, as justice required, returned
to the original proprietor (ver. 22-24). — 3. All
Israelites who had become bondmen, either to
their countrymen, or to resident foreigners,
were set free in the Jubilee (Lev. xxv. 40, 41 ),
when it happened to occur before their seventh
year of servitude, in which they became free by
the operation of another law (Ex. xxi. 2).
Such was the law of the Year of Jubilee, as it
is given in the Pentateuch.
m. Josephus {Ant. iii. 12, § 3) states that all
debts were remitted in the Year of Jubilee,
while the Scripture speaks of the remission of
debts only in connection with the Sabbatical
Year (Deut. xv. 1, 2). He also describes the
terms on which the holder of a piece of land
resigned it in the Jubilee to the original pro-
prietor. Philo gives an account of the Jubilee
agreeing with that in Leviticus, and says noth-
ing of the remission of debts. — IV. There
are several very difficult questions connected
with the Jubilee, of which we now proceed to
gi ve a brief view : — 1 . Origin of the word Jubiler.
— The doubt on this point appears to be a very
old one. Uncertainty respecting the word
must have been felt when the most ancient
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JUBILEE
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JUDAH
versions of the 0. T. were made. Nearly all
of the many conjectures which have been haz-
arded on the subject are directed to explain the
word exclusively in its bearing on the Year of
Jubilee. Now in all such attempts at explana-
tion there must be an anachronism, as the word
ydbel is used in Ex. xix. 13, before the institution
of the Law, where it can have nothing to do
with the Year of Jubilee, or its observances.
The question really is, can yobil here mean the
peculiar sound, or the instrument for producing
the sound ? The meaning of Jubilee would seem
to be a rushing, penetrating sound. But in the
'uncertainty, which, it must be allowed, exists,
our translators have taken a safer course, by re-
taining the original word in Lev. xxv. and
xxvii., than that which was taken by Luther,
who has rendered it by Halljahr. — 2. Was
the Jubilee every 49th or 50th yeart — If the plain
words of Lev. xxv. 10 are to be followed, this
question need not be asked. The statement
that the Jubilee was the 50th year, after the suc-
cession of seven weeks of years, and that it was
distinguished from, not identical with, the
seventh Sabbatical Year, is as evident as lan-
guage can make it. The simplest view, and the
only one which accords with the sacred text, is,
that the year which followed the seventh Sab-
batical Year was the Jubilee, which was inter-
calated between two series of Sabbatical Years,
so that the next year was the first of a new
half century, and the seventh year after that
was the first Sabbatical Year of the other series.
— 3. Were debts remitted in the Jubilee f — Not a
word is said of this in the O. T., or in Philo.
The affirmative rests entirely on the authority
of Josephus. Maimonides says expressly that
the remission of debts was a point of distinc-
tion between the Sabbatical Year and the Jubi-
lee. The Mishna is to the same effect.
V. Maimonides, and the Jewish writers in
general, consider that the Jubilee was observed
till the destruction of the first temple. But
there is no direct historical notice of its observ-
ance on any one occasion, either in the books
of the 0. T., or in any other records. The
only passages in the prophets which can be re-
garded with much confidence, as referring to
the Jubilee in any way, are Is. v. 7, 8, 9, 10, lxi.
1, 2; Ez. vii. 12, 13, xlvi. 16, 17, 18.— VI.
The Jubilee is to be regarded as the outer circle
of that great Sabbatical system which comprises
within it the Sabbatical Year, the Sabbatical
Month, and the Sabbath Day. But the Jubilee
is more immediately connected with the body
politic; and it was only as a member of the
state that each person concerned could partici-
pate in its provisions. It was not distinguished
by any prescribed religious observance peculiar
to itself, like the rites of the Sabbath Day
and of the Sabbatical Month ; or even bv any
thing like the reading of the law in the Sabbat-
ical Year. But in the Hebrew state, polity and
religion were never separated, nor was their es-
sential connection ever dropped out of sight.
As far as legislation could go, its provisions
tended to restore that equality in outward cir-
cumstances which was instituted in the first
settlement of the land by Joshua. But if we
look upon it in its more special character, as a
tart of the divine law appointed for the chosen
people, its practical bearing was to vindicate
the right of each Israelite to his part in the
covenant which Jehovah had made with his fa-
thers respecting the land of promise.
Ju'cal, son of Shelemiah (Jer. xxxvui. 1 ).
Ju'da. 1. Son of Joseph in the genealogy
of Christ (Luke iii. 30) 2. Son of Joanna,
or Hananiali [Hananiah, 8] (Luke iii. 26).
Ue seems to be certainly the same person as
Abrud in Matt. i. 13. — 8. One of the Lord's
brethren, enumerated in Mark vi. 3.-4. The
patriarch Judah (Sus. 56 ; Luke iii. 33 ; Heb.
vii. 14; Rev. v. 5, vii. 5).
Judee'a, or Judo'a, a territorial division
which succeeded to the overthrow of the ancient
landmarks of the tribes of Israel and Judah in
their respective captivities. The word first
occurs Dan. v. 13 (A. V. " Jewry ") ; and the
first mention of the " province of Judaea " is in
the book of Ezra (v. 8) : it is alluded to in Neb,
xi. 3 (Hebr. and A. V. "Judah "), and was the
result of the division of the Persian empire
mentioned by Herodotus (iii. 89-97), under
Darius (comp. Esth. viii. 9 ; Dan. vi. 1 ). In
the Apocryphal Books the word " province " is
dropped ; aud throughout the books of Esdras,
Tobit, Judith, and Maccabees, the expressions
arc the "land of Judaea," "Judasa* (A. V.
frequently " Jewry "), and throughout the N. T.
In the words of Josephus, "The Jews made
preparations for the work (of rebuilding the
walls under Nehemiab) — a name which they
received forthwith on their return from Babylon,
from the tribe of Judah, which, being the* first
to arrive in those parts, gave name both to the
inhabitants and the territory" [Ant. xi. 5, §7).
In a wide and more improper sense, the terra
Judsea was sometimes extended to the whole
country of the Canaanitcs, its ancient inhabit-
ants (Joseph. Ant. i. 6, § 2) ; and even iu the
Gospels we seem to read of the coasts of Judaea
" beyond Jordan " (Matt. xix. 1 ; Mark x. 1 ).
With Ptolemy, moreover, and Dion Cas&ius,
Judaea is synonymous with Palestine-Syria.
Judiea was, in strict language, the name ot the
third district, west of the Jordan, and south of
Samaria. Its northern boundary, according to
Josephus, was a village called Anuath, its
southern another village named Jurdas. Iu
feneral breadth was from the Jordan to Joppa.
t was made a portion of the Roman province
of Syria upon the deposition of Archclaus, the
ethnarch of Judsea in a.d. 6, and was governed
by a procurator, who was subject to the gov-
ernor of Syria.
Judah, the fourth son of Jacob and the
fourth of Leah, the last before the temporary
cessation in the births of her children. His
whole-brothers were Reuben, Simeon, and Le-
vi, older than himself — Issacliar and Zcbuluo
younger (see Gen. xxxv. 23). Of Judah 's per-
sonal character more traits are preserved than
of any other of the patriarchs, with the exception
of Joseph. In the matter of the sale of Joseph,
he and Renben stand out in favorable contrast
to the rest of the brothers. When a second
visit to Egypt for corn had become inevitable,
it was Judah who, as the mouthpiece of the
rest, headed the remonstrance against the de-
tention of Benjamin hv Jacob, and finally un-
dertook to be responsible for the safety of the
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JUDAH
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JUDAH, KINGDOM OF
lad (xliii. 3-10). And when, through Joseph's
artifice, the brothers were brought back to the
palace, he is again the leader and spokesman
of the band. So too it is Judah who is sent
before Jacob to smooth the war for him in the
land of Goshen (xlvi. 28). This ascendency
orer his brethren is reflected in the last words
addressed to him by his father. His sons were
five. Of these, three were by his Canaanhe
wife Bath-shua. They are all insignificant:
two died early ; and the third, Shelah, docs
not come prominently forward, cither in his
person or his family. The other two, Pharez
and Zbkaii, were illegitimate sons by the widow
of Er, the eldest of the former family. As is
not unfrequently the case, the illegitimate sons
surpassed the legitimate, and from Pharez, the
elder, were descended the royal and other illus-
trious families of Judah. These sons were
born to Judah while he was living in the samo
district of Palestine which, centuries after,
was repossessed by his descendants, amongst
▼illages which retain their names unaltered in
the catalogues of the time of the conquest. The
three sons went with their father into Egypt at
the time of the final removal thither (Gen. xlvi.
12 ; Ex. i. 3). When we again meet with the
families of Jodah they occupy a position among
the tribes similar to that which their progenitor
had taken amongst the patriarchs. The num-
bers of the tribe at the census at Sinai were
74,600 (Num. i. 26, 27), considerably in advance
of any of the others, the largest of which — Dan
— numbered 62,700. On the borders of the
Promised Land they were 76,500 (xxvi. 22),
Dan being still the nearest. Daring the march
through the desert, Judah 's place was in the ran
of the host, on the east side of the Tabernacle,
with his kinsmen Issachar and Zebulnn (ii. 3-9,
x. 14). During the conquest of the country
the only incidents specially affecting the tribe
of Judan are — ( 1 ) the misdeed of Achan, who
was of the great bouse of Zerah (Josh. rii. 1,
16-18) ; and (2) the conquest of the mountain
district of Hebron by Caleb, and of the strong
city Debir, hi the same locality, by his nephew
and son-in-law Othniel (Josh. xrr. 6-15, xr.
19-19). The boundaries and contents of the
territory allotted to Judah are narrated at great
length, and with greater minuteness than the
others, in Josh. xr. 20-63. The north bound-
ary, for the most part concident with the south
boundary of Benjamin, began at the embou-
chure of the Jordan, entered the hills apparently
at or about the present road from Jericho, ran
westward to En-shemesh, probably the present
Aim-Hand, below Bethany, thence orer the
Mount of Olires to Enrogd, in the valley be-
neath Jerusalem; went along the ravine of Hin-
nom, under the precipices of the city, climbed
the hill in a N. W. direction to the water of the
N'ephtoah (probably Lijia), and thence by Kir-
jath-Jearim (probably Kuriet d-Enab), Beth-
shetnesh {Ain-Shanf), Timnath, and Elcron, to
Jabneel on the sea-coast. On the east the
Dead Sea, and on the west the Mediterranean,
formed the boundaries. The southern line it
hard to determine, since it is denoted by places
many of which hare not been identified. It
left the Dead Sea at its extreme south end, and
joined the Mediterranean at the Wady d-Arith.
This territory, in average length about 45 miles,
and in average breadth about 50, was from •
very early date divided into four main regions.
(1.) The Sooth — the undulating pasture coun-
try which intervened between the hills, the
proper possession of the tribe, and the deserts
which encompass the lower part of Palestine
(Josh. xv. 21). — (2.) The Lowland (xv. 33 ;
A. V. " valley "), or, to give it its own proper
and constant appellation, the Shefelau, the
brood belt or strip lying between the central
highlands, " the mountain," and the Mediter-
ranean Sea ; the lower portion of that maritime
plain, which extends through tho whole of the
sea-board of Palestine, from Sidon in tho north
to Rhinocolura at the south. This tract was
the garden and the granary of the tribe. From
the edge of tho sandy trait, which fringes tho
immediate shore right up to the very wall of
the hills of Judah, stretches the immense plain
of corn-fields. — (3.) Tho third region or tho
tribe — the Mountain, tho "hill-country of
Judah " — though not tho richest, was at once
the largest and the most important of tho four.
Beginning a few miles below Hebron, where it
attains its highest level, it stretches eastward to
the Dead Sea, and westward to the Shefclah,
and forms an elevated district or plateau, which,
though thrown into considerable undulations,
yet preserves a general level m both directions.
The surface of this region, which is of lime-
stone, is monotonous enough. — (4.) The fourth
district is the Wilderness (Midbar), which
hero and there only appears to be synonymous
with Ar&bah, and to signify the sunken district
immediately adjoining the Dead Sea. In the
!iortition of the territory by Joshua and Elcazar
Josh. xix. 51 ), Judah had the' first allotment
xr. 1). The most striking circumstance in
the early history of the tribe is the determined
manner In which it keeps aloof from the rest —
neither offering its aid nor asking that of others.
The same independent mode of action marks
the foundation of the monarchy after the death
of Saul. Their conduct later, when brought
into collision with Ephroim on the matter of
the restoration of David, shows that the men
of Judah had preserved their original character.
The same independent temper will be found to
characterize tho tribe throughout its existence
as a kingdom. — 2. A Levite ancestor of Kad-
miel (Ezr. Hi. 9). Lord A. Hervey has shown
cause for believing that the name is the same
as Hodatiah and Hodevah. — 3. A Levite
who was obliged by Ezra to put away his for-
eign wife (Ezr. x. 23). Probably the same
person is intended in Neh. xii. 8, 36. — 4. A
Bcnjamite, son of Senuah (Neh. xi. 9).
Judah, Kingdom Of. When the dis-
ruption of Solomon's kingdom took place at
Shechem, only the tribe of Judah followed the
house of Darid. But almost immediately after-
wards, when Rehoboam conceived the design of
establishing his authority orer Israel by force
of arms, the tribe of Benjamin also is recorded
as obeying his summons, and contributing its
warriors to make up his army. Two Bcnja-
mite towns, Bethel and Jericho, were included
in the northern kingdom. A part, if not all,
of the territory of Simeon (1 Sam. xxrii. 6;
1 K. xix. 3 ; comp. Josh. xix. 1 ) and of Dan
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JUDAH, KINGDOM OF
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JUDAS ISCARIOT
(3 Chr. xi. 10; comp. Josh. xix. 41, 42) was
recognised as belonging to Judah ; and in the
reigns of Abijah and Asa the southern king-
dom was enlarged by some additions taken out
of the territory of Ephraim (2 Chr. xiii. 19,
xv. 8, xrii. 2). A singular gauge of the
growth of the kingdom of Judah is supplied
by the progressive augmentation of the army
under successive kings. It would be out of
place here to discuss the question which has
been raised as to the accuracy of these num-
bers. So far as they are authentic, it may be
safely reckoned that the population subject to
each king was about four times the number of
the fighting men in his dominions. Unless
Judah had some other means besides pasture
and tillage of acquiring wealth, — as by mari-
time commerce from the Red Sea ports, or (less
probably) from Joppa, or by keeping up the old
trade (I K. x. 28) with Egypt, — it seems diffi-
cult to account for that ability to accumulate
wealth which supplied the Temple treasury
with sufficient store to invite so frequently the
hand of the spoiler. Egypt, Damascus, Sama-
ria, Nineveh, and Babylon, had each in succes-
sion a shore of the pillage. The treasury was
emptied by Shishok (IK. xiv. 26), again by
Asa (1 K. xv. 18), by Jehoaah of Judah (2 K.
xii. 18), by Jehoash of Israel (2 K. xiv. 14),
by Ahoz (2 K. xvi. 8), by Uczekiah (2 K. xviii.
16), and by Nebuchadnezzar (2 K. xxiv. 13).
The kingdom of Judah possessed many ad-
vantages which secured for it a longer continu-
ance than that of Israel. A frontier less ex-
posed to powerful enemies, a soil less fertile; a
population hardier and more united, a fixed
and venerated centre of administration and
religion, an hereditary aristocracy in the sacer-
dotal order, an army always subordinate, a suc-
cession of kings which no revolution interrupt-
ed, — to these and other secondary causes is to
be attributed the fact that Judah survived her
more populous and more powerful sister king-
dom by 135 years, and lasted from B.C. 975 to
B.C. 536. (a.) The first three kings of Judah
seem to have cherished the hope of re-estab-
lishing their authority over the Ten Tribes ;
for sixty years there was war between them
and the kings of Israel. The victory achieved
by the daring Abijah brought to Judah a tem-
porary accession of territory. Asa appears to
have enlarged it still farther. (6.) Hamuli's
remonstrance (2 Chr. xvi. 7) prepares us for
the reversal by Jehoshaphat of the policy which
Asa pursued towards Israel and Damascus. A
close alliance sprang up with strange rapidity
between Judah and Israel. Jehoshaphat, active
and prosperous, repelled nomad invaders from
the desert, curbed the aggressive spirit of his
nearer neighbors, and made his influence felt
cvon among the Philistines and Arabians.
Amazioh, flushed with the recovery of Edom,
provoked a war with his more powerful con-
temporary Jehoash, the conqueror of the Syri-
ans ; and Jerusalem was entered and plun-
dered by the Israelites. Under Uzziah and
Jotham, Judah long enjoyed political and re-
ligious prosperity, till Ahoz become the tribu-
tary and vassal of Tiglath-Pileser. (c. ) Already
in the fatal. grasp of Assyria, Judah was yet
spared for a checkered existence of almost
another century and a half after the termina-
tion of the kingdom of Israel. The consum-
mation of the ruin came upon them in the
destruction of the Temple by the hand of Ne-
buzaradan, amid the waitings of prophets, and
the founts of heathen tribes released at length
from the yoke of David.
Judas, the Greek form of the Hebrew
name Judah, occurring in the LXX. and N. T.
[L 1 Esd. ix. 23. [Judah, 3.1 — 2. The
third son of Mattathias (1 Mace. li. 4). [Mac-
cabees.] — 8. The son of Calphi, a Jewish
general under Jonathan (1 Mace. xi. 70). —
4. A Jew occupying a conspicuous position at
Jerusalem at the time of the mission to Ariste-
bulus [Aristobclus] and the Egyptian Jews
(2 Mace. i. 10). — 6. A son of Simon, and
brother of Joannes Hyrcanus (1 Mace xvi. 2),
murdered by Ptolemssus the usurper, either at
the some time (c. 135 B.C.) with his father
(1 Mace. xvi. 15 ff.), or shortly afterwords. Ap.J
— 8. The patriarch Judah (Matt. i. 2, 3). —
7. A man residing at Damascus, in " the street
which is called Straight," in whose house Saul
of Tarsus lodged after his miraculous conver-
sion (Acts ix. 11).
Judas, surnamed Bar'sabas, a leading
member of the apostolic church at Jerusalem
(Acts xv. 22), endued with the gift of prophe-
cy (ver. 32), chosen with Silos to accompany
Paul and Barnabas as delegates to the church
at Antioch, to make known the decree concern-
ing the terms of admission of the Gentile con-
verts (ver. 27). After employing their propheti-
cal gifts for the confirmation of the Syrian
Christians in the faith, Judos went bock to
Jerusalem. Nothing further is recorded of
him.
Judas of Galilee, the leader of a popu-
lar revolt " in the days of the taxing " (i.e. the
censas, under the prefecture of P. Sulp. Qui
rinus, a.d. 6, A.u.c. 759), referred to by Gomo.
liel in his speech before the Sanhedrim (Acts
v. 37). According to Josephus (Ant. xviii.
1, § 1), Judas was a Gaulonite of the city of
Gomolo, probably taking his name of Gali-
lean from his insurrection having had its rise
in Galilee. His revolt had a theocratic charac-
ter, the watchword of which was, " We have
no lord or master but God." Judos himself
perished, and his followers were dispersed. With
his fellow-insurgent Sadoc, a Pharisee, Judos is
represented by Josephus as the founder of a
fourth sect, in addition to the Pharisees, Sad-
ducees, and Essenes. The Goulonites, as his
followers were colled, may be regarded os the
doctrinal ancestors of the Zealots and Sicorii
of later days.
Ju'das Iscar'iot. He is sometimes called
" the son of Simon " (John vi. 71, xiii. 2, 26),
but more commonly (die three Synoptic Gos-
pels give no other name) Iscariotes (Matt. x. 4 ;
Mark ill. 19 ; Luke vi. 16, Ac.). In the three
lists of the Twelve there is added in each case
the fact that he was the betrayer. The name
Iscariothas received many interpretations more
or less conjectural. The most probable ore —
(1) From Kerioth (Josh. xv. 25), in the tribe
of Judah. On this hypothesis his position
among the Twelve, the rest of whom belonged
to Galilee (Acts ii. 7), would be exceptional ;
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and this has led to — (2) From Kartha in
Galilee (Kartan, A. V., Josh. xxi. 32). (3)
From xxrrUa, a leathern apron, the name being
applied to him as the bearer of the bag, and =
Judas with the apron. Of the life of Jndas,
before the appearance of his name in the lists
of the apostles, we know absolutely nothing.
What that appearance implies, however, is that
he had previously declared himself a disciple.
lie was drawn, as the others were, by the
preaching of the Baptist, or his own Messianic
hopes, or the " gracious words " of the new
Teacher, to leave his former life, and to obey
the call of the Prophet of Nazareth. The
choice was not made, we must remember, with-
out a prevision of its issue (John vi. 64). We
can hardly expect to solve the question why
such a man was chosen for such an office. The
germs of the evil, in all likelihood, unfolded
themselves gradually. The rules to which the
Twelve were subject in their first journey (Matt.
x. 9, 10) sheltered him from the temptation
that would have been most dangerous to him.
The new form of life, of which we find the
first traces in Luke viii. 3, brought that temp-
tation with it. As soon as the Twelve were
recognized as a body, travelling hither and
thither with their Master, receiving money and
other offerings, and redistributing what they
received to the poor, it became necessary that
some one should act as the steward and al-
moner of the small society, and this fell to
Judas (John xii. 6, xiii. 29), either as having
the gifts that qualified him for it, or, as we
may conjecture, from his character, because he
sought it, or, as some have imagined, in rota-
tion from time to time. The Galilean or
Judsjan peasant found himself intrusted with
larger sums of money than before, and with
this there came covetousness, unfaithfulness,
embezzlement. It was impossible after this
that he could feel at ease with One who asserted
so clearly and sharply the laws of faithfulness,
duty, unselfishness. The narrative of Matt,
xx vi., Mark xiv., places this history in close con-
nection with the fact of the betrayal. It leaves
the motives of the betrayer to conjecture. The
mere love of money may have been strong
enough to make him clutch at the bribe offered
him. Mingled with this there may have been
some feeling of vindictiveness, a vague, con-
fused desire to show that he had power to stop
the career of the teacher who had reproved him.
There may have been the thought that, after
all, the betrayal could do no harm, that his
Master would prove his innocence, or by some
supernatural manifestation effect his escape.
Another motive has been suggested of an
entirely different kind, altering altogether the
character of the act. Not the love of money,
nor revenge, nor fear, nor disappointment, but
policy a subtle plan to force on the hour of
the triumph of the Messianic kingdom, the be-
lief that for this service he would receive as high
a place as Peter, or James, or John ; this it was
that made him the traitor. Ingenious as this
hypothesis is, it fails for that very reason. 1
1 Hie hypothesis, so lightly dismissed, has a
merit higher than that of Ingenuity, — the merit
of aeeoaatrogfor Jndu'i conduct throughout, in a
simple, nataral, consistent manner. — Kb.
Of the other motives that have been assigned,
we need not care to fix on any one as that which
singly led him on. During the days that
intervened between the supper at Bethany
and the Paschal or quasi-Pascnal gathering, he
appeared to have concealed his treachery. At
the last Supper he is present, looking forward
to the consummation of his guilt as drawing
nearer every hour. Then come the sorrowful
words which showed him that bis design was
known. " One of you shall betray me. Af-
ter this there comes on him that paroxysm and
insanity of guilt as of one whose human soul
was possessed by the Spirit of Evil — " Satan
entered into htm " (John xiii. 27). He knows
that garden in which his Master and his com-
panions had so often rested after the weary
work of the day. He comes, accompanied by
a band of officers and servants (John xviii. 3),
with the kiss which was probably the usual
salutation of the disciples. The words of Je-
sus, calm and gentle as they were, showed
that this was what imbittered the treachery,
and made the suffering it inflicted more acute-
(Luke xxii. 48). What followed in the con-
fusion of that night the Gospels do not re-
cord. The fever of the crime passed away.
There came back on him the recollection of
the sinless righteousness of the Master he had
wronged (Matt, xxvii. 3). He repented, and
his guilt and all that had tempted him to it be-
came hateful. He hurls the money, which
the priests refused to take, into the sanctuary
where they were assembled. For him there is
no longer sacrifice or propitiation. He is " the
son of perdition" (John xvii. 12). "He de-
parted, and went and hanged himself" (Matt.
xxvii. 5). He went " unto his own place "
(Acts i. 25). We have in Acts i. another ac-
count of the circumstances of his death, which
it is not easy to harmonize with that given by
St. Matthew. There it is stated —(1) That,
instead of throwing the money into the temple,
he bought a field with it. (2) That, instead of
hanging himself, " falling headlong, he burst
asunder in the midst, and all his bowels gushed
out." (3) That for this reason, and not be-
cause the priests had bought it with the price of
blood, the field was called Aceldama. Receiv-
ing both as authentic, we are vet led to the con-
clusion that the explanation is to be found in
some unknown series of facts, of which we
have but two fragmentary narratives.
Jude, or Judas, Lebbe'us and
Thadde'US (A. V. "Judas the brother of
James"), one of the twelve apostles; a mem-
ber, together with his namesake " Iscariot,"
James the son of Alpbasus, and Simon Ze-
lotes, of the last of the three sections of
the apostolic body. The name Judas only,
without any distinguishing mark, occurs in the
lists given by St. Luke vi. 16; Acts i. 13; and
in John xiv. 22 (where we find "Judas, not
Iscariot " among the apostles) ; but the apostle
has been generally identified with "Lebbcus
whose surname was Thaddeus" (Matt. x. 3:
Mark iii. 18). Much difference of opinion
has existed from the earliest times as to the
right interpretation of the words 'lovdat
'laxui3ov. The generally received opinion is,
that the A V. is right in translating " Jn-
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JUDGES
das the brother of James." Bat we prefer
to follow nearly all the most eminent critical
authorities, and render the words "Judas the
son of James." The name of Jade only oc-
curs once in the Gospel narrative (John xiv.
as). Nothing is certainly known of the later
history of the apostle. Tradition connects
him with the foundation of the church at
Edessa.
Judas, the Lord's brother. Among
the brethren of our Lord mentioned by the
people of Nazareth (Matt. xiii. 55; Mark vi. 3)
occurs a " Judas," who has been sometimes iden-
tified with the apostle of the same name. It
has been considered with more probability that
he was the writer of the Epistle which bears
the name of "Jade the brother of James."
Eusebius gives us an interesting tradition (H.
E. iii. SO, S3) of two grandsons of Jude.
Jude, Epistle Of. I. Its authorship. —
The writer of this Epistle styles himself, ver.
I, "Jude the brother of James," and has been
usually identified with the apostle Judas Leb-
bnus or Thaddnus (Luke vi. 16). But there
are strong reasons for rendering the words
" Judas the son of James : " and inasmuch as
the author appears, ver. 17, to distinguish him-
self from the apostles, we may agree with em-
inent critics in attributing the Epistle to anoth-
er author. The most probable conclusion is
that the author was Jade, one of the brethren
of Jesus, and brother of James, not the apos-
tle the son of Alphssus, but the Bishop of Je-
rusalem. — II. Genuineness and amonicitjp. — Al-
though the Epistle of Jude is one of the so-
called Antilegomena, and its canonicity was
questioned in the earliest ages of the Church,
there never was any doubt of its genuineness
among those by whom it was known. The
question was never whether it was the work of
an impostor, but whether its author was of suf-
ficient weight to warrant its admission into the
Canon. This question was gradually decided
in its favor. It is wanting in the Peshito, nor
is there any trace of its use by the Asiatic
churches up to the commencement of the 4th
century ; bat it is quoted as apostolic by Eph-
rem Syrus. The earliest notice of the Epistle
is in the famous Mnratorian Fragment (circa
a.d. 1 70). Clement of Alexandria is the first
father of the Church by whom it is recognized.
Ensebins also informs as (H. E. vi. 14) that it
was among the books of Canonical Scripture,
of which explanations were given in the Hy-
potypote* of Clement. Origen refers to it ex-
pressly as the work of the Lord's brother. Of
the Latin Fathers, Tertullian once expressly
cites this Epistle as the work of an apostle,
as does Jerome. The Epistle is also quoted by
Malchian, a presbyter of Antioch, and by Pal-
ladius, and is contained in the Laodicene (a.d.
363 ) , Carthaginian (397), and so-called Apostolic
Catalogues, as well as in those emanating from
the churches of the East and West, with the
exception of the Synopsis of Chrysostom, and
those of Cassiodorus and Ebed Jesu.
III. Time and place of writing. — Here all is
conjecture. The author being not absolutely
certain, there are no external grounds for de-
ciding the point ; and the internal evidence is
tat small. Lardner places it between a.d. 64
and 66, Davidson before a.d. 70, Creditor a.b.
80, Calmet, Estius, Wiuius, and Neander, af-
ter the death of all the apostles but John, and
perhaps after the fall of Jerusalem. There are
no data from which to determine the place of
writing. — IV. For what readers designed. —
The readers are nowhere expressly defined.
The address (ver. 1) is applicable to Christians
generally, and there is nothing in the body of
the Epistle to limit its reference. — V. Its object
and contents. — The object of the Epistle is
plainly enongh announced, ver. 3 : the reason
for this exhortation is given ver. 4. The re-
mainder of the Epistle is almost entirely occu-
pied by a minute depiction of the adversaries
of the faith. The Epistle closes by briefly re-
minding the readers of the oft-repeated predic-
tion of the apostles — among whom the writer
seems not to rank himself — that the faith
would be assailed by such enemies as he has de-
picted (ver. 17-19), exhorting them to maintain
their own steadfastness in the faith (ver. SO, SI ),
while they earnestly sought to rescue others
from the corrupt example of those licentious
livers (ver. 28, S3), and commending them to
the power of God in language which forcibly
recalls the closing benediction of the Epistle to
the Romans (ver. 34, 25 ; cf. Rom. xvi. 25-27).
This Epistle presents one peculiarity, which, as
we learn from St. Jerome, caused its authority
to be impugned in very early times — the sap-
posed citation of apocryphal writings ( ver. 9, 14,
15). The former of these passages, containing
the reference to the contest of the archangel
Michael and the Devil " about the body of Mo-
ses," was supposed by Origen to have been
rounded on a Jewish work called the "As-
sumption of Moses." As regards the supposed
quotation from the book of Enoch, the ques-
tion is not so clear whether St. Jade is making
a citation from a work already in the hands of
his readers, or is employing a traditionary
prophecy not at that time committed to writ-
ing.— VI. Relation between the Epistles of Jude
and S Peter. — It is familiar to all that the lar-
ger portion of this Epistle (ver. 3-16) is almost
identical in language and subject with a part
of the Second Epistle of Peter (S Pet. n. 1-19).
This question is examined in the article Pe-
ter, Second Epistle op.
Judges. The administration of justice in
all early Eastern nations, as amongst the Arabs
of the desert to this day, rests with the patri-
archal seniors ; the judges being the heads of
tribes, or of chief houses m a tribe. Thus in
the book of Job (xxix. 7, 8, 9) the patriarchal
magnate is represented as going forth " to the
gate " amidst the respectful silence of elders,
princes, and nobles (comp. xxxii. 9). During
the oppression of Egypt, the nascent people
would necessarily have few questions at law to
plead. When they emerged from this oppres-
sion into national existence, the want of a ma-
chinery of judicature began to press. The pa-
triarchal seniors did not instantly assume the
function, having probably been depressed by
bondage till rendered unfit for it. Perhaps for
these reasons, Moses at first took the whole
burden of judicature upon himself, then at the
suggestion of Jethro (Ex. xviii. 14-34) insti-
tuted judges over numerically graduated ssa>
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JUDGES, BOOK OF
dona of the people. These were chosen for
their moral fitness; bat from Deut. i. IS, 16,
we may infer that they were taken from amongst
those to whom primogeniture would have as-
signed it. The judge was reckoned a sacred
person, and secured even from verbal injuries.
Seeking a decision at law is called " inquiring
of God'' (Ex. xviii. 15). The term " gods " is
actually applied to judges (Ex. xxi. 6; comp.
Ps. Ixxxii. 1, 6). But besides the sacred digni-
ty thus given to the only royal function, which,
under the Theocracy, fay in human hands, it
was made popular by being vested in those who
led public feeling. The judges were disciplined
in smaller matters, and, under Moses' own eye,
for greater ones. When, however, the com-
mandment, "judges and officers shall thou
make thee in all thy gates" (Deut xvi. 18),
came to be fulfilled in Canaan, there were the
following sources from which those officials
might be supplied : — 1st, the ex officio judges,
or their successors, as chosen by Moses ; 2dly,
any surplus left of patriarchal seniors, when
they were taken out (as has been shown from
Deut. i. 15, 16) from that class; and 3dly, the
Levites. The Hebrews were sensitive as re-
gards the administration of justice. The fact
that justice reposed on a popular basis of ad-
ministration largely contributed to keep up that
spirit of independence, which is the ultimate
check on all perversions of the tribunal. The
popular aristocracy of heads of tribes, sections
of tribes, or families, is found to fall into two
main orders of varying nomenclature. The
more common name for the higher order is
" princes," and for the lower " elders " (Judg.
viii. 14 ; Ex. ii. 14 ; Job xxix. 7, 8, 9 ; Kir. x.
I). These orders were the popular element of
judicature. On the other hand the Levitical
body was imbued with a keen sense of alle-
giance to God as the Author of Law, and to
the Covenant as His embodiment of it, and
soon gained whatever forensic experience and
erudition those simple times could yield ; hence
they brought to the judicial task the legal acu-
men and sense of general principles which com-
plemented the ruder lay element. To return
to the first or popular branch, there is reason to
think, from the general concurrence of phrase-
ology amidst much diversity, that in every city
these two ranks of "princes" and "elders
had their analogies. The Levites also were
apportioned, on the whole, equally among the
tribes; and if they preserved their limits, there
were probably few parts of Palestine beyond a
day's journey from a Levitical city. One great
hold which the priesthood had, in their juris-
diction, upon men's ordinary life, was the cus-
tody in the sanctuary of the standard weights
and measures, to which, in cases of dispute,
reference was doubtless made. Above all these,
the high-priest in the ante-regal period was the
resort in difficult cases (Deut. xvii. 12), as the
chief jurist of the nation, who would in case of
need be perhaps oracularly directed; yet we
bear of none acting as judge save Eli. It is
also a fact of some weight, negatively, that
none of the special deliverers called Judges
was of priestly lineage, or even became as much
noted as Deborah, a woman. This seems to
show that any central action of the high-priest
56
on national unity was null ; and of this suprem-
acy, had it existed in force, the judicial pre-
rogative was the main element. This function
of the priesthood, being, it may be presumed,
in abeyance during the period of the Judges,
seems to have merged in the monarchy. The
kingdom of Saul suffered too severely from ex-
ternal foes to allow civil matters much promi-
nence. In David's reign, it was evidently the
rule for the king to hear causes in person.
The same class of cases which were reserved
for Moses would probably fall to his lot; and
the high-priest was of course ready to assist the
monarch. This is further presumable from the
fact that no officer analogous to a chief justice
ever appears under the kings. Perhaps the ar-
rangements, mentioned in 1 Chr. xxiii. 4, xxvl
29, may have been mode to meet the need of
suitors. In Solomon's character, whose reign
of peace would surely be fertile in civil ques-
tions, the "wisdom to judge" was the fitting
first quality (1 K. iii. 9; comp. Ps. lxxii. 1-4).
As a judge, Solomon shines "in all his glory "
(1 K. iii. 16, &c.). It is likely that royalty in
Israel was ultimately unfavorable It the local
independence connected with the juu'cature of
the "princes " and " elders " in the territory and
cities of each tribe, and the Levites generally
superseded the local elders in the administra-
tion of justice. But subsequently, when the
Levites withdrew from the kingdom of the ten
tribes, judicial elders probably again filled tho
gap. One more change is noticeable in the pre-
Babyloniun period. The " princes " constantly
appear as a powerful political body, increasing
in influence and privileges, and having a fixed
centre of action at Jerusalem ; till, in the reign
of Zedekiah, they seem to exercise some of the
duties of a privy council, and especially a col-
lective jurisdiction (2 Chr. xxviii. 21 ; Jer. xxvi.
10, 16). Still, although far changed from its
broad and simple basis in the earlier period, the
administration of justice had little resembling
the set and rigid system of the Sanhedrim of
later times. This last change arose from the
fact that the patriarchal seniority, degenerate
and corrupted as it became before the Captivity,
was by that event broken up, and a new basis
of judicature had to be sought for. With re-
gard to the forms of procedure, little more is
known than may be gathered from the two ex-
amples, Ruth iv. 2, of a civil, and 1 K. xxi.
8-14, of a criminal character; to which, as a
specimen of royal summary jurisdiction, may
be added the well-known "judgment " of Solo-
mon. There is no mention of any distinctive
dress or badge as pertaining to the judicial offi-
cer. The use of the " white asses " (Judg. v.
10), by those who " sit in judgment," was per-
haps a convenient distinctive mark for them
when journeying where they would not usually
be personally known.
Judges, Book of. L Title. — As the his-
tory of the Judges occupies by far the greater
part of the narrative, and is at the same time
the history of the people, the title of the whole
book is derived from that portion. — II. Ar-
rangement. — The book at first sight may be
divided into two parts, — i.-xvi. and xvii.-xxi.
A. i.-xvi. — The subdivisions are — (a) i.-ii.
5, which may be considered as a first intro-
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taction, (jiving a summary of the results of the
war carried on against the Canoanitcs by the
several tribes on trie west of Jordan after Josh-
ua's death, and forming a continuation of Josh,
xii. (b) ii. 6-iii. 6. — This is a second intro-
duction, standing in nearer relation to the fol-
lowing history, (c) iii. 7-xvi. — The words,
" and the children of Israel did evil in the sight
of the Lord," which had been already used in
ii. 11, are employed to introduce the history of
the 13 Judges comprised in this book. An ac-
count of six of these 13 is given at greater or less
length. The account of the remaining seven is
very short, and merely attached to the longer
narratives. We may observe in general on this
portion of the book, that it is almost entirely a
history of the wars of deliverance.
B. xvii.-xxi. — This part has no formal
connection with the preceding, and is often
called an appendix. No mention of the Judges
occurs in it. It contains allusions to " the house
of God," the ark, and the high-priest. The pe-
riod to which the narrative relates is simply
marked by the expression, " when there was no
king in Israel" (xix. 1 ; cf. xviii. 1). It re-
cords (a) the conquest of Laish by a portion of
the tribe of Dan, and the establishment there
of the idolatrous worship of Jehovah already
instituted by Micah in Mount Ephraim. (6)
The almost total extinction of the tribe of Ben-
jamin. The date is marked by the mention of
Phinehos, the grandson of Aaron (xx. 28). —
III. Daign. — There is a unity of plan in i.-
xvi., the clew to which is stated in ii. 16-19.
There can be little doubt of the design to en-
force the view there expressed. But the words
of that passage must not be pressed too closely.
It is a general review of the collective history of
Israel during the time of the Judges, the details
of which, in their varying aspects, are given
faithfully as the narrative proceeds. The exist-
ence of this design may lead us to suspect that
we have not a complete history of the times, a
fact which is clear from the book itself. We
have only accounts of parts of the nation at any
one time. — IV. Materials. — The author must
have found certain parts of his book in a defi-
nite shape: e.g. the words of the prophet (ii.
1-5), the song of Deborah (v.), Jotham's par-
able (ix. 7-20: see also xiv. 14, 18, xv. 7, 16).
How far these and the rest of his materials came
to him already written is a matter of doubt.
Havernick only recognizes the use of documents
in the appendix. Other critics, however, trace
them throughout. Bertheau says that the dif-
ference of the diction in the principal narratives,
coupled with the fact that they are united in one
plan, points to the incorporation of parts of
previous histories.
V. Relation to other Books. — (A) to Joshua.
— Josh, xv.-xxi. must be compared with Judg.
i. in order to understand fully how far the
several tribes failed in expelling the people
of Canaan. The book begins with a reference
to Joshua's death, and ii. 6-9 resumes the nar-
rative, suspended by i.-ii. 5, with the same
words as are used in concluding the history of
Joshua (xxiv. 28-31 ). In addition to this the
following passages appear to be common to the
two books: — compare Judg. i. 10-15, 20, 21,
»7, 29, with Josh. xv. 13, 14-19, 63, xvii. 12,
xvi. 10. A reference to the conquest of Lais*
(Judg. xviii.) occurs in Josh. xix. 47. (B) to
the books of Samuel and Kings. — We find in
i. 28, 30, 33, 35, a number of towns upon which,
" when Israel was strong," a tribute of bond-
service was levied : this is supposed by some to
refer to the time of Solomon (1 K. ix. 13-22).
The conduct of Saul towards the Kenites
( 1 Sam. xv. 6), and that of David ( 1 Sam. xxx.
29), is explained by i. 16. A reference to the
continuance of the Philistine wars is implied in
xiii. 5. The allusion to Abimelech (2 Sam.
xi. 21 ) is explained by ch. ix. Chapters xvii.-
xxi. and the book of Ruth are more inde-
pendent ; but they have a general reference to
the subsequent history. The question now
arises whether this book forms one link in an
historical series, or whether it has a closer con-
nection either with those that precede or follow
it Its form would lead to the conclusion that
it was not an independent book originollv.
The history ceases with Samson, excluding E"li
and Samuel; and then at this point two his-
torical pieces are added, xvii.-xxi. and the book
of Ruth, independent of the general plan and
of each other.
VI. Date. — The only guide to the date of
this book which we find in ii. 6-xvi. is the
expression " unto this day, ' the last occurrence
of which (xv. 19) implies some distance from
the time of Samson. Bnt i. 21, according to
the most natural explanation, would indicate a
date, for this chapter at least, previous to the
taking of Jcbus by David (2 Sam. v. 6-9).
Again, we should at first sight suppose i. 28,
30, 33, 35, to belong to the time of the Judges;
but these passages are taken by most modern
critics as pointing to the time of Solomon (cf.
1 K. ix. 21 ). i.-xvi. may therefore have been
originally, as Ewald thinks, the commencement
of a larger work reaching down to above a cen-
tury after Solomon. Again, the writer of the
appendix lived when Shiloh was no longer a
religious centre (xviii. 31); he was acquainted
with the regal form of government (xvii. 6, xviii.
1 ). There is some doubt as to xviii. 30. It is
thought by some to refer to the Philistine op-
pression. But it seems more probable that the
Assyrian captivity is intended, in which case the
writer must have lived after 721 b.c. The
whole book therefore must have taken its pres-
ent shape after that date. And if we adopt
Ewald's view, that Judges to 2 Kings form one
book, the final arrangement of the whole must
have been after the thirty-seventh year of Jehoi-
acbin's captivity, or B.C. 562 (2 K. xxv. 27).
— VII. Chronology. — The time commonly as-
signed to the period contained in this book is
299 years. The dates which are given amount
to 410 vears when reckoned consecutively ; and
Acts xiii. 20 would show that this was the com-
putation commonly adopted, as the 450 years
seem to result from adding 40 years for Eli
to the 410 of this book. But a difficulty is
created by xi. 26, and in a still greater degree
by 1 K. vi. 1, where the whole period from the
Exodus to the building of the temple is stated
as 480 years (440, LXX.). On the whole, it
seems safer to give up the attempt to ascertain
the chronology exactly. The successive nar-
ratives give us the history of only parts of the
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JUDITH, THE BOOK OF
443
JUP1TEB
country, and tome of the occurrences may hare
been contemporary (x. 7).
Judgment-Hall. The word prtetarium
is so translated five times in the A. V. of the
N. T. ; and in those five passages it denotes two
different places. 1. In John xviii. 28, 33,
xxix. 9, it is the residence which Pilate occu-
pied when he visited Jerusalem. The site of
Pilate's prastoriam in Jerusalem has given rise
to much dispute, some supposing it to be the
palace of King Herod, others the tower of An-
tonia; but it has been shown elsewhere that
the latter was probably the prsetorium, which
was then and long afterwards the citadel of
Jerusalem. 2. In Acts xxiii. 35, Herod's judg-
ment-ball or prsetorium in Caesarea was doubt-
less a part of that magnificent range of buildings,
the erection of which by King Herod is described
in Josephus. — The word " palace," or " Caesar's
court, in the A. V. of Phil. i. 13, is a transla-
tion of the same word pnetorium. It may here
have denoted the quarter of that detachment of
the Praetorian Guards which was in immediate
attendance upon the emperor, and had barracks
in Mount Palatine.
Ju'dith. L The daughter of Beeri the
Hittite, and wife of Esau (Gen. xxvi. 34). — 2.
The heroine of the apocryphal book which bears
her name, who appears as an ideal type of piety
(Jud. viii. 6), beauty (xi. 21), courage, and
chastity (xvi. 22 ff.). Her supposed descent
from Simoon (ix. 2), and the manner in which
she refers to his cruel deed (Gen. xxxiv. 25 if.),
mark the conception of the character, which
evidently belongs to a period of stern and peril-
ous conflict. Ap.
Ju'dith, the Book of, like that of Tobit,
belongs to the earliest specimens of historical
fiction. The narrative of the reign of " Nebu-
chadnezzar kine of Nineveh " (i. 1 ), of the cam-
paign of Holoiernes, and the deliverance of
Bethulia, through the stratagem and courage
of the Jewish heroine, contains too many and
too serious difficulties, both historical and geo-
graphical, to allow of the supposition that it is
either literally true, or even carefully moulded
on truth. 2. The value of the book is not,
however, lessened by its fictitious character.
On the contrary it becomes even more valuable
as exhibiting an ideal type of heroism, which
was outwardly embodied in the wars of inde-
pendence. It cannot be wrong to refer its ori-
gin to the Maccabssan period, which it reflects
not only in its general spirit, but even in smaller
traits. But while it seems certain that the book
is to be referred to the second century B.C.
(175-100 B.C.), the attempts which have been
made to fix it* date within narrower limits,
either to the time of the war of Alexander
Jannseus (105-4 B.C., Movers) or of Demetrius
IL (129 B.C., Ewald), rest on very inaccurate
data. It might seem more natural (as a mere
conjecture) to refer it to an earlier time, c. 170
B.C., when Antiochus Epiphanes made his first
assault upon the Temple. 3. In accordance
with the view which has been given of the char-
acter and date of the book, it is probable that
the several parts may have a distinct symbolic
meaning. 4. Two conflicting statements have
beeri preserved as to the original language of
the book. Origen speaks of it, together with
Tobit, as " not existing in Hebrew even among
the Apocrypha" in the Hebrew collection.
Jerome, on the other hand, says that " among
the Hebrews the book of Judith . . . beimr
written in the Chaldee language is reckoned
among the histories. " There can be little doubt
that the book was written in Palestine in the
national dialect (Syro-Chaldaic). 5. The text
exists at present in two distinct recensions, the
Greek (followed by the Syriac) and the Latin.
The former evidently is the truer representative
of the original, and it seems certain that the
Latin was derived, in the main, from the Greek
by a series of successive alterations. The Latin
text contains many curious errors. At present
it is impossible to determine the authentic text.
6. The existence of these various recensions of
the book is a proof of its popularity and wide
circulation ; but the external evidence of its use
is very scanty. The first reference to its con-
tents occurs in Clem. Rom., and it is quoted
with marked respect by Origin, Hilary, and
Lucifer. Jejome speaks of it as "reckoned
among the Sacred Scriptures by the Synod
of Nice." It has been wrongly inserted in
the catalogue at the close of the Apostolic
Canons. Ap.
Ju'el. 1. 1 Esd. ix. 34. [Ukl.] —2.1 Esd.
ix. 35. [Joel, 13.] Ap.
Julia, a Christian woman at Rome, proba-
bly the wife, or perhaps the sister, of Philologus,
in connection with whom she is saluted by St.
Paul (Rom. xvi. 15).
Julius, the centurion of" Augustus' band,"
to whose charge St Paul was delivered when
he was sent prisoner from Caesarea to Rome
(Acts xxvii. 1, 3).
Ju'niBB, a Christian at Rome, mentioned
by St. Paul as one of his kinsfolk and fellow-
prisoners, of note among the apostles, and in
Christ before St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 7). Origen
conjectures that he was possibly one of the
seventy disciples.
Juniper (1 K. xix. 4, 5; Ps. cxx. 4; Job
xxx. 4). The word which is rendered in A.V.
juniper is beyond doubt a sort of broom. Ge-
nista monosperma, G. ratam of Forskal, an-
swering to the Arabic Rethem, which is also
found in the desert of Sinai in the neighborhood
of the true juniper (Robinson, ii. 124). It is
very abundant in the desert of Sinai, and affords
shade and protection, both in heat and storm,
to travellers. The Rethem is a leguminous
plant, and bears a white flower. It is found
also in Spain, Portugal, and Palestine.
Ju'piter. Antiochus Epiphanes dedicated
the Temple at Jerusalem to the service of Zeui
Olympius (2 Mace. vi. 2), and at the same time
the rival temple on Gerizim was devoted to
Zeus Xenius {Jupiter hotpitalu, Vulg.). The
Olympian Zeus was the national god of the
Hellenic race, as well as the supreme ruler of
the heathen world, and as such formed the true
opposite to Jehovah. The application of the
second epithet, " the God of hospitality," is
more obscure. Jupiter, or Zeus, is mentioned
in one passage of the N. T., on the occasion of
St. Paul's visit to Lystra (Acts xiv. 12, 13),
where the expression "Jupiter, which was be-
fore their city," means that his temple waa
outside the city.
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KABZEEL
444
KADESH
Ju'flhab-He'sed, bod of Zerubbabel (1
Chr. iii. 20).
Justification. A forensic term, implying,
1. Acquittal on the ground of innocence. A
charge or accusation has been made, either
in litigation, or controversy; that charge has
been finally disproved, and the righteousness
of the accused demonstrated (Ps. li. 4), " That
thou mightest be justified when thou speak-
est, and be clear when thou judgest. — 2.
Acquittal in the sense of pardon. Under the
divine law, Christ has done that which ren-
dered it consistent to treat penitent sinners
as if they had not sinned. Those who believe
in Christ are deemed and treated as joint heirs
with Christ to the Headship of the universe.
Hence they are said to be "justified freely by
His grace through the redemption that is in
Christ Jesus ; " and, " being justified by faith,"
they " have peace with God." This forensic
justification is the antecedent and cause of sane-
tification, and ought never to be confounded
with it as is frequently done. — Ed.
Justus. L A surname of Joseph called
Barsabas (Acts i. 23). — 2. A Christian at
Corinth, with whom St. Paul lodged (Acts
xviii. 7). — 3. A surname of Jesus, a friend of
St Paul (Col. iv. 11).
Jutftah. a city in the mountain region of
Judah, in the neighborhood of Maon and Car-
mel (Josh. xv. 55). A village called Yutta
was visited by Robinson, close to Main and
Kurmul, which doubtless represents the ancient
town.
K.
Kat/balah. A term used by the rabbins
to denote several traditional doctrines, e.g. the
creed of the patriarchal Church before the Law.
It also denotes a mystical mode of interpreting
the O. T. ; and is twofold, practical and specula-
tive. The latter only is considered in this arti-
cle, being subdivided into the artificial and in-
artificial. — 1. The artificial (a), Gematria, is
the arithmetical mode of interpretation in which
a word is explained by another whose united
letters produce the same sum, e.g. Shiloh =
Messiah, because the letters in both — 358. —
(6) Temurah is the transformation of one word
into another by the permutation of letters. —
(c) Notarikon is that in which some or all the
letters of a word are considered as signs of other
words of which they are initials. — 2. Inarti-
ficial. The dogmatical Kabbalah consists of
a traditional doctrine on things divine and
metaphysical, expressed in symbolical form. It
treats of the mysteries of the doctrine of ema-
nation, of angels and spirits, of the four Kabba-
Iistical worlds, and of the ten Sephiroth. It is
a system made up of elements found in the Ma-
gian doctrine of emanation, in the Pythagorean
theory of numbers, in the philosophy of the
Neo-Platonists, and in the tenets of the Gnos-
tics. — H. More's Op. PhU., i. 423 ; Book Sohar,
edited by Baron C. von Rosenroth ; Sulzbach,
1684, fol.; and Cabbala Denudata, 1677-1684,
4to. — Ed.
Kab zeeL, one of the "cities" of the tribe
of Judah, and apparently the farthest soutk
(Josh. xv. 21 ). It was the native place of tht
great hero BicsrAiAH-ben-Jehoiaaa (2 Sam.
xxiii. 20 ; 1 Chr. xi. 22). After the captivity
it was re-inhabited by the Jews, and appear* as
Jbkabzeel. No trace of it appears to bare
been discovered in modern times.
Kadesh, Kadesh-Barnea. This
place, the scene of Miriam's death, was the
farthest point which the Israelites reached in
their direct road to Canaan ; it was also that
whence the spies were sent, and where, on their
return, the people broke out into murmuring
upon which their strictly penal term of wander-
ing began (Num. xiii. 3, 26, xiv. 39-33, xx. 1 ;
Deut ti. 14). It is probable that the term
"Kadesh," though applied to signify a "city,''
yet had also a wider application to a region, in
which Kadesh-Meribah certainly, and Kadesh
Bamea probably, indicates a precise spot
Thus Kadesh appears as a limit eastward of
the same tract which was limited westward by
Shur (Gen. xx. 1 ). Shur is possibly the same
as Sihor, "which is before Egypt'' (xxv. it;
Josh. xiii. 3 ; Jer. ii. 18), and was the first por-
tion of the wilderness on which the people
emerged from the passage of the Red Sea.
[Shur.] "Between Kadesh and Bered"is
another indication of the site of Kadesh as an
eastern limit (Gen. xvi. 14), for the point so
fixed is "the fountain on the way to Shur"
(ver. 7), and the range of limits is narrowed by
selecting the western one not so tar to the west,
while tne eastern one, Kadesh, is unchanged.
Again, we have Kadesh as the point to which
the foray of Chedorlaomer "returned." Ii
Gen. xiv. 7, Kadesh is identified with En-Misb-
pat, the " fountain of judgment," and is con-
nected with Tamar or Haxazon Tamar. Pre-
cisely thus stands Kadesh-Barnea in die books
of Numbers and Joshua (comp. Ezek. xlvS. It,
xlviii. 28 ; Num. xxxiv. 4 ; Josh. xv. 3). For
there is an identity about all the connections of
the two, which, if not conclusive, will compel
us to abandon all possible inquiries. This
holds especially as regards Paran and Tamar,
and in respect of its being the eastern limit of
a region, and also of being the first point of im-
portance found by Chedorlaomer on passing
round the southern extremity of the Dead Sea.
In a strikingly similar manner we have the lim-
its of a route, apparently a well-known one at
the time, indicated by three points, Horeb,
Mount Selr, Kadesh-Barnea, in Deut i. X, the
distance between the extremes being fixed at
" 1 1 days' journey," or about 165 miles, allow-
ing 1 5 miles to an average day's journey. This
is one element for determining the site of Ka-
desh, assuming of course the position of Horeb
to be ascertained. The name of the place to
which the spies returned is " Kadesh " simply,
in Num. xiii. 26, and is there closely connected
with the " wilderness of Paran ; " yet the " wil-
derness of Zin " stands in near conjunction,
as the point whence the " search " of the spits
commenced (ver. 21). Again, in Num. xxxtL
8, we find that it was from Kadesh-Bar-
nea that the mission of the spies commenced,
and, in the rehearsed narrative of the sanM
event in Deut i. 19 and ix. 23, the nam*
"Barnes" is also added. Thus far then
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KADMIEL
445
KATTATH
no reasonable doubt of the identity of
this Kadesh with that of Genesis. Again, in
Norn, xx., we find the people encamped in Ka-
desh after reaching the wilderness of Zin. Je-
rome clearly knows of but one and the same
Kadesh — "where Moses smote the rock,"
where " Miriam's monument," he says " was
still shown, and where Chedorlaomer smote the
rulers of Amalek." The apparent ambiguity
of the position, first in the wilderness of Paraii,
or in Jraran, and secondly in that of Zin, is no
real increase to the difficulty. For whether
these tracts were contiguous, and Kadesh on
their common border, or ran into each other,
and embraced a common territory, to which the
name " Kadesh," in an extended sense, might
be given, is comparatively unimportant. One
site fixed on for Kadesh is the Ain a-Sheyabeh
on the south side of the " mountain of the Am-
orites," and therefore too near Horeb to fulfil
the conditions of Deut. i. 2. Messrs. Rowlands
anil Williams argue strongly in faror of a site
for Kadesh on the west side of this whole moun-
tain region, towards Jtbd Hdal. In the map
to Robinson's last edition, a Jtbd d-Kudeia is
gireo on the anthority of Abeken. But this
spot would be too far to the west for the fixed
point intended in Deut. i. 2 as Kadesh-Barnea.
The indications of locality strongly point to a
site near where the mountain of the Amoritcs
descends to the low region of the Arabah and
Dead Sea. The nearest approximation which
can be given to a site for the city of Kadesh
may be probably attained bv drawing a circle,
from the pass Et-Sifa, at the radius of about a
day's journey ; its south-western quadrant will
intersect the " wilderness of Paran," or Et-Tih,
whkh is there orerhnng by the superimposed
plateau of the mountain of the Amorites;
while its south-eastern one will cross what has
been designated as the " wilderness of Zin."
This seems to satisfy all the conditions of the
passages of Genesis, Numbers, and Deuteron-
omy, which refer to it The nearest site in har-
mony with this view, which has yet been sug-
gested (Robinson, ii. 175), is undoubtedly the
Ain d- Weibeh. To this, however, is opposed
the remark of a traveller (Stanley, 5. and P.
95) who went probably with a deliberate inten-
tion of testing the local features in reference to
this suggestion, that it does not afford among
its "stony shelves of three or four feet high
any proper " cliff," snch as is the word specially
describing that "rock" (A. V.) from which the
water gushed. Notice is due to the attempt to
discover Kadesh in Petra, the metropolis of the
Xxbathaeans (Stanley, 5. and P. 94), embedded
in the mountains to which the name of Mount
Seir is admitted by all authorities to apply, and
almost overhung by Mount Hor. A paper in
the Journal of Sacred Literature, April, 1860, en-
titled A Critical Enquiry into the Route of the
Exodus, discards all the received sites for Sinai,
even that of Mount Hor, and fixes on Elusa
[El-Kaletah) as that of Kadesh.
Kad'miel, one of the Levites, who, with
fats family, returned from Babylon with Zerob-
ssbef, and apparently a representative of the
descendants of Hodaviah, or, as he is elsewhere
called, Hbd»reh or Jndah (Ear. ii. 40 ; Neh.
rii. 43/. He suid bis house are prominent in
history on three occasions (Ear. ui. 9 ; Neh
ix. 4, 5, x. 9).
Kad'monites, the, a people named in
Gen. xv. 19 only; one of the nations who at
that time occupied the land promised to the
descendants of Abram. Bocnart derives the
Kadmonites from Cadmus, and further identi-
fies them with the Hivites. It is more proba-
ble that the name Kadmonite in its one occur-
rence is a synonymc for the Bknb-Kzdem, —
the " children of the East"
Kalla'i, a priest in the days of Joiakim the
son of Jeshua. He represented the family of
Sallai (Neh. xii. 20).
Ka'nah, one of the places which formed
the landmarks of the boundary of Asher ; ap-
parently next to Zidon-rabbah, or " great Zi-
don " (Josh. xix. 28 only). If this inference
is correct, then Kanah can hardly be identified
in the modern village Kana, six miles inland,
not from Zidon, but from Tyre, nearly 20
miles south thereof. An Ain- Kana is marked
in the map of Van de Velde, about 8 miles
S.E. of Saida (Zidon), dose to the conspicuous
village Jurjua, at whioh latter place Zidon
lies rail in view (Van de Velde, ii. 437). This,
at least, answers more nearly the requirements
of the text.
Ka'nah, the River, a stream falling into
the Mediterranean, which formed the division
between the territories of Ephraim and Manas-
seh, the former on the south, the latter on the
north (Josh. xvi. 8, xvii. 9). Dr. Robinson
(iii. 135) identifies it "without doubt" with a
wady, which, taking its rise in the central
mountains of Ephraim, near Akrabeh, some 7
miles S. E. of Nablus, enters the sea just above
Jaffa as Nahr d-Aujrh ; bearing during part of
its course the name of Wady Kanah, The
conjecture of Schwarz (51 ) is more plausible —
that it is a wady which commences west of and
close to Nablus, at Ain d-Kliauab, and falls into
the sea as Nahr Falaik, and which bears also the
name of Wady d-Khassab — the reedy stream.
Kare'ah, the father of Johanan and Jona-
than, who supported Gedalioh's authority and
avenged his murder (Jcr. xl, 8, 13, 15, 16, xli.
11, 13, 14, 16, xlii. 1, 8, xliii. 2, 4, 5).
Karka'a, one of the landmarks on the south
boundary of the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 3).
Its site is unknown.
Kar/kor, the place in which Zebah and
Zalmunna were again routed by Gideon (Judg.
viii. 10). It must have been on the east of the
Jordan, beyond the district of the towns, in the
open wastes inhabited by the nomad tribes.
But it is difficult to believe that it can have
been so far to the south as it is placed by Euse-
bins and Jerome, namely, one day's journey
(about 15 miles) north or Petra.
Kar'tah, a town of Zebnlun, allotted to the
Mcrarito Levites (Josh. xxi. 34).
Kar'tan, a city of Naphtali, allotted to
the Gershonite Levites (Josh. xxi. 32). In the
parallel list of 1 Chr. vi. the name appears in
the more expanded form of Kijuathaim (ver.
76).
Kat'tath, one of the cities of the tribe of
Zebulnn (Josh. xix. 15). Schwan seeks to
identify it with Kana d-Jelil, — most probably
the Caka or Galilbb of the N. T.
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KEDESH
446
KENITE
Ke'dar, the second in order of the sons of
Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 13 ; 1 Chr. i. 29), and the
name of a great tribe of the Arabs, settled on
the north-went of the peninsula and the con-
fines of Palestine. This tribe seems to have
been, with Tema, the chief representative of
Ishmael 'g sons in the western portion of the
land they originally peopled. The " glory of
Kedar " is recorded by the prophet Isaiah (xxi.
13-17) in the burden upon Arabia; and it sim-
portance may also be inferred from the " princes
of Kedar," mentioned by Ez. (xxvii. 21 ), as
well as the pastoral character of the tribe.
They appear also to have been, like the wan-
dering tribes of the present day, " archers " and
" mighty men " (Is. xxi. 17; comp. Ps. cxx.
5). That they also settled in villages or towns
we find from Isaiah (xlii. 11). The tribe
seems to have been one of the most conspicu-
ous of all the Ishmaelite tribes, and hence the
rabbins call the Arabians universally by this
name. As a link between Bible history and
Mohammedan traditions, the tribe of Kedar is
probably found in the people called the Cedrei
by Pliny, on the confines of Arabia Petrasa to
the south.
Ke'demah, the youngest of the sons of
Ishmael (Gen. xxv. IS; 1 Chr. i. 31).
Ke'demoth, one of the towns in the dis-
trict east of the bead Sea allotted to the tribe
of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 18) ; given to the Mera-
rite Lcvitcs (Josh. xxi. 37 ; 1 Chr. vi. 79). It
possibly conferred its name on the " wilder-
ness," or uncultivated pasture-land, " of Kcdc-
nioth " (Num. xxi. 23 ; Deut. ii. 26, 27, &c).
As in other cases, we must await further inves-
tigation on the east of the Dead Sea.
Ko'desh. 1. In the extreme south of Ju-
dah (Josh. xv. 23). — 2. A city of Issachur,
which, according to the catalogue of 1 Chr. vi.,
was allotted to the Gershonite Levitts (ver. 72).
The Kcdcsh mentioned among the cities whoso
kings were slain by Joshuu (Josh. xii. 22), in
company with Mcgiddo and Jokneam of Car-
mel, would seein to have been this city of Issu-
«har. — 3. Kedesh ; also Kedesh in Gali-
lee : and once, Judg. iv. 6, Kkdesh-Nafh-
tali. One of the fortified cities of the tribe of
Naphtali, named between Iiozor and Edrei
(Josh. xix. 37) ; appointed as a city of refuge,
and allotted with its " suburbs " to the Ger-
shonite Levites (xx. 7, xxi. 32; 1 Chr. vi. 76).
It was the residence of Barak (Judg. iv. 6),
and there he and Deborah assembled the tribes
of Zebulun and Naphtali before the conflict (9,
10), being probably, as its name implies, a
" holv place of great antiquity. It was taken
by Tiglath-Pilcser in the reign of Pckah (2 K.
xv. 29). Its next and last appearance in the
Bible is as the scene of a battle !>etwecn Jona-
than Maccabaeus and the forces of Demetrius
(1 Mace. xi. 63, 73, A. V. Cades). After this
time it is spoken of by Joscphus as in the pos-
session of the Tvriuns — " n strong inland vil-
lage," well fortified. Dr. Robinson has, with
great probability, identified the spot at Kadn,
a village situated on the western edge of the
basin of the Ard el-ffuUh, the great depressed
basin or tract through which the Jordan makes
its way into the Sea of Merom. Kadn lie* 10
English miles N. of Safed, 4 to the N. W. of
the upper part of the Sea of Merom, and It
or 13 S. of Bania$.
Kehel&'thah, a desert encampment of the
Israelites (Mum. xxxiii. 22), of which lathing
is known.
Keilah, a city of the Shefelah or lowland
district ot Judah (Josh. xv. 44). Its main in-
terest consists m its connection with David.
He rescued it from an attack of the Philistines,
who had fallen upon the town at the beginning
of the harvest. It was then a fortified place,
with walls, gates, and bars (1 Sam. xxiu. 7).
During this time the massacre of Nob was per-
petrated, and Keilah became the repository of
the sacred epbod, which Abiathar the priest,
the sole survivor, had carried off with him
(ver. 6). The inhabitants soon plotted David's
betrayal to Saul, then on his road to besiege
the place. Of this intention, David was warned
by divine intimation. He therefore left] I Sam.
xxiii. 7-13). In the map of Lieut Van de
Velde (1858), the name Kila occurs attached to
a site with ruins, on the lower road from Bek
Jibrin to Hebron, at very nearly the right dis-
tance from B. Jibrin (almost certainly Eleutbe-
ropolis), and in the neighborhood of Bat Ako%
(Nezib) and Mama (Marcshab).
Keilah the Garmite, apparently a de-
scendant of the great Caleb (1 Chr. iv. 19).
There is no apparent connection with the town
Keilah.
Kelai'ah = Kelita (Ezr. x. 23).
Kelita, one of the Levites who returned
with Ezra (Ezr. x. 23). He assisted in ex-
pounding the law (Ncli. viii. 7), and signed the
covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 10).
Kem'uel. 1. The son of Nahor by Mtf-
cah, and father of Aram (Gen. xxii. 21 ). — 2.
The son of Shiphtan, and prince of the tribe
of Ephroim ; one of the twelve men appointed
by Moses to divide the land of Canaan (Num.
xxxiv. 24). — 3. A Lcvitc, father of Hasha-
biah, prince of the tribe in the reign of David
(1 Chr. xxvii. 17).
Ke'nan = Cain an the son of Enos (1 Chr.
i. 2), whose name is also correctly given in this
form in the margin of Gen. v. 9.
Ke'nath, one of the cities on the east of
Jordan, with its "daughter-towns" (A. V.
■'villages") taken possession of by a certain
Nobah, who then called it by his own name
(Num. xxxii. 42). Its site has been recovered
with tolerable certainty in our own times at
Kenawat, a ruined town at the southern extremi-
ty of the Lejah, about 20 miles N. of BSsral.
Ke'naz. 1. Son of Eliphaz, the son of
Esau. He was one of the dukes of Edom (Gen.
xxx vi. 15, 42; 1 Chr. i. 53). — 2. One of the
same family, a grandson of Caleb, according to
1 Chr. iv. 15, where, however, the Hebrew text
is corrupt. Another name has possibly fallen
out before Kenaz.
Ke'neeite ( written Keniszite, A. V.
Gen. xv. 19), an Edomitish tribe (Num. xxxii.
12 ; Josh. xiv. 6, 14). It is difficult to account
for the Kenezites existing as a tribe so early as
before the birth of Isaac, as they appear to have
done from Gen. xv. 19. But the enumeration
may be a later explanatory addition by Moaea
or some later editor.
Ke'nite, the, and Ke'nitea, the, a tribe
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KETURAH
447
KIDBON
or nation whose history it strangely interwoven
with that of the chosen people. The fint men-
tion of them is in company with the Kenizzites
and Kadmonites (Gen. xv. 19). Their origin
it hidden from us. Bat we may fairly infer
that they were a branch of the larger nation of
Mini ah — from the met that Jethro, who in
Exodus (see ii. IS, 16, iv. 19, &c.) is represent-
ed as dwelling in the land of Midian, and as
priest or prince of that nation is in Judges
Ji. 16, iv. 11) as distinctly said to hare been a
Kenite. The important services rendered by
the sheik of the Kenite* to Moses, daring a time
of great pressure and difficulty, were rewarded
by the latter with a promise of firm friendship
between the two peoples. The connection then
commenced lasted as firmly as a connection
conld last between a settled people like Israel
and one whose tendencies were so ineradicably
nomadic as the Kenites. They seem to have
accompanied the Hebrews during their wander-
inn (Num. xxiv. 21,22; Judg. i. 16 ; comp.
1 Chr. xxviii. 15). But, the wanderings of Is-
rael over, they forsook the neighborhood of the
towns, and betook themselves to freer air — to
" the wilderness of Judah, which is to the south
of And" (Judg. i. 16). But one of the
sheiks of the tribe, Heber by name, had wan-
dered north instead of south (Judg. iv. II).
The most remarkable development of this peo-
ple is to be found in the sect or family of the
RkCIIABITBS.
Ke'nizzite. Gen. xr. 19. [Kikbzitc]
Ke ren-Hap'puch, the youngest of the
daughters of Job, born to him during the pe-
riod of his reviving prosperity (Job xlh. 14).
Ke'rioth. L A name which occurs among
the lists of the towns in the southern district
of Judah (Josh. xv. 25). According to the
A. V. (" Kcr.oth, and Hezron ") it denotes a dis-
tract place from the name which follows it; but
this separation is not in accordance with the
accentuation of the Bee. Hebrew text, and is
now generally abandoned, and the name taken
ss "Kfiriyoth-Hcxron, which is Hasor." Dr.
Robinson and Lieu~. Van de Velde propose to
identify it with Kuryrtein (" the two cities ),
a mined site which stands about 10 miles S.
from Hebron, and 3 from Main (Maon). — 2.
A dry of Moab, named by Jeremiah only ( Jer.
*lriu. 24). By Mr. Porter it is unhesitatingly
identified with Kvraydi, a ruined town of some
extent lying between DisraJt and Sidkhad, in
the southern part of fhc Battrm. The chief
argument in favor of this is the proximity
of KvtiifA to BuiraA, which Mr. Porter ac-
cepts as identical with the Bozrah of the same
passage of Jeremiah.
Ke'roa, one of the Nethinim, whose de-
scendants returned with Zerubbabel (Ear. ii. 44 ;
Neb., vii. 47).
Kettle, a vessel for culinary or sacrificial
purposes (1 Sam. ii. 14). The Hebrew word
» also rendered "basket" in Jer. xxiv. 2,
" caldron " in 2 Chr. xxxv. 13, and " pot " in
Job xli. 20.
Ketu'rah, the wife whom Abraham " added
«d took" (A. V. "again took") besides, or
wer the death of, Sarah (Gen. xxv. 1 ; I Chr.
«-SJ). Gesenius and others adopt the theory that
Abraham took Ketnrah after Sarah's death ; but
probability seems against it (compare Gen. xvii
17, xviii. 11; Rom. iv. 19; and Heb. xi. 12),
and we incline to the belief that the passage
commencing with xxv. 1, and comprising per-
haps the whole chapter, or at least as far as
ver. 10, is placed out of its chronological se-
quence in order not to break the main narra-
tive ; and that Abraham took Ketnrah during
Sarah's lifetime. That she was strictly speak-
ing his wife is also very uncertain. In the rec-
ord in 1 Chr. i. 32, she is called a " concubine "
(comp. Gen. xxv. 5, 6). Keturah herself is by
Arab writers mentioned very rarely and vague-
ly, and evidently only in quoting from a rabbin-
ical writer. M Canssin de Perceval (Eaai, i.
179) has endeavored to identify her with the
name of a tribe of the Amalekites called Ka-
toora ; bnt his arguments are not of any weight.
Key. The key of a native Oriental lock is
a piece of wood, from 7 inches to 2 feet in
length, fitted with wires or short nails, which,
being inserted laterally into the hollow bolt
which serves as a lock, raises other pins within
the staple so as to allow the bolt to be drawn
back. But it is not difficult to open a lock of
this kind even without a key, viz. with the fin-
ger dipped in paste or other adhesive substance.
The passage Cant. v. 4, 5, la thus probably ex-
plained.
Iron Key. (Fran Thabw.)
Kezri'a, the second of the daughters of Job,
born to him after his recovery (Job xlii. 14).
Ke'ziz, the Valley of, one of the " cities "
of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 21 ), and the eastern
border of the tribe.
Kib'roth-Hatta'avah, Num. xi. 34;
marg. " the graves of lust" (comp. xxxiii. 17).
From there being no change of spot mentioned
between it and Taberah in xi. 3, it is probably,
like the latter, about throe days' journey from
Sinai (x. 33), and near the sea (xi. 22, 31 ). If
IlOdhera be Hazcroth, then " the graves of
lust " may be perhaps within a day's journey
thence in the direction of Sinai.
Kibxa'im, a city of Mount Ephraim, given
up with its " suburbs " to the Kohatbite Levites
(xxi. 22). In the parallel list of 1 Chr. vi.,
Jokheam is substituted for Kibzaim (ver. 68).
Kid. [Goat.]
Kid'ron, the Brook, a torrent or valley
— not a " brook," as in the A. V. — close to
Jerusalem. It lay between the city and the
Mount of Olives, and was crossed by David in
his flight (2 Sam. xv. 23 ; comp. 30), and by
our Lord on His way to Gcthsemane (John
xviii. 1 ; comp. Mark xiv. 26 ; Luke xxii. 39).
Its connection with these two occurrences is
alone sufficient to leave no doubt that the Na-
chal-Kidron is the deep ravine on the east of
Jerusalem, now commonly known as the " Val-
ley of Jehoshaphat." But it would seem as if
the name were formerly applied also to the ra-
vines surrounding other portions of Jerusalem
— the south or the west; since Solomon's pro-
hibition to Shimei to " pass over the torrent
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KIDRON
448
KING
Kidron" (1 K. ii. 37) is said to have been
broken by the latter when he went in the direc-
tion of Gath to seek his fugitive slaves (41,42).
But there is no evidence of the name Kidron
having been applied to the southern or western
ravines of the city. The distinguishing pecu-
liarity of the Kidron Valley — that in respect to
which it is most frequently mentioned in the
O. T. — is the impurity which appears to have
been ascribed to it. In the time of Josiah it
was the common cemetery of the city (2 K.
xxiii. 6 ; comp. Jcr. xxvi. 23, " graves of the
common people"). How long the valley con-
tinued to be used for a burying-place, it is very
hard to ascertain. To the date of the monu-
ments at the foot of Olivet we have at present
no clew ; but even if they are of pre-Christian
tiroes there is no proof that they are tombs.
At present it is the favorite resting-place of
Moslems and Jews, the former on the west, the
latter on the cast, of the vallcv. The following
description of the Valley of Kidron in its mod-
ern state is taken from Dr. Robinson : — From
the head of the valley, the dome of the Holy
Sepulchre bears S. by E. The tract around
this spot is very rocky. The valley runs for 1 5
minutes directly towards the city; it is here
shallow, and broad, and in some parts tilled,
though very stony. It now turns nearly east,
almost at a right angle, and passes to the
northward of the Tombs of the Kings. Here
it is about 200 rods distant from the city ; and
the tract between is tolerably level ground,
planted with olive-trees. The valley is still
shallow, and runs in the same direction for
about 10 minutes. It then bends again to the
south, and, following this general course, passes
between the city and the Mount of Olives.
Before reaching the citv, and also opposite its
northern part, the valley spreads out into a
basin of some breadth, which is tilled, and con-
tains plantations of olive and other fruit trees.
As the valley descends, the steep side upon the
right becomes more and more elevated above
it; until, at the Gate of St. Stephen, the
height of this brow is about 100 feet. Here
a path winds down from the gate on a course
S. E. by E., and crosses the valley by a bridge.
Below the bridge the valley contracts gradual-
ly, and sinks more rapidly. At the distance of
1,000 feet from the bridge on a course S. 10°
W. the bottom of the valley has become merely
a deep gully, the narrow bed of a torrent, from
which the hills rise directly on each side. Here
another bridge is thrown across it on an arch.
The valley now continues of the same charac-
ter, and follows the same course (S. 10° W.)
for 550 feet farther ; where it makes a sharp
turn for a moment towards the right. This
portion is the narrowest of all ; it is here a
mere ravine between high mountains. Below
the short turn above mentioned, a line of 1,025
feet on a course S. W. brings us to the Foun-
tain of the Virgin, lying deep under the west-
ern hill. The valley has now opened a little ;
but its bottom is still occupied only by the bed
of the torrent. From here a course S. 20° W.
carried us along the village of Siloam (Kefr
Selwdn) on the eastern side, and at 1,170 feet we
were opposite the month of the Tvropoeon and
the Pool of Siloam, which lies 255 feet within
it. Farther down, the valley opens more, and
is tilled. A line of 685 feet on the same course
(S. 20° W.) brought us to a rocky point of the
eastern hill, here called the Mount of Offence,
over against the entrance of the Valley of
Hinnom. Thence to the Well of Job or Nehe-
miah is 275 feet due south. Below the Well of
Nehemiah the Valley of JchosUnphat continues
to run S. S. W. between the Mount of Offenca
and the Hill of Evil Counsel, so called. At
about 1,500 feet or 500 yards below the well the
valley bends off S. 75° E. for half a mile or
more, and then turns again more to the south,
and pursues its way to the Dead Sea. The
width of the main valley below the well, as far
as to the turn, varies from 50 to 100 yards ; it
is full of olive and fig trees, and is in most
parts ploughed, and sown with grain. Farther
(town it takes the name among the Arabs of
Wady er-Rdlub, " Monks' Valley," from the Con-
vent of St. Saba situated on it ; and still nearer
to the Dead Sea it is also called Wadg en-Nar,
" Fire Valley." The channel of the Valley of
Jehoshaphat, the Brook Kidron of the Scrip-
tures, is nothing more than the dry bed of a
wintry torrent, bearing marks of being occa-
sionally swept over by a large volume of water.
One point is unnoticed in Dr. Robinson's de-
scription, sufficiently curious and well-attested
to merit further careful investigation — the pos-
sibility that the Kidron flows below the present
surface of the ground. Dr. Barclay mentions
" a fountain that bursts forth during the winter
in a valley entering the Kidron from the north,
and flow's several hundred yards before it
sinks ; " and again he testifies that at a point in
the vallev about two miles below the city the
murmunngs of a stream deep below the ground
may be distinctly heard, whioh stream, on ex-
cavation, he actually discovered. His inference
is that between the two points the brook U
flowing in a subterraneous channel, as is " not
at all unfrcquent in Palestine."
Ki'nah, a city of Judoh, one of those which
lay on the extreme south boundary of the tribe,
next to Edom (Josh. xv. 22). The "town
Cinali, situated near the wilderness of Zin," with
which Schwarz would identify it, is not to be
found in his own or any other map.
Kindred. I. Of the special names denot-
ing relation by consanguinity, the principal will
be found explained under their proper heads,
Father, Brother, &c. It will lie there seen
that the words which denote near relation in
the direct line are used also for the other supe-
rior or inferior degrees in that line, as grand-
father, grandson, &c. — II. The words which
express collateral consanguinity are — 1 . uncle ;
2. aunt; 3. nephew; 4. niece (not in A. V.) ;
5. cousin. — III. The terms of affinity are — 1.
(a) father-in-law, (6) mother-in-law ; 2. (a) son-
in-law, (6) daughter-in-law ; 3. (a) brother-in-
law, (6) sister-in-law. The domestic and eco-
nomical questions arising out of kindred may
licclassed under the three heads of Masbiaok,
Inheritance, and Blood-Revenge, and the
reader is referred to the articles on those subjects
for information thereon.
Kine. [Cow.]
King, the name of the supreme ruler of
the Hebrews during a period of about 500 years
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GooQle
KING
i49
KING
previous to the destruction of Jerusalem, B.C.
586. The immediate occasion of the substitu-
tion of a regal form of government for that of
the Judges seems to have been the siege of
Jabesb-Gilead by Nahash, king of the Ammon-
ites (1 Sam. xi. 1, xii. 12), and the refusal to
allow the inhabitants of that city to capitulate,
except on humiliating and cruel conditions
(1 Sam. xi. 2, 4-6). The conviction seems to
have forced itself on the Israelites that they
could not resist their formidable neighbor unless
they placed themselves under the sway of a
king, like surrounding nations. Concurrently
with this conviction, disgust had been excited
by the corrupt administration of justice under
the sons of Samuel, and a radical change was
desired by them in this respect also (1 Sam.
viii. 3-5). Accordingly the original idea of a
Hebrew king was twofold : first, that he should
lead the people to battle in time of war ; and,
2dly, that he should execute judgment and jus-
tice to them in war and in peace ( 1 Sam. viii. 20).
In both respects the desired end was attained. To
form a correct idea of a Hebrew king, we must
abstract ourselves from the notions of modern
Europe, and realize the position of Oriental
sovereigns. The following passage of Sir John
Malcolm respecting the Shahs of Persia, may,
with some slight modifications, be regarded as
fairly applicable to the Hebrew monarchy under
David and Solomon : — " The monarch of Per-
sia has been pronounced to be one of the most
absolute in the world. His word has ever been
deemed a law : and be has probably never had
any further restraint upon the free exercise of
his vast authority than has arisen from his
regard far religion, his respect for established
usages, his desire of reputation, and his fear of
exciting an opposition that might be dangerous
to his power, or to his life" (Malcolm's Persia,
voL ii. 303). Besides being commander-in-
chief of the army, supreme judge, and absolute
ouster, as it were, or the lives of his subjects,
the king exercised the power of imposing taxes
on them, and of exacting from them personal
service slid labor. And the degree to which the
exaction of personal labor might be carried on
a special occasion is illustrated by King Solo-
mon's requirements for building the temple.
In addition to these earthly powers, the King
of Israel had a more awful chum to respect and
obedience. He was the vicegerent of Jehovah
(1 Sam. x. 1, xvi. 13), and as it were His son,
if just and holy (2 Sam. vii. 14; Ps. lxxxix.
36, 27, it 6, 7). He had been set apart as a
consecrated ruler. Upon his head had been
poured the holy anointing oil, composed of
olive-oil, myrrh, cinnamon, sweet calamus, and
cassia, which had hitherto been reserved exclu-
sively for the priests of Jehovah, especially the
high-priest, or had been solely used to anoint
the Tabernacle of the Congregation, the Ark
of the Testimony, and the vessels of the Tab-
ernacle (Ex. xxx. 23-33, xl. 9; Lev. xxi. 10;
I K. L 39). He had become, in fact, emphati-
cally " the Lord's Anointed" A ruler in whom
so much authority, human and divine, was em-
bodied, was naturally distinguished by outward
boners and luxuries. He had a court of Ori-
ental magnificence. When the power of the
kingdom was at its height, he sat on a throne
67
of ivory, covered with pure gold, at the feet of
which were two figures of lions. The king was
dressed in royal robes (1 K. xxii. 10; 2 Clir.
xviii. 9) ; his insignia were, a crown or diadem
of pure gold, or perhaps radiant with precious
gems (2 Sam. i. 10, xii. 30; 2 K. xi. 12; IV
xxi. 3), and a royal sceptre. Those who ap-
proached him did him obeisance, bowing down
and touching the ground with their foreheads
(1 Sam. xxiv. 8; 2 Sam. xix. 18); and this
was done even by a king's wife, the mother of
Solomon (1 K. i. 16). Their officers and sub-
jects called themselves his servants or slaves,
though they do not seem habitually to have
given way to such extravagant salutations as
in the Chaldsean and Persian courts (1 Sam.
xvii. 32, 34, 36, xx. 8 ; 2 Sam. vi. 20 ; Dan.
ii. 4). As in the East to this day, a kiss was a
sign of respect and homage (1 Sam. x. 1, per-
haps Ps. ii. 12). He lived in a splendid palace,
with porches and columns ( 1 K. vii. 2-7). All
his drinking vessels were of gold ( 1 K. x. 21 ).
He had a Targe harem, which in the time of
Solomon must have been the source of enor-
mous expense. As is invariably the case in the
great Eastern monarchies at present, his harem
was guarded by eunuchs ; translated " officers "
in the A. V. for the most part (1 Sam. viii. 15;
2 K. xxiv. 12, 15 ; 1 K. xxii. 9 ; 2 K. viii. 6, ix.
32, 33, xx. 18, xxiii. 11 ; Jer. xxxviii. 7). The
law of succession to the throne is somewhat
obscure, but it seems most probable that the
king during his lifetime named his successor.
This was certainly the case with David (1 K.
i. 30, ii. 22) ; and with Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi.
21, 22). At the same time, if no partiality for
a favorite wife or son intervened, there would
always be a natural bias of affection in favor of
the eldest son. The following is a list of some
of the officers of the king : — 1 . The Recorder
or Chronicler, who was perhaps analogous to
the Historiographer whom Sir John Malcolm
mentions as an officer of the Persian court,
whose duty it is to write the annals of the king's
reign (History of Persia, c. 23). 2. The Scribe
or Secretary (2 Sam. viii. 17, xx. 25 ; 2 K. xii.
10, xix. 2, xxii. 8). 3. The officer who was
"over the house" (Is. xxxii. 15, xxxvi. 3).
His duties would be those of chief steward of
the household, and would embrace all the in-
ternal economical arrangements of the palace.
4. The king's friend (1 K. iv. 5), called likewise
the king's companion. 5. The keeper of the
vestry or wardrobe (2 K. x. 22). 6. The cap-
tain of the body-guard (2 Sam. xx. 23). 7.
Distinct officers over the king's treasures, his
storehouses, laborers, vineyards, olive-trees and
sycamore-trees, herds, camels, and flocks (1 Chr.
xxvii. 25-31 ). 8. The officer over all the host
or army of Israel, the commander-in-chief of
the army (2 Sam. xx. 23; 1 Chr. xxvii. 34;
2 Sam. xi. 1). 9. The royal councillors (1 Chr.
xxvii. 32; Is. iii. 3, xix. 11, 13). The follow-
ing is a statement of the sources of the royal
revenues : — 1 . The royal demesnes, corn-fields,
vineyards, and olive-gardens. 2. The produce
of the royal flocks ( 1 Sam. xxi. 7 ; 2 Sam.
xiii. 23; 2 Chr. xxvi. 10; 1 Chr. xxvii. 25).
3. A nominal tenth of the produce of com-land
and vineyards and of sheep (1 Sam. viii. 15, 17).
4. A tribute from merchants who passed through
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KINGS, BOOKS OF
450
KINGS, BOOKS OF
the Hebrew territory (I K. x. 14). 9. Presents
made by his subjects (1 Sam. x. 27, xvi. 20;
1 K. x. 25 ; Ps. lxxii. 10). 6. In the time of
Solomon, the king had trading vessels of his
own at sea (1 K. x. 22). It is probable that
Solomon and some other kings may have de-
rived some revenue from commercial ventures
(1 K. ix. 28). 7. The spoils of war taken from
conquered nations and the tribute paid by them
(2 Sam. viii. 2, 7, 8, 10 ; 1 K. iv. 21 ; 2 Chr.
xxvii. 5). 8. Lastly, an undefined power of
exacting compulsory labor, to which reference
has been already made (1 Sam. viii. 12, 13, 16).
Kings, First and Second Books of,
originally only one book in the Hebrew Canon,
and first edited in Hebrew as two by Bomberg,
after the model of the LXX. and the Vulgate.
They are called by the LXX., Origcn, &c.,
VaaiXeiuv Tptrn and TtTupn), third and fourth of
the Kingdom* (the books of Samuel being the
first and second), but by the Latins, with few
exceptions, tertius et quartus Rtgum liber. The
division into two books, being purely artificial
and as it were mechanical, may be overlooked
in speaking of them ; and it must also be re-
membered that the division between the books
of Kings and Samuel is equally artificial, and
that in point of fact the historical books com-
mencing with Judges and ending with 2 Kings
present the appearance of one work. But to
confine ourselves to the books of Kings. We
shall consider — I. Their historical and chron-
ological range ; — II. Their peculiarities of dic-
tion, and other features in their literary aspect ;
— III. Their authorship, and the sources of
the author's information ; — IV. Their relation
to the books of Chronicles ; — V. Their place
in the Canon, and the references to them in the
New Testament. — I. The books of Kings range
from David's death and Solomon's accession to
the throne of Israel, commonly reckoned as
B.C. 1015, but according to Lepsius b.c. 993, to
the destruction of the kingdom of Judah and
the desolation of Jerusalem, and the burning
of the Temple, according to the same reckoning,
B.C. 588 (b.c. 586, Lepsius), — a period of 427
(or 405) years : with a supplemental notice of
an event that occurred after an interval of 26
years, viz. the liberation of Jehoiachin from his
prison at Babylon, and a still further extension
to Jehoiachin s death, the time of which is not
known, but which was probably not long after
his liberation. The history therefore compre-
hends the whole time of the Israel it ish mon-
archy, exolusive of the reigns of Saul and David.
As regards the affairs of foreign nations, and
the relation of Israel to them, the historical
notices in these books, though in the earlier
times scanty, are most valuable, and in striking
accordance with the latest additions to our
knowledge of contemporary profane history.
The names of Omri, Jehu, Menahcm, Hoshca,
Hezekiah, &c., are believed to have been de-
ciphered in the cuneiform inscriptions, which
also contain pretty full accounts of the cam-
paigns of Tigfath-Pileser, Sargon, Sennacherib,
and Esarhaddon : Shalmaneser's name has not
yet been discovered, though two inscriptions in
the British Museum are thought to refer to his
reign. Another most important aid to a right
anderstanding of the history in these books,
ana to the filling-up of its outline, is to be found
in the prophets, and especially in Isaiah and
Jeremiah.
It must, however, be admitted that the chron-
ological details expressly given in the books of
Kings form a remarkable contrast with their
striking historical accuracy. These details are
inexplicable, and frequently entirely contradic-
tory. The very first date of a decidedly chron-
ological character which is given, that of the
foundation of Solomon's temple (1 K. vi. 1), U
manifestly erroneous, as being irreconcilable
with any view of the chronology of the times
of the Judges, or with St. Paul's calculation,
Acts xiii. 20. It is in fact abandoned by almost
all chronologists, to whatever school they be-
long, whether ancient or modern, and is utterly
ignored by Josephus. As regards, however,
these chronological difficulties, it must be ob-
served they are of two essentially different kinds.
One kind is merely the want of the data neces-
sary for chronological exactness. Bnt the other
kind of difficulty is of a totally different charac-
ter, and embraces dates which are very exact
in their mode of expression, but are erroneous
and contradictory. (I.) When we sum up the
years of all the reigns of the kings of Israel as
given in the books of Kings, and then all the
years of the reigns of the kings of Judab from
the 1st of Rehoboam to the 6th of Hezekiah,
we find that, instead of the two sums agreeing,
there is an excess of 1 9 or 20 years in Judah ;
the reigns of the latter amounting to 261 years,
while the former make up only 242. But we
are able to get somewhat nearer to the seat of
this disagreement, because it so happens that
the parallel hintories of Israel and Judah touch
in four or five points where the synchronisms
are precisely marked. These points are (1 ) at
the simultaneous accessions of Jeroboam and
Rehoboam ; (2) at the simultaneous deaths of
Jehoram and Abaziah, or, which is the same
thing, the simultaneous accessions of Jehu and
Athalioh; (3) at the 15th year of Amaziah,
which was the 1st of Jeroboam II. (2 K. xiv.
17) ; (4) in the reign of Ahaz, which was con-
temporary with some part of Pekah's, viz. ac-
cording to the text of 2 K. xvi. 1, the three
first years of Ahaz with the three last of Pekah ;
and (5) at the 6th of Hezekiah, which was the
9th of Hoshca. Beginning with the sub-period
which commences with the double accession of
Rehoboam and Jeroboam, and closes with the
double death of Ahaziah and Jehoram, we find
that the six reigns in Judah make up 95 years,
and the eight reigns in Israel make up 98 years.
Here there is an excess of 3 years in the king-
dom of Israel, which may, however, bo readily
accounted for by the frequent changes of dy-
nasty there, and the probability of fragments
of years being reckoned as whole years, thus
causing the same year to be reckoned twice
over. Beginning, again, at the double acces-
sion of Athaliah and Jehu, we have in Judah
7+40+14 first years of Amaziah =61, to cor-
respond with 28+17 + 16=61, ending with
the lost year of Jehoash in Israel. Starting
again with the 15th of Amaziah •= 1 Jeroboam
II., we have 15 + 52 + 16+3 = 86 (to the 3d
year of Ahaz), to correspond with 41 + 1 + 10
+ 2 + 20 = 74 (to the close of Pekah's reign).
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where we at once detect a deficiency on the
Cof Israel of (86 — 74 = ) 12 yean, if at
s the 3d of Ahaz really corresponded with
the 20th of Pekah. And lastly, starting with
the year following that last named, we have 13
last years of Ahaz + 7 fl ret of Hezekiah = 20, to
correspond with the 9 years of Hoshea, where
we find another deficiency in Israel of 1 1 years.
The discrepance of 12 years first occurs in the
third period. We are told in 2 K. xv. 8 that
Zachariah began to reign in the 38th of Uzziah,
and (xiv. 23) that his father Jeroboam began to
reign in the 15th of Amaziuh. Jeroboam must
therefore have reigned 52 or 53 years, not 41;
for the idea of an interregnum of 11 or 12 years
between Jeroboam and his son Zachariah is
absurd. But the addition of these 12 years to
Jeroboam's reign exactly equalizes the period
in the two kingdoms, which would thus contain
86 years. As regards the discrepance of 11
years in the last period, nothing can in itself be
more probable than that cither during some part
of Pekah's lifetime, or after his death, a period,
not included in the regnal years of either Pekah
or Hoshea, should hare elapsed, when there was
either a state of anarchy, or the government was
administered by an Assyrian officer.
(2.) Turning next to the other class of diffi-
culties mentioned above, the following instances
will perhaps be thought to justify the opinion
that the dates in these books which are intended
to establish a precise chronology are the work
of a much later hand or hands than the books
themselves. The date in I K. vi. 1 is one which
is obviously intended for strictly chronological
purposes. If correct, it would, taken in con-
junction with the subsequent notes of time in
the books of Kings, supposing them to be cor-
rect also, give to a year the length of the time
from the Exodus to the Babylonian captivity,
and establish a perfect connection between
sacred and profane historv. But so little is this
the case, that this date is quite irreconcilable
with Egyptian history, and is, as stated above,
by almost universal consent rejected by chro-
nologists, even on purely scriptural grounds.
This date is followed by precise synchronistic
definitions of the parallel reigns of Israel and
Judah, the effect of which would be, and must
have been designed to be, to supply the want of
accuracy In stating the length of the reigns
without reference to the odd months. But
these synchronistic definitions are in continual
discord with the statement of the length of
reigns. According to 1 K. xxii. 51, Ahoziah
succeeded Ahab in the 17th year of Jehosha-
[ihat But according to the statement of the
ength of Aliab's reign in xvi. 29, Ahab died in
the 18th of Jehoshaphat; while, according to
3 K. i. 17, Jehoram the son of Ahaziah suc-
ceeded his brother (after his 2 years' reign) in the
second year of Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat,
though, according to the length of the reigns,
he must have succeeded in the 18th or 19th of
Jehoshaphat (see 2 K. iii. I ), who reigned in all
25 years (xxii. 42). [Jkhoram.] As regards
Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat, the statements
arc so contradictory that Archbishop Usshcr
actually makes three distinct beginnings to his
regnal era. From the length of Amaziah's
reign, as given 2 K. xiv. 2, 17, 23, it is manifest
le
that Jeroboam II. began to reign in the 15th
year of Amaziah, and that Uzziah began to
reign in the 16th of Jeroboam. But 3 K. xv. 1
places the commencement of Uzziah's reign in
the 37 th of Jeroboam, and the accession of Za-
chariah = the close of Jeroboam's reign, in the
38th of Uzziah, statements utterly contradictory
and irreconcilable. Other grave chronological
difficulties seem to have their source in the
same erroneous calculations on the part of the
Jewish chronologist.
II. The peculiarities of diction in the books
of Kings, and other features in their literary
history, may be briefly disposed of. On the
whole die peculiarities of diction in these books
do not indicate a time after the captivity, or
towards the close of it, but, on the contrary,
point pretty distinctly to the age of Jeremiah.
The general character of the language is, most
distinctly, that of the time before the Babylo-
nish captivity. But it is worth consideration
whether some traces of dialectic varieties in
Judah and Israel, and of an earlier admixture
of Sprriasms in the language of Israel, may not
be discovered in those portions of these books
which refer to the kingdom of Israel. As re-
gards the text, it is far from being perfect.
Besides the errors in numerals, some of which
are probably to be traced to this source, such
passages as 1 K. xv. 6, v. 10, compared with
r. 2, 2 K. xv. 30, nil. 16, xvii. 34, are mani-
fest corruptions of transcribers. In connection
with these literary peculiarities may be men-
tioned also some remarkable variations in the
version of the LXX. These consist of transpo-
sitions, omissions, and some considerable addi-
tions. The most important transpositions are
the history of Shimei's death, 1 K. ii. 36-46,
which in the LXX. (Cod. Vat.) comes after
iii. 1, and divers scraps from ch. iv., v., and
ix., accompanied by one or two remarks of the
translators. The sections 1 K. iv. 20-25, 2-6,
26, 21, 1, are strung together and precede 1 K.
iii. 2-28, but are many of them repeated again
in their proper places. The sections 1 K. iii. I,
ix. 16, 17, are strung together, and placed be-
tween iv. 34 and v. 1. The section 1 K. vii.
1-12 is placed after vii. 51. Section viii. 12,
13, is placed after 53. Section ix. 15-22 is
placed after x. 22. Section xi. 43, xii. 1, 3, 3,
is much transposed and confused in LXX. xi.
43, 44, xii. 1-3. Section xiv. 1-21 is placed in
the midst of the long addition to ch. xii. men-
tioned below. Section xxii. 42-50 is placed
after xvi. 28. Chaps, xx. and xxi. are trans-
posed. Section 2 K. iii. 1-3 is placed after 2 K.
1. 18. The omissions are few. Section 1 K. vi.
11-14 is entirely omitted, and 37, 38, are only
slightly alluded to at the opening of ch. iii.
The erroneous clause 1 K. xv. 6 is omitted;
and so are the dates of Asa's reign in xvi. 8
and 15; and there are a few verbal omissions
of no consequence. The chief interest lies in
the additions, of which the principal are the fol-
lowing. The supposed mention of a fountain
as among Solomon's works in the Temple in
the passage after 1 K. ii. 35 ; of a paved cause-
way on Lebanon, iii. 46 ; of Solomon pointing
to the sun at the dedication of the Temple, be-
fore he uttered the prayer, " The Lord said he
would dwell in the thick darkness," 4c, viii.
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12, 13 (after 53, LXX.), the information that
" Joram his brother " perished with Tibni, xvi.
82 ; an additional date " in the 24th year of
Jeroboam," xv. 8 ; numerous verbal additions,
as xi. 29, xvii. 1, &c. ; and lastly, the long pas-
sage concerning Jeroboam the son of Nebat, in-
serted between xii. 24 and 25. Of the other
additions the mention of Tibni's brother Joram
is the one which has most the semblance of an
historical fact, or makes the existence of any
other source of history probable. See too 1 K.
xx. 19, 2 K. xv. 25. There remains only the
long passage about Jeroboam. It appears evi-
dent that this account is only an apocryphal
version made up of the existing materials in the
Hebrew Scriptures, after the manner of 1 Es-
dras, Bel and the Dragon, the apocryphal Es-
ther, and the Targums. Another feature in the
literary condition of our books must just be
noticed, viz. that the compiler, in arranging his
materials, and adopting the very words of the
documents used by him, has not always been
careful to avoid the appearance of contradiction.
III. As regards the authorship of these
books, but little difficulty presents itself. The
Jewish tradition which ascribes them to Jere-
miah is borne out by the strongest internal
evidence, in addition to that of the language.
The last chapter, especially as compared with
the last chapter of the Chronicles, bears dis-
tinct traces of having been written by one who
did not go into captivity, but remained in
Judtea, after the destruction of the Temple.
This suits Jeremiah. The events singled out
for mention in the concise narrative are pre-
cisely those of which he had personal knowl-
edge, and in which he took special interest
The writer in Kings has nothing more to tell
us concerning the Jews or Chaldees in the land
of Judah, which exactly agrees with the hy-
pothesis that he is Jeremiah, who we know was
carried down to Egypt with the fugitives. In
fact, the date of the writing, and the position
of the writer, seem as clearly marked by the
termination of the narrative at xxv. 26, as in
the case of the Acts of the Apostles. The
annexation of this chapter to the writings of
Jeremiah so as to form Jer. lii. (with the ad-
ditional clause contained 28-30) is an evidence
of a very ancient, if not a contemporary belief,
that Jeremiah was the author of it. Going
Hack to the xxivth chapter, we find in ver. 14
an enumeration of the captives taken with
Jehoiachin identical with that in Jer. xxiv. 1 ;
in ver. 13, a reference to the vessels of the
Temple precisely similar to that in Jer. xxvii.
18-20, xxviii. 3,6. Brief as the narrative is,
it brings out all the chief points in the political
events of the time which we know were much
in Jeremiah's mind ; and yet, which is exceed-
ingly remarkable, Jeremiah is never once
named (as he is in 2 Chr. xxxvi. 12, 21 ), al-
though the manner of the writer is frequently
to connect the sufferings of Judah with their
■ins and their neglect of the Word of God, 2 K
xvii. 13, seq., xxiv. 2, 3, &c. And this leads
to another striking coincidence between that
portion of the history which belongs to Jere-
miah's times, and the writings of Jeremiah
himself. De Wette speaks of the superficial
character of the history of Jeremiah's times as
hostile to the theory of Jeremiah's authorship.
Now, considering the nature of these annals,
and their conciseness, this criticism seems very
unfounded as regards the reigns of Josiah,
Jehoahaz, Jehoiachin, and Zedekiah. It must,
however, be acknowledged that as regards Je-
hoiakim's reign, and especially the latter part
of it, and the way in which he came by hit
death, the narrative is much more meagre than
one would have expected from a contemporary
writer, living on the spot. But exactly Um
same paucity of information is found in those
otherwise copious notices of contemporary
events with which Jeremiah's prophecies are
interspersed. When it is borne in mind that
the writer of 2 Kings was a contemporary
writer, and, if not Jeremiah, must have had in-
dependent means of information, this coinci-
dence will have great weight. Going back to
the reign of Josiah, in the xxii. and xxiii.
chapters, the connection of the destruction of
Jerusalem with Manasseh's transgressions, and
the comparison of it to the destruction of Sa-
maria, ver. 26, 27, lead us back to xxi. 10-13,
and that passage leads us to Jer. vii. 15, xv.
4, xix. 3, 4, &c. The particular account of
Josiah's passover, and his other good works,
the reference in ver. 24, 25, to the law of Hoses,
and the finding of the book by Hilkiah the
priest, with the fuller account of that discovery
in ch. xxii., exactly suit Jeremiah, who began
his prophetic office in the 1 3th of Josiah ;
whose xith chap, refers repeatedly to the book
thus found; who showed his attachment to
Josiah by writing a lamentation on his death
(2 Chr. xxxv. 25), and whose writings show
how much he made use of the copy of Deuter-
onomy so fonnd. With Josiah's reign neces-
sarily cease all strongly marked characters of
Jeremiah's authorship. For though the gene-
ral unity and continuity of plan lead us to
assign the whole history in a certain sense to
one author, and enable us to carry to the ac-
count of the whole book the proofs derived
from the closing chapters, vet it must be borne
in mind that the authorship of those parts of
the history of which Jeremiah was not an eye-
witness, that is, of all before the reign of Josiah,
would have consisted merely in selecting, ar-
ranging, inserting the connecting phrases, and,
when necessary, slightly modernizing the old
histories which had been drawn np by con-
temporary prophets through the whole period
of time. See t.g. 1 K. xiii. 32. For, as regards
the sources of information, it may truly be said
that we have the narrative of contemporary
writers throughout. It has already been ob-
served [Chronicles] that there was a regular
series of state-annals both for the kingdom of
Judah and for that of Israel, which embraced
the whole time comprehended in the books of
Kings, or at least to the end of the reign of
Jehoiakim, 2 K. xxiv. 5. These annals are
constantly cited by name as " the Book of the
Acts of Solomon," 1 K. xi. 41 ; and, after-
Solomon, " the Book of the Chronicles of the
Kings of Judah, or Israel," e.g. 1 K. xiv. 29,
xv. 7, xvi. 5, 14, 20 ; 2 K. x. 34, xxiv. 5, *c ;
and it is manifest that the author of Kings had
them both before him while he drew np his
history, in which the reigns of the two king-
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donu are harmonized, and these annals con-
stantly appealed to. Bat in addition to these
national annuls, there were also extant, at the
time that the Books of Kings were compiled,
separate works of the several prophets who had
lired in Judah and Israel. Thus the acts of
Uzziah, written by Isaiah, were very likely
identical with the history of his reign in the
national chronicles ; and part of the history of
Hezekiah we know is identical in the chronicles
and in the prophet. The chapter in Jeremiah
relating to the destruction of the Temple (lii.)
is identical with that in 2 K xxiv., xxv. In
later times we have supposed that a chapter in
the prophecies of Daniel was used for the na-
tional chronicles, and appears as Ezr. ch. i.
These other works, then, as far as the memory
of them has been preserved to us, were as fol-
lows. For the time of David, the book of
Samuel the seer, the book of Nathan the proph-
et, and the book of Gad the seer (2 Sam.
xxi.-xxiv. with 1 K. i. being probably extract-
ed from Nathan's book), which seem to have
been collected — at least that portion of them
relating to David — into one work called " the
Acts of David the King," 1 Chr. xxix. 29.
For the time of Solomon, " the Book of the
Acts of Solomon," 1 K. xi. 41, consisting
probably of parts of the " Book of Nathan the
prophet, tlie prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite,
and the visions of Iddo the seer," 2 Chr. ix. 29.
For the time of Rehoboam, " the words of
Shemaiah the prophet, and of Iddo the seer,
concerning genealogies," 2 Chr. xii. 15. For
the time of Abijah, " the story of the prophet
Iddo," 2 Cbr. xiii. 22. For the time ofJe-
hoshaphat, " tho words of Jehu the son of
Hanani," 2 Chr. xx. 34. For the time of Uz-
ti&h, "the writings of Isaiah the prophet,"
2 Chr. xxvi. 22. For the time of Hezekiah,
"the vision of Isaiah the prophet, the son of
Amoz," 2 Chr. xxxii. 32. For the time of
Manasaeh, a book called " the sayings of the
leers." For the time of Jeroboam II., a proph-
ecy of " Jonah, the son of Amittai, the prophet,
of Gath-hepher," is cited, 2 K. xiv. 25 ; and it
•eems likely that there were books containing
■pedal histories of the acts of Elijah and Elisha,
seeing that the times of these prophets are de-
scribed with such copiousness. Of the latter,
Gehaa might well have been the author, to
jodjre from 2 K. viii. 4, 5, as Elisha himself
might have been of the former. Possibly too
the prophecies of Azariah the son of Oded, in
Asa's reign, 2 Chr. xv. 1, and of Hanani (2 Chr.
fi- 7), and Micaiah the son of Iralah, in
Ahab's reign ; and Eliezcr the son of Dodavah,
in Jeboshaphat's ; and Zechariuh the son of
Jehoiada, in Jehoash's ; and Oded, in Fekah's ;
sad Zechariab, in Uzziah's reign ; of the proph-
etess Huldah, in Josiah's, and others, may
ntre been preserved in writing, some or all of
^bem. With regard to the work so often cited
in the chronicles as " the Book of the Kings of
Israel and Jndah," 1 Chr. ix. 1, 2 Chr. xvi.
11, xxvii. 7, xxviii 26, xxxii. 32, xxxv. 27,
xxxvL 8, it has been thought by some that it
^*» a separate collection containing the joint
histories of the two kingdoms ; by others that
it is our Books of Kings which answer to this
description; but by Eichhorn, that it is the
same as the Chronicles of the Kings of Jndah
so constantly cited in the Books of Kings ; and
this last opinion seems the best founded.
IV. As regards the relation of the Books of
Kings to those of Chronicles, it is manifest,
and is universally admitted, that the former
is by far the older work. The language,
which is quite free from the Persicisms of the
Chronicles and their late orthography, and is
not at all more Aramaic than the language of
Jeremiah, clearly points out its relative supe-
riority in regard to age. Its subject also, em-
bracing the kingdom of Israel as well as Judah,
is another indication of its composition before
the kingdom of Israel was forgotten, and before
the Jewish enmity to Samaria, which is apparent
in such passages as 2 Chr. xx. 37, xxv., and in
those chapters of Ezra (i.-vi.) which belong to
Chronicles, was brought to maturity. While
the Books of Chronicles therefore were written
especially for the Jews after their return from
Babylon, the Book of Kings was written for the
whole of Israel, before their common national
existence was hopelessly quenched.
Another comparison ot considerable interest
between the two histories may be drawn in re-
spect to the main design, that design having a
marked relation both to the individual station
of the supposed writers, and tho peculiar cir-
cumstances of their country at the times of their
writing. Jeremiah was himself a prophet. He
lived while the prophetic office was in full vig-
or, in his own person, in Ezckicl, and Daniel,
and many others, both true and false. Accord-
ingly, we And in the Books of Kings great
prominence given to the prophetic office. Ezra,
on the contrary, was only a priest. In his days
the prophetic office had wholly fallen into ubey-
ance. That evidence of the Jews beinj; the
people of God, which consisted in the presence
of prophets among them, was no more. Bnt
to the men of his generation, the distinctive
mark of the continuance of God's favor to their
race was the rebuilding of the Temple at Jeru-
salem, the restoration of the daily sacrifice and
the Levitical worship, and the wonderful and
providential renewal of the Mosaic institutions.
Moreover, upon the principle that the sacred
writers were influenced by natural feelings in
their selection of their materials, it seems most
appropriate that while the prophetical writer in
Kings deals very fully with the kingdom of Is-
rael, in which the prophets were much more
illustrious than in Judah, the Levitical writer,
on the contrary, should concentrate all bis
thoughts round Jerusalem, where alone the Le-
vitical caste had all its powers and functions,
and should dwell upon all the instances pre-
served in existing muniments of the deeds and
even the minutest ministrations of the priests
and Levites, as well as of their faithfulness and
sufferings in the cause of truth. From the com-
parison of parallel narratives in the two books,
it appears that the results are precisely what
would naturally arise from the circumstances
of the case. The writer of Chronicles, having
the Books of Kings before him, and to a great
extent making those books the basis of his
own, but also having his own personal views,
predilections, and motives in writing, writing
for a different age, and for people under very
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different circumstances ; and, moreover, having
before him the original authorities from which
the Books of Kings were compiled, as well as
tome others, — naturally re-arranged the older
narrative as suited his purpose and his tastes ;
gave in full passages which the other had
abridged ; inserted what had been wholly omit-
ted ; omitted some things which the other had
inserted, including every thing relating to the
kingdom of Israel ; and showed the color of liis
own mind, not only in the nature of the pas-
sages which he selected from the ancient docu-
ments, but in the reflections which he frequent-
ly adds upon the events which he relates, and
possibly also in the turn given to some of the
speeches which he records. But to say, as has
been said or insinuated, that a different view
of supernatural agency and divine interposi-
tion, or of the Mosaic institutions and the
Levitical worship, is given in the two books, or
that a less historical character belongs to one
than to the other, is to say what has not the
least foundation in fact. Supernatural agency,
as in the cloud which filled the temple of Solo-
mon, 1 K. viii. 10, 11, the appearance of the
Lord to Solomon, iii. ft, 1 1, ix. 2, teq. ; the with-
ering of Jeroboam's hand, xiii. 3-6 ; the fire
from heaven which consumed Elijah's sacri-
fice, xviii. 38, and numerous other incidents in
the lives of Elijah and Elisha ; the smiting of
Sennacherib's army, 2 K. xix. 35 ; the going-
hack of the shadow on the dial of Ahaz, xx.
11, and in the very frequent prophecies uttered
and fulfilled, — is really more often adduced in
these books than in the Chronicles. The selec-
tion therefore of one or two instances of mirac-
ulous agency which happen to be mentioned in
Chronicles, and not in Kings, as indications of
the superstitious credulous disposition of the
Jews after the captivity, can have no effect but
to mislead. The same may be said of a selec-
tion of passages in Chronicles in which the
mention of Jewish idolatry is omitted. It con-
veys a false inference, because the truth is that
the chronicler does expose the idolatry of Ju-
dah as severely as the author of Kings, and
traces the destruction of Judah to such idola-
try quite as clearly and forcibly (2 Chr. xxxvi.
14, ttq.). The author of Kings again is quite
as explicit in his references to the law of Moses,
and has many allusions to the Levitical ritual,
though he does not dwell so copiously upon the
details. See e.g. 1 K. ii. 3, iii. 14, viii. 2, 4, 9,
53, 56, ix. 9. 20, x. 12, xi. 2, xii. 31, 32; 2 K.
xi. 5-7, 12, xii. 5, 11, 13, 16, xiv. 6, xvi. 13,
15, xvii. 7-12, 13-15, 34-39, xviii. 4, 6, xxii.4,
5, 8, seq., xxiii. 21, &c., besides the constant ref-
erences to the Temple, and to the illegality of
high-place worship. So that remarks on the
Levitical tone of Chronicles, when made for the
purpose of supporting the notion that the law
of Moses was a late invention, and that the Le-
vitical worship was of post-Babylonian growth,
are made in the teeth of the testimony of the
Books of Kings, as well as those of Joshua,
Judges, and Samuel. The opinion that these
books were compiled " towards the end of the
Babylonian exile " is doubtless also adopted in
order to weaken as much as possible the force
of this testimony.
V. The last point for our consideration is
the place of these books in the Canon, and the
references to them in the N. T. Their canon-
ical authority having never been disputed, it is
needless to bring forward the testimonies to
their authenticity which may be found in Jose-
pbus, Eusebius, Jerome, Augustine, &c They
are reckoned among the prophets, in the three-
fold division of the Holy Scriptures ; a position
in accordance with the supposition that they
were compiled by Jeremiah, and contain the
narratives of the different prophets in succes-
sion. They are frequently cited by our Lord
and by the apostles. Thus the allusions to
Solomon's glory (Matt vi. 29) ; to the queen
of Sheba's visit to Solomon to hear his wisdom
(xii. 42) ; to the Temple (Acts vii. 47, 48) ; to
the great drought in the days of Elijah, and the
widow of Sarepta (Luke iv. 25, 26); to the
cleansing of Naoman the Syrian (ver. 27) ; to
the charge of Elisha to Gehazi (2 K. iv. 29;
comp. with Luke x. 4) ; to the dress of Elijah
(Mark i. 6 ; comp. with 2 K. i. 8) ; to the com-
plaint of Elijah, and God's answer to him (Rom.
xi. 3, 4) ; and to the raising of the Shunam-
ite's son from the dead (Heb xi. 35) ; to the
giving and withholding the rain in answer to
Elijah's prayer (James v. 17, 18; Rev. xi. 6);
to Jezebel (Rev. ii. 20), — are all derived from
the Books of Kings, and, with the statement of
Elijah's presence at the Transfiguration, are a
stnking testimony to their value for the purpose
of religious teaching, and to their authenticity
as a portion of the Word of God.
ElT is mentioned by Amos (ix. 7) as the
land from which the Syrians (Aramteans) were
once "brought up;" i.e. apparently as the
country where they had dwelt before migrating
to the region north of Palestine. It was also
the land to which the captive Syrians of Da-
mascus were removed by Tiglath-Pileser on his
conquest of that city (2 K. xvi. 9; comp. Am.
i. 5). Isaiah joins i; with Elam in a passage
where Jerusalem is threatened with an attack
from a foreign army (xxii. 6). The common
opinion among recent commentators has been
that a tract on the River Kur or Cyrus is intend-
ed. May not Kir be a variant for A'isft or Katk
(Cush), and represent the eastern Ethiopia, the
Cissia of Herodotus ?
Kir-Hara'seth, 2 K. iii. 25.
Kir-Ha'resh, Is. xvi. n.
Kir-Hare seth, Is. xvi. 7.
Kir-He're8, Jer. xlviii. 31 , 36. This name
and the three preceding, all slight variations of
it, are all applied to one place, probably Kir-
Moab. Whether Heres refers to a worship of
the sun carried on there is uncertain ; we are
without clew to the meaning of the name.
Kir'iah, apparently an ancient or archaic
word, meaning a city or town. The grounds
for considering it a more ancient word than Ik
or Ar are — (1.) Its more frequent occurrence
in the names of places existing in the country
at the time of the conquest These will tie
found below. (2.) Its rare occurrence as a
mere appellative, except in poetry. Kiriah may
perhaps be compared to the word " burg " or
" bury," in our own language. Closely related
to Kiriah is Kereth, apparently a Phoenician
form, which occurs occasionally (Job xxix. 7 ;
Prov. viii. 3). This is familiar to us in the
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KIRJATH-ARBA
465
KIRJATtt-SEPHER
Latin garb of Carf&aso, and in the Parthian
and Armenian names Cirta, Tigrano- Certa. As
a proper name it appears in the Bible under
the forms of Kcriotli, Kartah, Kartan ; besides
too*) immediately following.
Kiriathaim, one of the towns of Moab
which were the " glory of the country j " named
amongst the denunciations of Jeremiah (xlviii.
1, 33) and Ezekicl (xxv. 9). It is the same
place as Kirjathaim, in which form the name
elsewhere occurs in the A. V.
Kiriathia'rius, l Esd. v. 19. [Kibjath-
Jeakix, and K. Abim.) Ap.
Kur'ioth, a place in Moab, the palaces of
which were threatened by Amos with destruc-
tion by lire (Am. ii. 2) ; unless indeed the word
means simply " the cities " — which is probably
the esse alio in Jer. xlviii. 41.
Kirjath, the last of the cities enumerated
ss belonging to the tribe of Benjamin (Josh,
xviii. ii). It is named with Gibeath, but
without any copulative — " Gibeath, Kirjath."
Whether there is any connection between these
two names or not, there seems a strong prob-
ability that Kirjath is identical with the better
known place Hibjath-Jbarim, and that the
later part of the name has been omitted by
copyists at wins very early period.
Kirjath&'im. 1. On the east of the Jor-
dan, one of the phices which were taken posses-
sion of and rebuilt by the Reubenites, and had
frith names conferred on them (Num. xxxii. 37,
and sec 33), the first and last of which are known
with some tolerable degree of certainty (Josh,
xii. 19). It is possibly the same place as that
which gave its name to the ancient Shaven- Kiri-
sihaim, though this is mere conjecture. It ex-
isted in the time of Jeremiah (xlviii. I, 33) and
Eickiel (xxv. 9 — in these three passages the
A V. gives the name Kiriathaim). By Euse-
bios it appears) to have been well known. He
describes it ad a village entirely of Christians,
ID miles west of Meduba, "close to the Buris."
Barckhardt (p. 367, July 13) when at ifadeba
(Moiebji) was told by his guide of a place, el-
Ttfm, about half an hour (Ii mile English, or
barely 3 miles Roman) therefrom, which he sug-
gests was identical with Kiriathaim. But it
most be admitted that the evidence for the iden-
tic/ of the two is not very convincing. Porter
pronounces confidently for Kwrtiuat, under the
southern side of Jebel AtUirus, as being identical
loth with Kirjathaim and Kirjath-Huzoth ; but
he sdJnces no arguments in support of his con-
clusion, which is entirely at variance with Euse-
bius ; while the name, or a similar one, having
been a common one east of the Jordan, as it
Kill is, Kanimt may be the representative of
soma other place. — 2. A town tn Naphtali not
mentioned in the original lists of the possession
allotted to the tribe (see Josh. xix. 33-39), but
inserted in the list of cities given to the Ger-
thonite Levites, in 1 Chr. (vi. 76), in place of
Kakta.i in the parallel catalogue, Kartan being
prohibly only a contraction thereof.
Kir jath-Ar ba, an early name of the city
*hich after the conquest is generally known as
Hkbko* (Jo«h. xiv. 15; Jndjr. i. 10). The
identity of Kiriath-Arba with Hebron is con-
stantly asserted (Gen. xxiii. 3, xxxv. 37 ; Josh,
xiv. 15, xv. 13, 54, xx. 7, xxi. 11).
Kir'jath-A'rim, an abbreviated form of
the name Kibjath-Jeabim, which occurs ouly
in Ezr. ii. 25.
Kir'jath-Ba'al, an alternative name of
the place usually called Kirjath-Jearim (Josh,
xr. 60. xviii. 14), but also Baalah, and once
Baalk-of-Jddah.
Kir'jath-Hu'EOth, a place to which Ba-
lak accompanied Balaam immediately after his
arrival in Moab (Num. xxii. 39), and which is
nowhere else mentioned. It appears to havo
lain between the Arson ( Wuag Mojtb) and
Bamoth-Baal (comp. ver. 36 and 41), proba-
bly north of the former. No trace of the name
has been discovered in later times.
Kir'jath-Je'arim, a city which played a
not unimportant part in the history or the He-
brews. We first encounter it as one of the fonr
cities of the Gibeonites (Josh. ix. 17) : it next
occurs as one of the landmarks of the northern
boundary of Judah (xv. 9) and as the point at
which the western and southern boundaries of
Benjamin coincided (xviii. 14, 15) ; and in the
two last passages we find that it bore another,
perhaps earlier, name — that of the great Ca-
naanite deity Baal, namely Baalah and Kin-
jath-Baau It is reckoned among the towns
of Judah (xv. 60). It is included in the gene-
alogies of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 50, 52) as founded
by, or descended from, Shobal, the son of
Caleb-ben-Hur. " Behind Kirjath-Jearim " the
band of Danitcs pitched their camp before their
expedition to Mount Ephraim and Lush, leav-
ing their name attached to the spot for long
after (Judg. xviii. 13). [Mahaneh-Dan.]
Hitherto beyond the early sanctity implied in
its bearing the name of Baal, there is nothing
remarkable in Kirjath-Jearim. It was no doubt
this reputation for sanctity which made the peo-
ple of Beth-sheraesh appeal to its inhabitants
to relieve them of the Ark of Jehovah, which
was bringing such calamities on their untutored
inexperience (1 Sam. vi. 30, 31). In this
high place the ark remained for twenty years
(vii. 3). At the close of that time, Kirjath-Jea-
rim lost its sacred treasure, on its removal by
David to the house of Obed-edom the Gittite
(1 Chr. xiii. 5, 6; 3 Chr. i. 4; 2 Sam. vi. 3,
Sue.). It is very remarkable and suggestive
that in the account of this transaction the an-
cient and heathen name Baal is retained. To
Eusebius and Jerome it nppears to have been
well known. They describe it as a village at
the ninth mile between Jerusalem and Diospo-
lis (Lydda). It was reserved for Dr. Robinson
to discover that these requirements are exactly
fulfilled in the modern village of Kuriet el-Enali
— now usually known as Abu Goth, from the
robber-chief whose headquarters it was — at
the eastern end of the Wady Alt/, on the road
from Jaffa to Jerusalem.
Kir'jath-San'nah, a name which occurs
once only (Josh. xv. 49), as another, and proba-
bly an earlier, appellation for Dbbir. Whence
the name is derived we have no clew, and its
manning has given rise to a variety of conject-
ures.
Kir'jath-Se'pher, the early name of the
city Debib, which further had the name-
doubtless also an early one — of Kirjath-Sah-
hah. Kirjath-sepher occur* only in Josh. xv.
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KISHON
456
KITE
15, 16 ; and in the exact repetition of the narra-
tive, Judg. i. II, 12. Ewald conjectures that
the new name was given it by the conquerors
on account of its retired position on the back
— the south or south-western slopes — of the
mountains, possibly at or about the modern d-
Bnrj, a few miles W. of ed-Ohohaiyeh.
Kir Of Moab, one of the two chief strong-
holds of Moab, the other being Ar op Moab.
The name occurs only in Is. xv. I , thongh the
place is probably referred to under the names
of Kir-Heres, Kir-Haraseth, &c. The clew
to its identification is given us by the Targura
on Isaiah and Jeremiah, which for the above
names has C'racca, Crac, almost identical with
the name Kerak, by which the site of an impor-
tant city in a high and very strong position at
the S.E. of the Dead Sea is known at this day.
It lies about 6 miles S. of the modern Rabba,
and some 10 miles from the Dead Sea, upon
the plateau of highlands which forms this part
of the country, not far from the western edge
of the plateau. Its situation is truly remarka-
ble. It is built upon the top of a steep hill,
surrounded on all sides by a deep and narrow
valley, which again is completely enclosed by
mountains rising higher than the town, and
overlooking it on all sides. The elevation of
the town can hardly be less than 3,000 feet
above the sea.
Kish. 1. The father of Saul ; a Bcnjamite
of the family of Matri, according to 1 Sam. x.
21, though descended from Becher according to
1 Chr. vii. 8, compared with 1 Sam. ix. 1. — 2.
Son of Jchiel, and uncle to the preceding
(1 Chr. ix.36). — 8. A Bcnjamite, great grand-
father of Mordccai (Esth. ii. 5). — 4. A Mero-
rite, of the honse of Mahli, of the tribe of Levi.
His sons married the daughters of his brother
Elcazar (I Chr. xxiii. 21, 22, xxiv. 28, 29), ap-
parently about the time of King Saul, or early
in the rci^n of David, since Jeduthnn the sing-
er was the son of Kish (1 Chr. vi. 44, A. V.,
compared with 2 Chr. xxix. 12). In the last
cited place, " Kish the son of Abdi," in the
reign of Hczekiah, must denote the Levitical
house or division, under its chief, rather than
an individual.
Kish i, a Mcrarite, and father or ancestor
of Ethan the minstrel (1 Chr. vi. 44).
Kish'ion, one of the towns on the bound-
ary of the tribe of Issachar (Josh. xix. 20),
which with its suburbs was allotted to the Ger-
shonite Levites (xxi. 28 ; A.V. Kishon). No
trace of the situation of Kishion exists.
Ki'shon = Kishion (Josh. xxi. 28).
Ki'shon, the River, a torrent or winter
stream of Central Palestine, the scene of two of
the grandest achievements of Israelite history,
— the defeat of Sisera, and the destruction of
the prophets of Baal by Elijah. The Nakr
MulcStta, the modern representative of the Ki-
shon, is the drain by which the waters of the
plain of Esdraelon, and of the mountains which
enclose that plain, namely, Carmcl and the Sa-
maria range on the south, the mountains of
Galilee on the north, and Gilboa, " Little Her-
mon " (so called), and Tabor on the east, find
their way to the Mediterranean. Its course is |
in a direction nearly due N. W. It has two prin- i
•ipal feeders : the first from Dtbwieh ( Daberath ), !
on Mount Tabor, the N. E. angle of tbepiam ,
and secondly, from Jellmn (Gilboa) and Jam
(Engannim) on the S. E. It is also fed by the
copius spring of Lejjun. But like most of the
so-called " rivers " of Palestine, the perennial
stream forms but a small part of the Kishon.
During the greater part of the year, its upper
portion is dry, and die stream confined to a few
miles next the sea. The sources of this peren-
nial portion proceed from the roots of Carmel —
the " vast fountains called Sa'adigeh, about
three miles east of Chaifa," and those, appar-
ently still more copious, described by Shaw as
bursting forth from beneath the eastern brow
of Carmel, and discharging of themselves " a
river half as big as the fins. It enters the sea
at the lower part of the Bay of Akka, about two
miles east of Chaifa " in a deep tortuous bed
between banks of loamy soil some 15 feet high,
and 15 to 20 yards apart " (Porter, Handbook,
383, 4). The part of the Kishon at which the
prophets of Baal were slaughtered by Elijah
was doubtless close below the spot on Carmel
where the sacrifice had taken place. This spot
is now fixed, with all but certainty, as at the ex-
treme east end of the mountain, to which the
name is still attached of El-Uakrakah, " the
burning." Of the identity of the Kishon with
the present Nakr Mulcutta there can be no
question.
Ki'son, an inaccurate mode of representing
the name elsewhere correctly given in the A. V.
Kishon (Ps. lxxxiii. 9 only).
Kiss. Kissing the lips by way of affection-
ate salutation was customary amongst near
relatives of both sexes, both in patriarchal and
in later times (Gen. xxix. 1 1 ; Cant. viii. 1 ). Be-
tween individuals of the same sex, and in a
limited degree between those of different sexes,
the kiss on the cheek as a mark of respect or
an act of salutation has at all times been cus-
tomary in the East, and can hardly be said to
be extinct even in Europe. In the Christian
Church the kiss of chanty was practised not
only as a friendly salutation, but as an act
symbolical of love and Christian brotherhood
(Rom. xvi. 16,1 Cor. xvi. 20 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 12 ;
1 Thess. v. 26 ; 1 Pet. v. 14). It was embodied
in the earlier Christian offices, and has been
continued in some of those now in use. Among
the Arabs the women and children kiss the
beards of their husbands or fathers. The su-
perior returns the salute by a kiss on the fore-
head. In Egypt an inferior kisses the hand of
a superior, generally on the back, bnt some-
times, as a special favor, on the palm also. To
testify abject submission, and in asking favors,
the feet are often kissed instead of the hand.
The written decrees of a sovereign are kissed in
token of respect ; even the ground is sometimes
kissed by Orientals in the fulness of their sub-
mission (Gen. xli. 40; 1 Sam. xxiv. 8; Ps.
lxxii. 9, &c.). Kissing is spoken of in Scrip-
ture as a mark of respect or adoration to idols
(1 K. xix. 18; Hos. xiii. 2).
Kite. The Hebrew word thus rendered oc-
curs in three passages, Lev. xi. 14, Deut. xrv.
13, and Job xxviii. 7 : in the two former it is
translated " kite " in the A. V., in the latter
" vulture." It is enumerated among the twen-
ty names of birds mentioned in Dent. xiv. (ba>
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KNIFE
457
KOHATH
longing for the most part to the order Raptorea),
which were considered unclean by the Mosaic
Law, and forbidden to be used as food by the
Israelites. The allusion in Job alone affords a
clew to its identification. The deep mines in
the recesses of the mountains from which the
labor of man extracts the treasures of the earth
are there described as " a track which the bird
of prey hath not known, nor hath the eye of the
ayyak looked upon it." Among all birds of
prey, which are proverbially clear-sighted, the
aguah is thus distinguished as possessed of pe-
culiar keenness of vision, and by this attribute
•lone is it marked. Translators have been sin-
gularly at variance with regard to this bird.
Robertson (Clavis Pentaieuchi) derives ayyah
from an obsolete root, which he connects with
an Arabic word, the primary meaning of which,
according to Schultens, is " to turn." If this
derivation be the true one, it is not improbable
that " kite " is the correct rendering. The
habit which birds of this genus have of " sail-
ing in circles, with the rudder-like tail by its
inclination governing the curve," as Yarrell
aays, accords with the Arabic derivation. It
must be confessed, however, that the grounds
for identifying the ayyah with any individual
species are too slight to enable us to regard
with confidence any conclusions which may be
based upon them ; and from the expression
which follows in Lev. and Dent., "after its
kind," it is evident that the term is generic.
Kithlish, one of the towns of Judah, in
the Shefelah, or lowland (Josh. xv. 40).
Kit ron, one of the towns from which Zeb-
ulun did not expel the Canaanites (Judg. i. 30).
In the Talmud it is identified with " Zippori,"
i *. Sepphoris, now Seffurieh.
Kittim. Twice written in the A. V. for
Chittim (Gen. x. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 7).
Kneading-troughs. [BrradJ
Knife. 1. The knives of the Egyptians,
and of other nations in early times, were prob-
ably only of hard stone, and the use of the flint
or stone knife was sometimes retained for sacred
purposes after the introduction of iron and
sleel. Herodotus (ii. 86) mentions knives both
1,1 KKTP«l«n Flint Knlrn In MaMum st B.rlln.
8. Ks7pd« Knift rrpiemted In hifrofljphict.
of iron and of stone in different stages of the
•ame process of embalming. The same may
perhaps be said to some extent of the Hebrews.
68
9. In their meals, the Jews, like other Orientals,
made little use of knives, bat they were required
both for slaughtering animals either for food or
sacrifice, as well as cutting up the carcass (Lev.
vii. 33, 34, viii. 15, 20, 25, ix. 13 ; Num, xviii.
18; 1 Sam. ix. 24, 4c.). 3. Smaller knives
were in use for paring fruit (Joseph.) and for
sharpening pens ( Jcr. xxxvi. 23). 4. The razor
was often used for Nazaritic purposes, for which
a special chamber was reserved in the Temple
(Num. vi. 5, 9, 19; Ez. v. 1, Sic). 5. The
pruning-books of Is. xviii. 5 were probably
curved knives. 6. The lancets of the priests
of Baal were doubtless pointed knives (1 K.
xviii. 28).
Knop. A word employed in the A. V. to
translate two terms, of the real meaning of
which all that we can say with certainty is that
they refer to some architectural or ornamental
object, and that they have nothing in common.
1 . Caphtor. This occurs in the description of
the candlestick of the sacred tent in Ex. xxv.
31-36, and xxxvii. 17-22, the two passages be-
ing identical. In another part of the work they
appear to form a boss, from which the branches
are to spring out from the main stem. 2. The
second term, Pdca'im, is found only in 1 K. vi.
18 and vii. 24. The word no doubt signifies
some globular thing resembling a small gourd,
or an egg, though as to the character of the
ornament we are quite in the dark. The fol-
lowing woodcut of a portion of a richly orna-
Bonlar of a Blab from Konrnnflk. (Tarfuatonli Arehl-
tectnnT)
mented door-step or slab from Kouyunjik, prob-
ably represents something approximating to the
" knop and the flower " of Solomon's Temple.
Ko'a is a word which occurs only in Ez.
xxiii. 23. It may perhaps designate a place
otherwise unknown, which we must suppose to
have been a city or district of Babylonia. Or
it may be a common noun, signifying '* prince"
or " nobleman," as the Vulgate Likes it, and
some of the Jewish interpreters.
Ko bath, second of the three sons of Levi,
from whom the three principal divisions of the
Levites derived their origin and their name
(Gen. xlvi. 11 ; Ex. vi. 16, 18; Num. iii. 17;
2 Chr. xxxiv. 12, &c.). Kohath was the father
of Amram, and he of Moses and Aaron. From
him, therefore, were descended all the priests ;
and hence those of the Kohathites who were
not priests were of the highest rank of the Le-
vites, though not the sons of Levi's first-born.
In the joumeyings of the Tabernacle the sons
of Kohath had charge of the most holy portion
of the vessels (Num. iv.). These were all pre-
viously covered by the priests, the sons of Aaron.
It appears from Ex. vi. 18-22, compared with
1 Chr. xxiii. 12, xxvi. 23-32, that there were four
families of sons of Kohath — Araramites, Izhar-
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KORAHITE
458
LABAN
ltes, Hebronites, and Uzzielites. The verses
already cited from 1 Clir. xxvi., Nam. Hi. 19,
27, I Cbr. xxiii. 12, disclose the wealth and
prominence of the Kohathites, and the impor-
tant offices filled by them as keepers of the dedi-
cated treasures, as judges, officers, and rulers,
both secular and sacred. In 2 Chr. xx. 19,
they appear as singers, with the Korhites. The
number of the sons of Kohath between the ages
of 30 and 50, at the first census in the wilder-
ness, was 2,750, and the whole number of males
from a month old was 8.600 (Num. iii. 28, iv. 36).
Their place in marching and encampment was
south of the Tabernacle (Num. iii. 29), which
was also the situation of the Rcubenites. Of
the personal history of Kohath we know noth-
ing, except that he canw down to Egypt with
Levi and Jacob (Gen. xlvi. 11), that his sister
was Jochebed (Ex. ri. 20), and that he lived to
the age of 133 years (Ex. vi. 18).
Kolai'ah. 1. A Benjamitc whose descend-
ants settled in Jerusalem after the return from
the captivity (Nch. xi. 7). — 2. The father of
Ahab the false prophet, who was burnt by the
king of Babylon (Jer. xxix. 21).
Korah. 1. Third son of Esau by Aholi-
bamah (Gen. xxxvi. 5, 14, 18; 1 Chr. i. 35).
He was born in Canaan before Esau migrated
to Mount Seir (xxxvi. 5-9), and was one of the
" dukes " of Edom. — 2. Another Edomitish
duke of this name, sprung from Eliphaz, Esau's
•on by Adah (Gen. xxxvi. 16). — 3. One of
the" sons of Hebron " in 1 Chr. ii. 43.-4. Son
of Izhar, the son of Kohath, the son of Levi.
He was leader of the famous rebellion against
his cousins Moses and Aaron in the wilderness,
for which he paid the penalty of perishing with
his followers by an earthquake and flames of
fire (Num. xvi., xxvi. 9-11). The particular
grievance which rankled in the mind of Korah
and his company was their exclusion from the
office of the priesthood, and their being confined
— those among them who were Levites — to the
Inferior service of the tabernacle. The appoint-
ment of Elizaphan to be chief of the Kohathites
(Num. iii. 30) may have further inflamed his
jealousy. Koran's position as leader in this re-
bellion was evidently the result of his personal
character, which was that of a bold, haughty,
and ambitious man. From some cause which
does not clearly appear, the children of Korah
were not involved in the destruction of their
father (Num. xxvi. II). Perhaps the fissure of
the ground which swallowed up the tents of
Dathan and Abiram did not extend beyond
those of the Rcubenites. From vcr. 27 it seems
clear that Korah himself was not with Dathan
and Abiram at the moment. He himself was
doubtless with the 250 men who bare censers
nearer the tabernacle (vcr. 19), and perished
with them by the "fire from Jehovah which
accompanied the earthquake. In the N. T.
( Jude 11), Korah is coupled with Cain and Ba-
laam.
Kor'ahite (l Chr. ix. 19, 31), Korhite,
or Kor'athite, that portion of the Kohathites
who were descended from Korah, and are fre-
quently styled by the synonymous phrase Sons
of Korah.* The offices filled by the sons of
Korah, as far as we are informed, are the fol-
lowing. They were an important branch of
the singers in the Kohathite division, llcman
himself being a Korahitc (1 Chr. vi. 33), and
the Korahites being among those who, in Jc-
hoshaphat's reign, "stood up to praise the
Lord God of Israel with a loud voice on high "
(2 Cbr. xx. 19). Hence we find eleven psalms
(or twelve, if Ps. 43 is included under the same
title as Ps. 42) dedicated or assigned to the
sons of Korah, viz. Ps. 42, 44-49, 84, 85, 87,
88. Others, again, of the sons of Korah, were
"porters," i.e. doorkeepers, in the temple; an
office of considerable dignity.
Kor'athites, the, Num. xxvi. 58. [Kor-
AHITE.l
Korhites, the, Ex. vi. 24, xxvi. i ; 1
Chr. xii. 6 ; 2 Chr. xx. 19. [Koraiiite]
Ko're. 1. A Korahite, ancestor of Shal-
lum and Meshelemiah, chief porters in the
reign of David (1 Chr. ix. 19, xxvi. 1). — 2.
Son of Imnah, a Levite in the reign of Hczc-
kiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 14. — 3. In the A. V. of
1 Chr. xxvi. 19, " the sons of Koke " (follow-
ing the Vulg. Core) should properly be " the
sons of the Korhite."
Koz (Ezr. ii. 61 ; Neh. iii. 4, 21) = Accoz
•= Coz = Hakkoz.
Kushai'ah. The same as Kish or Kism,
the father of Ethan the Merarite (1 Chr. xv. 17).
L.
La'adah, the son of Shelah, and grandson
of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 21).
La'adan. 1. An Ephraimite, ancestor of
Joshua the son of Nun (1 Chr. vii. 26). — 2.
The son of Gcrsbom, elsewhere called Linxi
(1 Chr. xxiii. 7, 8, 9 ; xxvi. 21).
LaTDan, son of Bcthuel, brother of Rclick-
ah, and father of Leah and Rachel. The elder
branch of the family rcmuincd at Harnn when
Abraham removed to the land of Canaan ; and
it is there that we first meet with Laban, as
taking the leading part in the betrothal of his
sister Rcbekah to her cousin Isaac (Gen. xxiv.
10, 29-60, xxvii. 43, xxix. 4). The next time
Laban appears in the sacred narrative it is as
the host of his nephew Jacob, at Haran (Gen.
xxix. 13, 14). The subsequent transactions
by which he secured the valuable services of
his nephew for fourteen years in return for his
two daughters, and for six years as the price
of his cattle, together with the disgraceful arti-
fice by which he palmed off his elder and less
attractive daughter on the unsuspecting Jacob,
arc familiar to all (Gen. xxix., xxx.). Laban
was absent shearing his sheep, when Jacob,
having gathered together all his possessions,
started with his wives and children for his na-
tive land ; and it was not till the third day that
he heard of their stealthy departure. In hot
haste be sets off in pursuit. Jacob and his
family had crossed the Euphrates, and were al-
ready some days' march in advance of their pur-
suers ; but so large a caravan, encumbered with
women and children, and cattle, would travel
but slowly (comp. Gen. xxxiii. 13) ; and Laban
and his kinsmen came up with the retreating
party on the east side of the Jordan, among
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LACHISH
459
LACHISH
the mountains of Gilead. After some sharp
mutual recrimination, and an unsuccessful
search for the teraphim, which Rachel, with
the cunning which characterized the whole
family, knew well how to hide, a covenant of
pcaco was enteral into between the two par-
ties, and a cairn raised about a pillar-stone set
up by Jacob, both as a memorial of the cove-
nant, and a boundary which the contracting
parties pledged thonuelves not to pass with
hostile intentions. After this, in the simple
and beautiful words of Scripture, " Laban rose
up and kissed his sons and his daughters, and
blessed them, anil departed, and returned to
his place ; " and he thenceforward disappears
from the biblical narrative.
XaVban, one of the landmarks named ih
the obscure and disputed passage, Deut. i. 1.
The mention of H.uscroth has perhaps led to
the only conjecture regarding Laban of which
the writer is aware; namely, that it is identical
with Lihxah (Num. xxxiii. 20). The Syriac
Pcshito understands the name as Lebanon.
Lab'ana, l KsJ. v. 29. [Lebana.]
LacedBtno'niana, the inhabitants of
Sparta, or Lncedmmon, with whom the Jews
clniin.il kindred (1 Mace. xii. 2, 5, 6, 20, 21,
xiv. 20, 21, xv. 23 ; 2 Mace. v. 9).
La'ohiah, a city of the Amoritcs, the king
of which joined with four others, at the invita-
tion of Adonizcdek, kin;; of Jerusalem, to chas-
tise the Gibconitcs for their league with Israel
(Josh. x. 3, 5). They were routed by Joshua
at Beth-horon, and the kingof Lachish fell a vic-
tim with the others under the trees at Makkc-
dah (ver. 25). The destruction of the town
seems to have shortly followed the death of the
king : it was attacked in its turn, immediately
after the fall of Lihnah, and, notwithstanding
an effort to relieve it by Horam king of Gezer,
was taken, and every soul put to the sword
(ver. 31-33). In the special statement that
the attack lasted two days, in contradistinction
to the other cities which were taken in one
(see ver. 35), we gain our first glimpse of that
strength of position for which Lachish was af-
terwards remarkable. It should not be over-
looked that, though included in the lowland
district (Josh. xv. 39), Lachish was a town of
the Amoritcs, who appear to have been essen-
tially mountaineers. Its proximity to Libnah
is implied many centuries later (2 K. xix. 8).
Lachish was one of the cities fortified and gar-
risoned by Rchoboum alter the revolt of the
northern kingdom (2 Chr. xi. 9). It was
chosen as a refuge by Amaziah from the con-
spirators who threatened him in Jerusalem,
and to whom he at last fell a victim at La-
chish (2 K. xiv. 19 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 27). Later
still, in thy reign of Hezckiah, it was one of
the cities taken by Sennacherib when on his
way from Phoenicia to Egypt. This siege is
considered by Layard and Hincks to be depict-
ed on the slabs 'found by the former in one
of the chambers of the palace at Konyunjik.
Another slab seems to show the ground-plan
of the same city after its occupation by the
conquerors — the Assyrian tents pitched with-
in the walls, and the foreign worship going on.
But, though the Assyrian records thus appear
to assert the capture of I<achish, no statement
is to be found either in the Bible or Joscphus
that it was taken. After the return from cap-
tivity, Lachish, with its surrounding " fields,"
was re-occupied by the Jews (Nch. xi. 30). By
Eusebius and Jerome, in the Onomasticon, La-
chish is mentioned as " 7 miles from Eleuthe-
ropolis, towards Daroma," — i.e., towards the
south. No trace of the name has yet been
found in any position at all corresponding to
this. A site called Um-Lakit is found between
Gaza and Beit-.fibrin, at the distance of 11
miles (14 Roman miles), and in a direction
not S., but about W. S. W. from the latter; but
its remains are not those of a fortified city abl«
to brave an Assyrian army.
rtui of L*ckkh(D •%>!!• up tor*. From Lvanl'i ltonmucnB of NinaT<h,2d StttM, ftall St.
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LAMB
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LAMENTATIONS
Lacu'nUB, one of the sons of Addi, who
returned with Ezra, and had married a foreign
■wife (I Esd. ix. 31).
La'dan, 1 Esd. v. 37. [Delaiah, 2.]
Ladder of Tyrus, the. one of the ex-
tremities (the northern) of the district over
-which Simon Maccabeus was made captain by
Antiochus VI. (or Theos) (I Mace. xi. 59).
The Ladder of Tyre, or of the Tynans, was
the local name for a high mountain, the high-
est in that neighborhood, a hundred stadia
north of Ptolemais, the modern AlcJca or Acre.
The position of the Ras-en-Nakhurah agrees
very nearly with this, as it lies 10 miles from
Alaca, and is characterized by travellers from
Parchi downwards as very high and steep. Ap.
La'eL. the father of Eliasaph (Num. iii. 24).
La'had, son of Jahath, one of the descend-
ants of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 2).
Laha'i-Ro i, the Well. In this form is
given, in the A. V of Gen. xxiv. 62 and xxv.
11, the name of the famous well of Hagar's re-
lief, in the oasis of verdure round which Isaac
Afterwards resided.
Lah mam, a town in the lowland district
of Juriuh (Josh. xv. 40). It is not mentioned
in the (homasticon, nor does it appear that any
traveller has sought for or discovered its site.
Lab mi, the brother of Goliath the Gittite,
slain by Elnanan the son of Jair, or Jaor (1
Chr. xx. 5).
Laish, the city which was taken by the
Danites, and under its new name of Dan be-
came famous as the northern limit of the na-
tion, and as the depository first of the graven
image of Micah (Jndg. xviii. 7, 14, 27, 29), and
subsequently of one of the calves of Jeroboam.
There is no reason to doubt that the situation
of the place was at or very near that of the
modern Banian. In the A. V., Laish is again
mentioned in the graphic account by Isaiah of
Sennacherib's march on Jerusalem (Is. x. 30).
On the whole it seems more consonant with the
tenor of the whole passage to take it as the
name of a small village, Laishah, lying between
Gallim and Anathoth, and of which hitherto
no traces have been found. In 1 Mace. ix. 5,
a village named Alasa (A. V. Eleasa) is men-
tioned as the scene of the battle in which Judas
•was killed. In the Vulgate it is given as Laisa.
The two names may possibly indicate one and
the same place, and that the Laishah of Isaiah.
Laish, father of Phaltiel, to whom Saul
had given Michal, David's wife (1 Sam. xxv.
44; 2 Sam. iii. 15).
Lakes. [Palestine.]
LaTcum. properly Lakkum, one of the
places which formed the landmarks of the
boundary of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 33). Lak-
kum is but casually named in the Onomasticon,
and no one since has discovered its situation.
Lamb. 1. Immar is the Chaldee equiva-
lent of the Hebrew txbes. See below. No. 3
(Ezr. vi. 9, 17, vii. 17). 2. Taleh (1 Sam.
vii. 9 ; Is. Ixv. 25), a young sucking lamb ;
originally the young of any animal. 3. Cebes,
ceseh, and the feminines cibsah, or mlisah, and
cislxih, respectively denote a male and female
lamb from the first to the third vear. The
former perhaps more nearly coincide with the
English provincial term hog or hogytt, which is
applied to a young ram before he is shorn.
Young rams of this age formed an important
part of almost every sacrifice. 4. Car, a fat
ram, or more probably " wether," as the word
is generally employed in opposition to ai/il,
which strictly denotes a " ram " (Dent, xxxii.
14; 2 K. iii. 4; Is. xxxiv. 6). The Tynans
obtained their supply from Arabia and Kedar
(Ez. xx vii. 21), and the pastures of Bashan
were famous as grazing grounds (Ez. xxxix.
18). 5. Ttdn, rendered "lamb" in Ex. xii.
21, is properly a collective term denoting a
" flock of small cattle, sheep and goats, in
distinction from herds of the larger animals
(Eccl. ii. 7 ; Ez. xlv. 15). 6. In opposition to
this collective term the word Sen is applied
to denote the individuals of a flock, whether
sheep or goats (Gen. xxii. 7, 8 ; Ex. xii. 3, xxii.
1, &c.).
On the Paschal Lamb, see Passover.
La'meoh, properly Lemech, the name of
two persons in antediluvian history. — L, The
fifth lineal descendant from Cain (Gen. iv. 18-
24). He is the only one except Enoch, of the
posterity of Cain, whose history is related with
some detail. His two wives, Adah and Zillah,
and his daughter Naamah, are, with Eve, the
only antediluvian women whose names are
mentioned by Moses. His three sons — Jabal,
Jubal, and Tubal-Cain — are celebrated in
Scripture as authors of useful inventions. The
remarkable poem which Lantech uttered has
not yet been explained quite satisfactorily. It
is the only extant specimen of antediluvian poet-
ry : it came down, perhaps as a popular song,
to the generation for whom Moses wrote ; and
he inserts it in its proper place in his history.
It may be rendered, —
Adah and Zillah ! hear my voice.
Ye wive* of Lantech ! give ear unto my speech;
For a man had 1 slain for smiting me,
And a youth for wounding me :
Surely sevenfold shall Cain be avenged.
But Lamech seventy and seven.
Jerome relates as a tradition of his predeces-
sors and of the Jews, that Cain was accidentally
slain by Lamech in the seventh generation from
Adam. Luther considers the occasion of the
poem to be the deliberate murder of Cain by
Lamech. Herder regards it as Lantech's song
of exultation on the invention of the sword by
his son Tubal-cain, in the possession of which
he foresaw a great advantage to himself and his
family over any enemies. This interpretation
appears, on the whole, to be the best that has
been suggested. — 2. The son of Methuselah,
and father of Noah (Gen. v. 28-31 ).
Lamentations. The Hebrew title of this
book, Eaih, is taken, like those of the five Books
of Moses, from the Hebrew word with which it
opens, and which appears to have been almost
a received formula for the commencement of a
song of wailing (comp. 2 Sam. i. 19-27). The
poems included in this collection appear in the
Hebrew canon with no name attached to them,
and there is no direct external evidence that
they were written by the prophet Jeremiah
earlier than the date given in the prefatory
verse which appears in the Scptuagint. This
represents, however, the established belief of
the Jews after the completion of the canon.
The poems belong unmistakably to the last
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LAMENTATIONS
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LAMENTATIONS
Jays of the kingdom, or the commencement or
the exile. They are written by one who speaks,
with the vividness and intensity of an eje-wit-
aess, of the misery which he bewails. It might
almost be enough to ask who else then living
could have written with that union of strong
passionate feeling and entire submission to Je-
hovah which characterizes both the Lamenta-
tions and the Prophecy of Jeremiah. The evi-
dences of identity are, however, stronger and
more minute. Assuming this as sufficiently
established, there come the questions — (1.)
When, and on what occasion, did he write it ?
(2.) In what relation did it stand to his other
writings? (3.) What light does it throw on
his personal history, or on that of the time in
which he lived ? I. The earliest statement on
this point is that of Josephus (Ant. x. 5, § 1).
He finds among the books which were extant in
his own time the lamentations on the death of
Josiah, which are mentioned in 3 Chr. xxxv.
25. As there are no traces of any other poem
of this kind in the later Jewish literature, it has
been inferred, naturally enough, that he speaks
of this. It does not appear, however, to rest on
any better grounds than a hasty conjecture.
And against it we have to set (1) the tradition
on the other side embodied in the preface of the
Septuagint, (2) the contents of the book itself.
We look in vain for a single word distinctive
•f a funeral dirge over a devout and zealous
reformer like Josiah, while we find, step by step,
the closest possible likeness between the pic-
tures of misery in the Lamentations and the
events of the closing years of the reign of Zede-
kiah. Unless we adopt the strained hypothesis
that the whole poem is prophetic in the sense of
being predictive, the writer seeing the future as
if it were actually present, or the still wilder
conjecture of Rashi, that this was the roll which
Jehoiachin destroyed, and which was re-written
by Barnch or Jeremiah, we are compelled to
come to the conclusion that the coincidence is
not accidental, and to adopt the later, not the
earlier, of the dates. - At what period after the
capture of the city the prophet gave this utter-
ance to his sorrow we can only conjecture, and
the materials for doing so with any probability
are but scanty. He may have written it im-
mediately after the attack was over, or when he
was with Gedaliah at Mizpeh, or when he was
with his countrymen at Tahpanhes. II. It is
well, however, to be reminded by these conjec-
tures that we have before us, not a book in five
chapters, but five separate poems, each com-
plete in itself, each having a distinct subject,
yet brought at the same time under a plan
which includes them all. It is clear, before en-
tering on any other characteristics, that we
find, in full predominance, that strong personal
emotion which mingled itself, in greater or less
measure, with the whole prophetic work of
Jeremiah. Other differences between the two
books that bear the prophet's name grew out of
mis. Here there is more attention to form,
more elaboration. The rhythm is more uni-
form than in the prophecies. A complicated
alphabetic structure pervades nearly the whole
book. (I.) Ch. i., ii., and iv., contain 32 verses
etch, arranged in alphabetic order, each verse
filling into three nearly balanced clauses ; ii. 19
forms an exception as having a fourth clause
(2.) Ch. iii. contains three short verses under
each letter of the alphabet, the initial letter
being three times repeated. (3.) Ch. v. con-
tains the same number of verses as ch. i., ii.,
iv., but without the alphabetic order. HI. The
power of entering into the spirit and meaning
of poems such as these depends on two distinct
conditions. We must seek to see, as with our
own eyes, the desolation, misery, confusion,
which came before those of the prophet. We
must endeavor also to feel as he felt when he
looked on them. And the last is the more dif-
ficult of the two. Jeremiah was not merely a
patriot-poet, weeping over the ruin of bis coun-
try. He was a prophet who had seen all this
coming, and had foretold it as inevitable. He
had urged submission to the Chaldteans as the
only mode of diminishing the terrors of that
"day of the Lord." And now the Chaldasans
were come, irritated by the perfidy and rebellion
of the king and princes of Judab ; and the actual
horrors that he saw, surpassed, though he had
predicted them, all that he had been able to im-
agine. All feeling of exultation in which, as
mere prophet of evil, he might have indulged
at the fulfilment of his forebodings, was swal-
lowed up in deep overwhelming sorrow. Yet
sorrow, not less than other emotions, works on
men according to their characters ; and a man
with Jeremiah's gifts of utterance could not sit
down in the mere silence and stupor of a hope-
less grief. He was compelled to give expres-
sion to that which was devouring his heart and
the heart of his people. The act itself was a
relief to him. It lea him on (as will be seen
hereafter) to a calmer and serener state. It
revived the faith and hope which had been
nearly crushed out. An examination of the five
poems will enable us to judge how far each
stands by itself, how far they are connected as
parts forming a whole. I. The opening verse
strikes the key-note of the whole poem. That
which haunts the prophet's mind is the soli-
tude in which he finds himself. She that was
"princess among the nations" (1) sits, "soli-
tary," "is i widow." After the manner so
characteristic of Hebrew poetry, the personality
of the writer now recedes and now advances,
and blends by hardly perceptible transitions
with that of the city which he personifies, and
with which he, as it were, identifies himself
Mingling with this outburst of sorrow there are
two thoughts characteristic both of the man
and the time. The calamities which the nation
suffers are the consequences of its sins. There
must be the confession of those sins. There is
also, at any rate, this gleam of consolation, that
Judah is not alone in her sufferings. II. As
the solitude of the city was the subject of the
first lamentation, so the destruction that had
laid it waste is that which is most conspicuous
in the second. Added to all this, there was
the remembrance of that which had been all
along the great trial of Jeremiah's life, against
which he had to wage continual war. The
prophets of Jerusalem had seen vain and foolish
things, false burdens, and causes of banishment
(14). A righteous judgment had fallen on
them. The prophets found no vision of Je-
hovah (9). The king and die princes who had
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LAMENTATIONS
462
LAODICEA
listened to them were captive among the Gen-
tiles. III. The difference in the structure of
this poem which has been already noticed
indicates a corresponding difference in its sub-
stance. In the two preceding poems, Jere-
miah had spoken of the miscrv and destruction
of Jerusalem. In the third, lie speaks chiefly,
though not exclusively, of his own. Here, as
in the prophecies, we find a Gospel for the
weary and heavy-laden, a trust, not to be
shaken, in the mercy and righteousness of Je-
hovah. IV. It might seem, at first, as if the
fourth poem did but reproduce the pictures and
the thoughts of the first and second. There
come before us, once again, the famine, the
misery, the desolation, that had fallen on the
holy city, making all faces gather blackness.
One new element in the picture is found in the
contrast between the past glory of the conse-
crated families of the kingly and priestly stocks
(Nazarites in A. V.) and their later misery and
shame. Some changes there are, however, not
without interest in their relation to the poet's
own life and to the history of his time. All
the facts gain a new significance by being seen
in the light of the personal experience of the
third poem. V. One great difference in the
fifth and last section of the poem has been
already pointed out. It obviously indicates
either a deliberate abandonment of the alpha-
betic structure, or the unfinished character of
the concluding elegy. There are signs also of
a later date than that of the preceding poems.
Though the horrors of the famine are ineffacea-
ble, yet that which he has before him is rather
the continued protracted suffering of the rule
of the Chaldrons. There are perhaps few por-
tions of the O. T. which appear to nave done
the work they were meant to do more effectual-
ly than this. It has supplied thousands with
the fullest utterance for their sorrows in the
critical periods of national or individual suffer-
ing. We may well believe that it soothed the
weary years of the Babylonian exile. On
die ninth day of the month of Ab (July), the
Lamentations of Jeremiah were read, year by
year, with fasting and weeping, to commemo-
rate the misery out of which the people had been
delivered. It has come to be connected with
the thoughts of a later devastation, and its
words enter, sometimes at least, into the prayers
of the pilgrim Jews who meet at the " place of
wailing " to mourn over the departed glory of
their city. It enters largely into the nobly-
constructed order of the Latin Church for the
services of Passion-week. A few facts connect-
ed with the external history of the Book re-
main to be stated. The position which it has
occupied in the canon of the O. T. has varied
from time to time. In the received Hebrew ar-
rangement it is placed among the Hagiographa,
between Ruth and Ecclcsiastes. In the Bom-
berg Bible of 1521, it stands among the five
MeglUoth after the Books of Moses. The LXX.
group the writings connected with the name of
Jeremiah together, but the Book of Barnch
comes between the prophecy and the Lamenta-
tions. On the hvpothesis of some writers that
Jer. lii. was originally the introduction to the
poem, it would follow that the arrangement
of the Vulg. and the A. V. corresponds more
closely than any other to that which we moat
look on as the original one.
Lamp. 1. That part of the golden candle-
stick belonging to the Tabernacle which .bore
the light ; also of each, of the ten candlesticks
placed by Solomon in the Temple before the
Holy of Holies (Ex. xxv. 87; 1 K. vii. 49;
2 Cfir.lv. 20, xiii. 1 1 ; Zcch. iv. 2). The lamps
were lighted every evening, and cleansed every
morning (Ex. xxx. 7, 8). 2. A torch or flam-
licau, such as was carried by the soldiers of
Gideon (Judg. vii. 16, 20 ; comp. xv. 4). The
use of lamps fed with oil in marriage processions
is alluded to in the parable of the ten virgins
(Matt xxv. 1). Modern Egyptian lamps consist
of small glass ves-
sels with a tube at
the bottom contain-
ing a cotton wick
twisted round a
piece of straw. For
night -travelling, a
lantern composed of
Egyptian i*mp. waxed cloth strained
over a sort of cylin-
der of wire rings, and a top and bottom of per-
forated copiier. This would, in form at least,
answer to the lamps within pitchers of Gideon.
Lancet. This word is found in 1 K. xviii.
28 only. The Hebrew term is Romach, which
is elsewhere rendered, and appears to mean, a
javelin, or light spear. In tho original edition
of the A. V. (1611), the word is "lancers."
Language. [Tongues, Confibion of.]
Lantern occurs only in John xviii. 3, where
the party led by Judas is described as provided
with " lanterns and torches." Tho Jewish lan-
tern was similar to that now in use among Ori-
entals. As the streets of Eastern cities are not
lighted at night, and never were so, lanterns
arc used to an extent unknown among us. A
large folding lantern of waxed cloth strained
over rings of wire, with a top and liottom of
tinned copper, are common in Western Asia.
In many Eastern towns the municipal law for-
bids any one to be in the streets after nightfall
without a lantern. — Ed.
Laodice'a. A town of some consequence
in tfio Roman province of Asia ; and it was sit-
uated in the valley of the Mmuiidcr, on a small
river called the Lycus, with Colossi and Hib-
rapolis a few miles distant to the west Built,
or rather rebuilt, by one of the Sclcucid mon-
archs, and named in honor of his wife, Laodicca
became under the Roman government a place
of some importance. Its trade was consider-
able : it lay on the line of a great road ; and it
was the scat of a conventut. From Rev. iii. 1 7,
we should gather it was a place of great wealth.
It was soon after this occurrence that Christian-
ity was introduced into Laodicca, not however,
as it would seem, through the direct agency of
St. Paul. We have good reason for believing
that when, in writing from Rome to tho Chris-
tians of Colossas, he sent a greeting to those of
Laodicca, he had not personally visited cither
place. But the preaching of 'the Gospel at
Kphcsus (Acts xviii. 19-xix. 41) must inevita-
bly have resulted in the formation of churches
in the neighboring cities, especially where Jews
were settled : and there were Jews in Laodicca.
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LATTICE
In subsequent times, it became a Christian city
of eminence, the see of a bishop, and a meeting-
place of councils. The Mohammedan invaders
destroyed it ; and it is now a scene of utter des-
olation : but the extensive ruins near Dtnialu
justify all that we read of Laodicea in Greek
and Roman writers. One biblical subject of
interest is connected with Laodicea. From Col.
iv. 16, it appears that St. Paul wrote a letter to
thiri place when he wrote the letter to Colossce.
The question arises whether we can give any
account of this Laodicean epistle. Wiesclers
theory is that the Epistle to Philemon is meant.
Another view, maintained by Palcy and others,
is, that the Epistle to the Epnesians is intended.
Usshcr's view is that this last epistle was a cir-
cular letter sent to Laodicea amon^ other places.
The apocryphal Epistola ad Luodicensa is a late
and clumsy forgery.
Iiaodice'&ns, the inhabitants of Laodicea
(Col. iv. 16; Rev. iii. 14).
Lap'idoth. the husband of Deborah the
prophetess (J<iu<j. iv. 4 only).
Lapwing (neb. diuipnath) occurs only in
Lev. xi. 19, and in the parallel passage of Dent,
xiv. 18, amongst the list of those birds which
were forbidden by the law of Moses to be eaten
by the Israelites. Commentators generally agree
with the LXX. and Vulg. that the Hoopoo is the
bird intended. According to Bochart, these four
different interpretations have been assigned to
dudphath: — I, The Sadducees supposed the
bird intended to be the common hen, which they
therefore refused to eat. 2. Another interpre-
tation understands the cock of the wood* ( Tetrao
wmjaUia). X Other interpreters think the at-
tagen is meant. 4. The last interpretation is
that which gives the Hoopoo as the rendering
of the Hebrew word. Many, and curious in
some instances, are tUe derivations proposed for
the Hebrew word ; but the most probable one is
the mountain-cock. It must, however, be re-
marked that the observations of the habits of
the hoopoo recorded by modern zoologists do
not appear to warrant the assertion that it is so
pre-eminently a mountain-bird as has been im-
plied above. Marshy ground, ploughed land,
wooded districts, such as are near to water, arc
more especially its favorite haunts. The hoo-
poo was accounted an unclean bird by the Mo-
saic law, nor is it now eaten, except occasional ly ,
in those countries where it is abundantly found,
— Egypt, Franco, Spain, &c. The Hoopoo is
an occasional visitor to this country, arriving
for the most part in the autumn ; but instances
are on record of its having been seen in the
spring. It is about the size of the miud-thrtah
(TwduM oiscivoriu). Its crest is very elegant ;
the long feathers forming it are each of them
tipped with black. It belongs to the family
Upupidce, sub-order Tenuirottra, and order Pat-
tens.
Laaffl'a (Acts xxvii. 8). Fonr or five years
ago it would have been impossible to give any
information regarding this Cretan city, except
indeed that it might he presumed to be identical
with the "Lisia mentioned in the Peutinger
Table U 16 miles to the east of Gorttna. The
whole matter, however, has been recently cleared
op. In the month of January, 1856, a yachting
party made inquiries at Fair Havens, and were
told that the name Lasssa was still given to
some ruins a few miles to the eastward. A
short search sufficed to discover these ruins, and
independent testimony confirmed the name.
La aha, a place noticed in Gen. x. 19 only,
as marking the limit of the country of the Ca-
naanites. From the order in which the names
occur, we should infer that it lay somewhere in
the south-east of Palestine. Its exact position,
cannot, in the absence of any subsequent notice
of it, be satisfactorily ascertained. Jerome and
other writers identify it with Callirhoc, a spot
famous for hot springs near the eastern shore
of the Dead Sea.
Lash'aron, one of the Canaanite towns
whose kings were killed by Joshua (Josh,
xii. 18).
Las'tbenes, an officer who stood high in
the favor of Demetrius II. Nicator. He is de-
scribed as "r.Misin" (1 Mace. xi. 31), and
" father " (1 Mace. xi. 32) of the king. Both
words may be taken as titles of high nobility.
It appears from Josephus (Ant. xiii. 4, $ 3) that
he was a Cretan, to whom Demetrius was in-
debted for a large body of mercenaries (cf. 1
Mace. x. 67).
Latchet, the thong or fastening by which
the sandal was attached to the foot. It occurs
in the proverbial expression in Gen. xiv. 23,
and is there used to denote something trivial
or worthless. Another semi-proverbial wpres-
sion in Luke iii. 16 points to the feet that the
office of bearing and unfastening tbc shoes of
great personages fell to the meanest staves.
Latin, the language spoken by the Romans,
is mentioned only in John xix. 20, and Luke
xxiii. 38.
Latiniflma. In every country conquered
by the Romans, Latin words, senses, and forms
of speech, would naturally be introduced ; espe-
cially as proceedings in courts of law, in every
part of the Roman Empire, were conducted in
the Latin language.
Hence in the New Testament are found
various Latinisms, — uooiipum, " farthing," from
assarius ( Matt. x. 29) ; xevrupiov, centurio ( Mark
xv. 39); Xeyeuv, leqio, "legion " (Matt. xxvi.
53). Instances of Greek words in Latin tenses
are also found, as in Rom. xv. 28 ; 1 Cor. iv. 5.
Also Latin forms of speech (Mark x v. 15; Acts
xvii. 9; Luke xii. 58, &c).
Latinisms are to be found in the best Greek
writers of the N. T. era. Had the N. T., there-
fore, been free from them, the objection, though
recondite, would have been strong.
Of course the occurrence of Latinisms in
writings of a later date, tjg. the Ijnmtian Epis-
tles, cannot be alleged as a valid argument
against their genuineness. — Ed.
Lattice. The rendering in A. V. of three
Hebrew words. 1. Etlinab, which occurs but
twice, Jndg. v. 28 and Prov. vii. 6, and in the
latter passage is translated " casement " in the
A. V. In both instances it stands in parallelism
with "window." 2. KhSraccim (Cant. ii. 9)
is apparently synonymous with the preceding,
though a word of Inter date. 3. Sebdc&h is
simply " a network " placed before a window
or balcony. Perhaps the network through
which Ahaziah fell and received his mortal in-
jury was on the parapet of his palace (2 K. i. 2).
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Laver. I . In the Tabernacle, a vessel of
urass containing water for the priests to wash
their hands and feet before offering sacrifice.
It stood in the court between the altar and the
door of the Tabernacle, and, according to Jewish
tradition, a little to the south (Ex. xx_\. 19, 21 ;
Reland, Ant. Bebr. pt. i. ch. lr. 9). It rested
on a basis, i.e. a foot, though by some explained
to be a cover of copper or brass, which, as well
as the larer itself, was made from the mirrors
of the women who assembled at the door of the
Tabernacle-court (Ex. xxxviii. 8). The form
of the laver is not specified, but may be assumed
to have been circular. Like the other vessels
belonging to the Tabernacle, it was, together
with its "foot," consecrated with oil (Lev. viii.
10, 11). As no mention is made of any vessel
for washing the flesh of the sacrificial victims,
it is possible that the laver may have been used
for this purpose also (Reland, Ant. Heir, i., iv.
9). 2. In Solomon's Temple, besides the great
molten sea, there were ten lavers of brass, raised
on bases (1 K. vii. 27, 39), five on the N. and
S. sides respectively of the court of the priests.
Each laver contained 40 of the measures called
"bath," making about 300 English gallons.
They were used for washing the animals to be
offered in burnt-offerings (2 Chr. iv. 6). The
dimensions of the bases with the lavers, as given
in the Hebrew text, are four cubits in length
and breadth, and three in height. The LXX.
fixes the height at six cubits. Josephus, who
appears to have followed a var. reading of the
LXX., makes them five in length, four in width,
and six in height (1 K. vii. 28; Thenius, ad
loc. ; Joseph. Ant. viii. 3, § 3). There were to
each four wheels of a cubit and a half in diam-
eter, with spokes, &c., all cast in one piece.
The principal parts requiring explanation may
be thus enumerated : — (a) " Borders," proba-
bly panels. Gcnesius (Thus. 938) supposes
these to have been ornaments like square shields
with engraved work, lb) " Ledges," joints in
corners of bases or fillets covering joints,
(c) " Additions," probably festoons ; Lightfoot
translates, "roargines oblique descendentes."
(<z) Plates, probably axles, cast in the same
piece as the wheels, (e) Undersetters, either
the naves of the wheels, or a sort of handles for
moving the whole machine ; Lightfoot renders
"column* fulcientes lavacrum. (f) Naves.
[g) Spokes. (A) Felloes. («') Chapiter, per-
haps the rim of the circular opening (" mouth,"
ver. 31 ) in the convex top. Ik) A round com-
pass, perhaps the convex roof of the base. To
these parts Josephus adds chains, which may
probably be the festoons above mentioned (Ant.
viii. 3, § 6).
Law. The word is properly used, in Scrip-
ture as elsewhere, to express a definite com-
mandment laid down by any recognized author-
ity. The commandment may be general or
(as in Lev. vi. 9, 14, &c., " the law of the burnt-
offering," &c.) particular in its bearing ; the
authority either human or divine. But when
the word is used with the article, and without
any words of limitation, it refers to the ex-
pressed will of God, and, in nine cases out of
ten, to the Mosaic Law, or to the Pentateuch,
of which it forms the chief portion. The
Hebrew word, tdrdk, lays more stress on its
moral authority, as teaching the truth, and
guiding in the right way; the Greek Napor,
on its constraining power, as imposed and en-
forced by a recognized authority. The sense of
the word, however, extends its scope, and as-
sumes a more abstract character in tne writings
of St. Paul. No/m>c, when used by him with
the article, still refers in genera) to the Law of
Moses ; but when used without the article, so as
to embrace any manifestation of " law," it in-
cludes all powers which act on the will of man
by compulsion, or b/ the pressure of external
motives, whether theU commands be or be not
expressed in definite forms. The occasional
use of the word " law " (as in Rom. iii. 27,
"law of faith," Ac.) to denote an internal
principle of action, does not really militate
against the general rule. It should also be no-
ticed l\at the title " the Law " is occasionally
used lojsely to refer to the whole of the Old
Testament (as in John x. 34, referring to Ps.
lxxxii. 6; in John xv. 25, referring to Ps.
xxxv. 19; and in 1 Cor. xiv. 21, referring to
Is. xxviii. II, 12).
Law of Moses. It will be the object of
this article to give a brief analysis of its sub-
stance, to point out its main pnnciples, and to
explain the position which it occupies in the
progress of Divine Revelation. In order to do
this the more clearly, it seems best to speak oi the
Law, 1 st, in relation to the past ; 2dly , in its own
intrinsic character ; and, 3dly, in its relation to
the future. (1.) (a.) in reference to the past, it
is all-important, for the proper understanding
of the Law, to remember its entire dependent
on the Abrahamic Covenant, and its adaptation
thereto (see Gal. iii. 17-24). That covenant
had a twofold character. It contained the
" spiritual promise " of the Messiah, which was
given to the Jews as representatives of the
whole human race. But it contained aiso the
temporal promises subsidiary to tht> former.
These promises were special, given distinctively
to die Jews as a nation. It follows that theie
should be in the Law a corresponding duality
of nature, lb.) The nature of this relation of
the Law to the promise is clearly pointed out.
The belief in God as the Redeemer of man,
and the hope of His manifestation as such in
the person of the Messiah, involved the be-
lief tnat the Spiritual Power must be superior
to all carnal obstructions, and that there was in
man a spiritual element which could rule his
life by communion with a Spirit from above.
But it involved also the idea of an antagonistic
Power of Evil, from which man was to be re-
deemed, existing in each individual, and exist-
ing also in the world at large, (c.) Nor is it
less essential to remark the period of the history
at which it was given. It marked and deter-
mined the transition of Israel from the condi-
tion of a tribe to that of a nation, and its
definite assumption of a distinct position and
office in the history of the world. _ (rf.J Yet,
though new in its general conception, it was
probably not wholly new in its material*. There
must necessarily have been, before the Law,
commandments and revelations of a fragment-
ary character, under which Israel had hitherto
grown up. It is the peculiar mark of legislative
genius to mould by fundamental principles, and
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LAW OF MOSES
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animate by a higher inspiration, materials pre-
viously existing in a cruder state. So far there-
fore us they were consistent with the objects of
the Jewish law, the customs of Palestine and
the laws of Egypt would doubtless be traceable
in the Mosaic system, (e.) In close connection
■with and almost in consequence of this refer-
ence to antiquity, we find an accommodation of
the Law to the temper and circumstances of the
Israelites, to which our Lord refers in the case
of divorce (Matt. xix. 7, 8) as necessarily inter-
fering with its absolute perfection. In many
cases, it rather should be said to guide and
modify existing usages than actually to sanc-
tion them ; and the ignorance of their existence
may lead to a conception of its ordinances not
only erroneous, hut actually the reverse of the
truth. Nor is it less noticeable that the degree
of prominence, given to each part of the Mosaic
system, hits a similar reference to the period at
which the nation had arrived. The ceremonial
portion is marked out distinctly and with elab-
oration ; the moral and criminal law is clearly
and sternly decisive ; even the civil law, so far
as it relates to individuals, is systematic; be-
cause all these were called for by the past
growth of the nation, and needed in order
to settle and develop its resources. But the
political and constitutional law is comparatively
imperfect: a few leading principles are laid
down, to be developed hereafter ; but the law is
directed rather to sanction the various powers
of the state than to define and balance their
operations. {/.) In close connection with this
subject, we observe also the tjrudual process by
teluck the Law was revealed to the Israelites. In
Ex. xx.-xxiii., in direct connection with the
revelation from Mount Sinai, that which may
be called the rough outline of the Mosaic Law
is given by God, solemnly recorded by Moses,
and accepted by the people. In Ex. xxv.-xxxi.,
there is a similar outline of the Mosaic cere-
monial. On the basis of these it may be con-
ceived that the fabric of the Mosaic system
gradually grew up under the requirements of
the time. The first revelation of the Law in
any tiling like a perfect form is found in the
Book of Deuteronomy. Yet even then the rev-
elation was not final : it was the duty of the
prophets to amend and explain it in special
points ( Ez. xviii. ), and to bring out more clearly
its great principles (ii.). In giving an analysis
of the substance of the Law, it will probably
be better to treat it, as any other system of
laws is usually treated, by dividing it into —
(I.) Laws Civil; (II.) Laws Criminal; (III.)
Laws Judicial and Constitutional ; (IV.) Laws
Ecclesiastical and Ceremonial.
(I.) Laws Civil.
(A) Or mtwoxs.
<«) Fathre AKD Son — The power of a Father to be
held sacred; curalng, or smiting (Ex. xxl. IS, 17: Lev.
xx. 9), or stubborn and wilful disobedience, to be consid-
ered capital crimes. But uncontrolled power of life and
death was apparently refused to the father, and rested
only In the congregation (l)cut. xxl. 18 21). Right of the
first-born to a double portion of the Inheritance not to
be set aside by partiality (T)eut. xxl. lft-17). Inheritance
6y daughter* to lie nllowed In default of sons, provided
(Num. xxrll. 6-8, comp. xxxvl.) Unit heiresses married
hi their own tribe. Daughters unmarried to be entirely
aspeudent on tholr father ( Num. xxx. *-»).
£9
(e) Hi sban o and Wira. — The power of a Husband tt
be so Kreitt that a wife could never lie sui juris, or entet
independently Into any engagement, even before Cod
(Num. xxx. O-IS). A widow or divorced wife became In-
dependent, and did not again fall under her father's pow-
er (ver. 9). Divorce (for uncleanneas) allowed, but to be
formal and irrevocable (Deut xxlv. 1-4). Marriage with-
ot certain degrees forbidden (Lev. xvlll. Ac.). A Stave
Wife, whether bought or captive, not to be actual prop-
erty, nor to be sold ; If 111 treated, to be ipso facto free
(Ex. xxl. 1-9; Deut. xxl. 10-14). oVanuVragainst a wife's
virginity to be p unlshcd by One, and by deprivat of
power of divorce ; on the other hand, ante-connubial
uncleanneas in her to be punished by death (Deut. xxil.
1>-2I). Theraismg up of seed (Levlrute law) a formal
rltilit to be claimed by the widow, under pain of Infnmy,
with a view to preservation of families (Deut. xxv.
&-10.)
(r) Mastics amd Slavk. - Pnicer of Matter to far lim-
ited, that death under actual chastisement was punisha-
ble (Ex. xxl. 20); and maiming was to give liberty ipso
facto (ver. 36, 27). The Hebrew Slave to be freed at the
sabbatical year, 1 and provided with necessaries (his wife
and children to go with him only If they came to his
master with him), unless by his own formal act he con-
sented to be a perpetual slave (Ex. xxl. 1-6; Deut. xr.
12-16). In any case. It would seem, to be freed at the
jubilee (Lev. xxv. 10), with his children. If sold to a
resident alien, to bo always redeemable, at a price pro-
portional to the distance of the Jubilee (Lev. xxv. 47-44).
Foreign Slaves to be held and Inherited as property for-
ever (Lev. xxv. 46, 46) ; and fugitive slaves from foreign
nations not to be given up (Deut. xxlll. 1ft).
[Properly speaking, there were no slaves In Israel.
The " hired servant *' was one employed for a short
time, the "bondman" one hired permanently till the
jubilee. The latter class were to bo " bought," i.e. hired
in nil future ages ("forever"), of foreign ntitlons,and
not of Hebrews. The bond-servant voluntarily con-
tracted to serve for compensation for a term of years.
Much a contract was regarded as a kindness to tho per-
son cmployeiKDcut. xxxil. 6). The bondman was of ne-
cessity a proselyte, and was admitted to all the privileges
of the people of the Lord (Gen. xvli. 9-27). Expulsion
from the master's family was regarded as a punishment
(Gen. xxl. 10-14). The servant could compel his master
to keep him (Deut. xv. 12-17). Servants were guests at
all national and family festivals (Ex. xli. 41,44); (Deut.
xll. 12-18, xvl. 10-16). They Were regularly Instructed In
morality and religion (Deut xxxl. 10-13); Josh. vlli. 31-
M; 2 Chron. xvli. (Mi, xxxv. 3; Neh. vlli. 7-8).
They were released from labor nearly one-hulf of the
whole time. The lawsecured to tboin (a) every seventh
year ; (b) every seventh day ; (c) the three annual festivals
of seven days each, besides the time of going to Jerusalem
and bad; (d) the nets moons, two days each; (e) the
feast of trumpets ; (f) the great day of Atonement ; be-
sides numerous local and family festivals.
Finally, servants were under protection of law, and
placed on a level with their masters in all civil and re-
ligious rights (Num. xv. 1ft, 16. 29. Ix. 14 ; Deut. 1. 16, 17 ;
Lev. xxlv. 22). Consult " The llilile against Slavery,"
by Theodore Weld; published by the United Presbyte-
rian Hoard of Education, I'lttsburg, 18640 — Ed.
Id) Stranoxus. — They seem never to have been sui
juris, or able to protect themselves, and accordingly
protection and kindness towards them are enjoined as a
sacred duty (Ex. xxil. 21 ; Lev. xix. 13, 34).
(R) Law or Tnmos.
(a) Laws or Land (akd Pkofiht). — (I) All land
to be the property of God alone, and its holders to be
deemod His tenants (Lev. xxv. 23). (2) All sold Ixma
therefore to return to its original owners at the Jubilee,
and the price of sale to be calculated accordingly ; and
redemption on equitable terms to bo allowed at all Uines
(xxv. 2ft-27). A house sold to be redeemable within a
year ; and, If not redeemed, to pass nway altogether (xxv.
-*». 311). But the Houses of the Levites, or those in unwalled
villages, to bo redeemuble at all times, in the same way
as land ; and the Levitieal suburbs to be Inalienable (xxv.
l The dUnculty of softmlng this law is i
S-14.
> la Jar. xxxtv.
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31-34). (3) Land or Houses sanctified, or tithes, or un-
clean firstlings, to be capable of being redeemed, at six-
llfths their value (calculated according to tbe distance
from the Jubilee-year by the priest) ; If devoted by the
owner, and unredeemed, to be hallowed at the Jubilee
forever, and given to the priests; If only by a possessor,
to return to the owner at the Jubilee (Lev. xxvli. 14-44).
(4) Inheritance.
J
(1) Sont. |
(2) Daughters.* \
(3) Brothers.
<4> Uncles on the Father' s tide.
(5) Next Kinsmen, generally.
(*) Laws or Dkbt. — (I) All Debit (to an Israelite) to
be released at the 7th (sabbatical ) yrar ; a blessing prom-
ised to obedience, and a curie on refusal to lend (Deut
xv. 1-1 1 1, (j) Usury (from Israelites) not to be taken
(Ex. xxll. 2J-27; Deut xxlll. ID, 20). (3) Pledget not to
be insolently or ruinously exacted (Deut xxlv. 6, Id-It,
17, 18).
(c) Taxation.— (1) Census-money, a poll-ux (of a
half-shekel), to be paid for the service of the tabernacle
(Ex. xxx. 11-16). All spoil In war to be halved; of the
combatant's half, one five-hundredth, of the people's,
one-fiftieth, to be paid for a "heave-offering" to Je-
hovah.
(2) Tillies, (is) Tithes of all produce to be given fur
maintenance of the Levites (Num. xvlll. 2D-24). Of this,
one-tenth to be paid as a heave-offering for maintenance
of the priests .... 24-32. 0) Second Tithe to be be-
stowed in religious feasting and charity, either at the
Holy 1'luce, or every Id year at home ( ?) (Deut xlv.
22- 28". (y) First-fruits of corn, whio, and oil (at least
one-sixtieth, generally one-fortieth, for the priests), to
be offered at Jerusalem, with a solemn declaration of
dependence on Ood, the King of Israel (Deut xxvl. 1-1S;
Num. xvlll. 12, 19). Firstling* of clean beasts; the re-
demption-money (ft shekels) of man, and (one-half she-
kel, or 1 shekel) of unclean beasts, to be given to the
priests after sacrifice (Num. xvlii. 14 18).
(3) Poor-laws. (.,) Gleanings (in field or vineyard) to
be a legal rightofthe poor (Lev. xlx. 9, Id; Deut xxlv.
19-22). iff) Slight Trespass (eating on the spot) to be al-
lowed as legal (Deut xxlll. 24, 2ft). (y ) Second Tithe (see
I li) to be given In charity. (4) Wages to be paid day by
da) (Deut xxlv. 13).
(4) Maintenance of Priests (Num. xvlll. 8-32). (<i)
Tenth of Levites' Tithe. (See 2 a). (0) The heave and
vote offerings (breast and right shoulder of all peace-
offerings), (y) The meat and sin offerings, to be eaten sol-
emnly, and only In the Holy Place, <d> First-frails and
redemption-money (see 2 y). (t) Price of all devoted
things, unless specially given for a sacred service. A
man's service, or that of his household, to be redeemed
at 90 shekels for man, 30 for woman, 20 for boy, and 10
for girl.
(II.) Laws Criminal.
(A) OFriHCBS against God (of the nature of treason).
1st Command. Acknowledgment or false gods (Ex.
xxll. 20), as e.g. Molech (Lev. xx. 1-4), and generally all
idolatry (Deut I III., xvil. 2-»).
2d Command. Witchcraft and false prophecy (Ex.
xxll. 18; Dent xvlll. 9-22; Lev. xlx. 31).
3d Command. Blasphemy (Lev. xxlv. 15, 16).
4th Command. Sabbath-breating (Num. xv. 12-36).
Punishment in all cases, death by stoning. Idolatrous
cities to be utterly destroyed.
(B) OrrsNcts against Max.
5th Command. Disobedience to or cursing or smiting
ofparmf«(Kx.xxl. Ift.ll; Lev. xx. >; Deut xxl. 18-21),
to be punished by death by stoning, publicly adjudged
and Inflicted ; so also of disobedience to the priests (as
Judges) or Supreme Judge. Comp. 1 K. xxl. 10-14 (Na-
both); 2 Cbr. xxlv. 21 (Zecharlahl.
6th Command. (I) Murder, to be punished by death
without sanctuary or reprieve, or satisfaction (Ex. xxl.
12, 14; Deut xlx. 11-11). Death of a slave, actually un-
der the rod, to be punished (Ex. xxl. 20, 21). (2) Death
1 Heiresses U marry la their own tribe (Haas, xxvli. «-«,
by negligence, to be punished by death (Ex. xxL 1
(1) Accidental Homicide; the avenger of blood to be es-
caped by flight to the cities of refuge till the death of
the high-priest (Num. xxxv. 0-28; Deut iv. 41-43; xlx.
4-10). (4) Uncertain Murder, to be expiated by formal
disavowal and sacrifice by the elders of tbe nearest city
(Deut xxL 1-0). (ft) Assault to be punished by lei tali-
onisor damages (Ex. xxl. 18,10,22-25; Lev.xxlv. 19, 20;.
1th Command. (I) Adultery, to be punished by death
of both offenders; the rape of a married or betrothed
woman, by death of the offender (Deut xxll. 13-21). (2)
Rape or Seduction of an unbetrothed virgin, to be com-
pensated by marriage, with dowry (90 shekels), and
without power of divorce ; or, if she be refused, by pay-
ment of full dowry (Ex. xxll. 16, 17; Deut xxll. 28. 29).
(3) Unlawful Marriages (Incestuous, Ac.), to be pun-
ished, some by death, some by childlessness ( Lev. xx.l.
8th Command. (1) Theft, to be punished by fourfold
or double restitution ; a nocturnal robber might be slain
as an outlaw(Ex. xxll. 1-4). (2) Trespass and Injury of
things lent, to be compensated (Ex. xxll. ft-lft). (3) Per-
version of Justice (by bribes, threats, Ac), and especially
oppression of strangers, strictly forbidden (Ex. xxlll. 9,
Ac.). (4) Kidnapping, to be punished by death (Deut
xxlv. 7).
9th Command. False Witness, to be punished by lew
talimisCEx. xxlll. 1-4; Deut xlx. 16-21). Slander of a
wife's chastity, by fine, and loss of power of divorce
(Deut xxll. 18, 19).
A fuller consideration of the tables of the Ten Com-
mandments Is giveu elsewhere. CTkk L'ouna.vdmkxts.]
(III.) Laws Judicial and Coxstitutioxaj.
(A) Jurisdiction.
(a) Local Judges (generally Levites, as more skilled In
the Law) appointed, for ordinary matters, probably by
the people, with Approbation of the supreme authority
(as of Moses In the wilderness) (Ex. xvlll. 2ft; Deut L
15-18), through sll the land (Deut xvl. 18). (ft) Appeal
to the Priests (at the Holy Place), or to the judge ; their
sentence final, and to In- accepted under pain of death.
See Deut. xvli. 8-13 (comp. appeal to Moses, Ex. xvlii.
26). (c) Two witnesses (at least) required In capital mat-
ters (Num. xxxv. 30; Deut. xvl. 6, 7). (a*) Punishment
(except by special command), to be personal, and not to
extend to the family (Deut xxlv. 16). stripes allowed
and limited (Deut. xxv. 1-3), so as to avoid outrage on
the human frame.
All this would be to a great extent set aside — 1st By
the summary Jurisdiction of the king (seel Sam. xxll.
11-19 (Saul): 2 Sam. xll. 1-4, xiv. 4-11; 1 K. ill. 16-28),
which extended even to the deposition of the blgb-
prlest (1 Sam. xxll. 17, 18; I K. II 26, 21). The practical
difficulty oflts being carried out Is seen in 2 Sam. xv. 2-6,
and would lead of course to a certain delegation of his
power. 2d. by the appointment of the Seventy (Num.
xi. 24-30) with a solemn religious sanction. In later
times there was a local Sanhedrim of 23 In each city, and
two such In Jerusalem, as well as the Great Sanhedrim,
consisting of 70 members, besides the president who
was to be the high-priest If duly qualified, and control-
ling even the king and high-priest The mcnib.-rs were
priests, scribes (Levites), and elders (of other tribes). A
court of exactly this nature Is noticed, as appointed to
supreme power by Jehoshaphat (see 2 Chr. xlx. 8-11).
(B) Roial Powir.
The King's Power limited by tbe Law, as written and
formally accepted by the king; and directly forbidden to
be despotic > (Deut xvll. 14-20; comp. 1 Sam. x. 25).
Yet he had power of taxation (to one-tenth); and of
compulsory serviced Sam. vlll. lv-16); the declaration
of war (1 Sam. xl). Ac. There are distinct traces of •
"mutual contract" (2 Sam. v. 3; a " league," IK. iL
11); the remonstrance with Kehoboam being clearly not
extraordinary (1 K. xll. 1-6).
The Princes of the Congregation. The heads of the
tribes (see Josh. Ix. 1ft) seem to have had authority un-
der Joshua to act for the people (comp. 1 Chr. xxvli. 16-
22); and In the later times "the princes of J udah" seem
I Military conquest dtseoutsgM by the prohlNMtm of Us*
use of horses (see Josh, st 6). For an example of obedteaee
to Ihls law, see 9 Sam. vUL4t and of disobedience w ll, I K.
x.m-Jk
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to tamre had power to control both the king and the
priests (see Jer. zxvl. 10-14, xxxvlll. 4, S. Ac).
(C) Botal Rbvbbtb.
(1) Tmlh 0/ product. (2) Domain land (1 Chr. xxvn.
28-29). Note confiscation of criminal's land (I K. xxi.
IS). (3) Bond service (l K. r. 17, 18), chiefly on forelgn-
«rs (1 K. ix. 20-22; 2 Chr. It. 16, 11). (4) Flocts and
Herds (1 Chr. xxvli. 29-«). (S) Tributei (gifts) from for-
eign kings, «) Commerce; especially In Solomon's
time (IK. x. 22,29, Ac).
(IV.) Ecclesiastical ard Cebbmoxial Law
<A) Law or Sacrifics (considered as the sign and the
appointed means of the union with God, on which the
holiness of the people depended).
<1) OSDIKABT SACRIFICES.
(a) The whole Burnt-offering (Lot. t) of the herd or
the flock; to be offered continually (Ex. xxix.
38-42) ; and the Are on the altar never to be extin-
guished (LST. vl. 8-1 J).
(0) The Meat-offering (Lot. U., rl. 14-2») of flour, oU,
and frankincense, unleavened, and seasoned with
salt.
(y) TV Peace-offering (Lev. 111., vll. 11-21) of the
herd or the flock ; either a thank-offering, or a
Tow, or freewill-offering.
(J) TV Sin-offering, or Trttpats-offermg (Lot. It.,
T.,V|.).
(a) For sins committed in Ignorance (Lot. It.).
(8) For vows unwittingly made and broken, or un-
cleanness unwittingly contracted (Lev. v.).
(e) For sins wittingly committed (Lev. t! 1-1).
<t) EXTBAOXOIIIAST SACRIFICES.
(a) At the Consecration of PrieiU (Lev. vlll., Ix.).
0) At Ute Purification of Women (Lev. xlL).
(y) At Ike Cleansing of Lepers (Lev. xlll., xlv.).
(d) On the Oreal Dap of Atonement (Lev. xvL).
(f ) On the Creat Festimls (Lev. xxlll.).
<B) Law or Holiness (slicing from the union with
God through sacrlflce).
(1) HOLIHESS OF PK1UUX9.
(a) Holiness of the whole People as " children of Ood "
(Ex. xtx. S, 8 : Lev. xL-xv., xvll., xvilL ; Deut xIt.
1-21), shown in
(a) The Dedication of the flrst-bom (Ex. xlll. 2,
12, 13, xxil. 29, 30, Ac.) . and the offering of all
firstlings and first-fruits (Deut xxtI., Ac.).
(•) Distinction of clean and unclean food (Lot.
xl ; Deut. xlv.).
(c) Provision for purtflcatlon (Lot. xlL, xlll.,
xlv.. xv. : Deut xxlll. 1-14).
(d) Laws against disfigurement (Lev. xlx. 21;
Deut xlv. 1 ; comp. Deut xxt. 3, against ex-
cessive scourging) .
(e) Laws against unnatural marriages and lusts,
(Lev. xvlll., xx.).
(ff) Holiness of the Priests {and Levites).
(a) Their consecration (Lot. rlli., Ix. ; Ex. xxix.).
(•) Their special qualifications and restrictions
(Lev. xxt., xxil. 1-0).
<rt Their rlghu (Deut xvlll. 1-6; Num. xviil.)
and authority (Deut xvll. 8-13).
(b Holixess or Places ard Thirds,
(a) The Tabernacle with the ark, the veil, the altars,
the laver, the priestly robes, Ac. (Ex. xxv.-
XXTlll., xxx.)
tfi) The Bolf Place chosen for the permanent erec-
tion of the tabernacle (Deut xli., xiv. 22-29), where
only all sacrifices were to be offered, and all tithes,
flrst-frults, vows, Ac, to be given or eaten.
(3) BouKBsa or Tinas.
(a) The Sabbath (Ex. xx. 9-11, xxlll. _J, Ac ).
(fi) The Sabbatical rear (Ex. xxlll. 10, 11; Lev.
xxv. 1-1, Ac),
(y) TV rear of Jubilee (Lev. xxv. 8-18, Ac).
it) The Pauooer (Ex. xli. 3-21 ; Lev. xxlll. 4-14).
<<> TV Feast of Weeks (Pentecost) (Lev. xxlll. 1»,
Ac).
({) TV Feast of Tabernacles (Lev. xxlll. 33-43).
in) TV Feast of Trumpets (Lev. xxlll. 23-28).
w) TV Dag of Atonement (Lev. xxlll. 28-32, Ac).
Such is the substance of the Mosaic Law.
The leading principle of the whole is its The-
ocratic character, its reference (that is) of
all action and thoughts of men directly and im-
mediately to the will of God. It follows from
this, that it is to be regarded not merely as a law,
that is, a rule of conduct, based on known
truth and acknowledged authority, but also as a
revelation of God's nature and His dispensations.
But this theocratic character of the law de-
pends necessarily on the belief in God, as not
only the Creator and Sustainer of the world,
but as, by special covenant, the head of the Jew-
ish nation. This immediate reference to God as
their king is clearly seen as the groundwork
of their whole polity. From this theocratic na-
ture of the law follow important deductions
with regard to (a) the view which it takes of
political society ; (6) the extent of the scope of
the law; (c) the penalties by which it is en-
forced ; and (d) the character which it seeks to
impress on the people, (a.) The Mosaic Law
seeks the basis of its polity, first in the abso-
lute sovereignty of God, next in the relation-
ship of each individual to God, and through
God to his countrymen. It is clear that such a
doctrine, while it contradicts none of the com-
mon theories, yet lies beneath them all. (6.)
The law, as proceeding directly from God, and
referring directly to Htm, is necessarily absolute
in its supremacy and unlimited in its scope. It is
supreme over the governors, as being only the
delegates of the Lord, and therefore it is in-
compatible with any despotic authority in them.
On the other hand, it is supreme over the gov-
erned, recognizing no inherent rights in the in-
dividual, as prevailing against or limiting the
law. It regulated the whole life of an Israel-
ite. His actions were rewarded and punished
with great minuteness and strictness ; and that
according to the standard, not of their conse-
quences, but of their intrinsic morality. His
religious worship was denned and enforced in
an elaborate and unceasing ceremonial, (c.)
The penalties and rewards by which the law is
enforced are such as depend on the direct
theocracy. With regard to individual ac-
tions, it may be noticed that, as generally
some penalties are inflicted by the subordinate,
and some only by the supreme authority, so
among the Israelites some penalties came from
the hand of man, some directly from the Provi-
dence of God. The bearing of this principle
on the inquiry as to the revelation of a future life,
in the Pentateuch, is easily seen. The sphere
of moral and religious action and thought to
which the law extends is beyond the cognizance
of human laws, and the scope of their ordinary
penalties, and is therefore left by them to the ret-
ribution of God's inscrutable justice, which, be-
ing but imperfectly seen here, is contemplated
especially as exercised in a future state. Hence
arises the expectation of a direct revelation of
this future state in the Mosaic Law. Such a
revelation is certainly not given. The truth
seems to be, that, in a law which appeals direct-
ly to God Himself for its authority and its
sanction, there cannot be that broad line of de-
marcation between this life and the next,
which is drawn for those whose power is limit-
ed by the grave, (of.) But perhaps the most im-
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portant consequence of the theocratic nature
of the law was the peculiar character of goodness
which it sought to impress on the people. The
Mosaic law, beginning with piety as its first
object, enforces most emphatically the purity
essential to those who, by their union with
God, have recovered the hope of intrinsic good-
ness, while it views righteousness and love
rather as deductions from these than as inde-
pendent objects. The appeal is not to any dig-
nity of human nature, but to the obligations of
communion with a holy God. The subordina-
tion, therefore, of this idea also to the reli-
gious idea, is enforced ; and so long as the due
supremacy of the latter was preserved, all other
duties would find their places in proper har-
mony. But the usurpation of that supremacy
in practice by the idea of personal and national
sanctity was that which gave its peculiar color
to the Jewish character. It is evident that this
characteristic of the Israelites would tend to
S reserve the seclusion which, under God's provi-
ence, was intended for them, and would in its
turn be fostered by it.
III. in considering the relation of the Law
to the future, it is important to be guided by
the general principle laid down in Hen. vii. 19,
" The Law made nothing perfect." This prin-
ciple will be applied in different degrees to its
bearing (a) on the after-history of the Jewish
commonwealth before the coining of Christ ;
il>) on the coming of our Lord Himself; and
c) on the dispensation of the Gospel. («. ) To
that after-history the Law was, to a great ex-
tent, the key. It was indeed often neglected,
and even forgotten ; yet still it formed the
standard from which the people knowingly de-
parted, and to which they constantly returned;
and to it, therefore, all which was peculiar in
their national and individual character was due.
Its direct influence was probably greatest in the
periods before the establishment of the king-
dom, and after the Babylonish captivity. The
last act of Joshua was to bind the Israel-
ites to it as the charter of their occupation of the
conquered land (Josh. xxiv. 24-27) ; and, in
the semi-anarchical period of the Judges, the
Law and the Tabernacle were the only centres
of any thing like national nnity. The estab-
lishment of the kingdom was due to an impa-
tience of this position, and a desire for a visible
and personal centre of authority, much the
same in nature as that which plunged them so
often in idolatry. In the kingdom of Israel,
after the separation, the deliberate rejection of
the leading principles of the Law by Jeroboam
and his successors was the beginning of a grad-
ual declension into idolatry and heathenism.
But in the kingdom of Judah the very division
of the monarchy and consequent diminution of
its splendor, and the need of a principle to as-
sert against the superior material power of Is-
rael, brought out the Law once more in increased
honor and influence. Far more was this the
case after the captivity. The loss of the inde-
pendent monarchy, and the cessation of proph-
ecy, both combined to throw the Jews back up-
on the Law alone, as their only distinctive
pledge of nationality, and sure guide to truth.
This love for the Law, rather than any abstract
patriotism, was the strength of the Maccabaian
struggle against the Syrians, and the success
of that struggle, enthroning a Levitical power,
deepened the feeling from which it sprang.
The Law thus became the moulding influence
of the Jewish character. The Pharisees, truly
representing the chief strength of the people,
systematized this feeling.
Against this idolatry of the Law there were
two re-actions. The first was that of the S a»i>c-
cees ; one which had its basis in the idea of a
higher love and service of God, independent of
the Law and its sanctions. The other, that of
the Esbkxks, was an attempt to burst the
bonds of the formal law, and assert its ideas in
all fulness, freedom, and purity. (6.) The rela-
tion of the Law to the advent of Christ is also
laid down clearly by St. Paul. The Law wa.s
the Uaidayuyoc etc Xptorov, the servant (that is)
whose task it was to guide the child to the true
teacher (Gal. iii. 24) ; and Christ was " the end "
or object " of the Law " ( Rom. x. 4). As being
subsidiary to the promise, it had accomplished
its purpose when the promise was fulfilled. In
its national aspect, it had existed to guard the
faith in the theocracy. The chief hindcrancc to
that faith had been tbr -"""culty of realizing the
invisible presence of (»», _id of conceiving a
communion with v Infinite Godhead which
should not crush or absorb the finite creature.
This difficulty was now to pass away forever,
in the Incarnation of the Godhead in One tru-
ly and visibly man. In its individual, or what
is usually called its " moral " aspect, the Law
bore equally the stamp of transitoriness and
insufficiency. It had declared the authority of
truth and goodness over man's will, and taken
for granted in man the existence of a spirit
which could recognize that authority ; but it
had done no more. Its presence had therefor*
detected the existence and the sinfulness of sin,
as alien alike to God's will and man's true am
ture; but it had also brought out with morcve
hement and desperate antagonism the power of
sin dwelling iu man as fallen (Rom. vii. 7-25)
The relation of the Law to Christ in its kauri
ficial and ceremonial aspect will be more full}-
considered elsewhere. [Sacrifice.! (c.) It re-
mains to consider how far it has any oV.i^ation
or existence under the dispensation of the Gos-
pel. As a means of justification or salvation,
it ought never to have been regarded, even be-
fore Christ : it needs no proof to show that
still less can this be so since He hat come. But
yet the question remains whether it is binding
on Christians, even when they do not depend
on it for salvation. It secnu clear enough,
that its formal coercive authority as a whole
ended with the close of the Jewish dispensation.
It referred throughout to the Jewish covenant,
and in manr points to the constitution, the
customs, and even the local circumstances, of
the people. That covenant was preparatory to
the Christian, in which it is now absorbed ;
those customs and observances have passed
away. It follows, by the very nature of the
case, that the formal obligation to the Law
must have ceased with the basis on which it
is grounded. But what then becomes of the
declaration of out Lord, that He came " not to
destroy the Law, but to perfect it," and that
" not one jot or one tittle of it shall pass
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•way"! what of the (act, consequent upon it,
that the Law has been reverenced in all Chris-
tun churches, and had an important influence
on much Christian legislation ? The explana-
tion of the apparent contradiction lies in the
difference between positive and moral obliga-
tion. To apply this principle practically there
is need of much study and discretion, in order
to distinguish what is local and temporary from
what is universal, and what is mere external
form from what is the essence of an ordinance.
Lawyer. The title " lawyer " is generally
supposed to be equivalent to the title " scribe,
both on account of its etymological meaning,
and also because the man, who is also called a
" lawyer" in Matt. xxii. 35 and Luke x. 25, is
called " one of the scribes " in Mark xii. 28.
If the common reading in Luke xi. 44, 45, 46,
be correct, it will be decisive against this. By
the use of the word vouuof (Tit. iii. 9) as a
simple adjective, it seems more probable that
the title " scribe " was a legal ana official des-
ignation, but that the name vofixof was prop-
erly a mere epithet signifying one " learned in
the law," and only used as a title in common
parlance (comp. the use of it in Tit. iii. 13,
" Zenas the lawyer ").
Laying-on of Hands. [Baptism.]
Laa'arus. In this name, which meets us
as belonging to two characters in the N. T., we
mar recognize an abbreviated form of the old
Hebrew Eleazax. 1. Lazarus of Bethany, the
brother of Martha and Mary (John xi. 1 ). All
that we know of him is derived from the Gos-
pel of St. John, and that records little more
than the facts of his death and resurrection.
We are able, however, without doing violence
to the principles of a true historical criticism,
to arrive at some conclusions helping us, with
at least some measure of probability, to fill up
these scanty outlines. (1.) The language of
John xi. 1 implies that the sisters were the bet-
ter known. Lazarus is " of Bethany, of the
tillage of Mary and her sister Martha. From
this, and from the order of the three names in
John xi. 5, wet may reasonably infer that Laz-
arus was the youngest of the family. (2.) The
boose in which the feast is held appears, from
John xii. 2, to be that of the sisters. Martha
"scrres," a* in Luke x. 38. Mary takes upon
herself that which was the special duty of a
hostess towards an honored guest (comp. Luke
vil 46). The impression left on onr minds by
this account, if it stood alone, would be that
they were the givers of the feast. In Matt,
xxri. 6, Mark xiv. 3, the same fact appears as
ocenrring in " the house of Simon the leper ; "
hot a leper, as snch, would have been compelled
to lead a separate life, and certainly could not
have given a feast and received a multitude of
guests. Among the conjectural explanations
which have been given of this difference, the
hypothesis that this Simon was the father of
the two sisters and of Lazarus, that he had
teen smitten with leprosy, and that actual
death, or the civil death that followed on his
disease, had left his children free to act for
themselves, is at least as probable as any other,
"id has some support in early ecclesiastical
traditions. (3.) All the circumstances of John
«• and xii. point to wealth and social position
above the average. (4.) A comparison of
Matt. xxvi. 6, Mark xiv. 3, with Luke vii. 36,
44, suggests another conjecture that harmonizes
with and in part explains the foregoing. If
Simon the leper were also the Pharisee, it
would explain the fact just noticed of the
friendship between the sisters of Lazarus and
the members of that party in Jerusalem. It
would follow on this assumption that the Phar-
isee, whom we thus fur identify with the father
of Lazarus, was probably one of the members
of that sect, sent down from Jerusalem to
watch the new teacher. (5.) One other con-
jecture, bolder perhaps than the others, may
yet be hazarded. Admitting, as must be ad-
mitted, the absence at once of all direct evi-
dence and of traditional authority, there are
yet some coincidences, at least remarkable
enough to deserve attention, and which suggest
the identification of Lazarus with the young
ruler that had great possessions, of Matt, xix.,
Mark x., Luke xviii. The age (Matt. xix. 20,
22) agrees with what has been before inferred
(see above, 1 ), as does the fact of wealth above
the average with what we know of the condi-
tion of the family at Bethanv (see 2). If the
father were an influential Pharisee, if there
were ties of some kind uniting the family with
that body, it would be natural enongh that the
son, even in comparative youth, should occupy
the position of a " ruler. But further, it is
of this rich young man that St. Mark uses the
emphatic word ("Jesus, beholding him, loved
him ") which is used of no others in the Gos-
pel history, save of the beloved apostle and of
Lazarus and his sisters (John xi. 5). Combin-
ing these inferences, then, we get, with some
measure of likelihood, an insight into one as-
pect of the life of the Divine Teacher and
Friend, full of the most living interest. The
village of Bethany and its neighborhood were
a frequent retreat from the controversies and
tumults of Jerusalem (John xviii. 2 ; Luke xxi.
37, xxii. 39). At some time or other, one
household, wealthy, honorable, belonging to
the better or Nicodemus section of the Phari-
sees (see above, 1, 2, 3), learns to know and
reverence him. Disease or death removes the
father from the scene, and the two sisters are
left with their younger brother to do as they
think right. In them and in the brother over
whom they watch, He finds that which is wor-
thy of His love. But two at least need an edu-
cation in the spiritual life. A few weeks pass
away, and then comes the sickness of John xi.
One of the sharp malignant fevers of Palestine
cuts off the life that was so precious. The sis-
ters know how truly the Divine Friend has
loved him on whom their love and their hopes
centred. They send to Him in the belief that
the tidings of the sickness will at once draw
Him to them (John xi. 3). Slowly, and in
words which (though afterwards understood
otherwise) mnst at the time have seemed to the
disciples those of one upon whom the truth
came not at once, but bv degrees, He prepares
them for the worst. " This sickness is not unto
death " — " Our friend Lazarus sleepeth " —
" Lazarus is dead." The work which He was
doing as a teacher or a healer (John x. 41, 42)
in Bethabara, or the other Bethany (John x. 40
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and i. 28), was not interrupted, and continues
for two days after the message reaches Him.
Then comes the journey, occupying two days
more. When He and His disciples come,
three days have passed since the burial. The
friends from Jerusalem, chiefly of the Pharisee
and ruler class, are there with their consola-
tions. The sisters receive the Prophet, each
according to her character. His sympathy
with their sorrow leads Him also to weep.
Then comes the work of might as the answer
of the prayer which the Son offers to the Fa-
ther (John xi. 41, 42). The stone is rolled
away from the mouth of the rock-chamber in
which the body had been placed. "He that
was dead came forth, bound hand and foot with
grave-clothes; and his face was bound about
with a napkin." It is well not to break in
upon the silence which hangs over the interval
of that " four days' sleep. One scene more
meets us, and then the life of the family which
has come before us with such daylight clearness
lapses again into obscurity. In the house
which, though it still bore the father's name
(sup. 1 ), was the dwelling of the sisters and the
brother, there is a supper, and Lazarus is there,
and Martha serves, no longer jealously, and
Mary pours out her love in the costly offering of
the spikenard ointment, and finds herself once
again misjudged and hastily condemned. After
this, all direct knowledge of Lazarus ceases. It
would be as plausible an explanation of the
strange fact recorded by St Mark alone (xi v. 51 )
as any other, if we were to suppose that Lazarus,
whose home was near, who must have known
the place to which the Lord " oftentimes re-
sorted," was drawn to the Garden of Gethsera-
ane by the approach of the officers " with
their torches and lanterns and weapons " (John
xviii. 3), and in the haste of the night-alarm,
rushed eagerly " with the linen cloth cast about
his naked body," to see whether he was in time
to render any help. Apocryphal traditions
even are singularly scanty and jejune, as if the
silence which " scaled the lips of the evangel-
ists" had restrained others also. They have
nothing more to tell of Lazarus than the mea-
gre tale that follows: — He lived for thirty
years after his resurrection, and died at the age
of sixty. When he came forth from the tomb,
it was with the bloom and fragrance as of a
bridegroom. He and his sisters, with Mary
the wife of Cleophas, and other disciples, were
sent out to sea by the Jews in a leaky boat, but
miraculously escaped destruction, and were
brought safely to Marseilles. There he preached
the Gospel, and founded a church, and became
its bishop. After many years, he suffered mar-
tyrdom, and was buried, some said, there ;
others, at Citium in Cyprus. Finally his bones
and those of Mary Magdalene were brought
from Cyprus to Constantinople by the Emperor
Leo the Philosopher, and a church erected to
his honor. Some apocryphal books were ex-
tant bearing his name. The question why the
first three Gospels omit all mention of so won-
derful a fact as the resurrection of Lazarus has
from a comparatively early period forced itself
upon interpreters and apologists. The expla-
nations given of the perplexing phenomenon
ore briefly these: — (1) That fear of drawing
down persecution on on<j aUnrir Angled out
for it kept the threw eTaafcelu.es, uniting dur-
ing the lifetime of Lazaroc, irora all mention
of him ; and thtt, this reason for faience being
removed by Lis death, St. John could write
freely. (2) That the writers of the first three
Gospels confine themselves, as by a deliberate
plan, to the miracles wrought in Galilee (that
of the blind man at Jericho being the only ex-
ception), and that they therefore abstained "from
all mention of any fact, however interesting,
that lay outside that limit. (3) That the nar-
rative, in its beauty and simplicity, its human
sympathies and marvellous transparency, car-
ries with it the evidence of its own truthful-
ness. (4) Another explanation, suggested by
the attempt to represent to one's self what
must have been the sequel of such a fact as
that now in question upon the life of him who
had been affected by it, may perhaps be added.
The history of monastic orders, of sudden con-
versions after great critical deliverances from
disease or danger, offers an analogy which may
help to guide us. In such cases it has hap-
pened, in a thousand instances, that the man
has felt as if the thread of his life was broken,
the post buried forever, old things vanished
away. He retires from the world, changes his
name, speaks to no one, or speaks only in
hints, of all that belongs to his former life,
shrinks above all from making his conversion,
his resurrection from the death of sin, the sub-
ject of common talk. Assume only that the
laws of the spiritual life worked in some such
way on Lazarus, and it will seem hardly won-
derful that such a man should shrink from pub-
licity, and should wish to take his place as the
last and lowest in the company of believers.
The facts of the case are, at any rate, singu-
larly in harmony with this last explanation.
Matthew and Mark omit equally all mention
of the three names. John, writing long after-
wards, when all three had " fallen asleep," feels
that the restraint is no longer necessary, and
puts on record, as the Spirit brings all things to
his remembrance, the whole of the wonderful
history. The circumstances of his life, too, all
indieate that he more than any other Evangel-
ist was likely to have lived in that inmost
circle of disciples, where these things would be
most lovingly and reverently remembered. —
2. The name Lazarus occurs also in the well-
known parable of Luke xvi. 19-31. What is
there chiefly remarkable is, that in thisparable
alone we meet with a proper name. Were the
thoughts of men called to the etymology of the
name, as signifying that he who bore it had in
his poverty no help but God, or as meaning,
in the shortened form, one who had become
altogether " helpless " ? Or was it again not
a parable, but, in its starting-point at least, a
history, so that Lazarus was some actual beg-
gar, like him who lay at the beautiful gate of
the Temple, familiar therefore both to the dis-
ciples and the Pharisees ? Whatever the merit
of either of these suggestions, no one of thcra
can be accepted as quite satisfactory ; and it
adds something to the force of the hypothesis
ventured on above, to find that it connects it-
self with this question ileo. If we assume the
identity suggested in (*), or if, leaving that a*
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LEAD
471
LEASING
unproved, we remember only that the historic
Lazarus belonged by birth to the class of the
■wealthy and influential Pharisees, as in (3),
could any thing be more significant than the
introduction of this name into such a parable ?
Not Eleazar the Pharisee, rich, honored, blame-
less among men, but Eleazar the beggar, full
of leprous sores, lying at the rich man's gate,
was the true heir of blessedness, for whom was
reserved the glory of being in Abraham's bo-
som. Very striking too, it must be added, is
the coincidence between the teaching of the
parable and of the history in another point.
The Lazarus of the one remains in Abraham's
bosom because " if men hear not Moses and the
prophets, neither will they be persuaded though
one rose Irom the dead." The Lazarus of die
other returned from it, and yet bears no wit-
ness to the unbelieving Jews of the wonders or
the terrors of Hades. In this instance also,
the name of Lazarus has been perpetuated in
an institution of the Christian Church. The
leper of the middle ages appears as a Lazzaro.
Among the orders, half-military and half-mo-
nastic, of the 12th century, was one which bore
the title of the Knight" of St. Lazarus (a.d.
1 119), whose special work it was to minister to
the lepers, first of Syria, and afterwards of Eu-
rope. The use of lazaretto and losar-house
tot thn leper-hospitals then founded in all parts
of Western Christendom, no less than that of
lazKirone for the mendicants of Italian towns,
are indications of the effect of the parable upon
the mind of Europe in the middle ages, and
tncnr* upon its later speech.
Load, one of the most common of metals,
found generally in veins of rocks, though sel-
dom in a metallic state, and most commonly
in combination with sulphur It was early
known to the ancients, and the allusions to it
in Scripture indicate that the Hebrews were
well acquainted with its uses. The rocks in
the neighborhood of Sinai yielded it in large
quantities, and it was found in Egypt. That
it was common in Palestine is shown by the
expression in Etilus. xlvii. 18 (comp. 1 K.
x. 27). It was anion? the spoils of the Mid-
Unites which the children of Israel brought
with them to the plains of Moab, after their
return from the slaughter of the tribe (Num.
xxxi. 22). The ships of Tarshish supplied
the market of Tyre with lead, as with other
metals ( Ez. xxvii. 12). Its heaviness, to which
allusion is made in Ex. xv. 10, and Ecclus.
xxii. 14, caused it to be used for weights, which
were either iu the form of a round flat cake
(Zech. r. 7), or a rough unfashioned lump or
"stone" (ver. 8); stones having in ancient
times served the purpose of weights (comp.
Prov. xvi. 11). In modern metallurgy, lead is
ased with tin in the composition of solder for
fastening metals together. That the ancient
Hebrews were acquainted with the use of solder
is evident from Isaiah xli. 7. No hint is given
as to the composition of the solder ; but in all
probability lead was one of the materials em-
ployed, its usage for such a purpose being of
neat antiquity. The ancient Egyptians used
it for fastening stones together in the rough
parts of a building, and it was found by Mr.
Layard among the ruin* at Nimroud. In Job
xix. 24, bus allusion is supposed to be to the
practice of carving inscriptions upon stone, and
pouring molten lead into the cavities of the
letters, to render them legible, and at the same
time preserve them from the action of the air.
In modern metallurgy, lead is employed for the
purpose of purifying silver from other mineral
products. The alloy is mixed with lead, ex-
posed to fusion upon an earthen vessel, and sub-
mitted to a blast of air. By this means the dross
is consumed. This process is called the cupel-
ling operation, with which the description in
Ez. xxii. 18-22, in the opinion of Mr. Napier,
accurately coincides.
Leb'ana, one of the Nethinim whose de-
scendants returned from Babylon with Zerub-
babel <Neh. vii. 48). He is called Labana in
the parallel list of I Esdras, and
Leb'anah in Ezr. H. 45.
Leaf, Leaves. The word occurs in the
A. V. either in the singular or plural number
in three different senses — ( 1 ) Leaf or leaves of
trees. (2) Leaves of the doors of the Temple.
(3) Leaves of the roll of a book. 1. Leaf of
a tree (aleh, tereph, aphi). The olive-leaf is
mentioned in Gen. viii. 11. Fig-leaves formed
the first covering of our parents in Eden. The
barren fig-tree (Matt. xxi. 19; Mark xi. 13)
on the road between Bethany and Jerusalem
" had on it nothing but leaves.' The oak-leaf
is mentioned in Is. i. 30 and vi. 13. The
righteous are often compared to green leaves
(Jer. xvii. 8). The ungodly, on the other hand,
are as " an oak whose leaf fadeth" (Is. i. 30).
In Ez. xlvii. 12, Rev. xxii. 1, 2, there is prob-
ably an allusion to some tree whese loaves were
used by the Jews as a medicine o. ointment ;
indeed, it is very likely that many ,ilants and
leaves were thus made use of by them, as by
the old English herbalists. 2. Leaves of doors
(tselaim, deletli). Tho Hebrew word, which oc-
curs very many times in tho Bible, and which
in I K. vi. 32 (margin) and 34 is translated
"leaves" in the A. V., signifies beams, ribs,
sides, &c. In Ez. xli. 24, the Hebrew word
deleth is the representative of both doo>s and
leaves. 3. Leaves of a book or roll (deUth)
occurs in this sense only in Jer. xxxvi 23.
The Hebrew word (literally doors) would per-
haps be more correctly translated columns.
Leah, the daughter of Laban (Gen. xxix.
16). The dulness or weakness of her eyes was
so notable, that it is mentioned as a contrast
to the beautiful form and appearance of her
younger sister Rachel. Her father took ad-
vantage of the opportunity which the local
marriage-rite afforded to pass her off in her
sister's stead on the unconscious bridegroom,
and excused himself to Jacob by alleging I bat
the custom of the country forbade the younger
sister to be given first in marriage. Jacob's
preference of Rachel grew into hatred of Leah,
after he had married Doth sisters. Leah, how-
ever, bore to him in quick succession Reuben,
Simeon, Levi, Judah, then Issachar, Zebulun,
and Dinah, before Rachel had a child. She
died some time after Jacob reached the south
country in which his father Isaac lived. She
was buried in the family grave in Machpelah
(ch. xlix. 31).
Leasing, "falsehood." This word is re-
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LEBANON
472
LEBANON
Mined in the A. V. of Ps. iv. 2, t. 6, from the
older English versions ; but the Hebrew word
of which it is the rendering is elsewhere almost
uniformly translated " lies " (Ps. xl. 4, lviii.
3, &c.)-
Leather. The notices of leather in the
Bible are singularly few ; indeed the word oc-
curs but twice in the A. V., and in each in-
stance in reference to the same object, a girdle
(2 K. i. 8 ; Matt. iii. 4). There are, however,
other instances in which the word " leather "
might with propriety be substituted for " skin "
(Lev. xi. 32, xiii. 48; Nnm. xxxi. 20).
Leaven. Various substances were known
to have fermenting qualities ; but the ordinary
leaven consisted of a lump of old dough in a
high state of fermentation, which was inserted
into the moss of dough prepared for baking.
The use of leaven was strictly forbidden in all
offerings made to the Lord by fire. It is in ref-
erence to these prohibitions that Amos (iv. 5)
ironically bids the Jews of his day to " offer a
sacrifice of thanksgiving with leaven." In other
instances, where the offering was to be con-
sumed bv the priests, and not on the altar,
leaven might be used. Various ideas were as-
sociated with the prohibition of leaven in the
instances above quoted. But the most promi-
nent idea, and the one which applies equally to
all the cases of prohibition, is connected with
the corruption which leaven itself had under-
gone, and which it communicated to bread io
the process of fermentation. It is to this prop-
erty of leaven that our Saviour points when
he speaks of the "leaven " (i.e. the corrupt doc-
trine) " of the Pharisees and of the Sadducees "
(Matt. xvi. 6) ; and St. Paul, when he speaks
of the " old leaven " (1 Cor. v. 7).
Leb'anon, a mountain range in the north of
Palestine. The name Lebanon signifies " white,"
and was applied either on account of the snow,
which, during a great part of the year, covers
its whole summit, or on account of the white
tolor of its limestone cliffs and peaks. It is the
" white mountain " — the Mont Blanc of Pales-
tine. Lebanon is represented in Scripture as
lying upon the northern border of the land of
tsrael (Deut. i. 7, xi. 24; Josh. i. 4). Two
distinct ranges bear this name. They both be-
gin in lat. 33° 20', and run in parallel lines from
8.W. to N.E. for about 90 geog. miles, enclos-
ing between them a long fertile valley from 5 to
8 miles wide, anciently called Coclt-Sgria. The
western range is the " Libanus " of the old ge-
ographers, and the Lebanon of Scripture. The
eastern range was called " Anti-Libanus " by
geographers, and " Lebanon toward the sun-ris-
ing" by the sacred writers (Josh. xiii. 5). Adeep
valley called Wadyet-Tdm separates the southern
section of Anti-Libanns from both Lebanon and
the hills of Galilee. Lebanon — the western
range — commences on the south at the deep
ravine of the Litany, the ancient River Leontcs,
which drains the Valley of Ccele-Syria, and falls
into the Mediterranean five miles north of
Tyre. It runs N. E. in a straight line parallel
to the coast, to the opening from the Mediterra-
nean into the Plain of Emesa, called in Scriptnre
the "Entrance of Hamnth" (Num. xxxiv. 8).
Hero Nahr el-Kebir — the ancient River Eleuthe-
rus —sweeps round its northern end, as the
Leontes does round its southern. The average
elevation of the range is from 6,000 to 8,000
ft. ; but two peaks rise considerably higher. On
the summits of both these peaks the snow
remains in patches during the whole summer.
The central ridge or backbone of Lebanon has
smooth, barren sides, and gray rounded com-
mits. It is entirely destitute of verdure, and is
covered with small fragments of limestone,
from which white crowns and jagged points of
naked rock shoot up at intervals. Here and
there a few stunted pine-trees or dwarf oaks are
met with. The line of cultivation runs along
at the height of about 6,000 ft ; and below this
the features of the western slopes are entirely
different. The descent is gradual, but is every-
where broken by precipices and towering rocks
which time and the elements have chiselled into
strange, fantastic shapes. Ravines of singular
wildness and grandeur furrow the whole moun-
tain-side, looking in many places like hnpe rents.
Here and there, too, bold promontories shoot
ont, and dip perpendicularly into the bosom
of the Mediterranean. The rugged limestone
banks ore scantily clothed with the evergr een
oak, and the sandstone with pines ; while eTcry
available spot is carefully cultivated. The cul-
tivation is wonderful, and shows what all Syria
might be if under a good government. Fig-
trees cling to the naked rock ; vines are trained
along narrow ledges ; long ranges of mulberries,
on terraces like steps of stairs, cover the more
gentle declivities ; and dense groves of olive*
fill up the bottoms of the glens. Hnndreds of
villages are seen — here built amid labyrinths
of rocks ; there clinging like swallows' nests to
the sides of cliffs ; while convents, no lea nu-
merous, are perched on the top of every peak.
The vine is still largely cultivated in every part
of the mountain. Lebanon also abounds in
olives, figs, and mulberries ; while some rem-
nants exist of the forests of pine, oak, and ce-
dar, which formerly covered it (1 K. v. 6; Ps.
xxix. 5; Is. xiv. 8 ; Ezr. iii. 7). Considerable
numbers of wild beasts still inhabit its retired
glens and higher peaks : the writer has seen
jackals, hyenas, wolves, bears, and panthers
(2 K. xiv. 9 ; Cant. iv. 8 ; Hab. ii. 17). Some
noble streams of classic celebrity have their
sources high up in Lebanon, and rush down in
sheets of foam through sublime glens, to stain
with their ruddy waters the transparent liosora
of the Mediterranean. Along the base of Leba-
non runs the irregular plain of Phoenicia ; no-
where more than two miles wide, and often
interrupted by bold rocky spurs, that dip into
the sea. The main ridge of Lebanon is com-
posed of Jura limestone, and abounds in fossils.
Long belts of more recent sandstone run along
the western slopes, which is in places largely
impregnated with iron. Lebanon was origi-
nally inhabited by the Hivitcs and Giblires
(Judg. iii. 3; Josh. xiii. 5, 6). The whole
mountain range was assigned to the Israelites,
but was never conquered by them (Josh, xiii
2-6 ; Judg. iii. 1-3). During the Jewish mon-
archy it appears to have been subject to tbo
Phoenicians (1 K. v. 2-6; Ezr. iii. 7). From
the Greek conqnest until modern times, Lebanon
had no separate history.
Anti-Ltbama. — The main chain of Anti-Li-
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LEEKS
473
LEMUEL
ban us commences in the plateau of Bashan,
near the parallel of Cassarea-Philippi, runs
north to Ilermon, and then north-east in a
straight line till it sinks down into the great
Plain of Emesa, not far from the site of Riblah.
Hermon is the loftiest peak ; the next highest
is a few miles north of the site of Abila, beside
the village of Bhutan, and has an elevation of
about 7,000 ft. The rest of the ridge averages
about 5,000 ft. ; it is in general bleak and bar-
ren, with shelving gray declivities, gray cliffs,
and gray rounded summits. Here and there
we meet with thin forests of dwarf oak and
juniper. The western slopes descend abruptly
into the BiJca'a; but the features of the eastern
are entirely different. Three side-ridges here
radiate from Hermon, like the ribs of an open
fan, and form the supporting walls of three
great terraces. Anti-Libanus is only once dis-
tinctly mentioned in Scripture, where it is ac-
curately described as "Lebanon toward the
sun-rising" (Josh. xiii. 5). "The tower of
Lebanon which looketh toward Damascus"
(Cant. vii. 4) is doubtless Hermon, which forms
the most striking feature in the whole panorama
round that city.
Lob'aoth," a town which forms one of the
last group of the cities of " the South " in the
enumeration of the possessions of Judah (Josh.
xv. 32), probably identical with Bkth-Lbba-
otii.
LebbtB'uS. This name occurs in Matt.
x. 3, according to Codex D (Bczas) of the sixth
century, and in the Received Text. In Mark
iii. Is, >t is substituted in a few unimportant
MSS. for Thaddeus.
Leb oriah, a place named in Judg. xxi. 19
only. Lcbonah has survived to our times under
the almost identical form of el-Liibban. It lies
to the west of, and close to, the Nablus Road,
about eight miles north of Beitin (Bethel), and
two from Seilun (Shiloh).
Le'cah, a name mentioned in the genealo-
gies of Judah (I Chr. it". 21 only) as one of the
descendants of ShcUh, the third son of Judah
by the Canaanitess Bath-shua.
Leeoh. IHorse-Lebcii]
Leeks (Hub. chatsir). The word chatsir,
which in Num. xi. 5 is translated leeks, occurs
twenty times in the Hebrew text. The Hebrew
term, which properly denotes grass, is derived
from a root signifying " to bo green," and may
therefore stand in this passage for any green
food, lettuce, endive, &c., as Ludolf and Mail-
let have conjectured ; it would thus be applied
somewhat in the same manner as we nse the
term " greens : " yet as the chatsir is mentioned
together with onions and garlic in the text,
and as the most ancient versions unanimously
understand leeks by the Hebrew word, we may
be satisfied with our own translation. There
is, however, another and a very ingenious in-
terpretation of chatsir, first proposed by Heng-
stenlierx, and received by Dr. Kitto [Ptr'nr,
Bible, Num. xi. 5), which adopts a more liu^ul
translation of the original word, for, says Dr.
Kitto, "among the wonders in the natural his-
tory of Egypt, it is mentioned by travellers that
the* common people there cat with special relish
a kind of grass similar to clover." Mayer says
of this plant (whose scientific name is Trigo-
80
nella fumum Graxum, belonging to the natural
order Leguminosai), that it is similar to clover, but
its leaves more pointed, and that great quanti-
ties of it are eaten by the people. The leek is
too well known to need description. Its botani-
cal name is Allium porrum ; it belongs to the
order LiUacett.
Lees. The Hebrew shemer bears the radical
sense at preservation, and was applied to " lees "
from the custom of allowing the wine to stand
on the lees in order that its color and body
might be better preserved. Hence the expres-
sion " wine on the lees," as meaning a generous
full-bodied liquor (Is. xxv. 6). Before the wine
was consumed, it was necessary to strain off the
lees ; such wine was then termed " well refined "
(Is. xxv. 6). To drink the lees, or " dregs,"
was an expression for the endurance of ex-
treme punishment (Ps. lxxv. 8).
Legion, the chief subdivision of the Roman
army, containing about 6,000 infantry, with a
contingent of cavalry. Each legion was divided
into ten cohorts, or regiments ; each cohort, into
three maniples, or bands ; and each maniple into
three centuries, orcompanies, of 100 each. The
term docs not occur in the Bible in its primary
sense, bnt appears to have been adopted in
order to express any large number, with the
accessory ideas of order and subordination
(Matt. xxvi. 53 ; Mark v. 9).
Le'habim, occurring only in Gen. x. 13;
the name of a Mizraitc people or tribe. There
can be no doubt that they are tbe same as tho
KcBU or LcBU of the Egyptian inscriptions,
and that from them Libya and the Libyans
derived their name. These primitive Libyans
appear to have inhabited the northern part of
Africa to the west of Egypt, though latterly
driven from the coast by the Greek colonists of
the Cyrenaica, as is more fully shown under
Lubih.
Le'hi, a place in Judah, probably on the
confines of tho Philistines' country, between it
and the cliff Etam ; the scene of Samson's well-
known exploit with the jawbone (Judg. xv. 9,
ft.
U, 19).
; contained an eminence — Ramath-
lchi, und a spring of great and lasting repute -
En hak-kore. Whether the name existed before
the exploit, or the exploit originated the name,
cannot now be determined from the narrative.
On the one hand, in ver. 9 and 19, Lchi is numed
as if existing before this occurrence ; while on
the other, the play of the story, and the state-
ment of the bestowal of tho name Ramath-lvhi,
look as if the reverse were intended. The
analogy of similar names in other countries is
in favor of its having existed previously. A
similar discrepancy in tho case of Beer Lahai-
roi, and a great similarity between the two
names in the original, has led to the supposition
that that place was the same as Lchi. But the
situations do not suit. The same consideration
would also appear fatal to the identification
proposed by if. Van <le Vclde at Tell et-Leklii-
yeh, in the extreme south of Palestine. As far
as tho name goes, a more probable suggestion
would be Beii-LHaijeh, a village on the northern
slopes of the great Wndij Suleiman, about two
miles below the upper Bcth-horon.
Lemuel, the name of an unknown king to
whom his mother addressed tbe prudential
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LEPER
474
LEPEK
maxima contained in Prov. xxxi. 1-9. The
Rabbinical commentators identify Lemuel with
Solomon. Grotius, adopting a fanciful ety-
mology from the Arabic, makes Lemuel the
same as Hczekioh. llitzig and others regard
him as king or chief of an Arab tribe dwell-
ing on the borders of Palestine, an elder broth-
er of Agur, whose name stands at the head of
Prov. xxx.
Lentils (Hcb. 'SddMm). There cannot
be the least doubt that the A. V. is correct in
its translation of the Hebrew word which occurs
in the four following passages : — Gen. xxv. 34 ;
2 Sam. xvii. 28; xxiii. II; and Ez. iv. 9.
There are three or four kinds of lentils, all of
which are still much esteemed in those countries
where they are grown, viz. the South of Europe,
Asia, and North Africa : the red lentil is still
a favorite article of food in the East ; it is a
small kind, the seeds of which, after being de-
corticated, are commonly sold in the bazaars of
India. The modern Arabic name of this plant
is identical with the Hebrew : it is known in
Egypt and Arabia, Syria, &c., by the name
'Adas, as we learn from the testimony of sev-
eral travellers. Lentil bread is still eaten by
the poor of Egypt.
Leopard ( Heb. namir) is invariably given
by the A. V. as the translation of the Hebrew
word, which occurs in the seven following pas-
sages : — Is. xi. 6 ; Jer. v. 6, xiii. 23 ; Dan. vii.
6 ; Hos. xiii. 7 ; Cant. iv. 8 : Hab. i. 8. Leopard
occurs also in Ecclus. xxviii. 23, and in Rev.
xiii. 2. From the passage of Canticles, quoted
above, we learn that the hilly ranges of Leba-
non were in ancient times frequented by these
animals, and it is now not uncommonly seen in
and about Lebanon, and the southern maritime
mountains of Syria. Burckhardt mentions that
leopards have sometimes been killed in " the
low and rocky chain of the Richel Mountain ; "
but he colls them ounces. Under the name
namir, which means "spotted," it is not im-
probable that another animal, namely the
cheetah (Gueparda jubata), maybe included;
which is tamed by the Mahometans of Syria,
who employ it in hunting the gazelle.
Leper, Leprosy. The predominant and
characteristic form of leprosy in Scripture is a
white variety, covering cither the entire body or
a large tract of its surface ; which has obtained
the name of Lepra Mosaica. Such were the cases
of Moses, Miriam, Naaraan, and Gehazi (Ex. iv.
6; Num. xii. 10; 2 K. v. 1, 27; comp. Lev.
xiii. 13). But remarkably enough, in the Mo-
saic ritual-diagnosis of tho disease (Lev. xiii.,
xiv.), this kind, when overspreading the whole
surface, appears to be regarded as " clean "
(xiii. 12, 13, 16, 17). The Egyptian bondage,
with its studied degradations and privations,
and especially the work of the kiln under an
Egyptian sun, must have had a frightful ten-
dency to generate this class of disorders ; hence
Manetho asserts that the Egyptians drove out
the Israelites as infected with leprosy — a
strange reflex, perhaps, of the Mosaic narrative
of the " plagnes " of Egypt, yet probably also
containing a germ of truth. The sndden and
total change of food, air, dwelling, and mode
of life, caused by the Exodus, to this nation of
newly-emancipated slaves, may possibly have
had a further tendency to produce skin-dU
orders, and severe repressive measures may
have been required in the desert-moving camp
to secure the public health, or to allay the panic
of infection. Hence it is possible that many,
perhaps most, of this repertory of symptoms
may have disappeared with the period of the
Exodus, and the snow-white form, which had
pre-existed, may alone have ordinarily contin-
ued in a later age. But it is observable that,
amongst these Levitical symptoms, the scaling,
or pecling-off of the surface, is nowhere men-
tioned, nor is there any expression in the He-
brew text which points to exfoliation of the
cuticle. The principal morbid features are a
rising or swelling, a scab or baldness, and a
bright or white spot (xiii. 2). Bnt especially
a white swelling in the skin, with a change of
the hair of the part from the natural black to
white or yellow (3, 4, 10, 20, 25, 30), or an ap-
pearance of a taint going "deeper than the
skin," or again, " raw flesh " appearing in the
swelling (10, 14, 15), were critical signs of pol-
lution. The mere swelling, or scab, or bright
spot, was remanded for a week as doubtful (4,
21, 26, 31 ), and for a second such period, if it
had not yet pronounced (5). If it then spread
(7, 22, 27, 35), it was decided as polluting.
But if, after the second period of quarantine,
the trace died away, and showed no symptom
of spreading, it was a mere scab, and the pa-
tient was adjudged clean (6, 23, 34). This
tendency to spread seems especially to have
been relied on. A spot most innocent in all
other respects, if it " spread much abroad,"
was unclean ; whereas, as before remarked, the
man so wholly overspread with the evil that it
could find no farther range, was on the contrary
"clean" (12, 13). These two opposite criteria
seem to show, that, whilst the disease manifest-
ed activity, the Mosaic law imputed pollution
to and imposed segregation on the sufferer,
but that the point at which it might be viewed
as having run its course was the signal for his
re-admission to communion. It is clear that the
leprosy of Lev. xiii., xiv., means any severe dis-
ease spreading on the surface of the body in
the way described, and so shocking of aspect,
or so generally suspected of infection, that pub-
lic feeling called for separation. It is now un-
doubted that the " leprosy " of modern Syria,
and which has a wide range in Spain, Greece,
and Norway, is the Elephantiasis Groan*. It
is said to have been brought home by the cru-
saders into the various countries of Western
and Northern Europe. It certainly was not
the distinctive white leprosy, nor do any of the
described symptoms in Lev. xiii. point to ele-
phantiasis. "White as snow" (2 K. v. 27)
would be as inapplicable to elephantiasis as to
small-pox. Further, the most striking and
fearful results of this modern so-called " lep-
rosy " are wanting in the Mosaic description.
Whether we regard Lev. xiii. as speaking of a
group of diseases having mutually a mere su-
perficial resemblance, or a real affinity, it need
not perplex ns that they do not correspond
with the threefold leprosy of Hippocrates, the
ctt^of, Xcvkti, and uefac, which are said by
Bateman (Skin Diseases, Plates vii. and viti.)
to prevail still respectively as Lepra alpitoida,
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LEPER
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LEVI
Lepra tmigaris. and Lepra nigrktau. The tint
has more minute and whiter scales, and the
circular patches in which they form are smaller
than those of the vulgarit, which appears in
scaly disks of different sizes, having nearly al-
ways a circular form, first presenting small dis-
tinct red shining elevations of the cuticle, then
white scales which accumulate sometimes into
a thick crust ; or, as Dr. Mason Good describes
its appearance (vol. iv. p. 451), us having a
spreading scale upon an elevated base ; the ele-
vations depressed in the middle, but without a
change of color ; the black hair on the patches,
which is the prevailing color of the hair in Pal-
estine, participating in the whiteness, and the
patches themselves perpetually widening in
their outline. A phosphate of lime is probably
what gives their bright glossy color to the
scaly patches, and this in the kindred dis-
ease of ichthyosis is deposited in great abun-
dance on the surface. The third, nigricans, or
rather mlifatca, is rarer, in form and distribu-
tion resembling the second, but differing in the
dark livid color of the patches. The scaly in-
crustations of the first species infest the flat of
the fore-arm, knee, and elbow joints, but on the
face seldom extend beyond the forehead and
temples ; comp. 2. Chr. xxvi. 19 : " the leprosy
rose up in his forehead." The cure of this is
not d : mcult ; the second scarcely ever heals
(Celsus Dt Med. v. 28, $ 19). The third is al-
ways accompanied by a cachectic condition of
body. Further, elephantiasis itself has also
passed current under the name of the " black
leprosy." It is possible that the " freckled
•pot " of the A. v., Lev. xiii. 39, may corre-
spond with the harmless Le/rra alphoidet, since it
is noted as " clean." There is a remarkable
concurrence between the .Aeschylean (Choepk.
271-274) description of the disease which Was
to produce " lichens coursing over the flesh,
eroding with fierce voracity the former natural
structure, and white hairs shooting up over the
part diseased," and some of the Mosaic symp-
toms ; the spreading energy of tlicevil is dwelt
upon both by Moses and by jEschylus, as vin-
dicating its character a_ r scourge of God. But
the symptoms of " white hairs " is a curious
and exact confirmation of the genuineness of
the detail in the Mosaic account, especially
as the poet's language would rather imply that
the disease spoken of was not then domesticat-
ed in Greece, but the strange horror of some
other land. There remains a curious question,
before we quit Leviticus, as regards the leprosy
of garments and houses. Some have thought
garments worn by leprous patients intended.
This classing of garments and housewalls with
the human epidermis, as leprous, has moved
the mirth of some, and the wonder of others.
Yet modern science has established what goes
<ar to vindicate the Mosaic classification as
more philosophical than such cavils. It is now
known that there are some skin-diseases which
originate in an acarus, and others which pro-
ceed from a fungus. In these we may proba-
bly find the solution of the paradox. The
analogy between the insect which frets the
human skin and that which frets the garment
that covers it — between the fungous growth
that line* the crevices of the epidermis and that
which creeps in the interstices of masonry — Is
close enough for the purposes of a ceremonial
law, to which it is essential that there should
be an arbitrary element intermingled with pro-
visions manifestly reasonable. Michaetis has
suggested a nitrous efflorescence on the surface
of the stone, produced by saltpetre, or rather
an acid containing it, and issuing in red spots,
and cites the example of a house in Lubec ; ho
mentions also exfoliation of the stone from
other causes ; but probably these appearances
would not be developed without a greater de-
gree of damp than is common in Palestine and
Arabia. It is manifest also that a disease in
the human subject caused by an acarus or by a
fungus would be certainly contagious, since the
propagative cause could be transferred from
person to person. The lepers of the New Tes-
tament do not seem to offer occasion for special
remark, save that by the N. T. period the dis-
ease, as known in Palestine, probably did not
differ materially from the Hippocratic record
of it.
Le'shem, a variation in the form of the
name of Laish, afterwards Dam, occurring only
in Josh. xix. 47 (twice).
Xietheoh (Ho* Hi. 2, margin). [Meas-
ures.]
Lot'tUB, the saras as Hattush (1 Esd.
viii. 29). Ap.
Lef ushiin, the name of the second of the
sons of Dcdan, son of Jokshan, Gen. xxv. 3
(and 1 Chr. i. 32, Vulg.). Fresncl identifies it
with Tatm, one of the ancient and extinct tribes
of Arabia, like as he compares Leummim with
Umciyim.
Le'ummim, the name of the third of the
descendants of Dcdan, son of Jokshan, Gen.
xxv. 3 (1 Chr. i. 32, Vulg.), being in the plural
form like his brethren, Asshurim and Lctushim.
It evidently refers to a tribe or people sprung
from Dedan. Leummim has been identified
with the 'Aitovpairurat of Ptolemy, and by
Fresnel with an Arab tribe called Unuiyim.
The latter was one of the very ancient tribes of
Arabia of which no genealogy is given 1>/ the
Arabs, and who appear to have been ante-Abra-
hamic, and possibly aboriginal inhabitants of
the country.
Le'vL 1. The name of the third son of
Jacob by his wife Leah. This, like most other
names in the patriarchal history, was connected
with the thoughts and feelings that gathered
round the child's birth. As derived from lavah
" to adhere," it gave utterance to the hope of
the mother that the affections of her husband,
which had hitherto rested on the favored Ra-
chel, would at last be drawn to her. " This
time will my husband be joined unto me, be-
cause I have borne him three sons " (Gen. xxix.
34). The new-born child was to be a fresh link
binding the parents to each other more closely
than before. One fact alone is recorded in which
he appears prominent. The sons of Jacob have
come from Padan-Arara to Canaan with their
father, and are with him " at Shalom, a city of
Shcchem." Their sister Dinah goes out "to
see the daughters of the land " (Gen. xxxiv. 1 ),
i.e. as the words probably indicate, and as Jose-
phus distinctly states [Ant. i. 21 ), to be present
at one of their great annual gatherings for some
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LEVIATHAN
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LEVITES
festival of nature-worship, analogous to that
which we meet with afterwards among the Mid-
ianites (Num. xxv. 2). The license of the time
or the absence of her natural guardians exposes
her, though yet in earliest youth, to lust and
outrage. A stain is left, not only on her, but on
the honor of her kindred, which, according to
the rough justice of the time, nothing but blood
could wash out The duty of extorting that
revenge fell, as in the case of Amuon and Ta-
inar (2 Sum. xiii. 22), on the brothers rather
than the father, just as, in the case of Rebekah,
it belonged to the brother to conduct the nego-
tiations for the marriage. Simeon and Levi
take the task upon themselves. The history
that follows is that of a cowardly and repulsive
crime. For the offence of one man, they destroy
and plunder a whole city. They cover their
murderous schemes with fair words and profes-
sions of friendship. They make the very token
of their religion the instrument of their perfidy
and revenge. Their father, timid and anxious
as ever, utters a feeble lamentation. Of other
facts in the life of Levi, there are none in which
he takes, as in this, a prominent and distinct
Ct. He shares in the hatred which his brothers
r to Joseph, and joins in the plots against
him (Gen. xxxvii. 4). Simeon appears to have
been foremost in this attack on the favored son
of Rachel; and it is at least probable that in
this, as in their former guilt, Simeon and Levi
were brethren. After this we trace Levi as join-
ing in the migration of the tribe that owned Ja-
cob as its patriarch. He, with his three sons,
Gershon, Kohath, Merari, wentdown into Egypt
(Gen. xlvi. II). As one of the four eldest sons
we may think of him as among the five (Gen.
xlvii. 2) that were specially presented before
Pharaoh. Then comes the last scene in which
his name appears. When his father's death
draws near, and the sons are gathered round
him, he hears the old crime brought up again
<o receive its sentence from the lips that are no
longer feeble and hesitating. They, no less
than the incestuous first-born, had forfeited the
privileges of their birthright. — 2. Son of Mel-
chi, one of the near ancestors of our Lord, in
fact the great-grandfather of Joseph (Luke iii.
24). — 3. A more remote ancestor of Christ,
son of Simeon (Luke iii. 29). — 4. Mark ii. 14 ;
Luke v. 27. 29. [Matthew.]
Leviathan occurs five times in the text of
the A. V., and once in the margin of Job iii. 8,
where the text has " mourning." In the He-
brew Bible the word Iwmthan, which is, with
the foregoing exception, always left untranslated
in the A. V., is found only in the following pas-
sages: Job iii. 8, xl. 25 (xli. 1, A. V.); Ps.
lxxiv. 14, civ. 26; Is. xxvii. I. In the margin
of Job iii. 8, and text of Job xli. 1, the crocodile
is most clearly the animal denoted by the He-
brew word. Ps. lxxiv. 14 also clearlv points to
this same saurian. The context of Pa. civ. 26
seems to show that in this passage the name
represents some animal of the whale tribe ; but
it is somewhat uncertain what animal is denoted
in Is. xxvii. 1. The passage in Job iii. 8 is
beset with difficulties. There can, however, be
little doubt that the margin is the correct ren-
dering. There appears to be some reference to
those who practised enchantments. The de-
tailed description of leviathan given in Job xB
indisputably belongs to the crocodile. The
Egyptian crocodile also is certainly the animal
denoted by leoiatAan in Ps. lxxiv. 14. The levi-
athan of Ps. civ. 26 seems clearly enough to
allude to some great cetacean. The Orca gladi-
ator (Gray), the Pkmahu antiquontm (Gray), or
the Itorqual de la McdUerranec (Cuvier), are not
uncommon in the Mediterranean, and in an-
cient times the species may have been more nu-
merous. There is some uncertainty about the
leviathan of Is. xxvii. 1. As the term leviathan
is evidently used in no limited sense, it is not
improbable that the "leviathan the piercing
serpent," or " leviathan the crooked serpent/^
mar denote some species of the great rock-
snakes [Boida) which are common in South
and West Africa, perhaps the Hortulia Stbet,
which Schneider (Amvh. ii. 266), under the syn-
onyme Boa hicrotfl#phicn, appears to identify
with the huge serpent represented on the Egyp-
tian monuments.
Le'vifl, improperly given as a proper name
in 1 Esd. ix. 14. It is simply a corruption of
"the Levite" in Err. x. 15. Ap.
Le'vites. The analogy of the names of
the other tribes of Israel would lead ns to in-
clude under these titles the whole tribe that
traced its descent from Levi. The existence
of another division, however, within the tribe
itself, in the higher office of the priesthood as
limited to " the sons of Aaron," gave to the
common form, in this instance, a peculiar
meaning. Most frequently the Levites are dis-
tinguished, as such, from the priests (IK. viiL
4; Ezr. ii. 70; John i. 19, 4c.), and this is the
meaning which has perpetuated itself. Some-
times the word extends to the whole tribe, the
priests included (Num. xxxv. 2; Josh. xxi. 3,
41 ; Ex. vi. 25; Lev. xxv. 32, &c.). Some-
times again it is added as an epithet of the
smaller portion of the tribe, and we read of
" the priests the Levites " (Josh. iii. 3 ; Ex.
xliv. 15). The history of the tribe, and of toe
functions attached to its several orders, is obvi-
ously essential to any right apprehension of the
history of Israel as a people. It will fall nat-
urally into four great periods. I. The time of
the Exodus. It The period of the Judges.
III. That of the Monarchy. IV. That from
the Captivity to the destruction of Jerusalem.
I. The absence of all reference to the conse-
crated character of the Levites in the Book of
Genesis is noticeable enough. The only occa-
sion on which the patriarch of the tribe appears
— the massacre of the Shechcmitcs — may in-
deed have contributed to influence the history
of his descendants, by fostering in them the
same fierce wild zeal against all that threatened
to violate the purity of their race ; but gen-
erally what strikes us is the absence of all rec-
ognition of the later character. In the gene-
alogy of Gen. xlvi. II, in like manner, the list
does not go lower down than the three sons of
Levi ; and they are given in the order of their
birth, not in that which would have corre-
sponded to the official superiority of the Kohath-
itcs. There are no signs, again, that the tribe
of Levi had any special pre-eminence over the
others during the Egyptian bondage. Within
the tribe itself, there are some slight tokens that
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the Kohathites are gaining the first place. But
u.s yet tliere are no traces of a caste-character, no
signs of any intention to establish an heredi-
tary priesthood. Up to this time, the Israelites
nan worshipped the God of their fathers after
their fathers manner. It was apparently with
this as their ancestral worship that they came
up oat of Egypt. The " young men " of the
sons of Israel offer sacrifices (Ex. xxiv. 5).
They, we may infer, are the priests who remain
with the people while Moses ascends the heights
of Sinai (xix. 22-21). They represented tho
truth that the whole people were "a king-
dom of priests " (xix. 6). Neither they nor the
" officers and judges " appointed to assist Moses
in administering justice (xviii. 25) are con-
nected in any special manner wilh the tribe of
Levi.
The first step towards a change was made in
the institution of an hereditary priesthood in
the family of Aaron, during the first withdraw-
al of Moses to the solitude of Sinai (xxviii. 1).
The next extension of the idea of the priest-
hood grew out of the terrible crisis of Ex. xxxii.
The tribe stood forth, separate and apart, re-
cognizing even in this stern work the spiritual
as higher than the natural, and therefore count-
ed worthy to be the representative of the ideal
life of the people, " an Israel within an Israel."
From this time accordingly, they occupied a
distinct position. The tribe of Levi was to
take the place of that earlier priesthood of the
first-born as representatives of the holiness of
tho people. The minds of the people were to
bediawn to the fact of the substitution by the
close numerical correspondence of the conse-
crated tribe with that of those whom they re-
placed. A" the Tabernacle was the sign of the
Rrcscncc among the people of their unseen
ling, so the Lcvitcs were, among the other
tribes of Israel, as the royal guard that waited
exclusively on Him. When the people were at
rest, they encamped as guardians round the sa-
cred tent (Num. i. 51, xviii. 22). The Lcvitcs
might come nearer than the other tribes ; but
they might not sacrifice, nor burn incense, nor
see tho " holy things " of the sanctuary, till
they were covered (Num. iv. 15). When on
the inarch, no hands but theirs mi^ht strike the
tent at tho commencement of the day's journey,
or carry the parts of its structure during it, or
pitch the tent once again when they halted
(Num. i. 51). It was obviously essential for
such a work that there should be a fixed as-
signment of duties ; and now, accordingly, wo
meet with the first outlines of the organization
which afterwards became permanent The di-
vision of the tribe into the three sections that
traced their descent from the sons of Levi,
formed the groundwork of it. The work which
they all had to do required a man's full strength,
anil therefore, though twenty was the starting-
point for military service (Num. i.), they were
not to enter on their active service till they were
thirty (Num. iv. 23, 30, 35). At fifty, they
were to be free from all duties bnt those of su-
perintendence (Num. viii. 25, 2G). The result
of this limitation gave to the Kohathites 2,750
on active service out of 8,600 ; to the sons of
Gcrshon 2,630 out of 7,500 ; to those of Mcrari
3.200 out of 6,200 (Num. iv.). Of these, tho Ko-
hathites, as nearest of kin to the priests, held
from the first the highest offices. They were to
bear all the vessels of the sanctuary, the ark it-
self included (Num. iii. 31, iv. 15; Dcut. xxxi.
25), after the priests had covered them with
the dark-blue cloth which was to hide them
from all profane gaze ; and thus they became
also the guardians of all the sacred treasures
which the people had so freely offered. Tho
Gershonites hud to carry the tent-hangings and
curtains (Num. iv. 22-26). The heavier bur-
den of the boards, bars, and pillars of the tab-
ernacle, fell on the sons of Mcrari. Before the
march began, the whole tribe was once again
solemnly set apart.
The new institution was, however, to receive
a severe shock from those who were most in-
terested in it. The section of the Levites whose
position brought them into contact with the
tribe of Reuben conspired with it to re-assert the
old patriarchal system of a household priest-
hood (Num. xvi.). When their self-willed am-
bition had been punished, it was time also to
provide more definitely for them, and this in-
volved a permanent organization for the future
as well as for the present. Jehovah was to be
their inheritance (Num. xviii. 20; Dcut. x. 9,
xviii. 2). They were to have no territorial pos-
sessions. In place of them, they were to revive
from the others the tithes of the produce of tho
land, from which they, in their turn, offered a
tithe to the priests, as a recognition of their
higher consecration (Num. xviii. 21, 24, 26;
Nch. x. 37). When the wanderings of the peo-
ple should be over, and the tabernacle have a
settled place, great part of the labor that had
fallen on them would come to an end, and they
too would need a fixed abode. Distinctness
and diffusion were both to be secured by t\e
assignment to tho whole tribe of forty eigl.t
cities, with an outlying "suburo" (Num.
xxxv. 2) of meadow-land for the pasturage of
their flocks and herds. Tho reverence of the
people for them was to be heightened by the
selection of six of these as cities of refuge.
Through the whole land, the Levites were to
take tho ploco of the old household priests,
shoring in all festivals and rejoicings ( 1 >cut. xii.
19, xiv. 26, 27, xxvi. 11). Every third >ear
they were to huve an additional shave in the
produce of the land (Dcut. xiv. 28, xxvi. 12).
To " tho priests tho Levites " was to belong the
office of preserving, transcribing, and interpret-
ing the law (Dcut. xvii. 9-12 ; xxxi. 20). Such,
if one may so speak, was tho ideal of the reli-
gious organization which was present to the
mind of the lawgiver. The great principle was,
that the warrior-caste who had guarded tho
tent of the captain of tho hosts of Israel should
lie throughout the land as witnesses that tho peo-
ple still owed allegiance to Him. As yet, no
traces appear of their character as a learned
caste, and of tho work which afterwards be-
longed to them as hymn-writers and musicians.
II. The successor of Moses, though belong-
ing to another tribe, did faithfully all that could
lie done to convert this idea into a reality.
The submission of the Gihconitcs, after they
had obtained a pmmi.to that their lives should
lie spared, enabled him to relievo the tri!>o-di vis-
ions of Gcrshon and Mcrari of the most burden-
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tome of their duties. The conquered Hivites
became " huwcrs of wood and drawers of water "
for the house of Jehovah and for the congrega-
tion (Josh. ix. 27). An soon as the conquerors
had advanced far enough to proceed to a parti-
tion of the country, the forty-eight cities were
assigned to them. The scanty memorials that
are left us in the Book of Judges fail to show
how far, for any length of time, the reality
answered to the idea. The tendency of the
people to fall into the idolatry of the neighbor-
ing nations showed cither that the Levites failed
to bear their witness to the tmth, or had no
power to enforce it. The old household priest-
hood revives, and there is the risk of the na-
tional worship breaking up into individualism
(Judg. xvi.). The shameless license of the
sons of Eli may be looked upon as the result of
a long period of decay, affecting the whole
order. The work of Samuel was the starting-
point of a better time. Himself a Lcvito, and,
though not a priest, belonging to that section
of the Levites which was nearest to the priest-
hood (1 Chr. vi. 28), adopted, as it were, by a
special dedication into the priestly line, and
trained for its offices (1 Sam. li. 18), he appears
as infusing a fresh life, the author of a new or-
ganization. There is no reason to think, in-
deed, that the companies or schools of the sons
of the prophets which appear in his time (1
Sam. x. 5), and are traditionally said to have
been founded by him, consisted exclusively of
Levites; but there are many signs that the
members of that tribe formed a large clement
in tho new order, and received new strength
from it.
III. The capture of the Ark by the Philis-
tines did not entirely interrupt the worship of
the Israelites ; and the ministrations of the Le-
vites went on, first at Shiioh (1 Sum. xiv. 3),
then for a time at Nob ( 1 Sam. xxii. II), after-
words at Gideon (1 K. iii. 2; 1 Chr. xvi. 39).
The history of the return of the Ark to Bctli-
shemesh after its capture by the Philistines,
and its subsequent removal to Kirjath-Jearim,
points apparently to some strange complica-
tions, rising out of the anomalies of this
period, and affecting, in some measure, the po-
sition of the tribe of Levi. The rule of Sam-
uel and his sons, and the prophetical character
now connected with the tribe, tended to give
them the position of a ruling caste. In the
strong desire of the people for n king, we may
perhaps trace a protest against the assumption
by the Levites of a higher position than that
originally assigned. The reign of Saul, in its
later period, was at any rate the assertion of a
self-willed power against the priestly order.
The reign of David, however, wrought the
change from persecution to honor. When his
kingdom was established, there came a fuller
organization of the whole tribe. Thoir posi-
tion in relation to the priesthood was once
again definitely recognized. When the Ark
was carried iip'to its new resting-place in Jeru-
salem, their claim to lie the hearers of it was
publicly acknowledged (I Chr. xv. 2). In the
procession which attended the ultimate con-
veyance of the Ark to its new resting-place the
Levites were conspicuous, wearing their linen
tphods, and appearing in their new diameter
as minstrels (1 Chr. xv. 87, 28). In the wor
ship of the 'labcrnacle under David, as after,
wards in that of the Temple, we may trace a
development of the simpler arrangements of
the wilderness and of Shiioh. The Levites
were the gatekeepers, vergers, sacristans, chor-
isters, of the central sanctuary of the nation.
They were, in the language of 1 Chr. xxiii.
24-32, to which we may refer as almost the
locus dassicus on this subject, " to wait on the
sons of Aaron for the sen-ice of the house of
Jehovah, in the courts, and the chambers, and
the purifying of all holy things." This includ-
ed the duty of providing "for the show-
bread, and the fine flour for meat-offering,
and for the unleavened bread." They were,
Ixjsides this, " to stand every morning to thank
and praise Jehovah, and likewise at even."
They were lastly "to offer" — i\e. to assist
the priests in offering — " all burnt-sacrifices
to Jehovah in the sabbaths and on the set
feasts." They lived for the greater part of the
year in their own cities, and came up at fixed
jicriods to take their turn of work (1 Chr. xxv.,
xxvi.). How long it lasted we have no suffi-
cient data for determining.
The education which the Levites received
for their peculiar duties, no less than their con-
nection, more or less intimate, with the schools
of the prophets, would tend to make them, so
far as there was any education at all, the
teachers of the others, the transcribers and in-
terpreters of the Law, the chroniclers of the
times in which they lived. We have some
striking instances of their appearance in this
new character. Tho two Books of Chronicles
licar unmistakable marks of having been writ-
ten by men whose interests were all gathered
round the services of the Temple, and who
were familiar with its records. The former
subdivisions of the tribe were recognized in the
assignment of the new duties, and the Kolmth-
ites retained their old pre-eminence. As in the
old days of the Exodus, so in the organization
under 'David, the Levites were not included in
the general census of the people (1 Chr. xxi.6),
ami formed accordingly no portion of its mili-
tarv strength. A separate census, made appar-
ently before the change of age just mentioned
(1 Chr. xxiii. 3), gives — 24,000 over the work
of the Temple, 6,000 officers and judges. 4,000
|iortcrs, i.e. gate-keepers, and, as such, liearing
arms (1 Chr. ix. 19; 2 Chr. xxxi. 2), 4,000
praising Jehovah with instruments. The latter
number, however, must have included the full
choruses of the Temple. The more skilled
musicians among the sons of llcmsn. Asaph,
and Jcduthun, are numlicrcd at 288, in 24
sections of 12 each. The revolt of the ten
trilK's, and the policy pursued by Jeroboam, led
to a great change in* the position of the Levites.
They were the witnesses of an appointed order
and "of a central worship. Ho wished to maks
the priests the creatures and instruments of the
king, and to establish a provincial and divided
worship. The natural result was, that they
left the cities assigned to them in the territory
of Israel, and gathered round tho metropolis of
Judih (2 Chr. xi. 13, 14). In the kingdom
of Judnh thev were, from this time forward, •
powerful l>oi[y, politically, as well as ecclesiat-
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LEVITES
tically. We find them prominent in the war of
Abjjath against Jeroboam (2 Chr. xiii. 10-12).
They are sent out by Jehoshaphat to instruct
■and judge the people (2 Chr. xix. 8-10). The
apostasy that followed on the marriage of Je-
horam and Athaliah exposed them for a time
to the dominance of a hostile system ; but the
services of the Temple appear to have gone on,
and the Levites were again conspicuous in the
counter-revolution effected by Jehoiada (2 Chr.
xxiii.), and in restoring the Temple to its for-
mer stateliness under Joash (2 Chr. xxiv. 5).
The closing of the Temple under Ahax in-
volved the cessation at once of their work and
of their privileges (2 Chr. xxviii. 24). Under
Hezeki*h, they again became prominent, as
consecrating themselves to the special work of
cleansing and repairing the Temple (2 Chr.
ttmi. 12-15) ; and the hymns of David and
-of Asaph were again renewed. Their old privi-
leges were restored, they were put forward as
teachers (2 Chr. xxx. 22), and the payment of
titixis, which had probably been discontinued
under Aha?, was renewed (2 Chr. xxxi. 4). The
genealogies of the tribe were revised (ver. 17),
anil the old classification kept its ground. The
reign of Manasseh was for them, daring the
greater part of it, a period of depression. That
<rf Josiah witnessed a fresh revival and reor-
ganization (2 Chr. xxxiv. 8-13). In the great
passover of his eighteenth year, they took their
place as teachers of the people, as well as
leaders of their worship (2 Chr. xxxv. 3, 15).
Then came the Egyptian and Chaldssan inva-
sions, and the rule of cowardly and apostate
kings. The sacred tribe itself showed itself
unfaithful. Thsy had, as the penalty of their
sin, to witness the destruction of the Temple,
and to taste the bitterness of exile.
IV. After tho Captivity. The position taken
by the Levites in the first movoracnts of the
return from Babylon indicates that they had
cherished the traditions and maintained the
practices of their tribe. They, we may believe,
were those who were specially called on to sing
to their conquerors one of the songs of Zion.
It is noticeable, however, that in the first body
of returning exiles they are present in a dis-
proportionately small numbor (Ezr. ii. 36-42).
Those who do come take their old parts at
the foundation and dedication of the second
Temple (Ezr. iii. 10, vi. 18). In the next
movement under Ezra, their reluctance (what-
ever may have been its origin) was even more
strongly marked. None of them presented
themselves at the first great gathering (Ezr. viii.
15). The special efforts of Ezra did not suc-
ceed in bringing together more than 38, and
their place had to be filled by 220 of the Nethi-
uim (ib. 20). Those who returned with him
resumed their functions at the feast of Taber-
nacles as teachers and interpreters (Neb. viii. 7),
and those who were most active in that work
were foremost also in chanting the hymn-like
prayer which appears in Neh. ix. as the last
great effort of Jewish psalmody. They are
recognized in the great national covenant, and
the offerings and tithes which were their due
are once more solemnly secured to them (Neh.
x. 37-39). They take their old places in the
Tempi* and in tho villages near Jerusalem
(Neh. xii. 29), and are present in foil array at
the great feast of the Dedication of the Wall.
The two prophets who were active at the time
of the Return, Haggai and Zechariah, if they
did not belong to the tribe, helped it forward
in the work of restoration. The strongest
measures are adopted by Nehemiah, as before
by Ezra, to guard the purity of their blood
from the contamination of mixed marriages
(Ezr. x. 23) ; and they are made the special
guardians ef the holiness of the Sabbath (Neh.
xiii. 22). The last prophet of the O. T. sees,
as part of his vision of the latter days, the
time when the Lord " shall purify the sons of
Levi " (Mai. iii. 3). The guidance of the 0. T.
fails us at this point, and the history of the
Levites in relation to the national life becomes
consequently a matter of inference and con-
jecture. The synagogue worship, then origi-
nated, or receiving a new development, was
organized irrespectively of them, and thus
throughout the whoui of Palestine there were
means of instruction in the Law with which
they were not connected. During the period
that followed the Captivity, they contributed to
the formation of the so-called Great Synagogue.
They, with the priests, theoretically constituted
and practically formed the majority of the per-
manent Sanhedrim, and as snch had a large
share in the administration of justice even in
capital cases. They take no prominent part
in the Moccabasan struggles, though they must
have been present at the great purification of
the Temple. They appear but seldom in the
history of the N. T. Where we meet with their
names it is as the type of a formal heartless
worship, without sympathy, and without love
(Luke x. 32). The mention of a Levite of
Cyprus in Acts iv. 36 shows that the changes
or the previous century had carried that tribe
also into " the dispersed among the Gentiles."
Later on in the history of the first century,
when the Temple had received its final com-
pletion under the younger Agrippa, wo find
one section of the tribe engaged in a new move-
ment. With that strange unconsciousness of
a coming doom which so often marks the lost
stage of a decaying system, the singers of the
Temple thought it a fitting time to apply for
the right of wearing the same linen garment
as the priests, and persuaded the .king that the
concession of this privilege would be tho glory
of his reign (Joseph. Ant. xx. 8, $ 6). The
other Levites at the same time asked for and
obtained the privilege of joining in the Temple
choruses, from which hitherto they hod been
excluded. The destruction of the Temple so
soon after they had attained the object or their
desires came as with a grim irony to sweep
away their occupation, and so to deprive them
of every vestige of that which had distinguished
them from other Israelites. They were merged
in the crowd of captives that were scattered
over the Roman world, and disappear from the
stage of history. Looking at the long history
of which the outline has been here traced, we
find in it the light and darkness, the good and
evil, which mingle in the character of most
corporate or caste societies. On tho one hand,
the Levites, as a tribe, tended to fall into a for-
mal worship, a narrow and exclusive exaltation
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L1BKUTLNKS
480
LIBYA
of themselves and of their country. On the
other lmii'i, we must not forget that they were
chosen, together with the priesthood, to bear
witness of great truths which might otherwise
have perished from remembrance, and that they
bore it well through a long succession of cen-
turies. It is not often, in the history of the
world, that a religious caste or order hus passed
away with more claims to the respect and grati-
tude of mankind than the tribe of Levi.
Lovit'ious. The Book, which is so called
because it relates principally to the Lcvites and
priests, consists of the following principal sec-
tions : I. The laws touching sacrifices (chap,
i.-vii.). II. An historical section containing,
first, the consecration of Aaron and his sons
(chap, viii.) ; next, his lir.it offering for himself
and his people (chap, ix.) ; and lastly, the de-
struction of Nadab and Abihu, the sons of
Aaron, for their presumptuous ofience (chap, x.)
HI. The laws concerning purity ami impurity,
and the appropriate sacrifices und ordinances
for putting away impurity (chap, xi.-xvi.).
IV. Laws chiefly intended to murk the separa-
tion between Israel and the heathen nations
(chap, xvii.-xx.). V. Laws concerning the
priests (xxi., xxii.) ; and certain holy days and
festivals (xxiii., xxv.), together with an epi-
sode (xxiv.). The section extends from chap,
xxi. 1 to xxvi. 2. VI. Promises and threats
(xxvi. 2-40). VII. An appendix containing
the laws concerning vows (xxvii.).
The integrity of this book is very generally
admitted. Those critics even who are in favor
of different documents in the lVntateuch assign
nearly the whole of this book to one writer, the
Elohist, or author of the ori ;inal document.
We must not quit this book without a word on
what may be called its spiritual meaning. That
80 elaborate * rituul looked b.-yoiid itself we
cannot doubt. It was a prophecy of things to
come; a shadow whereof the substance was
Christ and Ilis kingdom. V."o may not always
be ablo to say what the exact r. I.ition is between
the type and the antitype. But we cannot read
the Epistle to the Hebrews, and not acknowledge
that the Lcvitical priests " served the pattern
and type of heavenly things ; " that the sacri-
fices of the Law pointed to and found their in-
terpretation in tlie Lamb of God; tint the
ordinances of outward purification signified tho
true inner cleansing of the heart and conscience
from dead works to servo the living God. One
idea, moreover, penetrates the whole of this vast
and burdensome ceremonial, and gives it a real
glory even apart from any prophetic significance.
Holiness is its character.
Lib'anus, the Greek form of the name
Lbbanox (1 Esd. iv. 48, v. 55 ; 2 Esd. xv. 20;
Jud. i. 7; Eeclus. xxiv. 13, 1. 12). Anti-Li b-
anus occurs only in Jud. i. 7.
Libertines. This word occurs once only
in the X. T. (Acts vi. 9). The question is, who
were these " Libertines," and in what relation
did tiny stand to the others who are mentioned
with them ' Of the name itself there have lieen
several explanations. (1.) The other names
being local, this also has been referred to a
town of Libertum in the proconsular province
of Africa. — (2. ) Conjectural readings have been
proposed, but every rule of textual criticism is
against the reception of a reading unsupported
by a single MS. or version. — (3.) Taking the
word iu its received meaning as = frcedmen,
Lightfoot finds in it a description of natives of
Palestine, who, having fallen into slavery, had
been manumitted by Jewish masters. — (4.)
Grotius and Vitringa explain the word as de-
scribing Italian frecdmen who hud become con-
verts to Judaism. — (5.) The earliest explica-
tion of the word (Chrysost.) is also that which
has been adopted by the most recent authori-
ties. The Libertini arc Jews who, having been
taken prisoners by Pompey and other Roman
generals in tho Syrian wars, had been reduced
to slavery, and had afterwards been emanci-
pated, and returned, permanently or for a time,
to the country of their fathers.
Iiib'nah, a city which lay in the south-west
part of the Holy Land. It was taken by Joshua
immediately after the rout of Bcth-horon . Lib-
nuh belonged to the district of the Shcfelah, the
maritime lowland of Judah, among the cities of
which district it is enumerated (Josh. xv. 42).
Libnah was appropriated, with its " suburbs,"
to the priests (Josh. xxi. 13 ; lChr. vj. 57). In
the reign of Jchoram the son of Jehoshaphat, it
" revolted " from Judah at the same time with
Edom (2 K. viii. 22 ; 2 Chr. xxi. 10) ; but, be-
yond the fact of their simultaneous occurrence,
there is no apparent connection between the two
events. On completing or relinquishing the
siege of Lachish — which of the two is not quite
certain — Sennacherib laid siege to Libnah (2 K.
xix. 8 ; Is. xxxvii. 8). It was the native place
of Hamutal, or Iloniital, the queen of Josiah,
and mother of Jchoahaz (2 K. xxiii. 31 ) and
Zedcl.iali (xxiv. 18; Jcr. lii. 1). Libuah is
described by Euscbius and Jerome in the Ono-
must icon merely as a village of the district of
Elctithcropolis. Its site has hitherto escaped
not only discovery, but, until lately, even con-
jecture. Professor Stanley, on the ground of
the accordance of the name'Libnah (white) with
the " Blanchegarde " of the Crusaders, and of
lx>th with the appearance of the place, would
locate it at Tell a-SaJlch, a white-facvd hill 5
miles N. W. of Btit-jibrin. Van dc Vcldc places
it with confidence at .drdir el-Mrnskiyeh, 4 miles
W. of Beit-jibrin ; but the conjecture must be
left for further exploration.
Iiib'nah, one of the stations at which the
Israelites encamped, on their journey between
the wilderness of Sinai and Kadesh (Num.
xxxiii. 20, 21). But no trace of the name has
vet been discovered ; and the only conjecture
which appears to have been made concerning it
is that it was identical with Laban, mentioned
in Dent. i. 1.
Iiib'ni. L The eldest son of Gershom, the
son of Levi (Ex. vi. 17; Num. iii. 18 ; 1 Chr.
vi. 17, 20), and ancestor of the family of the
Li unites. — 2. Tho son of Mahli, or Mahali.
son of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 29 ), as the Text at
{iresent stands. It is probable, however, that
ic is the same with the preceding, and that
something has been omitted (comp. ver. 29
with 20, 42).
Lib'nites, the, the descendants of Libni,
eldest son of Gershom (Num. iii. 21, xxvi. 58).
Iiib'ya occurs only in Acts ii. 10, in the
periphrasis " the parts of Libya about Cyrene,"
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LIGHT
481
LILY
which obviously means the Cyrenaica. The
name Libya is applied by the Greek and Ro-
man writers to the African continent, generally,
however, excluding Egypt.
IiiC6 (Heb. cinnim, cinndm). This word oc-
curs in the A. V. only in Ex. viii. 16-18, and
in Ps. cv. 31 ; both of which passages have refer-
ence to the third great plague of Egypt. The
Hebrew word — which, with some slight vari-
ation, occurs only in Ex. viii. 16-18, and in
Ps- cv. 31 — has given occasion to whole pages
of discussion. Some commentators, and indeed
modem writers generally, suppose that gnats
arc the animals intended by the original word ;
while, on the other hand, the Jewish rabbis,
Josephus, and others, are in favor of the trans-
lation. The old versions are claimed by Bo-
chart as supporting the opinion that lice are
here intended. Another writer believes he can
identify the cinnim with some worm-like crea-
tures (perhaps some kind of Scobpendridoi)
called tarrentes, mentioned in Vinisauf s account
of the expedition of Richard I. into the Holy
Land, and which, by their bites during the night-
time, occasion extreme pain. CEdmann is of
opinion that the species of mosquito denoted
by the cinnim is probably some minute kind
allied to the Caiex reptans, S. pulicoris, of Lin-
naeus ; but no proof at all can be brought for-
ward in support of this theory. On the whole,
this much appears certain, that those commen-
tators who assert that cinnim means gnats have
arrived at this conclusion without sufficient au-
thority : they have based their arguments solely
on the evidence of the LXX., though it is by
no means proved that the Greek word used by
these translators has any reference to gnats. It
appears therefore that there is not sufficient au-
thority for departing from the translation of the
A. V., which renders the Hebrew word by lice.
Lieutenants. The Hebrew achathdarpan
was the official title of the satraps or viceroys
who governed the provinces of the Persian em-
fire ; it is rendered " lieutenant " in Estb. iii.
2, viii. 9, ix. 3 ; Ezr. viii. 36 ; and " prince "
in Dan. iii. 2, vi. 1, &c.
Iiight. At first sight, the Mosaic account
of creation seems to make the production of
light precede the existence of the sun. If, how-
ever, we are permitted to consider Gen. i. 2 as
denoting the reduction of a portion of the
earth's surface to a chaotic state by volcanic
agency, — " The earth became empty and devas-
tated, — the difficulty will be obviated. The
dawn of light on the first day results from the
dispersion of volcanic smoke, ashes, scorite, &c.,
which sometimes produce midnight darkness at
noonday. The evolution of the firmament
(Gen. i. 6) is the result of the rising of the dense
mists, in the form of clouds, into the sky. The
creation of the heavenly bodies is the result of
the breaking-away of the clouds, and coming-out
of the sun. Changes of this kind are common-
ly described in other parts of Scripture as cre-
ations. God is said to make the sunrise, the
dayspring, the stars, &c., every dav, as much
as on the fourth day. Light, in what we may
call the emblematic blazonry of nature, is the
representative of truth. The sun sustains a
relation to the natural world, designedly analo-
gous to that of God to the moral universe.
61
" God is a Sun," " Our God is a consuming
fire," " God is Light, and in Him is no darkness
at all." As all light emanates from the sun, so
all truth proceeds from God. As light is adapt-
ed to the eye, so truth is adapted to the mind.
That this analogy is not fanciful, but the ne-
cessary result of a law of nature, appears from
the fact, that, in all languages, light is used as
the synonyme of truth. Nor is it even conceiva-
ble that a language should be framed in which
darkness should be made the emblem of truth,
and light the emblem of falsehood. Starting
from the sun, and tracing out the analogy in
various directions, we find that all nature is
really emblematic, — a vast complex analogon
of the spiritual universe ; and as this could not
be by chance, so we are distinctly assured it
was by design. "And God said, ... let them
be fob signs, and for seasons," &c. — Ed.
Lign Aloes. [Aloes.]
Ligure (Heb. leshem). A precious stone
mentioned in Ex. xxviii. 19, xxxix. 12, as the
first in the third row of the high-priest's breast-
plate. It is impossible to say, with any cer-
tainty, what stone is denoted by the Heb. term ;
but perhaps tourmaline, or, more definitely, the
red variety, known as ruUltite, has better claims
than those of any other mineral. Rubellite is
a hard stone, and used as a gem, and is some-
times sold for red sapphire.
Iiiklli, a Manassite, son of Shemida, the
son of Manasseh (1 Chr. vii. 19).
Lily (Heb. thushdn, shdsltannah). The He-
brew word is rendered " rose " in the Chaldee
Targum, and by Maimonides and other rabbini-
cal writers, with the exception of Kimchi and
Ben Mclech, who, in 1 K. vii. 19, translated it
by " violet." But itpivov, or " lily," is the uni-
form rendering of the LXX., and is in all
probability the true one, as it is supported by
the analogy of the Arabic and Persian susan,
which has the same meaning to this day, and
by the existence of the same word in Syriac and
Coptic. But, although there is little doubt that
the word denotes some plant of the lily species,
it is by no means certain what individual of this
class it especially designates. Father Souciet
labored to prove that the lily of Scripture is the
[' crown-imperial." But there is no proof that
it was at any time common in Palestine. Di-
oscorides (i. 62) bears witness to the beauty of
the lilies of Syria and Pisidia, from which the
best perfume was made. If the shushdn or thd-
shanndh of the O. T. and the tpivov of the Ser-
mon on the Mount be identical, which there
seems no reason to doubt, the plant designated
by these terms must have been a conspicuous
object on the shores of the Lake of Gennesaret
(Matt. vi. 28; Luke xii. 27): it must have
flourished in the deep broad valleys of Palestine
(Cant. ii. 1 ), among the thorny shrubs {ib. ii. 2)
and pastures of the desert (t&. ii. 16, iv. 5,
vi. 3), and must have been remarkable for its rap-
id and luxuriant growth (Hos. xiv. 5; Ecclus.
xxxix. 14). That its flowers were brilliant in
color would seem to be indicated in Matt. vi.
28, where it is compared with the gorgeous robes
of Solomon ; and that this color was scarlet or
purple is implied in Cant. v. 1 3. There appears
to be no species of lily which so completely
answers all these requirements as the Lilium
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LINEN
482
LINTEL
Ckalcedonkum, or Scarlet Martagon, which
grows in profusion in the Levant. Bat direct
evidence on the point is still to be desired from
the observation of travellers. The Phoenician
architects of Solomon's temple decorated the
capitals of the columns with " lily-work," that
is, with leaves and flowers of the lily (1 K. vii.),
corresponding to the lotus-headed capitals of
Egyptian architecture. The rim of the " bra-
zen sea " was possibly wrought in the form of
the recurved margin of a lily flower (IK.
vii. 26).
Lime. This substance is noticed only three
times in the Bible, viz. in Dent, xxvii. 2, 4
(A. V. "plaster"), in Is. xxxiii. 12, and in
Am. ii. 1.
Linen. Five different Hebrew words are
thus rendered, and it is difficult to assign to
each its precise significance. With regard to
the Greek words so translated in the N. T. there
is little ambiguity. 1. As Egypt was the great
centre of the linen manufacture of antiquity, it is
in connection with that country that we And the
first allusion to it in the Bible. Joseph, when
promoted to the dignity of ruler of the land
of Egypt, was arrayed " in vestures of Jine
linen" [»Uth, raarg. ,r silk," Gen. xli. 42) ; and
among the offerings for the tabernacle of the
things which the Israelites had brought out
of Egypt were " blue, and purple, and scarlet,
and 1/Jne linen" (Ex. xxv. 4, xxxv. 6). — 2. But
in Ex. xxviii. 42, and Lev. vi. 10, the drawers
of the priests and their flowing robes are said to
be of linen (bad) ; and the tunic of the high-
priest, his girdle and mitre, which he wore on
the day of atonement, were made of the same
material (Lev. xvi. 4). From a comparison of
Ex. xxviii. 42 with xxxix. 28, it seems clear
that bad and tliah were synonymous; or, if
there be any difference between them, the latter
probably denotes the spun threads, while the
former is the linen woven from them. The
wise-hearted among the women of the congre-
gation spun tho flax which was used by Bcza-
leel and Aholiab for the hangings of the tab-
ernacle (Ex. xxxv. 25) ; and the making of
linen was one of the occupations of women,
of whose dress it formed a conspicuous part
(Prov. xxxi. 22, A. V. " silk ; " Ez. xvi. 10, 13;
comp. Rev. xviii. 16). In Ez. xxvii. 1,thiA is
enumerated among the products of Egypt,
which tho Tyrians imported and used for the
■ails of their ships ; and the vessel constructed
for Ptolemy Philopator is said by Athensus to
have had a sail of byutu. In no case is bad
used for other than a dress worn in religious
ceremonies, though the other terms rendered
" linen " are applied to the ordinary dress of
women and persons in high rank. — 3. Bits,
always translated " fine linen," except 2 Chr.
v. 12, is apparently a late word, and probably
the same with the Greek piaaoc, by which it is
represented by the LXX. It was used for the
dresses of the Levite choir in the temple (2 Chr.
v. 12), for the loose upper garment worn by
kings over the close-fitting tunic ( 1 Chr. xv. 27),
and for the veil of the temple, embroidered by
the skill of the Tyrian artificers (2 Chr. iii. 14).
Mordecai was arrayed in robes of fine linen (bits)
and purple (Esth. viii. 15) when honored by the
Persian king ; and the dress of the rich man in
the parable was purple and Jute linen (/Mooor,
Luke xvi. 19). " Fine linen, with purple and
silk, are enumerated in Rev. xviii. 12 as among
the merchandise of the mystical Babylon. — 4.
Etin occurs but once (Prov. vii. 16), and there
in connection with Egypt It was probably a
kind of thread, made of fine Egyptian flax, and
used for ornamenting the coverings of beds with
tapestry-work. Schultens (Prov. vii. 16) sng-
Sat8 that the Greek aaiiuv is derived from the
ebrew tadin, which is used of the thirty linen
garments which Samson promised to his com-
panions (Judg. xiv. 12, 13). It was made by
women (Prov. xxxi. 24), and used for girdles
and undergarments (Is. iii. 23; comp. Mark
xiv. 51). Linen was used for the winding-
sheets of the dead by the Hebrews as well as by
the Greeks (Matt xxvii. 59; Mark xv. 46*;
Luke xxiii. 53 ; Horn. II. xviii. 353, xxiii. 254 ;
comp. Eur. Book. 819). Towels were made
of it (John xiii. 4, 5), and napkins (John xi 44),
like the coarse linen of the Egyptians. The
dress of the poor (Ecclus. xl. 4) was probably
unbleached flax, such as was used for barbers'
towels. The general term which inclnded all
those already mentioned was ptikteh, which was
employed — like our " cotton " — to denote not
only the flax (Judg. xv. 14) or raw material
from which the linen was made, but also the
plant itself (Josh. ii. 6), and the manufacture
from it. It is generally opposed to wool, as a
vegetable product to an animal ( Lev. xiii. 47,
48, 52, 59 ; I)eut. xxii. 1 1 ; Prov. xxxi. 13 ; Hot.
ii. 5, 9), and was used for nets (Is. xix. 9),
girdles (Jer. xiii. 1 ), and measuring lines (Ez.
xl. 3), as well as for the dress of the priests
(Ez. xliv. 17, 18). From a comparison of the
last quoted passages with Ex. xxviii. 42, and
Lev. vi. 10 (3), xvi. 4, 23, it is evident that bad
and pithleh denote the same material, the latter
being the more general terra. It is equally
apparent, from a comparison of Rev. xv. 6 with
xix. 8, 14, that yUvov and /3vootvm are essentially
the same. One word remains to be noticed,
which our A. V. has translated " linen yarn "
(1 K. x. 28 ; 2 Chr. i. 16), brought out of
Egypt by Solomon's merchants. The Hebrew
mitveh, or mihxt, is explained by some as the
name of a place. In translating the word " linen
yarn " the A. V. followed Junius and Tremel-
lius. From time immemorial, Egypt was cele-
brated for its linen (Ez. xxvii. 7). It was the
dress of the Egyptian priests (Her. ii. 37, 81).
Panopolis or Chemmis (the modern AUimin)
was anciently inhabited by linen-weavers (Stra-
bo, xvii. 41, p. 813). According to Herodotus
(ii. 86) the mummy-cloths were of hftstu. Com-
bining the testimony of Herodotus as to the
mummy-cloths with the results of microscopic
examination, it seems clear that 6ysm* was
linen, and not cotton.
Lintel. The beam which forms the upper
part of the framework of a door. In the A. V.
" lintel " is the rendering of three Hebrew
words. 1 . AgU ( 1 K. vi. 31 Y; translated " pott "
throughout Ez. xl., xli. The true meaning of
this word is extremely doubtful. In the LXX.
it is left untranslated ; and in the Chaldee ver-
sion it is represented bv a modification of itself.
The A. V. of 1 K. vi. 31, " lintel," is supported
by the versions of Aquila, By mm a ch na , and
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LION
483
UTTER
Theodotion of Ex. xl. SI ; while Kimchi ex-
plain* it generally by " post." J. D. Michaelis
considers it to be the tympanum or triangular
area of the pediment above a gate, supported
by columns. Gcseniua arrives at the conclu-
sion that in the singular it denotes the whole
projecting framework of a door or gateway. In
the plural it is applied to denote the projections
along the front of an edifice ornamented with
columns or palm-trees, and with recesses or
intercolumniations between them sometimes
filed up by windows. Another explanation
still is that of Bcettcher, who says that aj/U is
Ihe projecting entrance — and passage-wall —
which aright appropriately be divided into com-
partments by panelling ; and this view is adopt-
ed by Flint — 2. Co/Alar (Amos ix. 1 ; Zeph.
ii. 14). The marginal rendering, "chapiter or
knop," of both these passages is undoubtedly
the more correct. — 3. Mashlcd/A ( Ex. xii. 32,
23) ; also rendered " upper door-post " in Ex.
xii. 7. That this is the true rendering is ad-
mitted by all modem philologists.
Li'niis, a Christian at Rome, known to St
Paul and to Timothy (2 Tim. iv. 21). That
the first bishop of Rome after the apostles was
named Linus is a statement in which all ancient
writers agree. The early and unequivocal as-
sertion of Irenaeus, corroborated by Euscbius
Bid Theodoret, is sufficient to prove the identity
of the bishop with St. Paul's friend. The date
of his appointment, the duration of his episco-
pate, ana the limits to which his episcopal
authority extended, are points which cannot
be regarded as absolutely settled, although they
hare been discussed at great length. Euscbius
and Theodoret, followed by Baronius and Tillc-
motit, state that he became bishop of Rome
after the death of St. Peter. On the other
hand, the words of Irenaeus — " [Peter and
Paul] when they founded and built up tho
church [of Rome] committed the office of its
episcopate to Linus" — certainly admit, or
rather imply the meaning, that he held that
office before the death of St. Peter. The dura-
tion of his episcopate is given by Eusebius as
id. 68-80; by Tillemont as 66-78; by Ba-
ronios as 67-78 ; and by Pearson as 55-67.
This point has been subsequently considered
by Baratcrius, who gives a.d. 56-47 as the
date of the episcopate of Linus. The state-
mem of Ruffinus, that Linus and Cletus were
bishops in Rome whilst St. Peter was alive,
his been quoted in support of a theory which
•prane up in the 17 th ccnturv, and has been
recently revived. It is supposed that Linus was
bishop in Rome only of the Christians of Gen-
tile origin, while at the same time another
bUbop exercised the same authority over the
Jewish Christians there. Linus is reckoned by
Pseodo-Hippolytus, and in the Greek Atenaa,
among the seventy disciples.
Lion, At present lions do not exist in
Palestine, though they are said to be found in
•he desert on the road to Egypt (Schwarz,
ftst. of Pal.: see Is. xxx. 6). They abonnd
on the hanks of the Euphrates between Bns-
•orah and Bagdad, and in the marshes and
juices sear the rivers of Babylonia. This
*pwies, according to Layard, is without the
*vk and shaggy mane of the African lion,
though he adds in a note that he had seen lions,
on the River Karoon, with a long black mane.
But, though lions have now disappeared from
Palestine, thev must in ancient times have been
numerous. The names Lebaoth (Josh. xv. 32),
Beth-Lebaoth (Josh. xix. 6), Arieh (2 K. xv.
25), and Laish (Judg. xviii. 7 ; 1 8am. xxv, 44),
were probably derived from the presence of or
connection with lions, and point to the fact that
they were at one time common. They had
their lairs in the forests, which have vanished
with them (Jcr. v. 6, xii. 8 ; Am. iii. 4), in the
tangled brushwood (Jer. iv. 7, xxv. 38; Job
xxxviii. 40), and in the caves of the mountains
(Cant. iv. 8 ; Ex. xix. 9 ; Nah. ii. 12). The
cane-brake on the banks of the Jordan, the
"pride" of the river, was their favorite haunt
(Jcr. xlix. 19, 1. 44; Zech. xi. 3). The lion
of Palestine was in all probability the Asiatic
variety, described by Aristotle and Pliny as
distinguished by its short curly mane, and by
being shorter and rounder in shape, like the
sculptured lion found at Arban. It was leas
daring than the longer maned species ; but when
driven by hunger it not only ventured to attack
the flocks in the desert in presence of the shep-
herd (Is. xxxi. 4 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 34), but laid
waste towns and villages (2 K. xvii. 25, 26 ;
Prov. xxii. 13, xxvi. 13), and devoured men
(1 K. xiii. 24, xx. 36; 2 K. xvii. 25; Ex. xix.
3, 6). The shepherds sometimes ventured to
encounter the lion single-handed ( 1 Sam. xvii.
34) ; and the vivid figure employed by Amos
(iii. 12), the herdsman of Tekoa, was but the
transcript of a scene which he must have often
witnessed. At other times, they pursued the
animal in large bands, raising loud shouts to
intimidate him (Is. xxxi. 4), and drive him
into the net or pit they had prepared to catch
him (Ex. xix. 4, 8). Benaiah, ono of David's
heroic body-guard, had distinguished himself
by slaying a lion in his den (2 Sam. xxiii. 20).
The kings of Persia had a menagerie of lions
(.700, Dan. vi. 7, &c.). When captured alive,
they were put in a cage (Ex. xix. 9) ; but it
does not appear that they were tamed. The
strength (Judg. xiv. 1 8 ; Prov. xxx. 30 ; 2 Sum.
i. 23), courage (2 Sam. xvii. 10 ; Prov. xxviii.
1 ; Is. xxxi. 9 ; Nah. ii. 1 1 ), and ferocity (Gen.
xlix. 9 ; Num. xxiv. 4) of the lion were pro-
verbial. The " lion-faced " warriors of Gad
were among David's most valiant troops ( 1 Chr.
xii. 8) ; and the hero Judas Maccabtens is de-
scribed as " like a lion, and like a lion's whelp
roaring for his prey " ( 1 Mace. iii. 4). Among
the Hebrews, and throughout the O. T., the liou
was the heraldic device of the princely tribe of
Jmlah, while in the closing book of the canon
it received a deeper significance as the emblem
of him who " prevailed to open the book and
loose the seven seals thereof (Rev. v. 5). On
the other band, its fierceness and cruelty ren-
dered it an appropriate metaphor for a fierce
and malignant enemy (Ps. vii. 2, xxii. 21, Ivii.
4 ; 2 Tim. ir. 17), and hence for the arch-fiend
himself [1 Pet. v. 8). The figure of the lion
was employed as an ornament both in architect-
ure and sculpture.
Litter. Found only in Is. Ixvi. 20. Heb.
Tmb, elsewhere translated waqon, Num. vii. 3.
Palanquins, borne upon the shoulders of 1
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LOCUST
were common among the Egyptians. It is
probable that the Hebrews made use of others
drawn by beasts ; see Cant. iii. 9, where the word
rendered "chariot" literally signifies a moving
couch, or sedan. Litters of various kinds are
still in use in Palestine and the neighboring
countries, where there are essentially the same
conditions of domestic life, the same manners
and customs, as in ancient times. — Ed.
Liz'ard (Heb. letaah). The Hebrew word,
which with its English rendering occurs only
in Lev. xi. 30, appears to be correctly translat-
ed in the A. V. Lizards of various kinds abound
in Egypt, Palestine, and Arabia. All the old
versions agree in identifying the letaah with some
nurian, and some concur as to the particular
fmua indicated. The LXX., the Vulg., the
arg. of Jonathan, with the Arabic versions,
understand a lizard by the Hebrew word. The
Syriac has a word which is generally translated
talatnander, but probably this name was applied
also to the lizard. The Greek word, with its
slight variations which the LXX. use to express
the letaah, appears from what may be gathered
from Aristotle, and perhaps also from its deri-
vation, to point to some lizard belonging to the
Gedcotidm. Bochart has successfully argued
that the lizard denoted by the Hebrew word is
that kind which the Arabs call vachara, the
translation of which term is thus given by Go-
lius : " An animal like a lizard, of a red color,
and adhering to the ground, dbopotuive venemtm
inspired quemcunque contigerit." This description
will be found to agree with the character of the
Fan-foot Lizard (Ptyodactyltu Gecko), which is
common in Egypt and in parts of Arabia, and
perhaps is also found in Palestine. It is reddish
brown, spotted with white. The Gecko lives
on insects and worms, which it swallows whole.
The name is derived from the peculiar sound
which some of the species utter. They belong
to the suborder Padu/glosta, order Sauna. They
are oviparous, producing a round egg with a
hard calcareous shell.
Lo-am'mi, i\e. " not my people," the fig-
urative name given by the prophet Hosea to
his second son by Goracr, the daughter of Dib-
laim (Hos. i. 9), to denote the rejection of the
kingdom of Israel by Jehovah. Its significance
is explained in ver. 9, 10.
Loan. The law of Moses did not contem-
plate any raising of loans for the purpose of
obtaining capital, a condition perhaps alluded
to in the parables of the " pearl " and " hidden
treasure (Matt. xiii. 44, 45). Such persons as
bankers and sureties, in the commercial sense
(Prov. xxii. 26 ; Neh. v. 3), were unknown to
the earlier ages of the Hebrew commonwealth.
The Law strictly forbade any interest to be taken
for a loan to any poor person, and at first, as it
seems, even in the case of a foreigner ; but this
prohibition was afterwards limited to the He-
brews only, from whom, of whatever rank, not
only was no usury on any pretence to be ex-
acted, but relief to the poor by wav of loan was
enjoined, and excuses for evading this duty were
forbidden (Ex. xxii. 25 ; Lev. xxv. 35,37; Dent,
xv. 3, 7-10, xxiii. 19, 20). As commerce in-
creased, the practice of usury, and so also of
suretyship, grew up ; but the exaction of it from
« Hebrew appears to have been regarded to a
late period at discreditable (Prov. vi. 1,4,*.
15, xvii. 18, xx. 16, xxii. 26; Ps. xr. 5, xxvii
13 ; Jer. xv. 10; Ez. xviii. 13, xxii. 12). Sys-
tematic breach of the law in this respect was
corrected by Nchemiah after the return from
captivity (Neh. v. 1, 13). The money-changers,
who had seats and tables in the Temple, were
traders, whose profits arose chiefly from the ex-
change of money with those who came to pay
their annual half-shekel. In making loans, na
prohibition is pronounced in the Law against
taking a pledge of the borrower ; but certain
limitations are prescribed in favor of the poor.
1. The outer garment, if taken in pledge, was
to be returned before sunset 2. The prohibi-
tion was absolute in the case of (a) the widow's
garment (Dent. xxiv. 17), and (b) a millstone
of either kind (Dent. xxiv. 6). S. A creditor
was forbidden to enter a house to reclaim a
pledge, but was to stand outside till the borrow-
er should come forth to return it (Dent xxiv.
10, 11). 4. The original Roman law of debt
permitted the debtor to be enslaved by his cred-
itor until the debt was discharged ; and he might
even be put to death by him. The Jewish law,
as it did not forbid temporary bondage in the
case of debtors, so it forbade a Hebrew debtor
to be detained as a bondsman longer than the
7th year, or at farthest the year of Jubilee (Ex.
xxi. 2 ; Lev. xxv. 39, 42 ; Dent. xr. 9).
Loaves. [Bread]
Lock. Where European locks have not been
introduced, the locks of Eastern houses are usu-
ally of wood, and consist of a partly hollow bolt
from 14 inches to 2 feet long for external doors or
gates, or from 7 to 9 inches for interior doors.
The bolt passes through a groove in a piece
attached to the door into a socket in the door,
post In the groove-piece are from 4 to 9
small iron or wooden sliding pins or wires,
which drop into corresponding holes in the bolt,
and fix it in its place.
Locust, a well-known insect, which com-
mits terrible ravages on vegetation in the coun-
tries which it visits. In the Bible there are
frequent allusions to locusts ; and there are nine
or ten Hebrew words which are supposed to
denote different varieties or species ot this fam-
ily. The most destructive of the locust tribe
that occur in the Bible lands are the (Edipoda
migratoria and the Acridivm pmgrinttm ; and at
both these species occur in Syria and Arabia,
&c., it is most probable that one or other is
denoted in those passages which speak of the
dreadful devastations committed by these in-
sects. Locusts occur in great numbers, and
sometimes obscure the snn (Ex. x. 15; Jer.
xlvi. 23; Judg. vi. 5, vii. 12; Joel ii. 10; Nab.
iii. 15). Their voracity is alluded to in Ex. x.
12, 15 ; Joel i. 4, 7, 12, and ii. 3 ; Dent xxviii
38 ; Ps. lxxviii. 46, cv. 34 ; Is. xxxiii. 4. They are
compared to horses (Joel ii. 4; Rev.ix.7). They
make a fearful noise in their flight (Joel ii. 5 ;
Rev. ix. 9). They have no king (Prov. xxx.
27). Their irresistible progress is referred to
in Joel ii. 8, 9. They enter dwellings, and de-
vour even the woodwork of houses (Ex. x. 6;
Joel ii. 9, 10). They do not fly in the night
(Nah. iii. 17). The sea destroy* the greater
number (Ex. x. 19; Joel it 20). Their dead
bodies taint the air (Joe) ii. 20). The flight of
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LORD'S DAY
Incuts is thus described by ML Olirier ( Voyage
dam I' Empire Ottoman, l. 424) : " With the
burning south winds (of Syria) there come from
the interior of Arabia and from the most south-
ern puts of Persia clouds of locusts (Acridium
peregrimum), whose ravages to these countries
are as grievous and nearly as sudden as those
of the heaviest hail in Europe. We witnessed
them twice. It is difficult to express the effect
produced on us by the sight of the whole atmos-
phere filled on all sides and to a great height
by an innumerable quantity of these insects,
whoje Sight was slow and uniform, and whose
noise resembled that of rain : the sky was dark-
ened, and the light of the sun considerably
weakened. In a moment the terraces of the
houses, the streets, and all the fields, were cov-
ered by these insects ; and in two days they had
nearly devoured all the leaves of the plants.
Happily they lived but a short time, and seemed
to have migrated only to reproduce themselves
and die ; in fact, nearly all those we saw the
next day had paired, and, the day following,
the fields were covered with their dead bodies. '
Locusts were used as food (Lev. xi. 21, 22;
Trmxalii Sanaa.
Matt. iii. 4; Mark i. 6). There are different
ways of preparing locusts for food : sometimes
they arc ground and pounded, and then mixed
with Sour and water, and made into cakes, or
they are salted and then eaten ; sometimes
smoked ; boiled or roasted ; stewed, or fried in
butter. From ignorance of this fact, some per-
sons have erroneously asserted that the locusts
which formed part of the food of the Baptist
were not the insect of that name, but the long
sweet pods of the locust-tree, " St John's bread,
as the monks of Palestine call it.
Lod, a town of Benjamin, stated to have
been founded by Shamed or Shamer (1 Chr.
viii. 12 ; Ezr. ii. 33; Neh. vii. 37, xi. 35). Lod
has retained its name almost unaltered to tho
present day : it is now called LBdd, but is most
familiar to us from its occurrence in its Greek
garb, as Ltdda, in the Acts of the Apostles.
Lo-debar, a place named with Mahanaim,
Rogelim, and other trans-Jordanic towns (2
Sam. xvii. 27), and therefore no doubt on the
eastern side of the Jordan. It was the native
place of Machir-ben-Ammiel (ix. 4, 5). Lo-
debar receives a bare mention in the Onomasti-
am, nor has any trace of the name been encoun-
tered by any later traveller. Indeed it has
probably never been sought for.
Lodge, to. This word in the A. V. —
with one exception only, to be noticed below
— is used to translate the Hebrew verb lun or
tin, which has, at least in the narrative portions
•f the Bible, almost invariably the force of
'passing the night." The same Hebrew word
is otherwise translated in the A. V. by "lie all
night" (2 Sam. xii. 16 ; Cant. i. 13 ; Job xxix.
19); "tarry the night" (Gen. xix. 2; Judg.
xix. 10 ; Jer. xiv. 8) ; " remain," i.«. until the
morning (Ex. xxiii. 18). The one exception
above named occurs in Josh. ii. 1, where the
word in the original is a word elsewhere ren-
dered " to lie," generally in allusion to sexual
intercourse.
Loft. [House.]
Log. fWuiOHTS and Measures.]
Lois, the grandmother of Timothy, and
doubtless the mother of his mother Eunice
(2 Tim. i. 5). It seems likely that Lois had
resided long at Lystra ; and almost certain that
from her, as well as from Eunice, Timothy
obtained his intimate knowledge of the Jewish
Scriptures (2 Tim. iii. 15).
Looking-glasses. [Mirror*.]
Lord, as applied to the Deity, is the almost
uniform rendering in the A. V. of the 0. T.
of the Heb. Jehovah, which would be more prop-
erly represented as a proper name. The rever-
ence which the Jews entertained for the sacred
name of God forbade them to pronounce it;
and in reading they substituted for it either
Addnai, " Lord," or Etohhn, " God," according
to the vowel-points by which it was accompa-
nied. The title Addnai is also rendered " Lord "
in the A. V., though this, as applied to God, is
of infrequent occurrence in the historical books.
But in the poetical and historical books it is
more frequent, excepting Job. where it occurs
only in xxviii. 28, and the Provei-as, Ecclesiastes,
and Song of Songs, where it is not once found.
The difference between Jehovah and Adonai (or
Adon) is generally marked in the A. V. by
printing the word in small capitals (Lord)
when it represents the former (Gen. xv. 4, tec.),
and with an initial capital only when it is the
translation of the latter (Ps. xcvii. 5 ; Is. i. 24,
x. 16) ; except in Ex. xxiii. 17, xxxiv. 23,
where " the Lord God " should be more con-
sistently " the Lord Jehovah."
Lord's Day, the. It has been questioned,
though not seriously until of late years, what
is the meaning of the phrase i) Kvpujx^ 'liuepa,
which occurs in one passage only of the Holj
Scripture, Rev. i. 10, and is, in our English
version, translated " the Lord's Day." The
general consent both of Christian antiquity
and of modern divines has referred it to the
weekly festival of onr Lord's resurrection, and
identified it with " the first day of the week,"
or " Sunday," of ever age of the Church.
But the views antagon stic to this general con-
sent deserve at least a passing notice. 1 . Some
have supposed St. John to he speaking, in the
passage above referred to, of the Sabbath, be-
cause that institution is called in Isaiah lviii.
13, by the Almighty Himself, " My holy day."
To this it is replied, If St. John had intended
to specify the Sabbath, he would surely have
used that word, which was by no means obso-
lete, or even obsolescent, at the time of his
composing the Book of the Revelation. 2.
Another theory is, that, by " the Lord's Day,"
St. John intended " the day of judgment," to
which a large portion of the Book of Revela-
tion may be conceived to refer. 3. A third
opinion is, that St. John intended, by "tha
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LORD'S DAY
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LORD'S DAT
Lord's Day," that on which the Lord's resur-
rection was annually celebrated, or, as we now
term it, Easter Day. Supposing that n Kvpuua)
'Hfiipa of St. John is the Lord's Day, what
do we gather from Holy Scripture concerning
that institution '. How is it spoken of by early
writers up to the time of Constantine ? What
change, if any, was wrought upon it by the
celebrated edict of that emperor, whom some
have declared to have been its originator?
1. Scripture says very little concerning it;
but that little seems to indicate that the di-
vinely inspired apostles, by their practice and
by their precepts, marked the first day of the
week as a day for meeting together to break
bread, for communicating and receiving in-
struction, for laying up offerings in store for
charitable purposes, for occupation in holy
thought ana prayer. The first day of the week
to devoted seems also to have been the day of
the Lord's Resurrection. The Lord rose on
the first day of the week, and appeared, on the
very day ot His rising, to His followers on five
distinct occasions, — to Mary Magdalene, to
the other women, to the two disciples on the
road to Emmaus, to St. Peter separately, to ten
apostles collected together. Alter eight days,
that is, according to the ordinary reckoning,
on the first day of the next week, He appeared
to the eleven. On the day of Pentecost, which
in that year fell on the first day of the week,
" they were all with one accord in one place,"
had spiritual gifts conferred on them, and in
their turn began to communicate those gifts, as
accompaniments of instruction, to others. At
Troas (Acts xx. 7), many years after the oc-
currence at Pentecost, when Christianity had
begun to assume something like a settled form,
St Luke records the following circumstances.
St. Paul and his companions arrived there, and
" abode seven days. And upon the first day
of the week, when the disciples came together
to break bread, Paul preached unto them. In
1 Cor. xvi. 1, 2, that same St. Paul writes
thus : " Now concerning the collection for the
saints, as I have given order to the churches
in Galatia, even so do ye. Upon the first day
of the week, let every one of you lay by him
in store, as God hath prospered him, that there
be no gatherings when I come." In Heb. x.
35, the correspondents of the writer are desired
" not to forsake the assembling of themselves
together, as the manner of some is, but to ex-
hort one another," an injunction which seems
to imply that a regular day for such assembling
existed, and was well kr own ; for otherwise no
rebuke would lie. And lastly, in the passage
given above, St. John describes himself as
being in the Spirit "on the Lord's Day." Ta-
ken separately, perhaps, and even all together,
these passages seem scarcely adequate to provo
that the dedication of the first day of the week
to the purposes above mentioned was a matter
of apostolic institution, or even of apostolic
practice. But it may be observed, that it is at
any rate an extraordinary coincidence, that, al-
most immediately we emerge from Scripture,
we find the same day mentioned in a similar
manner, and directly associated with the Lord's
Resurrection ; that it is an extraordinary fact
that we never find its dedication questioned or
argued about, but accepted as something equal-
ly apostolic with Confirmation, with hjiat
Baptism, with Ordination, or at least spokes
of in the same way. The results of our exami-
nation of the principal writers of the two cen-
turies alter the death of St. John arc as fol-
lows. The Lord's Day (a name which has
now come out more prominent) v, and is con-
nected more explicitly with our Lord's resur-
rection, than before) existed during these two
centuries as a part and parcel of apostol-
ical, and so of Scriptural Christian!! v. It was
never defended; for it was never impugned,
or at least only impugned as other things re-
ceived from the apostles were. It was never
confounded with the Sabbath, but carefully
distinguished from it (though we have not
quoted nearly all the passages by which this
point might be proved). It was not an insti-
tution ot severe Sabbatical character, but a
day of joy and cheerfulness, rather encouraging
than forbidding relaxation. Religiously regard-
ed, it was a day of solemn meeting for the
Holy Eucharist, for united prayer, for instruc-
tion, for alms-giving ; and though, being an in-
stitution under the law of liberty, work does
not appear to have been formally interdicted,
or rest formally enjoined, Tertnllian seems to
indicate that the character of the day was op-
posed to worldly business. Finally, whatever
analogy may be supposed to exist between the
Lord's Day and the Sabbath, in no passage
that has come down to us is the Fourth Com-
mandment appealed to as the ground of the
obligation to observe the Lord's Day. But, on
whatever grounds " the Lord's Day " may be
supposed to rest, it is a great and indisputable
fact that, four years before the (Ecumenical
Council of Nieaea, it was recognized by Con-
stantine in his celebrated edict, as " the venera-
ble Day of the Sun." The terms of the docu-
ment are these : —
"Impmtor ComrianMuu Ant. BrlfUf*.
" Omnia Jurtlcra nrhancque plebea et cunctaram ar-
Mom officii venerabili Die Rolla quleacant. Run tamea
pofllti agrorum cultural liber* Ilcenterque inftcrviant,
quonlam frequenter evenlt ut non aptfun alio die fra-
menu mlcls aut vlnea* acroblbni mandentur. ne occa-
slone momentl pereat cnmimMlllaa cepletil provWone
concesw." — Oat. Norn. Mart. Crvpo 11. tt cftrntimttsa
II. Com.
Some have endeavored to explain awav this
document by alleging, 1st. That " Sob's Dies "
is not the Christian name of the Lord's Day,
and that Constantine did not therefore intend
to acknowledge it as a Christian institution.
2d. That, before his conversion, Constantine
hod professed himself to be especially under
the guardianship of the sun, and that, at the
very best, he intended to make a religions com-
promise between sun-worshippers, properly so
called, and the worshippers of the " Sun of
Righteousness," i'.e. Christians. 3dly. That
Constantino's edict was purely a caicndarial
one, and intended to reduce the number of
public holidays. 4thly. That Constantine then
instituted Sunday for the first time as a reli-
gious day for Christians. The fourth of these
statements is absolutely refuted, both by the
quotations made above from writers of the sec-
ond and third centuries, and by the terms of the
edict itself. The three other statements con-
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LORD'S SUPPER
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LORD'S SUPPER
cern themselves rather with what Constantino
meant than with what he did. But with such
considerations we have little or nothing to do.
It is a fact, that in the year a.d. 321, in a pub-
lic edict, which was to apply to Christians as
well as to Pagans, he put especial honor upon
a day already honored by the former — judi-
ciously calling it by a name which Christians
had long employed without scruple, and to
which, as it was "in ordinary use, the Pagans
could scarcely object. What he did for it was
to in >ist that worldly business, whether by the
functionaries of the law or by private citizens,
should be intermitted during its continuance.
Were any other testimony wanting to the ex-
istence of Sunday as a day of Christian wor-
ship at this period, it might be supplied by
the Council of Nicoa, a.d. 325. The Fathers
there and than assembled assume it as an
existing fact, and only notice it incidentally in
order to regulate an indifferent matter, — the
posture of Christian worshippers upon it.
Lord's Sapper. The words which thus
describe tlio great central act of the worship of
the Christian Church occur but in one single
passage of the N T. (1 Cor. xi. 20). Of tlio
fact which lies under the name we have several
notices ; and from these, incidental and frag-
mentary as they are, it is possiblo to form a
tolerably distinct picture. To examine these
notices in their relation to the life of the Chris-
tian Hociety in the first stages of its growth,
and so to learn what " the Supper of the
Lord " actually was, will be the object of this
article.
L Tbe starting-point of this inquiry is
found in the history of that night when Jesus
and his disciples met together to eat the Pass-
over (Matt. xxvi. 19; Mark xiv. 16; Luke
xxii. 11). The manner in which *he Paschal
feast was kept by the Jews of thai period dif-
fered in many details from that originally pre-
scribed by the rules of Ex. xii. The ceremo-
nies of the feast took place in the following
order : ( 1 ) The members of the company that
were joined for this purpose met in the evening
and reclined on couches (corap. Matt. xxvi. 20 ;
Luke xxii. 14 ; and John xiii. 23, 25). The
head of the household, or celebrant, began by
a form of blessing "for the day and for the
wine," pronounced over a cup, of which he
and the others then drank. (2) All who
were present then washed their hands; this
also having a special benediction. (3) The
table was then set out with the paschal lamb,
unleavened bread, bitter herbs, and the dish
known as Charoseth, a sauce mode of dates,
figs, raisins, and vinegar, and designed to com-
memorate the mortar of their bondage in Egypt.
(4) The celebrant first, and then the others,
dipped a portion of the bitter herbs into the
Charoseth, and ate them. (5) The dishes were
then removed, and a cup of wine again brought
Then followed an interval which was allowed
theoretically for the questions that might be
asked by children or proselytes, who were as-
tonished at such a strange beginning of a feast,
and the cup was passed round and drunk at the
dose of it (6) The dishes being brought on
again, the celebrant repeated the commemo-
rative words which opened what was strictly
the paschal supper, and pronounced a solemn
thanksgiving, followed by Ps. cxiii. and cxiv.
(7) Then came a second washing of the hands,
with a short form of blessing as before, and
the celebrant broke one of the two loaves or
cakes of unleavened bread, and gave thanks
over it. All then took portions of the bread,
and dipped them, together with the bitter
herbs, into the Charoseth, and so ate them.
(8) After this they ate the flesh of the pas-
chal lamb, with bread, &c., as they liked ; and,
after another blessing, a third cup, known es-
pecially as the " cup of blessing," was handed
round. (9) This was succeeded by a fourth
cup, and tho recital of Ps. cxv.-exviii. fol-
lowed by a prayer, and this was accordingly
known as the enp of the Uallcl, or of the
Song. (10) There might be, in conclusion,
a fifth cup, provided that the " great Hollcl "
(possibly Psalms exx.-exxxviii.) was sung over
it. — Comparing the ritual thus gathered from
rabbinic writers with tho N. T., and assum-
ing (1) that it represents substantially the
common practice of our Lord's time ; and (2)
that the meal of which He and His disciples
partook was either the Passover itself, or an
anticipation of it, conducted according to the
same rules, — we are able to point, though
not with absolute certainty, to the points of
departure which the old practice presented for
the institution of the new. To (1) or (3), or
even to (8), wo may refer the first words and the
first distribution of the cup (Luke xxii. 17, 18) ;
to J2) or (7), the dipping of tho sop of John
xiii. 20; to (7), or to an interval duriu£ or
after (8), tho distribution of the bread (Matt.
xxvi. 26 ; Mark xiv. 22 ; Lake xxii. 19 ; 1 Cor.
xi. 23, 24); to (9) or (10) ("after supper,"
Luke xxii. 20) the thanksgiving, and distribu-
tion of the cup, and the hymn with which the
whole was ended. — The narratives of the Gos-
pels show how strongly the disciples were im-
pressed with the words which had given a new
meaning to the old familiar acts. They leave
unnoticed all the ceremonies of tbe Passover,
except those which had thus been transferred to
the Christian Church and perpetuated in it.
Old tilings were passing away, and all tilings
becoming new. They had looked on the bread
and tho wine as memorials of the deliverance
from Egypt. They were now told to partake
of them " in remembrance " of their Master
and Lord. The festival hod been annual.
No rule was given as to the time and fre-
quency of the new feast that thus supervened
on the old ; but the command, " Do this as oft
as ye drink it" (1 Cor. xi. 25), suggested the
more continual recurrence of that which was
to be their memorial of One whom they
would wish never to forget. The words,
"This is my body," gave to the unleavened
bread a new character. They had been prepared
for language that wonld otherwise have been
so startling, by the teaching of John (vi. 32-58),
and they were thus taught to see in the bread
that was broken the witness of the closest pos-
sible union and incorporation with their Lord.
Tho enp, which was " the new testament in His
blood,' would remind them, in like manner, of
the wonderful prophecy in which that new cov-
enant had been foretold (Jer. xxxi. 31-34). It
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fo possible that there may hare been yet an-
other thought connected with these symbolic
acta. The funeral-customs of the Jews in-
volved, at or after the burial, the administra-
tion to the mourners of bread (comp. Jer. xvi.
7 ; Ez. xxiv. 17 ; Hos. ix. 4 ; Tob. iv. 17) and of
wine, known, when thus given, as " the cup of
consolation." May not the bread and the wine
of the Last Supper have had something of that
character, preparing the minds of Christ's disci-
ples for His departure, by treating it as already
accomplished ? May we not conjecture, without
leaving the region of history for that of contro-
versy, that the thoughts, desires, emotions, of
that hour of divine sorrow and communion,
would be such as to lead the disciples to crave
earnestly to renew theraf Would it not be
natural that they should seek that renewal in
the way which their Master had pointed out to
them ? From this time, accordingly, the words
" to break bread," appear to have had for the
disciples a new significance. It may not have
assumed indeed, as yet, the character of a dis-
tinct liturgical act; but, when they met to
break bread, it was with new thoughts and
hopes, and with the memories of that evening
fresh on them.
II. In the account given, by the writer of the
Acts, of the life of the first disciples at Jerusa-
lem, a prominent place is given to this act, and
to the phrase which indicated it. Writing, wc
must remember, with the definite associations
that had gathered round the words during the
thirty years that followed the events he records,
he describes the baptized members of the
Church as continuing steadfast in or to the
teaching of the apostles, in fellowship with them
and with each other, and in breaking of bread
und in prayers (Acts ii. 42). Taken in con-
nection with the account given in the preced-
ing verses of the love which made them live as
having all things common, we can scarcely
doubt that this implies that the chief actual
meal of each day was one in which they met as
brothers, and which was cither preceded or fol-
lowed by the more solemn commemorative acts
of the breaking of the bread and the drinking
of the cup. It will be convenient to anticipate
the language and the thoughts of a somewhat
later date, and to say that, apparently, they
thus united every day the Agape or Feast of
Love with the celebration of the Eucharist. It
would be natural, that, in a society consisting
of many thousand members, there should be
many places of meeting. The congregation
assembling in each place would come to be
known as " the Church " in this or that man's
house (Rom. xvi. 5, 21 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 19 ; Col.
iv. 15; Philem. vcr. 2). When they met, the
place of honor would naturally be taken by one
of the apostles, or some elder representing him.
It would belong to him to pronounce the bless-
ing and thanksgiving, with which the meals of
devout Jews always began and ended. The
materials for the meal would be provided out of
the common funds of the Church, or the liber-
ality of individual members. The bread (un-
less the converted Jews were to think of them-
selves as keeping a |x>rpctual passover) would
be such as tncy habitually used. The wine
.'probably the common red wine of Palestine,
Prov. xxiii. 31) would, accordingto their i
practice, bo mixed with water. But if this i
to be more than a common meal after the pat-
tern of the Essenes, it would be necessary to
introduce words that would show that what was
done was in remembrance of their Master. At
some time, before or after the meal of which they
rtook as snch, the bread and the wine would
given, with some special form of words or
acts to indicate its character. New convert*
would need some explanation of the meaning
and origin of the observance. What would be
so fitting, and so much in harmony with the
precedents of the Paschal feast, as the narrative
of what hod passed on the night of its institu-
tion » ( 1 Cor. xi. 23-27.) With this there would
naturally be associated (as in Acts ii. 42) pray-
ers for themselves and others. Their gladness
would show itself in the psalms and hymns
: with which they praised God (Heb. ii. 46, 47 ;
I James v. 13). The analogy of the Passover,
j the general feeling of the Jews, and the practice
i of the Essenes, may possibly have suggested
I ablutions, partial or entire, as a preparation for
{ the feast (Heb. x. 22; John xiii. 1-15). At
some point in the feast, those who were present,
men and women sitting apart, would rise to
salute each other with the " holy kiss " ( 1 Cor.
xvi. 20 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 12). The next traces that
meet us are in 1 Cor., and the fact that we rind
them is in itself significant. The commemora-
tive feast has not been confined to the personal
disciples of Christ, or the Jewish converts whom
they gathered round them at Jerusalem. The
title of the "cup of blessing" (1 Cor. x. 16)
has been imported into the Greek Church.
The synonymc of "the cup of the Lord " (I
Cor. x. 21 ) distinguishes it from the other enps
that belonged to the Agape. The word " fel-
lowship " is passing by degrees into the special
signification of "Communion." The apostle
refers to his own office as breaking the oread
und blessingthe cup (1 Cor. x. 16). The table
on which the bread was placed was the Lord's
Table. But the practice of the Agape, as well
as the observance of the commemorative feast,
had been transferred to Corinth, and this called
for a special notice. Evils bad sprung up
which had to be checked at once. The meet-
ing of friends for a social meal, to which all
contributed, was a sufficiently familiar practice
in the common life of Greeks of this period ;
and the club-feasts were associated with plans
of mutual relief or charity to the poor. Tba
Agape of the new society wonld seem to them
to be such a feast, and hence came a disorder
that altogether frustrated the object of the
Church in instituting it. What was to be
the remedy for this terrible and growing evil
St. Paul docs not state explicitly. He reserves
formal regulations for a later personal visit
In the mean time he gives a rule which would
make the union of the Agape and the Lord's
Supper possible without the risk of profanation.
They were not to come even to the former with
the keen edge of appetite. They were to wait
till all were met, instead of scrambling tumul-
tuously to help themselves (1 Cor. xi. 33, 34).
In one point, however, the custom of the
Church of Corinth differed apparently from
that of Jerusalem. The meeting for the Lord's
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Sapper iu no longer daily (I Cor. xi. SO, 33).
The directions given in 1 Cor. xvi. 2 suggest
the constitution of a celebration on the first day
of the week. The meeting at Troas is on the
same day (Acts xx. 7). The tendency of this
language, and therefore probably of the order
nbsequently established, was to separate what
bad hitherto been united. We stand as it were
at the dividing point of the history of the two
institutions, and henceforth each takes its own
course. One, as belonging to a transient phase
of the Christian life, and varying in its effects
with changes in national character or forms of
civilization, passes through many stages, and
finally dies out. The other also has its changes.
The morning celebration takes the place of the
evening. In Acts xx. 1 1 , we have an example
of the way in which the transition may have been
effected. The disciples at Troas meet together
to break bread. The hour is not definitely
stated ; but the fact that St. Paul's discourse was
protracted till past midnight, and the mention
of the many lamps, indicate a later time that.
that commonly fixed for the Greek itinvov.
Then came the teaching and the prayers, and
then, towards early dawn, the breaking of bread,
which constituted the Lord's Supper, and for
which they were gathered together. If this
midnight meeting may be taken as indicating
a common practice, originating in reverence for
an ordinance which Christ had enjoined, we
can easily understand how the next step would
be to transfer the celebration of the Eucharist
permanently to the morning hour, to which it
had gradually been approximating. The re-
currence of the same liturgical words in Acts
xxrii. 35 makes it probable, though not certain,
that die food of which St Paul thus partook
was intended to have, for himself and his
Christian companions, the character at once of
the Agape and the Eucharist.
Lo-rilha'mall, i.e. " the uncompassion-
ated," the name of the daughter of Hosea the
Erophet, given to denote the utterly ruined and
opeless condition of the kingdom of Israel, on
whom Jehovah would no more have mercy
(Hos. i. 6).
Lot, the son of Haran, and therefore the
nephew of Abraham (Gen. xi. 27, 31 ). His
sisters were Milcaii the wife of Nahor, and
bcAB, by some identified with Sarah. Haran
died before the emigration of Terah and his
family from Ur of the Cbaldees (vcr. 28), and
Lot was therefore born there. He removed
with the rest of his kindred to Charan, and
again subsequently with Abraham and Sarai
to Canaan (xii. 4, 5). With them he took
refuge in Egypt from a famine, and with them
returned, first to the " South " (xiii. 1 ), and
then to their original settlement between Bethel
and Ai (ver. 3, 4). But the pastures of the hills
of Bethel, which had with ease contained the
two strangers on their first arrival, were not
able any longer to bear them, so much had their
possessions of sheep, goats, and cattle, increased
since that time. It was not any disagreement
between Abraham and Lot — their relations
continued good to the last ; but, between the
slaves who tended their countless herds, disputes
arose, and a parting was necessary. From some
one of the round swelling hills which sur-
est
round Bethel, — from none more likely than
that which stands immediately on its east, —
the two Hebrews looked over the comparatively
empty land, in the direction of Sodom, Gomor-
rah, and Zoar (xiii. 10). And Lot lifted up
his eyes towards the left, and beheld all the
precinct of the Jordan that it was well watered
everywhere, — like a garden of Jehovah, like
that unutterably green and fertile land of
Egypt he had only lately quitted. It was ex-
actly the prospect to tempt a man who had no
fixed purpose of his own, who had not, like
Abram, obeyed a stern inward call of duty. So
Lot left his uncle on the barren hills of Bethel ;
and he " chose all the precinct of the Jordan,
and journeyed east," down the ravines which
give access to the Jordan Valley; and then,
when he reached it, turned again southward,
and advanced as far as Sodom (11, 12). 2. The
next occurrence in the life of Lot is his capture
by the four kings of the East, and his rescue by
Abram (Gen. xiv.). Whatever may be the age
of this chapter in relation to those before and
after it, there is no doubt that, as far as the
history of Lot is concerned, it is in its right
position in the narrative. The events which it
narrates must have occurred after those of
ch. xiii., and before those of xviii. and xix.
3. The last scene preserved to us in the history
of Lot is too weft known to need repetition.
He is still living in Sodom (Gen. xix.). Some
years hare passed. Bat in the midst of the
licentious corruption of Sodom, he still pre-
serves some of the delightful characteristics of
his wandering lite, — his fervent and chivalrous
hospitality (xix. 2, 8), the unleavened bread of
the tent of the wilderness (ver. 3), the water
for the feet of the wayfarers (ver. 2) affording
his guests a reception identical with that which
they had experienced that very morning in
Abraham's tent on the Heights of Hebron
(comp. xviii. 3, 6). His deliverance from the
guilty and condemned city points the allusion
of St. Peter (2 Pet. ii. 6-9). Where Zoar was
situated, in which he found a temporary refuge
during the destruction of the other cities of the
plain, we do not know with absolute certainty.
But this will be best examined under Zoar.
The end of Lot's wife is commonly treated as
one of the difficulties of the Bible. But it
surely need not be so. It cannot be necessary,
as some hare done, to create the details of the
story where none are given. On these points,
the record is silent. The value and the signifi-
cance of the story to us are contained in the
allusion of Christ (Luke xvii. 32). Later ages
have not been satisfied so to leave the matter,
but have insisted on identifying the " pillar "
with some one of the fleeting forms which the
perishable rock of the south end of the Dead
Sea is constantly assuming in its process of de-
composition and liquefaction. The story of
the origin of the nations of Moab and Ammon
from the incestuous intercourse between Lot
and his two daughters, with which his history
abruptly concludes, has been often treated as if
it were a Hebrew legend which owed its origin
to the bitter hatred existing from the earliest
to the latest times between the " Children of
Lot" and the Children of Israel. Bnt even
the most destructive critics allow that the nar-
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LUCIFER
retire is * continuation, without a break, of that ]
which precedes it, while they fail to point out ■
any marks of later date in the language of this i
portion ; and it cannot be questioned that the
writer records it as an historical fact. Even if
the legendary theory were admissible, there is
no doubt of the fact that Amnion and Moab
■prang from Lot.
Lot. The custom of deciding doubtful ques-
tions by lot is one of great extent and nigh
antiquity, recommending itself as a sort of ap-
peal to the Almighty, secure from all influence
of passion or bias, and is a sort of divination
employed even by the gods themselves (Horn.
//. xxii. 209 ; Cic. de Dxv. i. 34, ii.41). Among
the Jews also, the use of lots, with a religious
intention, direct or indirect, prevailed exten-
sively. The religious estimate of them may be
fathered from Prov. xvi. 33. The following
istorical or ritual instances are — 1. Choice of
men for an invading force (Judg. i. 1, xx. 10).
2. Partition (a) of the soil of Palestine among
the tribes (Num. xxvi. 55; Josh, xviii. 10;
Acts xiii. 19). (A) Of Jerusalem ; i.e. probably
its spoil or captives among captors (Obad. 1 1 ) ;
of the land itself in a similar way ( 1 Mace,
iii. 36). (c) Apportionment of possessions, or
spoil, or of prisoners, to foreigners or captors
(Joel iii. 3 ; Nah. iii. 10; Matt, xxvii. 35). 3.
(a) Settlement of doubtful questions (Prov.
xvi. 33, xviii. 18). (b) A mode of divination
among heathens by means of arrows, two in-
icribcd, and one without mark (Ilos. iv. 12;
Ez. xxi. 211. (c) Detection of a criminal (Josh,
vii. li, 18). (rf) Appointment of persons to
offices or duties, as above in Action's case,
(e) Selection of the scape-goat on the Day of
Atonement (Lev. xvi. 8, 10). 4. The use of
words heard or passages chosen at random from
Scripture.
Lo'tail, the eldest son of Seir the Horite
(Gen. xxxvi. 20, 22, 29 ; 1 Chr. i. 38, 39).
IiOthasu/bus (1 Esd. ix. 44), a corruption
of Hashum in Nch. viii. 4. Ap.
Lots, Feast of. [Ptmm.j
Love-FeaBtB (Judo 12, and 2 Pet. ii. 13),
an entertainment in which the poorer members
of the Church partook, furnished from the con-
tributions of Christians resorting to the Eucha-
ristic celebration, but whether before or after it
may be doubted. The true account of the
matter is probably that given by Chrysostom,
who says that, after the early community of
goods had ceased, the richer members brought
to the Church contributions of food and drink,
of which, after the conclusion of the sen-ices
and the celebration of the Eucharist, all par-
took together, by this means helping to pro-
mote the principle of love among Christians.
The almost universal custom to receive the
Eucharist fasting proves that, in later times,
the love-feasts mast have followed, not pre-
ceded, the Eucharist. The love-feasts were
forbidden to be held in churches by the Council
' of Laodicea, a.d. 320; Cone. Qumisext., A.o.
692, c. 74; Aix-la-Chapelle, a.o. 816: but in
some form or other they continued to a much
later period.
Lo'EOn, one of the sons of " Solomon's ser-
vants" who returned with Zorobabel (1 Esd. v.
33). Ap.
Lu/bim, * nation mentioned as contribut-
ing, together with Cushites and Sukkiim, to
ShUhak's army (2 Chr. xii. 3) ; and apparently
as forming with Cushites the bulk of Zerali *
army (xvi. 8), spoken of by Nullum (iii. 9) with
Put or Phut, as helping No-Amon (Thebes),
of which Cash and Egypt were the strength ;
and by Daniel (xi. 43) as paying court with
the Cushites to a conqueror of Egypt or the
Egyptians. For more precise information, we
look to the Egyptian monuments, upon which
we find representations of a people called Rkbg,
or Lebu, who cannot be doubted to correspond
to the Lubim. These Rcbu were a warlike
people, with whom Mcnptah and Rameses 1IL,
who both ruled in the 13th century B.C., waged
successful wars. The latter king routed them
with much slaughter. The sculptures of the
great temple he raised at Thebes, now called
that of Mcdcenet Haboo, give us representa-
tions of the Rcbu, showing that they were fair,
and of what is called a Shemitic type, like the
Berbers and Kabyles. They are distinguished
as northern, that is, as parallel to or north of
Lower Egypt. Of their being African, there
can be no reasonable doubt The Lubim are
probably the Mizraite Lehabim. The histori-
cal indications of the Egyptian monuments thus
lead us to place the seat of the Lubim, or prim-
itive Libyans, on the African coast to the west-
ward of Egypt, perhaps extending far beyond
the Cyrcnaica.
Lu'caa, a friend and companion of St. Paul
during his imprisonment at Rome (Philcm. 24).
He is the same as Luke, the beloved physician
(Col. iv. 14; 2 Tim. iv. 11).
Lu'cifer (Hcb. Helel, Sept Eoaphonu),
a word in A. V. found only in Is. sir. 12 ; —
" Row art thoa Btflcn from heaven,
O Lucifer, son of the momlnt' I
How art tnon cut cViwn to the rrotrod.
Which didst weaken the nations! "
It clearly signifies a "bright star," and proba-
bly what we call the morning star. In this pas-
sage it is a symbolical representation of the
king of Babylon, in his splendor and in his fall
Its application, from St Jerome downwards, to
Satan in his fall from heaven, arises probably
from the fact that the Babylonian Empire is in
Scripture represented as the type of tyrannical
and self-idolizing power, and especially connect-
ed with the empire of the Evil One in the
Apocalypse. 1
> This application of the passage Dr.
pronounces a gross perversion of saci cd writ Bay.
Calvin, " When postages of fecriptuie are rashly
seized upon, without attention to the context. It is
not strange that these errors should spring np
everywhere."
To limit the reference In this passage to Satae,
or cveu to regard it ss referring primarily to him.
is doubtless an error. Yet that the Church, in all
ages, has erred In believing that he In somehow di-
rectly or Indirectly concerned lu the passage, is
highly improbable. It Is certain that the monarch*
of the great empires antagonistic to the Church aic
regardi d in Scripture as analogic representations
of" Satan ; and what Is more natural and probable
than thst, In addressing the former, the Holy Spirit
should employ some language applicable la Its
fullest sense only to the former? The eye of the
prophetic spirit pierces through the mortal type,
And fastens upon the Immortal antitype. — See,
as specimens of this usage. Is. xxxvii. 21-39; Ss.
xxvtll. 2-10, xxxl. 4-18.— Kr>.
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Xrfl'aius, a Roman consul, who is said to
bare written the letter to Ptolemy (Euergetes),
which assured Simon I. of the protection of
Rome (cir. b.c. 139-9; I Mace xv. 10, 15-24).
The whole form of the letter, the mention of
one consul only, the description of the consul
by the pnenomen, the omission of the senate
and of the date, shows that it cannot be an
accurate copy of the original document; but
there is nothing in the substance of the letter
which is open to just suspicion. The imperfect
transcription of the name has led to the identi-
fication of Lucius with three distinct persons, —
(1.) I Lucius) Furius Philus, who was not con-
sal till B.c. 1-36, and is therefore at once ex-
cluded. (2.) Lucius Cociiius Metellus Calrus,
who was consul in B.C. 142. (3.) But the third
identification with Lucius Calpurnius Piso, who
was consul b.c. 139, is most probably correct.
XtU'eiUS, a kinsman or fellow-tribesman of
St. Paul ( Rom. xvi. 21 ), by whom he is said by
tradition to hive been ordained bishop of the
Church of Cenchrsea. He is thought by some
to he the same with Lucius of Cyrene.
IaU'ciaa of Cyre'ne. Lucius, thus dis-
tingnwhed by the name of his city, is first
mentioned in* the N. T. in company with Bar-
nabas, Simeon, called Niger, Manaen, and Saul,
who are described as prophets and teachers of
the church at A ntioch ( Acts xiii. 1 ). Whether
Lucius was one of the seventy disciples, as
stated by Pseudo-Hippolvtus, is quite a matter
of conjecture; tint it is highly probable that he
formed one of the congregation to whom St.
Peter preached on the day of Pentecost (Acts ii.
10) ; and there can hardly be a doubt that he
was one of " the men of Cyrene " who, being
"scattered abroad upon the persecution that
arose about Stephen, went to Antioch preach-
ing the Lord Jesus (Acts xi. 19, 201. It is
commonly supposed that Lucius is the kinsman
of St. Paul, mentioned by that apostle as join-
ing with him in his salutation to the Roman
brethren ( Rom. xvi. 21 ). There is certainly no
sufficient reason for regarding him as identical
with St. Luke the F' — . delist.
Lad, the fourth name in the list of the chil-
dren of Sbcm (Gen. x. 22 ; comp. 1 Chr. i. 17),
that of a person or tribe, or both, descended
from him. It has been supposed that Lad was
the ancestor of the Lydians (Jos. Ant. i. 6, $ 4),
and thus represented by the Lvdis of their
mythical period (Herod, i. 7). Bui, the Egyp-
tian monument* show us in the 13th, 14th, and
15th centuries B.C. a powerful people called
Rcrr en or Ludbn, probably seated near Meso-
potamia, and apparently north of Palestine,
whom some, however, make the Assyrians.
La dim (Gen. x. 13; 1 Chr. i. 1*1), a Mis>
raite people or tribe. From their position at
the head of the list of the Mizraitcs, it is proba-
ble that the Ludim were settled to the west of
Egypt, perhaps farther than any other Mizraito
tribe. Lud and the Ludim are mentioned in
four passages of the prophets (Is. lxvi. 19 ; Jcr.
xlri. 9; Ex. xxvii. 10, xxxviii. 5). There can
be no donbt that but one nation is intended in
these passages, and it seems that thus far the
preponderance of evidence is in favor of the
kixrait* Ludim We hare still to inquire how
the evidence of the Egyptian monument* and
of profane history may affect our supposition.
From the former we learn that several foreign
nations contributed allies or mercenaries to the
Egyptian armies. Among them we identify
the Rebu with the Lubim, and the Sharya-
tana with the Cherethira, who also served in
David's army. The rest of these foreign troops
seem to have been of African nations, but this
is not certain. From the Greek writers, we
learn that Ionian, Carian, and other Greek
mercenaries, formed an important element in
the Egyptian army in all times when the coun-
try was independent, from the reign of Psam-
metichus until the final conquest by Ochus.
These mercenaries were even settled in Egypt
by Psammetichus. There does not seem to be
any mention of them in the Bible, excepting
they be intended by Lud and the Lndim in the
passages that have been considered. It must
be recollected that it is reasonable to connect
the Shcmite Lud with the Lydians, and that, at
the time of the prophets by whom Lud and the
Ludim are mentioned, the Lydian kingdom
generally or always included the more western
part of Asia Minor ; so that the terms Lud and
Ludim might well apply to the Ionian and
Carian mercenaries drawn from this territory.
We must therefore hesitate before absolutely
concluding that this important portion of the
Egyptian mercenaries is not mentioned in
the Bible, upon the primi facie evidence that the
only name which could stand for it would seem
to he that of an African nation.
LuTiith, the Ascent of, a place in Moab ;
apparently the ascent to a sanctuary ov holy
spot on an eminence. It occurs only in Is. xv.
5, and the parallel passage of Jeremiah (xlviii.
5). In the days of Eusebius and Jerome {Ono-
maftkon, " Luith ") it was still known, and stood
between Areopolis (Rabbath-Moab) and Zoar.
M. de Saulcy places it at " Kharbet-Nouehin ; "
but this is north of Areopolis, and cannot be
said to lie between it and Zoar.
Luke. The name Luke is an abbreviated
form of Lucanus or of Lucilius. It is not to be
confounded with Lucius (Acts xiii. 1 ; Rom.
xvi. 21 ), which belongs to a different person.
The name Luke occurs three times in the New
Testament (Col. iv. 14 ; 2 Tim. iv. 11 ; Philera.
24), and probably in all three the third evangel-
ist is the person spoken of. Combining the
traditional element with the scriptural, the un-
certain with the certain, we are able to trace the
following dim outline of the evangelist's life.
He was bom at Antioch in Syria (Eusebius,
Hist. iii. 4) ; in what condition of life is uncer-
tain. That be was taught the science of medi-
cine docs not prove that he was of higher birth
than the rest of the disciples. The well-known
tradition that Luke was also a painter, and of
no mean skill, rests on the authority of Niceph-
orus (ii. 43), and of other late writers. He
was not born a Jew, for he is not reckoned
among them " of the circumcision " by St. Paul
(comp. Col. iv. 11 with ver. 14). The date of
his conversion is uncertain. The statement of
Epiphanins and others, that be was one of the
seventy disciples, has nothing very improbable
in it ; whilst that which Theophyloct adopts
(on Lnke xxiv.) that he was one of the two who
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LUKE, GOSPEL OF
492
LUZ
journeyed to Emmaus with the risen Redeemer,
has found modern defenders. The first ray of
historical light falls on the evangelist when he
joins St. Paul at Troas, and shares his journey
into Macedonia. The sudden transition to the
first person plural in Acts xvi. 9 is most nat-
urally explained, after all the objections that have
been urged, by supposing that Luke, the writer
of the Acts, formed one of St. Paul's company
from this point. As far as Philippi, the evan-
gelist journeyed with the apostle. The resump-
tion of the third person on Paul's departure from
that place (xvii. 1 ) would show that Luke was
now left behind. During the rest of St. Paul's
second missionary journey, we hear of Luke no
more. But on the third journey the same in-
dication reminds us that Luke is again of the
company (Acts xx. 5), having joined it appar-
ently at Philippi, where he had been left. With
the apostle he passed through Miletus, Tyre,
and Cauarea, to Jerusalem (xx. S, xxi. 18).
Between the two visits of Paul to Philippi, seven
years had elapsed (a.d. 51 to a.d. 58), which
the evangelist may have spent in Philippi and
its neighborhood, preaching the gospel. There
remains one passage, which, if it refers to St.
Luke, must belong to this period. " We have
sent with him " (t.«. Titus) " the brother whose
praise is in the gospel throughout all the
churches" (2 Cor. viii. 18). The subscription
of the epistle sets forth that it was " written from
Philippi, a city of Macedonia, by Titus and Lu-
cas," and it is an old opinion that Luke was the
companion of Titus, although he is not named
in the body of the epistle. If this be so, we
are to suppose that, during the " three months "
of Paul's sojourn at Philippi (Acts xx. 3), Luke
was sent from that place to Corinth on this
errand. He again appears in the company of
Paul in the memorable journey to Rome (Acts
xxvii. 1 ). He remained at his side during his
first imprisonment (Col. iv. 14; Philem. 24);
and if it is to be supposed that the Second Epis-
tle to Timothy was written during the second
imprisonment, then the testimony of that epistle
(iv. 11) shows that he continued faithful to the
apostle to the end of his afflictions. After the
death of St. Paul, the acts of his faithful com-
panion are hopelessly obscure to us. In the
well-known passage of Epiphanius, we find that
receiving the commission to preach the gospel,
(Luke] preaches first in Dalmatia nnd Gallia.
As to the age and death of the evangelist there
is the utmost uncertainty. That he died a
martyr, between a.d. 75 and a.d. 100, would
seem to have the balance of suffrages in its
favor.
Luke, Gospel of. The third Gospel is
ascrilied, by the general consent of ancient
Christendom, to " the beloved physician," Luke,
the friend and companion of the Apostle Paul.
From Acts i. 1 , it is clear that the Gospel de-
scribed as " the former treatise " was written
before the Acts of the Apostles ; but how much
earlier is uncertain. Perhaps it was written at
^assarea during St. Paul's imprisonment there,
a.d. 58-CO. The preface, contained in the first
four verses of the Gospel, describes the object ,
•of its writer. Here are several facts to lie ob-
served. There were many narratives of the I
life of our Lord current at 'the enriv time when !
Luke wrote his Gospel. The ground of fitness
for the task St Luke places in his having care-
fully followed out the whole course of events
from the beginning. He does not claim the
character of an eye-witness from the first ; but
possibly he may nave been a witness of some
partof our Lord's doings. Theancient opinion,
that Luke wrote his Gospel under the influence
of Paul, rests on the authority of Ircnaeiu, Ter-
tullian, Origen, and Eusebius. The two lint
assert that we have in Luke the Gospel preached
by Paul ; Origen calls it " the Gospel quoted by
Paul," alluding to Rom. ii. 16; and Eusebius
refers Paul's words, " according to my Gospel "
(2 Tim. ii. 8), to that of Luke, in which Jerome
concurs. The language of the preface is against
the notion of any exclusive influence of St.
Paul. The four verses could not have been pot
at the head of a history composed under the
exclusive guidance of Paul or of any one apos-
tle, and as little could they have introduced a
gospel simply communicated by another. The
truth seems to be that St Luke, seeking in-
formation from every quarter, sought it from
the preaching of his beloved master, St Paul ;
and the apostle in his turn employed the knowl-
edge acquired from other sources !>v his disci-
ple. Upon the question whether Luke made
use of the Gospels of Matthew and Mark, see
Gospels. — The evangelist professes to write
that Theophilus " might know the certainty of
those things wherein he had been instructed **
(i. 4). This Theophilus was probably a native
of Italy, and perhaps an inhabitant of Rome;
for in tracing St. Paul's journey to Rome, places
which an Italian might be supposed not to
know are described minutely (Acts xxvii. 8, 12,
16); hut when he comes to Sicily and Italy
this is neglected. Hence it would appear that
the person for whom Luke wrote in the first
instance was a Gentile reader ; and accordingly
we find traces in the Gospel of a leaning towards
Gentile rather than Jewish converts. It has
never been doubted that the Gospel was written
in Greek. Whilst Hebraisms are frequent, clas.
sical idioms and Greek compound words abound.
The number of words used by Luke only ii
unusually great, and many of them are com.
pound words for which there is classical au-
thority. On comparing the Gospel with the
Acts, it is found that the style of the latter is
more pure and free from Hebrew idioms.
Lunatics. This word is used twice in the
N. T. (Matt. iv. 24, xvii. 15.) It is evident
that the word itself refers to some disease,
affecting both the body and the mind, which
might or might not be the effect of possession.
By the description of Mark ix. 17-26, it is con-
cluded that this disease was epilepsy.
Luz. The uncertainty which attends the
name attaches in a greater degree to the place
itself. It seems impossible to discover with
precision whether Luz and Bethel represent
one and the same town — the former the
Canaanite, the latter the Hebrew name — or
whether they were distinct places, though in
close proximity. The latter is the natural in-
ference from two of the passages in which Lux
is spoken of (Gen. xxviii. 19 ; Josh. xvi. 2, xviii.
13). Other passages, however, seem to speak
of the two as identical (Gen. xxxv. 6 ; Jodg-
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LTDDA
493
LY8ANIAS
I. 23). The conclusion of the writer is, that
the two places were, during the times preceding
the conquest, distinct, Luz being the city, ana
Bethel toe pillar and altar of Jacob ; that after
the destruction of Luz by the tribe of Ephraim
the town of Bethel arose. — 2. When the origi-
nal Luz was destroyed, through the treachery
of one of its inhabitants, the man who had in-
troduced the Israelites into the town went into
the " land of the Hittites," and built a city,
which he named after the former one. This
city was standing at the date of the record
(Judg. i. 26) ; but its situation, as well as that
of the " land of the Hittites," has never been
discovered since, and is one of the favorite puz-
zles of Scripture geographers.
Lyeao'nia. This is one of those districts
of Asia Minor, which, as mentioned in the
N. T., arc to be understood rather in an ethno-
logical than a strictly political sense. From
what is said in Acts xiv. II of " the speech of
Lycaonia," it is evident that the inhabitants of
the district, in St. Paul's day, spoke something
very different from ordinary Greek. Whether
this language was some Syrian dialect, or a
corrupt form of Greek, has been much debated.
The fact that the Lycaonians were familiar with
the Greek mythology is consistent with either
supposition. Lycaonia is for the most part a
dreary plain, bare of trees, destitute of fresh
water, and with several salt lakes. It is, how-
ever, very favorable to sheep-farming. In the
first notices of this district which occur in con-
nection with Roman history, we And it under
the rule of robber-chieftains. After the pro-
vincial system had embraced the whole of Asia
Minor, the boundaries of the provinces were
variable ; and Lycaonia was, politically, some-
times in Cappadocia, sometimes in Galatia.
Jjyoia is the name of that south-western
region of the Peninsula of Asia Minor which is
immediately opposite the Island of Rhodes. It
is a remarkable district, both physically and
historically. The lost eminences of the range
of Taurus come down here in majestic masses
to the sea, forming the heights of Cragus and
Anticragus, with the River Xanthus winding
between them, and ending in the long series of
promontories called by modern sailors the " sev-
en capes," among which are deep inlets favora-
ble to seafaring and piracy. The Lycians were
incorporated in the Persian Empire, and their
■hips were conspicuous in the great war against
theGreeks(Herod.vii.91,92). After the death
of Alexander the Great, Lycia was included in
the Greek Seleucid kingdom, and was a part
of the territory which the Romans forced Anti-
ochus to cede. It was not till the reign of
Claudius that Lycia became part of the Roman
provincial system. At first it was combined
with Pamphylia. At • later period of the Ro-
man Empire it was a separate province, with
Myra for its capital.
Jjyd'da, the Greek form of the name which
originally appears in the Hebrew records as Lod
(Acts ix. 32, 35, 38). Quite in accordance
with these and the other scattered indications
ot Scripture is the situation of the modern
town, which exactly retains its name, and proba-
bly its position. Lidd, or L&dd, stands in the
Mtrj, or meadow, of ibn Omar, part of the great
maritime plain which anciently bore the name
of Sharon. It is 9 miles from Joppa, and is
the first town on the northernmost of the two
roads between that place and Jerusalem. The
watercourse outside the town is said still to bear
the name of Abi-Butrus (Peter), in memory of
the apostle. It was in the time of Josephus
a place of considerable size. A century later
(B.C. cir. 45) Lydda, with Gophna, Emraaus,
and Thamna, became the prey of the insatiable
Cassius. From this they were, it is true, soon
released by Antony; but a few years only
elapsed before their city (a.d. 66) was burnt by
Cestius Gallus on his way from Csesarea to
Jerusalem. In less than two years, early in
a.d. 68, it was in a condition to be again taken
by Vespasian, then on his way to his campaign
in the south of Jutlea. It was probably not
rebuilt till the time of Hadrian, when it received
the name of Diospoliv When Eusebius wrote
(a.d. 320-330), Diospolis was a well-known and
much-frequented town, to which he often refers,
though the names of neither it nor Lydda oc-
cur in the actual catalogue of his Onomastiam.
In Jerome's time, a.d. 404, it was an Episcopal
see. St. George, the patron saint of England,
was a native of Lydda. After his martyrdom,
his remains were buried there ; and over them a
church was afterwards built, and dedicated to
his honor. When the country was taken pos-
session of by the Saracens, in the early part of
the 8th century, the church was destroyed ; and
in this ruined condition it was found by the
Crusaders in a.d. 1099, who re-instituted the
see, and added to its endowment the neighbor-
ing city and lands of liamleh. Again destroyed
by Saladin after the battle of Hattin, in 1 1 91 ,
the church was again rebuilt by Richard Costir-
dc-Lion. The town is, for a Mohammcda.i
place, busy and prosperous. Lydda was, for
some time previous to the destruction trf Jeru-
salem, the seat of a very famous Jewish school,
scarcely second to that of Jabneh.
Lyd'ia, a maritime province in the west of*
Asia Minor, bounded by Mysia on the N., Phry-
gia on the E., and Cana on the S. The name
occurs only in 1 Mace. viii. 8 (the rendering of
the A. V. in Ez. xxx. 5 being for Ludim) ; it
is there enumerated among the districts which
the Romans took away trom Antiochus the
Great after the battle of Magnesia in b.c. 190,
and transferred to Eumenes II., king of Perga-
mus. For the connection between Lydia and
the Lud and Ludim of the O. T., see Ludim.
Lvdia is included in the "Asia" of the N. T.
Ap.
Lyd'ia, the first European convert of St
Paul, and afterwards his hostess during his first
stay at Philippi (Acts xvi. 14, 15, also 40).
She was a Jewish proselyte at the time of the
apostle's coming; and it was at the Jewish
Sabbath-worship by the side of a stream (vet.
13) that the preaching of the gospel reached
her heart. Her native place was Tbtatiba,
in the province of Asia (ver. 14; Rev. ii. 18).
Thyatira was famous for its dyeing-works ; and
Lydia was connected with this trade, either as
a seller of dye or of dyed goods. We infer
that she was a person of considerable wealth.
Lysa'nias, mentioned by St. Luke in one
of his chronological passages (iii. 1) as being
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LT8TRA
494
MAACHATHI
tetrarch of Abilene (u the district round
Abila) in the 15th year of Tiberius, at the time
when Herod Antipas was tetrarch of Galilee,
and Herod Philip tetrarch of Iturasa and Tra-
chonitis. It happens that Josephus speaks of
a prince named Lvsanias who ruled over a ter-
ritory in the neighborhood of Lebanon in the
time'of Antony and Cleopatra, and that he also
mentions Abilene as associated with the name
of a tetrarch Lvsanias, while recounting events
of the reigns of Caligula and Claudius. In the
first case, Abila is not specified here at all,
and Lvsanias is not called tetrarch. Bnt it is
probable that the Lvsanias mentioned by Jose-
phns in the second instance is actually the
prince referred to by St. Luke.
IiYB'ias, a nobleman of the blood-royal
(1 Mace. iii. 32 ; 2 Mace. xi. 1 ), who was in-
trusted by Antiochus Epiphanes (cir. B.C. 166)
with the government of Southern Syria, and
the guardianship of his son Antiochus Eupator
(1 Mace. iii. 32; 2 Mace. x. 11). In the exe-
cution of his office, Lysias armed a very consider-
able force against Judas Maccabteus. Two de-
tachments of this army under Nicanor (2 Mace,
viii. ) and Gorgias were defeated by the Jews near
Emmaus (1 Mace, iv.) ; and in the following
year Lysias himself met with a much more se-
rious reverse at Bethsura (b.c. 165), which was
followed by the purification of the Temple.
Shortly after this, Antiochus Epiphanes died
(b.c. 164), and Lysias assumed the government
as guardian of bis son, who was yet a child
(1 Mace. vi. 17). The war against the Jews
was renewed ; and, after a severe struggle, Ly-
sias, who took the young king with him, cap-
tured Bethsura, and was besieging Jerusalem,
when he received tidings of the approach of
Philip, to whom Antiochus had transferred the
guardianship of the prince (1 Mace. vi. 18;
2 Mace. xiii.). He defeated Philip (b.c. 163),
and was supported at Rome ; but in the next
year, together with his ward, fell into the hands
of Demetrius Soter, who put them both to
death (1 Mace. vii. 2-4; 2 Mace. xiv. 2). Ap.
Lysim'achus. L " A son of Ptolcnuens
of Jerusalem," the Greek translator of the book
of Esther (comp. Esth. ix. 20). — 2. A broth-
er of the high-priest Mcnelaus, who was left by
him as his deputy during his absence at the
court of Antiochus. He fell a victim to the
fury of the people, cir. B.C. 170 (2 Mace. iv.
29-42). Ap.
Lys'tra has two points of extreme interest
in connection respectively with St. Paul's first
and second missionary journeys — ( 1 ) as the
place where divine honors were offered to him,
nnd where he was presently stoned (Acts xiv.) ;
(2) as the home or his chosen companion and
fellow-missionary Timotheds (Acts xvi. 1).
The first settlement of Jews in Lystra, and
the ancestors of Timotheus among them, may
very probably be traced to the establishment of
Babylonian Jews in Phrygiaby Antiochus three
centuries before. Still it is evident that there
was no influential Jewish population at Lystra ;
no mention is made of any synagogue ; and the
whole aspect of the scene described by St. Luke
(Acts xir.) is thoroughly heathen. Lystra was
undoubtedly in the eastern part of the great
plain of Lycaonia ; and there are very strong
reasons for identifying its site with the nrina
called Bin-bir-KUiMteh, at the base of a conical
mountain of volcanic structure, named the A'ar-
adagh. Pliny places this town in Galatia, and
Ptolemy in lsauria. ; but these statements are
quite consistent with its being placed in Lycao-
nia by St Luke, as it is by Hieroctes.
M.
Ma'acah. L The mother of Absalom —
Maachah, 5 (2 Sam. iii. 3). — 2. Maacab,
and (in Chron.) Maachah. A small kingdom
in close proximity to Palestine, which appears
to have lain outside Argob (Dent. iii. 14) and
Bashan (Josh. xii. 5). These districts, proba-
bly answering to the Lejnh and Jaulan of mod-
ern Syria, occupied the space from the Jordan
on the west to Salcah [Sulkhad) on the east,
and Mount Hcrmon on the north. There is
therefore no alternative but to place Maacab.
somewhere to the east of the LrjaM. It is some-
times assumed to have been situated about
Abel-beth-Maacah, but this is hardly proba-
ble. The Ammonite war was the only occasion
on which the Maacathites came into contact
with Israel, when their king assisted the Bene-
Ammon against Joab with a force which be led
himself (2 Sam. x. 6, 8; 1 Chr. xix. 7). To
the connection which is always implied between
Mancah and Geshur we have no clew.
Ma'aohah. 1. The daughter of Kahor by
his concubine Reumah (Gen. xxii. 24). — 2.
The father of Achish, who was king of Gath at
the beginning of Solomon's reign (1 K. ii. 39).
— 3. The daughter, or mora proiialily grand-
daughter, of Absalom, named nfter his mother;
the third and favorite wife of Rrhohoam, and
mother of Abijah (1 K. xv. 2 ; 2 Chr. xi. 20-
22). According to Josephus, her mother was
Tamar, Absalom's daughter. But the mother
of Abijah is elsewhere called " Mk-hainh, the
daughter of Uriel of Gibeah " (2 Chr xiii. S).
It is more probable that " Michniah " is the er-
ror of a transcriber, and that "Maachah" is
the true reading in all cases. During the reign
of her grandson Asa, she occupied at the court
of Judah the high position of " King's Mother "
(comp. 1 K. ii. 19), which has been compared
with that of the Sultana Valide in Turkey. It
may be that at Abijah 's death, after a short
reign of three years, Asa was left n minor, and
Maachah acted as regent, like Athuliah under
similar circumstances. If this conjecture be
correct, it would serve to explain tho influenca
by which she promoted the practice of idola-
trous worship. — 4. The concubine of Caleb
the son of Hczron (1 Chr. ii. 48). — 6. The
daughter of Talmni king of Geshur, and moth-
er of Absalom (1 Chr. iii. 2) : also called Mi-
acah in A. V. of 2 Sam. iii. 3. — 6. The wife
of Machir the Manassite (1 Chr. vii. 15, 16).
— 7. The wife of Jehicl, father or founder of
Gibcon (1 Chr. viii. 29, ix. 35). — 8. The
father of Hanan, one of the heroes of David 'a
body-guard (1 Chr. xi. 43). — 9. A Simeonite,
father of Shcphatiah, prince of his tribe in the
reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 16).
Ma'achathi, and Ma'achathites, the.
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MAASEIAH
495
MACCABEES
Two word* which denote the inhabitants of the
•mall kingdom of Maachah (Dcut. iii. 14;
Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 11, 13). Individual Maachatli-
ttes were not unknown among the warriors of
Israel (2 Sam. xxiii. 34 ; Jer. xl. 8 ; 2 K. xxv.
S3).
Maada'i, one of the sons of Bani who had
married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 34).
Maadi'ah, one of tlio priests, or families
of priests, who returned with Zerubbabcl and
Jeshua (Nch. xii. 5); elsewhere (ver. 17) called
Moadiah.
Ma'ai, one of the Bene-Asaph who took
part in the solemn musical ssrviec by which the
wall of Jerusalem was dedicated after it had
*>een rebuilt by Nchcmiah (Nch. xii. 3G).
Ma'aleh-A.arab'bim, the full form of the
name (Josh. xv. 3) which in its other occur-
rences is given in the A. V. as " the ascent of
o* tho going-up to Akrabhim." [Akr.uiuim. j
Maani (1 Esd. ix. 34), identical with Ba-
w>', 4. Ap.
Ml'arath, one of the towns of Judah, in
the district of the mountains (Josh. xv. 58).
The places which occur in company with it
have been identified at a few miles to the north
of Hcsbron; but Maarath has hitherto eluded
observation.
M ia3ei'ah. The nomo of four persons
who had married foreign wives in tho time of
Kiii L A descendant of Jeshua tho priest
(Ear. x. IS). — 2. A priest, of tho sons of Ha-
rim (Ezr. x. 21). — 3. A priest, of the sons of
Pashur (Ezr. x. 22). — 4. One of the laymen,
a descendant of Pahath-Moab (Ezr. x. 30). —
5. The father of Azariah, one of the priests
from the oasis of tho Jordan, who assisted No-
homiah in rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem
(Nch. iii. 23). — 0. One of those who stood on
tho right hand of Ezra when ho rend the law to
the psoplo (Nch. viii. 4). — 7. A Lovite who
assisted on tho same occasion (Neb. viii. 7). —
8. Ono of tho hsads of the people whose de-
scendants signed the covenant with Nchcmiah
(Nch. x. 23). — 9. Son of Baruch and descend-
ant of Pharcz, the son of Judah (Noh. xi. 5).
— 10. A Benjomite, ancestor of Sallu (Nch.
xi. 7). — 11. Two priests of this name are
mentioned (Noh. xii. 41, 42) as taking part in
the musical service which accompanied trie ded-
ication of the wall of Jerusalem under Ezra.
One of them is probably the same as 6. — 12.
Father of Zcphaniah, who was a priest in the
reign of Zethkiah (Jer. xxi. I, xxix. 25,
xxxvii. 3). — 13. The father of Zcdukiah the
false prophet (Jer. xxix. 21).— '14. One of
the Levites of the second rank, appointed by
David to sound " with psalteries on Alnmoth
(1 Chr. xv. 18, 20).— 16. The son of Adaiah,
and one of the captains of hundreds in the
reign of Joash king of Judah (2 Chr. xxiii. I).
— 18. An officer of high rank in the rcijm of
Uzziah (2 Chr. xxvi. 11). He was probably a
Levite (comp. 1 Chr. xxiii. 4), and engaged in
a semi-military capacity. — 17. The "king's
son," killed by Zicnri the Ephraimitish hero
in the invasion of Judah br Pokah king of Is-
rael, daring the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii.
7). — 18. The governor of Jerusalem in the
reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 8). — 18. The
son of Shallnm, a Lerite of high rank in the
reign of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxv. 4 ; comp. 1
Chr. ix. 19). — 20. A priest; ancestor of Ba-
ruch and Seraiah, tho sons of Neriah (Jen
xxxii. 12, li. 59).
Maasia'i, a priest who after the return
from Babylon dwelt in Jerusalem (I Chr. ix.
12).
Maasi'as, Bar. i. i. [Maasbiah, 20.]
Ma'ath, son of Mattathias in the genealogy
of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 26).
Ma'az, son of Uam, the firstborn of Jerah-
meel(l Chr. ii, 27).
Maazi'ah. 1. One of the priests who
signed the covenant with Nchcmiah (Neh. x.
8). — 2. A priest in the reign of David, head
of the twenty-fourth course (1 Cbr. xxiv. 18).
Mabda'l. Tho some as Bkxaiau (1 Esd.
ix. 34). Ap.
Mao'alon (1 Esd. v. 21). This name it
the equivalent of Miciimash in the lists of
E»ra and Nchcmiah. Ap.
Maccabees, the. This title, which was
originally the surname of Judas, ono of tho
sons of Mattathias, was afterwards extended to
the heroic family of which ho was ono of the
noblest representatives, and, in a still wider
sense, to the Palestinian martyrs in tho perse-
cution of Antiochus Epiphoncs, and even to
tho Alexandrine Jews who suffered for their
faith at an earlier time. Tho original term
Maccabi has been variously derived. Some
have maintained that it was formed from the
combination of tho initial letters of the Hobrew
sentence, " Who among tho gods is like unto
thee, Jehovah?" (Ex. xv. 11,) which is sup-
posed to have been inscribed upon tho banner
of the patriots. Another derivation has been
proposed, which, although direct ovidence is
wanting, secins satisfactory. According to this,
the word is formed from Malclcubah, " a ham-
mer," giving a sense not altogether unlike that
in which Charles Martet derived a surname
from his favorite weapon. Although tho name
Maccabees h.is gained tho widest currency, that
of Asmonueana, or Hasmonueaxs, is tho proper
name of the family. The origin of this noma
also has been disputed ; but tin obvious deri-
vation from Chashmon, grcat-gi andfathor of
Mattathias, seems certainly correct. Tho ori-
ginal authorities for tho history of tho Mac-
cabees are extremely scanty; but, for the
course of the war itself, tho first book of Mac-
cabees is a most trustworthy, if an incomplete
witness. The second book adds somo impor-
tant details to the history of the earlier part
of tho straggle, and of the events which imme-
diately preceded it; but all tho statements
which it contains require close examination,
and must be received with caution. Josephus
follows 1 Mace., for the period which it em-
braces, very closely; but slight additions of
names and minute particulars indicate that he
was in possession of other materials, probably
oral traditions, which have not been elsewhere
preserved. On the other hand, there are cases
in which, from haste or carelessness, he has
misinterpreted his authority. From other
sources little enn ho gleaned. 1. The Macca-
hoein War may be termed the War of Jewish
Independence. The annals of the Macrahian
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family, " by whose hand deliverance was given
unto Israel " (1 Mace. v. 62), present the rec-
ord of its progress. The standard of inde-
pendence was first raised by Mattathias, a
priest of the course of Joarib, which was the
first of the twenty-four courses (1 Chr. xxiv.
7), and consequently of the noblest blood. lie
seems, however, to nave been already advanced
in years when the rising was made, and he did
not long survive the fatigues of active service.
He died B.C. 166, and "was buried in the sep-
ulchre of his fathers at Modin." — 2. Matta-
thias himself named Judas — apparently his
third son — as his successor in directing the war
of independence (1 Mace. ii. 66). The energy
and skill of " the Maccabee," as Judas is often
called in 2 Mace., fully justified his father's pref-
erence. It appears that he had already taken
a prominent part in the first secession to the
mountains (2 Mace. v. 27), where Mattathias
is not mentioned. His first enterprises were
night attacks and sudden surprises (2 Mace,
viii. 6, 7) ; and when his men were encouraged
by these means, he ventured on more important
operations, and defeated Apollonius (1 Mace. iii.
10-12) and Scron (1 Mace. iii. 13-24) at Beth-
horon. Shortly afterwards Antiochus Epiph-
anes, whose resources had been impoverished
by the war (1 Mace. iii. 27-31), left the govern-
ment of the Palestinian provinces to Lysias.
Lysias organized an expedition against Judas ;
but bis army, a part of which had been separat-
ed from the main body to effect a surprise, was
defeated by Judas at Emmaus with great loss,
B.C. 166 (I Mace. iii. 46-53) ; and in the next
year Lysias himself was routed at Betlisura.
After this success, Judas was able to occupy
Jerusalem, except the " tower" (1 Mace. vi. 18,
19), and he purified the Temple (1 Mace. iv. 36,
41-53) on the 25th of Chisleu, exactly three
years after its profanation (1 Mace. i. 59). The
next year was spent in wars with frontier na-
tions (1 Mace, v.); but in spite of continued
triumphs, the position of Judas was still preca-
rious. In B.C. 163, Lysias laid siege to Jerusa-
lem. The accession of Demetrius brought
with it fresh troubles to the patriot Jews. A
large party of their countrymen, with Alcimds
at their head, gained the ear of the king, and
he sent Nicanor against Judas. Nicanor was
defeated, first at Capharsalama, and again in a
decisive battle at Adasa, near to the glorious
field of Beth-horon (B.C. 161) on the 13th Adar
(1 Mace. vii. 49 ; 2 Mace. xv. 36), where he
was slain. This victory was the greatest of
Judas's successes, and practically decided the
question of Jewish independence ; but it was
followed by an unexpected reverse. A new
invasion under Bacchides took place. Judas
was able only to gather a small force to meet
the sudden danger. Of this a large part de-
serted him on the eve of the battle; but the
courage of Judas was unshaken, and he fell at
Eleasa, the Jewish Thermopylae, fighting at
desperate odds against the invaders. His body
was recovered by his brothers, and buried at
Modin "in the sepulchre of his fathers" (B.C.
161). — 3. After the death of Judas, the patri-
otic party seems to have been for a short time
wholly disorganized, and it was only by the
pressure of unparalleled sufferings that they
were driven to renew the conflict. For this
purpose they offered the command to Joha-
tha.s, surauined Apphus (the wary), the young-
est son of Mattathias. He retired to the low-
lands of the Jordan (1 Mace. ix. 42), where be
gained some advantage over Bacchides (b.c.
161), who made an attempt to hem in and
destroy his whole force. After two years, Bac-
chides again took the field against Jonathan
(b.c. 158). This time he seems to have been
but feebly supported, and after an unsuccessful
campaign he accepted terms which Jonathan
proposed; and after his departure, Jonathan
;' judged the people at Michmash"(l M&cc
ix. 73), and gradually extended his power.
The claim of Alexander Balas to the Syrian
crown gave a new importance to Jonathan and
his adherents. The success of Alexander led
to the elevation >f Jonathan, who assumed the
high-pricstly office (1 Mace. x. 21) ; and not
long after, he placed the king under fresh obli-
gations by the defeat of Apollonius, a general
of the younger Demetrius (1 Mace. x.). After
the death of Alexander, Jonathan attached
himself to Antiochus VX He at last fell a
victim to the treachoiy of Tryphon, B.c- 144
(1 Mace. xi. 8-xii. 4). « -4. As soon as Simok,
the last remaining brother of the Maccabtean
family, heard of the detention of Jonathan in
Ptolemais by Tryphon, he placed himself at
the head of the patriot party. His skill in war
bad been proved in the lifetime of Judas
(1 Mace. v. 17-23), and he had taken an active
share in the campaigns of Jonathan ( 1 Mace.
xi. 59). Tryphon, after carrying Jonathan
about as a prisoner for some little time, put
him to death; and then, having murdered
Antiochus, seized the throne. On this, Simos
made overtures to Demetrius H. (b.c. 143)
which were favorably received, and the inde-
pendence of the Jews was at length formally
recognized. The long struggle was now tri-
umphantly ended, and it remained only to reap
the fruits of victory. This Simon hastened
to do. The prudence and wisdom for which
he was already distinguished at the time of his
father's death (1 Mace. ii. 65) gained for the
Jews the active support of Rome (1 Mace. xv.
16-21), in addition to the confirmation of ear-
lier treaties. After settling the external rela-
tions of the new state upon a sure basis, Simon
regulated its internal administration. With
two of his sons he was murdered at D6k by
PtolemaMis, B.C. 135 (1 Mace. xvi. 11-16)
5. The treason of Ptolcmseus failed in its ob-
ject. Johannes Hykcaxds, one of the sons
of Simon, escaped from the plot by which his
life was threatened, and *t once assumed the
government (b.c. 135}. At first he was hard
pressed by Antiochus Sidetes, and only able to
preserve Jerusalem on condition of dismantling-
the fortifications, and submitting to a tribute,
b.c. 133. He reduced Idumssa, confirmed the
alliance with Rome, and at length succeeded in
destroying Samaria, the hated rival of Jeruna-
lem, b.c. 109. The external splendor of his
government was marred by the growth of in-
ternal divisions ; but John escaped the fate of
all the older members of his family, and died
in peace, B.C. 106-5. His eldest son Aristobulua
I., who succeeded, was the first who assumed
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mki king!/ title, though Simon had enjoyed
the fulness of the kingly power. — 6. Two
of the first generation of the Maccabsean family
(till remain to be mentioned. These, though
they did not attain to the leadership of their
countrymen like their brothers, shared their
fate — Eleaxer by a noble act of self-devotion ;
John, apparently the eldest brother, by treach-
ery. — 7. The great outlines of the Maccabsean
contest, which are somewhat hidden in the
annals thus briefly epitomized, admit of being
traced with fair distinctness. The disputed
•accession to the Syrian throne (B.C. 153) was
(he political turning-point of the struggle,
which may thus be dmded into two great pe-
riods. During the first period (b.c. 168-153),
the patriots maintained their cause with vary-
ing success against the whole strength of Sy-
ria; during the second (B.C. 153-139), they
were courted by rival factions, and their inde-
pendence was acknowledged from time to time,
though pledges given in times of danger were
often broken when the danger was over. The
paramount importance of Jerusalem is conspic-
uous throughout the whole war. The occu-
pation of Jerusalem closed the first act of the
war (b.c. 165). On the death of Judas, the
patriots were reduced to as great distress as at
their first rising. So far it seemed that little
had been gained when the contest between
Alexander Balus and Demetrius I. opened a
new period (b.c. 153). The former unfruitful
conflicts at length produced their full harvest.
When the Jewish leaders had once obtained
legitimate power, they proved able to main-
tain it, though their general success was
checkered by some reverses. The solid power
of the national party was seen by the slight
effect which was produced by the treacher-
ous murder of Jonathan. Simon was able at
once to occupy his place, and carry out his
plans. — 8. The war, thus brought to a noble
one, if leas famous is not less glorious than
any of those in which a few brave men have
successfully maintained the cause of freedom
or religion against overpowering might For
it is not only in their victory over external
difficulties that the heroism of the Maccabees
b conspicuous : their real success was as much
imperilled by internal divisions as by foreign
force. — 9. The view of the Maccabsean War
which regards it only as a civil and not as a
religious conflict, is essentially one-sided. If
there were no other evidence than the Book of
Daniel, that alone would show how deeply the
•obtest hopes of the theocracy were centred in
the success of the struggle. When the feelings
«f the nation were thus again turned with
fresh power to their ancient faith, we might ex-
pect that there would be a new creative epoch
id the national literature ; or, if the form of
Hebrew composition was already fixed by sa-
cred types, a prophet or psalmist would express
the thoughts of the new age after the models
•fold time. Tet in part at least the leaders of
Maccahcean times felt that they were separated
*>y a teal chasm from the times of the kingdom
sr of the exile. If they looked for a prophet
«i the future, they acknowledged that the spirit
•f prophecy was not among them. The vol-
ute of the prophetic writings was completed,
63
and, as far as appears, no one ventured to imi-
tate its contents. But the Hugiographa, though
they were already long fixed as a definite col-
lection, were not equally far removed from
imitation. The apocalyptic visions of Daniel
served as a pattern for the visions incorporated
in the Book of Enoch ; and it has been com-
monly supposed that the Psalter contains com-
positions of the Maccabsean date. This sup-
position, which is at variance with the best
evidence which can be obtained on the history
of the Canon, can only be received upon the
clearest internal proof; and it may well be
questioned whether the hypothesis is not as
much at variance with sound interpretation as
with the history of the Canon. — 10. The col-
lection of the so-called Psalm* of Solomon fur-
nishes a strong confirmation of the belief that
all the canonical Psalms are earlier than the
Maccabean era. This collection, which bears
the clearest traces of unity of authorship, is,
almost beyond question, a true Maccabsean
work. There is every reason to believe that
the book was originally composed in Hebrew ;
and it presents exactly those characteristics
which are wanting in the other (conjectural)
Maccabsean Psalms. — 11. Elsewhere there is
little which marks the distinguishing religious
character of the era. The notice of the Mac-
cabeean heroes in the Book of Daniel is much
more general and brief than the corresponding
notice of their great adversary ; but it is not
on that account less important as illustrating
the relation of the famous chapter to the sim-
ple history of the period which it embraces. —
12. The nistory of the Maccabees does not
contain much w'hich illustrates in detail the re-
ligious or social progress of the Jews. It is
obvious that the period must not only have in-
tensified old beliefs, but also have called out
elements which were latent in them. One doc-
trine at least, that of a resurrection, and even
of a material resurrection (2 Mace xiv. 46),
was brought out into the most distinct appre-
hension by suffering. And. as it was believed
that an interval elapsed between death and
judgment, the dead were supposed to be in
some measure still capable of profiting by the
intercession of the living. Thus much is cer-
tainly expressed in the famous passage, 2 Mace
xii. 43-45, though the secondary notion of a
purgatorial state is in no way implied in it
On the other hand it is not very clear how far
the future judgment was supposed to extend.
The firm faith in the righteous providence of
God, shown in the chastening of His people,
as contrasted with His neglect of other na-
tions, is another proof of the widening view of
the spiritual world, which is characteristic of
the epoch (2 Mace. iv. 16, 17, v. 17-80, vi. 12-16,
&c.). — 13. The various glimpses of national
life which can be gained during the period,
show, on tht whole, a steady adherence to the
Mosaic law. Probably the law was never more
rigorously fulfilled. The importance of the
Antiochian pe-secution in fixing the Canon of
the Old Testament has been already noticed.
[Canon. | The interruption of the succession
to the high-pricuhood was the most important
innovation which was made, and one which
prepared the way for the dissolution of the
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c
Mate. After various arbi trary changes, the office
was left vacant for seven years upon the death
of Alcimus. The last descendant of Jozadak
(Unias), in whose family it had been for nearly
four centuries, fled to Egypt, and established a
schismatic worship ; and at last, when the sno-
rt of the Jews became important, the Macca-
«an leader, Jonathan, of the family of Joarib,
was elected to the dignity by the nomination
of the Syrian king ( 1 Miiec. x. 20), whose will
was confirmed, as it appears, by the voice of
the people (comp. 1 Mace. xiv. 35). — 14. Lit-
tle can be said of the condition of literature
and the arts which has not been already antici-
pated. In common intercourse, the Jews used
the Aramaic dialect which was established after
the return: this was "their own language"
(2 Mace. vii. 8, 21, 27, xii. 37); but it is evi-
dent from the narrative quoted that they un-
derstood Greek, which must have spread widely
through the influence of Syrian officers. There
is not, however, the slightest evidence that Greek
was employed in Palestinian literature tilln much
later date. The description of the monument
which was erected by Simon at Modin in memory
of his family (1 Mace. xiii. 27-30) is the only rec-
ord of the architecture of the time. — 15. The
only recognized relics of the tune are the coins
which bear the name of " Simon," or " Simon
Prince (Nasi) of Israel," in Samaritan letters.
The privilege of a national coinage was granted
to Simon by Antiochus VII. Sidetes (1 Mace,
xv. 6) ; and numerous examples occur which
have the dates of the first, second, third, and
fourth years of the liberation of Jerusalem
(Israel, Zion).
Maccabees, Books of. Four books
which bear the common title of " Maccabees "
arc found in some MSS. of the LXX. Two of
these were included in the early current Latin
versions of the Bible, and thence passed into the
Vulgate. As forming part of the Vulgate they
were received as canonical by the Council of
Trent, and retained among the apocrypha by
the reformed churches. The two other books
obtained no such wide circulation, and have
only a secondary connection with the Macca-
baean history. 1. The First Book op Mac-
cabees contains a history of the patriotic
struggle, from the first resistance of Matta-
tliias to the settled sovereignty and death of
Simon, a period of thirty-three years (b.c.
168-135). The opening chapter gives a short
wmmory of the conquests of Alexander the
Great, and describes at greater length the op
prcssion of Antiochus Epiphanes. The great
subject of the book begins with the enumera-
tion of the Maccabasan family (ii. 1-5), which
is followed by an account of the part which the
aged Mattathios took in rousing and guid-
ing the spirit of his countrymen (ii. 6-70).
The remainder of the narrative is occupied
with the exploits of his five sons. Each of
the three divisions into which the main portion
of the book thus naturally falls is stamped
with an individual character derived from its
special hero. The great marks of trustworthi-
ness are everywhere conspicuous. Victor? and
failure and despondency are, on the whole,
chronicled with the same candor. There is
»o attempt to bring into open display the
working of providence. The testimony of in
tiquity leaves no doubt but that the book wsa
first written in Hebrew. Its whole structure
points to Palestine as tlie place of its composi-
tion. There is, however, considerable doubt at
to its date. Perhaps we may place it between
B.C. 120-100. The date and person of the
Greek translator are wholly undetermined. —
2. The Second Book op Maccabees. —
The history of the Second Book of the Mac-
cabees begins some years earlier than that of
the First Book, and closes with the victory of
Judas Maccabeus over Nicanor. It thus em-
braces a period of twenty years, from B.C. 189
(?) to B.C. 161. For the few events noticed
during the earlier years it is the chief authori-
ty ; during the remainder of the time the nar-
rative goes over the same ground as I Mace.,
but with -very considerable differences. This
first two chapters are taken up by two letters
supposed to be addressed by the Palestinian to
the Alexandrine Jews, and by a sketch of the
author's plan, which proceeds without any per-
ceptible break from the close of the second let-
ter. The main narrative occupies the remain-
der of the book. This presents several natural
divisions, which appear to coincide with the
" five books " of Jason on which it was based.
The first (ch. iii.) contains the history of Hcli-
odorus (cir. B.C. 180). The second* (iv.-vii.)
gives varied details of the beginning and
course of the great persecution (b.c. 175-
167). The third (viii.-x. 9) follows the for-
tunes of Judas to the triumphant restoration
of the Temple service (n.c. 166, 165). The
fourth (x. 10-xiii.) includes the reign of Antio-
chus Eupator (b.c 164-162). The fifth (xiv.,
xv.) records the treachery of Alcimus, the mis-
sion of Nicanor, and the crowning success of
Judas (B.C. 162, 161 ). The writer himself dis-
tinctly indicates the source of his narrative —
"the five books of Jason of Cyrenc" (ii. 23),
of which ho designed to furnish a short and
agreeable epitome for the benefit of those who
would be deterred from studying the larger
work. His own labor, which "he describes in
strong terms (ii. 26, 27 ; comp. xv. 38,39), was
entirely confined to condensation and selection;
all investigation of detail he declares to be the
peculiar duty of the original historian. Of
Jason himself nothing more is known than
may be gleaned from this mention of him.
The district of Cyrenc was most closely
united with that of Alexandria. In both, the
predominance of Greek literature and the
Greek language was absolute. The work of
Jason must therefore have been composed in
Greek ; and the stvle of the epitome proves be-
yond doubt that the Greek text is the original.
It is scarcely less certain that the book was
compiled at Alexandria. — The Second Book
of Maccabees is not not nearly so trustworthy
as the First. In the Second Book the ground-
work of facts is true, but the dress in which
the facts are presented is dne in part at least
to the narrator. It is not at all improbable that
the error with regard to the first campaign of
Lysias arose from the mode in which it was
introduced by Jason as a prelude to the more
important measures of Lysias in the reign of
Antioelm-i Eupator. In other places (as '
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obviously in xiii. 19 ff.) the compiler may have
disregarded the historical dependence of events
while selecting those which were best suited for
the support of his theme. The latter half of
the book (ch. riii.-xv.) is to be regarded not as
» connected and complete history, but as a series
of special incidents from the life of Judas, illus-
trating the providential interference of God in
behalf of Uis people, true in substance, but
embellished in form. — 3. The Third Book
or Maccabees contains the history of events
which preceded the great Maccabtean struggle,
beginning with B.C. 217. — 4. The Fourth
Book or Maccabees contains a rhetorical
narrative of the martyrdom of Eleazer and of
the " Maccabaean family," following in the main
the same outline as 2 Mace.
Macodo'nia, the first part of Europe
which received the gospel directly from St
Paul, and an important scene of his subsequent
missionary labors and tho labors of his com-
panions. In a rough and popular description
it is enough to say that Macedonia is the re-
gion bounded inland by the range of Hasmus
or the Balkan northwards, and the chain of
Pindos westwards, beyond which the streams
flow respectively to the Danube and the Adri-
atic ; that it is separated from Thessaly on the
south by the Cambunian Hills, running easter-
ly from Pindus to Olympus and the .jEgoan;
and that it is divided on the east from Thrace
by a less definite mountain-boundary running
southwards from Hamna. Of the space thus
enclosed, two of the most remarkable physical
features are two great plains, one watered by
the Axius, which comes to the sea at the
Tbermaic Gulf, not far from Thessalonica ;
the other by the Strymon, which, after passing
near Philippi, flows out below Ampnipolis.
Between the mouths of these two rivers, a
remarkable peninsula projects, dividing itself
into three points, on the farthest of which
Mount Athos rises nearly into the region of
perpetual snow. Across the neck of this pen-
insula St. Paul travelled more than once with
his companions. This general sketch would
sufficiently describe the Macedonia which was
ruled over by Philip and Alexander, and which
the Romans conquered from Perseus. At first
the conquered country was divided by ^Emilius
Panlua into four districts. This division was
only temporary. The whole of Macedonia,
along with Thessaly and a large tract along
the Adriatic, was made one province, and cen-
tralized under the jurisdiction of a proconsul,
who resided at Thessalonica.
We have now reached the definition which
corresponds with the usage of the term in the
N. T. (Acts xvi. 9, 10, 12, 4c.) Three Ro-
man provinces, all very familiar to us in tho
writings of St. Paul, divided the whole space
between the basin of the Danube and Cape
Matapan. The border- town of Illtbicum
was Lissus on the Adriatic. The boundary-
line of Achai a nearly coincided, except in the
western portion, with that of the kingdom of
modem Greece, and ran in an irregular line
from the Acroceraunian Promontory to the
Bay of Thermopylae and the north of Eubaea.
By subtracting these two provinces, we define
Macedonia. The history of Macedonia in the
period between the Persian wars and the con-
solidation of the Roman provinces in the Le-
vant is touched in a very interesting manner
by passages in the Apocrypha. In Esth. xvi.
10, Haman is described as a Macedonian, and
in xvi. 14 is said to have contrived his plot for
the purpose of transferring the kingdom of the
Persians to the Macedonians. This sufficiently
betrays the late date and spurious character of
these apocryphal chapters; but it is curious
thus to have our attention turned to the early
struggle of Persia and Greece. The account
of St. Paul's first journey through Macedonia
(Acts. xvi. 10-xvii. 15) is marked by copious
detail and well-defined incidents. At the close
of this journey, he returned from Corinth to
Syria by sea. On the next occasion of visiting
Europe, though he both went and returned
through Macedonia (Acts. xx. 1-6), the narra-
tive is a very slight sketch, and tho route is left
uncertain, except as regards Philippi. The
character of the Macedonian Christians is sot
before us in Scripture in a very favorable light
The candor of the Bereans is highly commend-
ed (Acts xvii. 11); the Thessalonians were
evidently objects of St Paul's peculiar affec-
tion (1 Thcss. U. 8, 17-20, iii. 10) ; and the Phi-
lippians, besides their general freedom from
blame, are noted as remarkable for their liber-
ality and self-denial (Phil. iv. 10, 14-19; see
2 Cor. ix. 2, xi. 9).
Macedonian occurs in A. V. only in
Acts xxvii. 2 ; Esth. xvi. 10, 14. In the other
cases (Acts xvi. 9, xix. 29 ; 2 Cor. ix. 2, 4), onr
translators render it " of Macedonia."
Machbana'i, one of the lion-faced warriors
of Gad who joined the fortunes of David when
living in retreat at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 13).
Mach'beiiah(Ma^afu7vu. MacMxna). She-
va, the father of Machbena, is named in the
genealogical list of Judah as the offspring of
Maachan, the concubine of Caloh ben-Hezron
(1 Chr. ii. 49). Perhaps Machbena was found-
ed or colonized by the family of Maachah. To
the position of the town we possess no clew.
Ma'ohi, the father of Geuel tho Gadite, who
went with Caleb and Joshua to spy out the
land of Canaan (Num. xiii. 15).
Machir, the eldest son (Josh. xvii. 1 ) of
the patriarch Manasseh by an Aramito or Syr-
ian concubine ( 1 Chr. vii. 14 and the LXX. of
Gen. xlvi. 20). His children are commemorat-
ed as having been caressed by Joseph before
his death (Gen. 1. 23). His wife's name is not
preserved, but she was a Bcnjamite, the " sister
of HuppimandShuppim" (1 Chr. vii. 15). The
connection with Benjamin may perhaps have
led to the selection by Abner of Mahanaim, as
the residence of Ishbosheth (2 Sam. ii. 8) ; and
that with Judah may have also influenced
David to go so far north when driven out of his
kingdom. At the time of the conquest, the
family of Machir had become very powerful;
and a large part of the country on the east of
Jordan was subdued by them (Num. xxxii. 39 ;
Deut iii. 15). So great was their power that
tho name of Machir occasionally supersedes that
of Manasseh. — 2. The son of Ammiel, a pow-
erful sheik of one of the trans-Jordanic tribes,
but whether of Manasseh — the tribe of his
namesake — or of Gad, must remain uncertain
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till we know where Lodebar, to which place he
belonged, was situated. His name occurs but
twice ; but the part which he played was by no
means an insignificant one. It was his fortune
to render essential service to the cause of Saul
and of David successively — in each case when
they were in difficulty (2 Sam. ix. 4, 5, xvii.
27-29).
Ma'ohiritOB, the. The descendants of
Machir the father of Gilead (Nnm. xxvi. 29).
Mach'mas, 1 Mace. ix. 73. [Michmash.]
Maohnadoba'i, one of the sons of Bani
who put away his foreign wife at Ezra's com-
mand (Ezr. x. 40).
Maoh'pelah, the spot containing the wood-
ed field, in the end of which was the cave which
Abraham purchased from the Bcnc-Hctb, and
which became the burial-place of Sarah, Abra-
ham himself, Isaac, Rebekah, Leah, and Jacob.
Its position is — with one exception uniformly
— specified as "facing Mamtv" (Gen. xxiii.
17, 19, xxv. 9, xlix. 30, 1. 13). What the
meaning of this ancient name — not met with
beyond the Book of Genesis — may be, appears
quite uncertain. Theoldcrinterprctcrsexplain
it as meaning " double " — the double cave or
the double field ; but the modern lexicogra-
phers interpret it an allotted or separated place ;
or, again, the undulating spot. Beyond the
passages already cited, the Bible contains no
mention either of the name Machpclah or of the
sepulchre of the Patriarchs. But there arc few,
if any, of the ancient sites of Palestine of whose
genuineness we can feel more assured than
Machpelah. The traditional spot at Hebron
has every thing in its favor as far as position
goes ; while the wall which encloses the Haram,
or sacred precinct in which the sepulchres them-
selves are reported, and probably with truth,
still to lie, is a monument certainly equal, and
probably superior, in age to any thing remaining
in Palestine. It is a quadrangular building of
about 200 feet in length by 1 15 feet in width, its
dark gray walls rising 50 or 60 feet in height,
without window or opening of any description,
except two small entrances at the S E. and
S. W. corners. It stands nearly on the crest of
the hill which forms the eastern side of the
valley on the slopes and bottom of which the
town is strewn. The ancient Jewish tradition
ascribes its erection to David ; but, whatever
the worth of this tradition, it may well be of the
age of Solomon. The date must always remain
a mvstcry; but there are two considerations
which may weigh in favor of fixing it very
early. 1. That often as the town of Hebron
may have been destroyed, this, being a tomb,
would always be spared. 2. It cannot on
architectural grounds be later than Herod's
time, while on the other hand it is omitted from
the catalogue given by Josephus of the places
which he rebuilt or adorned. Of the contents
of this enclosure we have only the most meagre
and confused accounts. A great part of the
area is occupied by a building which is now a
mosque, ana was probably originally a church ;
but of its date or style nothing is known. The
sepulchres of Abraham and Sarah, Isaac and
Rebekah, Jacob and Leah, are shown on the
floor of the mosque, covered in the usual Mo-
hammedan style with rich carpets , but the real
sepulchres are, as they were in the 12th and
16th centuries, in a cave below the floor.
Mao'ron, the surname of Ptolemeus, or
Ptolomee, the son of l)orymcnes(l Mace. iii.
38), and governor of Cyprus under Ptolemy
Philometer (2 Mace. x. 12). Ap.
Madai, which occurs in Grn. x. 2, among
the list of the sons of Japhet, has been com-
monly regarded as a personal appellation ; and
most commentators call Madai the third son of
Japhet, and the progenitor of the Medes. But
it is extremely doubtful whether, in the mind
of the writer of Gen. x., the term Madai was
regarded as representing a person. Probably
all that the writer intends to assert in Gen. x. 2
is, that the Medes, as well as the Gomcritcs,
Greeks, Tibareni, Moschi, &c., descended from
Japhet.
Mad'iabun. The sons of Madiabun, ac-
cording to 1 Esd., were among the Lcvitcs who
superintended the restoration of the Temple
under Zorobabel. Ap.
Ma'dian, Jud. ii. 26 ; Acta vii. 29. [Mid-
iakJ
Mad'mannah, one of the towns in the
south district of Judah (Josh. xv. 31). To
Euscbius and Jerome it appears to have been
well known. It was called in their time
Menois, and was not for from Gaza. The first
stage southward from Gaza is now ti-Minm,
which, in default of a better, is suggested by
Kicpcrt, as the modern representative of Menois,
and therefore of Madmannah.
Mad'men, a place in Moab, threatened
with destruction in the denunciations of Jere-
miah (xlviii. 2), but not elsewhere named, and
of which nothing is yet known.
Mad'menah, one of the Bcnjamite villages
north of Jerusalem, the inhabitants of which
were frightened away by the approach of Sen-
nacherib along the northern road (Is. x. 31 ).
Like others of the places mentioned in this list,
Madmenah is not elsewhere named.
Madness. In Scripture, "madness" ii
recognized as a derangement, proceeding either
from weakness and misdirection of intellect,
or from ungovernable violence of passion ; and
in both cases it is spoken of, sometimes as
arising from the will and action of man him-
self, sometimes as inflicted judicially by the
hand of God. In one passage alone (John x.
20) is madness expressly connected with de-
moniacal possession by the Jews in their cavil
Xinst onr Lord : in none is it referred to any
sical causes.
Ma'don, one of the principal cities of
Canaan before the conquest, probably in the
north. Its king joined Jabiu and his confed-
erates in their attempt against Joshua at the
waters of Mcrom, and like the rest was killed
(Josh xi. 1, xii. 19). Schwarz on very slipht
grounds proposes to discover Madon at Krfr
Afcnda, a village with extensive ancient re-
mains, at the western end of the Plain of
Bttftauf, 4 or 5 miles N. of Sepphoris.
Maelus, for Miami* (1 Esd. ix. 26 ; comix
Ezr. x. 25).
Magljish. A proper name in Ezr. ii. 30.
but whether of a man or of a place is doubted
by some ; it is probably the latter, as all the
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nunes from Ezr. ii. 20 to 34, except Elam and
Hdriin, are names of places. From tbc posi-
tion of MagbUh in the list in Ezr. ii., it would
seem to be in the tribe of Benjamin.
Magdala. The name Magdala does not
ready exist in the Bible. It is found in the
received Greek text and the A. V. of Matt. xv.
39 only ; but the chief MSS. and versions ex-
hibit the name its " Magadan." Into the limits
of Magadan, Christ cam j by boat, over the Lake
of Guii^sareth, after His miracle of feeding the
four thousand on the mountain of the east-
ern side (Mitt, xv. 39) ; and from thence, after
a short encounter with the Pharisees and Sad-
ducees, tie returned in the same boat to the
opposite shore. In the present text of the par-
allel narrative of St. Mark (viii. 10), we find
tbc " parts of Dalmanutha." D.ilmanutha
wji probably at or near Ain el-BarideA, about
a mile below d-Mcjdd, on the western edge of
the Luke of Genesareth. The Magdala, which
conferred her name on " M»ry the Migdal-ene,"
one of the numerous Migdols, i.e. towers, which
stood in Palestine, was probably the place of
that name which is mentioned in the Jerusalem
Talmud as near Tiberias; and this again is
as probably the modern el-Afejdd, " a miserable
little Muslim village," rather more than an
hoar, or about three miles, above Tabiriyeh,
lying on the water's edge at the south-east
comer of the Plain of Genesareth. Jerome,
although he plays upon the name Magdalene,
does not appear to connect it with the place in
question. By the Jews, the word mtyaddda is
used to denote a person who platted or twisted
hair, a practice then much in use amongst
womsn of loose character. A certain "Mir-
iam Magdala " is mentioned by the Talmud-
isu, who is probably intended for St. Mary.
Msgilalum is mentioned as between Tiberias
and Capernaum, as early as by Willibald, a.d.
722.
Hatf'diel. One of the "dukes " of Edora,
descended from Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 43; 1 Chr.
i. 54). The name does not yet appear to have
been met with, as borne by either tribe or
place.
Ka'ged, the form in which the name
Hiked appears in the A. V. on its second
occurrence (1 Mace. v. 36). Ap.
Magi (A. V. " wise men "). It does not fall
within the scope of this article to enter fully
into the history of the Magi as an order, and
of the relation in which they stood to the re-
ligion of Zoroaster. What has to be said will
be best arranged under the fonr following
itadi : — I. The position occupied by the Magi
in the history of the O. T. — II. The transi-
tion-stages iii the history of the word and of
the order between the close of the O. T. and
the time of the N. T., so far as they affect the
latter. — III. The Magi as they appear in the
S.T. — IV. The later traditions which have
gathered ronnd the Magi of Matt. ii. — I. In
the Hebrew text of the O. T. the word occurs
hot twice, and then only incidentally. In Jer.
xxxix. 3 and 13 we meet, among the Chaldtean
oBcen sent by Nebuchadnezzar to Jerusalem,
one with the name or title of Rub-Mag. This
*ord is interpreted as equivalent to chief of
ahe Magi. Historically the Magi are conspicu-
ous chiefly as a Persian religious caste. He-
rodotus connects them with another people by
reckoning them among the six tribes of the
Medes (i. 101). They appear in his history of
Astyages as interpreters of dreams (i. 120), the
name naving apparently lost its ethnological
and acquirea a caste significance. But in Jere-
miah they appear at a still earlier period among
the retinue of the Chaldtean king. The very
word Rab-Mag (if the received etymology of
Magi be correct) presents a hybrid formation.
The first syllable is unquestionably Shemitic,
the last is all but unquestionably Aryan. The
problem thus presented admits of two solu-
tions: — (1) If we believe the Chaldeans to
have been an Hamitic people, closely connected
with the Babylonians, we must then suppose
that the colossal schemes of greatness which
showed themselves in Nebuchadnezzar's con-
quests led him to gather round bim the wise
men and religious teachers of the nations which
he subdued, and that thus the sacred tribe of
the Medes rose under his rule to favor and
power. (2) If, on the other hand, with Renan,
we look on the Chaldmans as themselves be-
longing to the Aryan family, there is even less
difficulty in explaining the presence among the
one people of the religious teachers of the other.
The Magi took their places among " the as-
trologers and star-gazers and monthly prognos-
ticators." It is with such men that we have to
think of Daniel and his fellow-exiles as associ-
ated. They are described as " ten times wiser
than all the magicians and astrologers " ( Dan.
i. 20). The office which Daniel accepted (Dim.
v. 11) was probably identical with that of the
Rab-Mag who first came before as. The name
of the Magi does not meet us in the biblical
account of the Medo-Persian kings. If, how-
ever, we identify the Artaxerxcs who stops the
building of the Temple (Ezr. iv. 17-22) with
the Pseudo-Smordis of Herodotus and the Go-
mates of the Behistun inscription, we may see
here also another point of contact. The Magian
attempt to rc-assert Median supremacy, and
with it probably a corrupted Chaldaized form
of Magianism, in place of the purer faith in
Ormuzd of which Cyrus had been the propaga-
tor, would naturally be accompanied by antag-
onism to the people whom the Persians had
protected and supported. The immediate re-
newal of the suspended work on the triumph
of Darius (Ezr. iv. 24, v. 1, 2, vi. 7, 8) falls in,
it need hardly be added, with this hypothesis.
Under Xerxes, the Magi occupy a position
which indicates that they had recovered from
their temporary depression. No great change
is traceable in their position during the decline
of the Persian monarchy. As an order they per-
petuated themselves under the Parthian kings.
The name rose to fresh honor under the Sas-
sanidie.
II. In the mean time the word was acquiring
a new and wider signification. It presented
itself to tho Greeks as connected with a foreign
system of divination, and the religion of a roe
whom they had conquered, and it soon became
a by-won! for the worst form of imposture.
The rapid growth of this feeling is traceable
perhaps in the meanings attached to the word by
the two great tragedians. In jEschylus (Perta,
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291) it retains its old significance as denoting
■imply a tribe. In Sophocles ((Ed. Tyr. 387)
it appears among the epithets of reproach
which the king heaps upon Teiresias. It is in-
teresting to notice now at one time the good,
and at another the bad, side of the word is up-
permost. Both meanings appear in the later
lexicographers. The word thus passed into
the hands of the LXX., and from them into
those of the writers of the N. T., oscillating
between the two meanings, capable of being
used in either. The relations which had
existed between the Jews and Persians would
perhaps tend to give a prominence to the more
favorable associations in their use of it. In
Daniel (i. 20, ii. 2, 10, 27, v. 11) it is used, as
has been noticed, for the priestly diviners with
whom the prophet was associated. There
were, however, other influences at work tend-
ing to drag it down. The swarms of impostors
that were to be met with in every part of the
Roman Empire, known as " Chaldari," " Mathe-
matici," and the like, bore this name also.
III. We need not wonder accordingly to find
that this is the predominant meaning of the
word as it appears in the N. T. The noun and
the verb derived from it are used by St. Luke
in describing the impostor, who is therefore
known distinctively as Simon Magus (Acts
viii. 9). Another of the same class (Bar-jesus)
is described (Acts xiii. 8) as having, in his cog-
nomen Elymas, a title which was equivalent to
Magus. In one memorable instance, however,
the word retains (probably, at least) its better
meaning. In the Gospel of St. Matthew, written
(according to the general belief of early Chris-
tian writers) for the Hebrew Christians of Pales-
tine, we find it, not as embodying the contempt
which the frauds of impostors had brought
upon it through the whole Roman Empire, but
in the sense which it had had of old, as associat-
ed with a religion which they respected, and an
order of which one of their own prophets had
been the head. The vagueness of the description
leaves their country undefined, and implies
that probably the evangelist himself had no
certain information. We cannot wonder that
there should have been very varying interpreta-
tions given of words that allowed so wide a
field for conjecture. Some of these are, for va-
rious reasons, worth noticing. (1 ) The feeling
of some early writers that the coming of the
wise men was the fulfilment of the prophecy
which spoke of the gifts of the men of Sheba
and Seba (Ps. lxxii. 10, 15; comp. Is. lx. 6)
led them to fix on Arabia as the country of the
Magi. (2) Others have conjectured Mesopota-
mia as the great seat of Cbaldautn astrology, or
Egypt as the country in which magic was most
prevalent. (3) The historical associations of the
word led others again, with greater probability,
to fix on Persia, while Hyde suggests Parthia.
It is perhaps a legitimate inference from Matt,
ii. that in these Magi we may recognize, as the
Church has done from a very early period, the
first Gentile worshippers of the Christ. The
narrative supplies us with an outline which we
may legitimately endeavor to fill up, as far as
our knowledge enables us, with inference and
illustration. Some time after the birth of Jesus
there appeared among the strangers who visit-
ed Jerusalem these men from die far Eaa.
They were not idolaters. Their form of wot
ship was looked upon by the Jews with greater
tolerance and sympathy than that of any other
Gentiles (comp. Wisd. xiii. 6, 7). Whatever
may hare been their country, their name indi-
cates that they would be watchers of the stars,
seeking to read in them the destinies of nations.
They say that they have seen a star in which
they recognize such a prognostic. They are
sure that one is born King of the Jews, and
they come to pay their homage. It may hare
been simply that the quarter of the heavens in
which the star appeared indicated the direction
of Judsea. It may have been that some form
of the prophecy of Balaam that a " star should
rise out of Jacob" (Num. xxiv. 17) had reached
them, either through the Jews of the Disper-
sion, or through traditions running parallel with
the O. T., and that this led them to recognize
its fulfilment. It may have been, lastly, that
the traditional predictions ascribed to their own
prophet Zoroaster led them to expect a sac-
cession of three deliverers, two working as
prophets to reform the world and raise np a
kingdom; the third (Zosiosh), the greatest of
the three, coming to be the head of the king-
dom, to conquer Ahriman, and to raise the
dead. It is not unlikely that they appeared,
occupying the position of Destur-Mobeds in
the later Zoroastrian hierarchy, as the represen-
tatives of many others who shared the same
feeling. They came, at any rate, to pay their
homage to the King whose birth was thus indi-
cated (comp. Gen. xliii. 1 1 ; Ps. lxxii. 15 ; 1 K.
x. 2, 10 ; 2 Chr. ix. 24 ; Cant iii. 6, iv. 14).
The arrival of such a company, bound on so
strange an errand, in the last yean of the
tyrannous and distrustful Herod, could hardly
fail to attract notice and excite a people, among
whom Messianic expectations had already be-
gun to show themselves (Luke ii. 25, 38). The
Sanhedrim was convened, and the question
where the Messiah was to be born was formally
placed before them. The answer given, based
upon the traditional interpretation of Mic. v. 2,
that Bethlehem was to be the birthplace of the
Christ, determined the king's plans. He had
found out the locality. It remained to determine
the time : with what was probably a real belief in
astrology, he inquired of them diligently when
they had first seen the star. If ne assumed
that that was contemporaneous with the birth,
he could not be far wrong. The Magi accord-
ingly are sent on to Bethlehem, as if they were
but the forerunners of the king's own homage.
As they journeyed they again saw the star, which
for a time, it would seem, they had lost sight
of, and it guided them on their way. The
pressure of the crowds, which a fortnight, or
four months, or well-nigh two years Tiefore,
had driven Mary and Joseph to the rude stable
of the caravanserai of Bethlehem, had appar-
ently abated ; and the Magi, entering " the
house " (Matt. ii. 11), fell down, and paid their
homage and offered their gifts. Once more
they receive guidance through the channel
which their work and their studies had made
familiar to them. From first to last, in Media,
in Babylon, in Persia, the Magi had been fa-
mous as the interpreters of dreams. That
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which they received now need not hnve involved
a disclosure of the plans of Herod to them. It
was enough that it directed them to " return to
their own country another way." With this,
their history, so far as the N. T. carries us,
comes to an end.
Magic, Magicians. The magical arts
spoken of in the Bible are those practised by
the Egyptians, the Canaanites, and their neigh-
bors, the Hebrews, the Chaldssans, and proba-
bly the Greeks. With the lowest race, magic is
the chief part of religion. The Nigricans, or
blacks of this race, show this in their extreme
use of amulets and their worship of objects
which have no other value in their eyes but as
having a supposed magical character through
the influence of supernatural agents. With the
Turanians, or corresponding whites of the same
great family, — wo use the word white for a
group of nations mainly yellow, in contradis-
tinction to black, — incantations and witchcraft
occupy the same place, Shamanism characteriz-
ing their tribes in both hemispheres. The an-
cient Egyptians show their partly-Nigritian ori-
gin not alone in their physical characteristics
and language, but in their religion. With the
Sheraitos, magic takes a lower place. Nowhere
is it even part of religion ; yet it is looked upon
as a powerful engine, and generally unlawful or
lawful according to the aid invoked. Among
many of the Shotnite peoples, there linger the
remnants of a primitive fetichism. Sacred trees
and stones are reverenced from an old supersti-
tion, of which they do not always know the
meaning, derived from the nations whose place
they have taken. Thus fetichism remains, al-
though in a kind of fossil state. The impor-
tance of astrology with the Shcmites has tended
to raise the character of their magic, which deals
rather with the discovery of supposed existing
influences than with the production of new in-
fluences. The only direct association of magic
with religion is where the priests, as the educat-
ed class, have taken the functions of magicians ;
but this is far different from the case of the
Nigritians, where the magicians are the only
priests. The Iranians assign to magic a still
less important position. It can scarcely be
traced in the relics of old-nature-worship, which
tbey, with greater skill than the Egyptians,
interwove with their more intellectual beliefs.
Magic always maintained somo-bold on men's
minds ; but the stronger intellects despised it.
The Hebrews had no magic of their own. It
was so strictly forbidden by the Law, that it
could never afterwards have hod any recognized
existence, save in times of general heresy or
apostasy ; and the same was doubtless the case
in the patriarchal ages. The magical practices
which obtained among the Hebrews were there-
fore borrowed from the nations around. The
hold they gained was such as wo should have ex-
pected with a Shemite race, making allowance
for the discredit thrown upon them by the pro-
hibitions of the Law. From the first entrance
into the Land of Promise until the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem, we have constant glimpses
of magic practised in secret, or resorted to,
not alone by the common but also by the great.
The Talmud abounds in notices of contempo-
rary magic among the Jews, showing that it
survived idolatry notwithstanding their origi-
nal connection, and was supposed to produce
real effects. The Kur-an in like manner treats
charms and incantations as capable of produ-
cing evil consequences when used against a man.
It is a distinctive characteristic of the Bible
that from first to last it warrants no snch trust
or dread. In examining the mentions of magic
in the Bible, we must keep in view the curious
inquiry whether there be any reality in the art.
We would at the outset protest against the
idea, once very prevalent, that the conviction
that the seen and unseen worlds were often
more manifestly in contact in the biblical ages
than now necessitates a belief in the reality of
the magic spoken of in the Scriptures. The
theft and carrying-away of Laban's teraphim
by Rachel seems to indicate the practice of
magic in Padan-Aram at this early time. It ap-
pears that Lalian attached great value to these
objects, from what he said as to the theft, and
his determined search for them (Gen. xxxi. 19,
30, 32-35). The most important point is that
Latum calls them his "gods " (ibid. 30, 32), al-
though he was not without belief in the true
God (24, 49-53) ; for this makes it almost cer-
tain that we have here not an indication of the
worship of strange gods, but the first notice of
a superstition that afterwards obtained among
those Israelites who added corrupt practices to
the true religion. The derivation of the name
teraphim is extremely obscure. We should
prefer, if no other etymology be found, to sup-
pose that the name might mean " dancers " or
" causers of dancing," with reference either to
primitive nature-worship or its magical rites of
the character of Shamanism, rather than that it
signifies, as Gesenius suggests, " givers of pleas-
ant life." There seems, however, to be a cog-
nate word, unconnected with the unused root
just mentioned, in ancient Egyptian, whence
we may obtain a conjectural derivation. We
do not, of course, trace the worship of teraphim
to the sojourn in Egypt. But there is great
reason for supposing a close connection between
the oldest language and religion of Chaldna,
and the ancient Egyptian language and religion.
There is no description of these images ; but,
from the account of Michal's stratagem to de-
ceive Saul's messengers, it is evident, if only
one image be there meant, as is very probable,
that they were at least sometimes of the size of
a man, and perhaps in the head and shoulders,
if not lower, of human shape, or of a similar
form (1 Sam. xix. 13-16).
The worship or use of teraphim after the
occupation of the Promised Land cannot be
doubted to have been one of the corrupt prac-
tices of those Hebrews who leant to idolatry,
but did not abandon their belief in the God of
Israel. The account of Micah's images in the
Book of Judges, compared with a passage in
Hosea (iii. 4, 5), shows our conclusion to be
correct. We pass to the magical use of tera-
phim. By the Israelites they were consulted
for oracular answers. This was apparently
done by the Danites who asked Micah's Levite
to inquire as to the success of their spying ex-
pedition (Judg. xviii. 5, 6). In later times, this
is distinctly stated of the Israelites where Zech-
ariah says, "For the teraphim have spoken
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Vanity, and the diviners have seen a lie, and
have told false dreams" (x. S). It cannot be
supposed that, as this first positive mention of
the use of teraphim for divination by the Israel-
ites is after the return from Babylon, and as
that use obtained with the Babylonians in the
time of Nebuchadnezzar, therefore the Israelites
borrowed it from their conquerors ; for these
objects are mentioned in earlier places in such
a manner that their connection with divination
must be intended, if wo bear in mind that this
connection is undoubted in a subsequent period
(comp. 1 Sam. xv. 22, 23 ; 2 K. xxiii. 24). The
only account of the act of divining by teraphim
is in a remarkable passage of Ezekiel relating to
Nebuchadnezzar's advance against Jerusalem.
" Also thou son of man, appoint thee two ways,
that the sword of the lung of Babylon may
come : both twain " [two swords] " shall come
forth out of one land : and choose thou a place,
choose " [it] " at the head of the way to the city.
Appoint a way, that the sword may come to
Rabbath of the Ammonites, and to Judah in
Jerusalem the defenced. For the king of Baby-
lon stood at the parting of the way, at the head
of the two ways, to use divination : he shuffled
arrows, he consulted with teraphim, he looked
in the liver. At his right hand was the divina-
tion for Jerusalem" (xxi. 19-22). The men-
tion together of consulting teraphim and looking
into the liver may not indicato that the victim
was offered to teraphim, and its liver then looked
into, but may mean two separate acts of divin-
ing.
Before sneaking of the notices of the Egyp-
tian magicians in Genesis and Exodus, there
is one passage that may be examined out of the
regular order. Joseph, when his brethren left
after their second visit to buy corn, ordered his
steward to hide his silver cup in Benjamin's
sack, and afterwards sent him after them, or-
dering him to claim it, thus : " [Is] not this [it]
in which my lord drinketh, and whereby indeed
he divineth?" (Gen. xliv. 5.) Two uses of
cups or the like for magical purposes have ob-
tained in the East from ancient times. In one
nse either the cup itself bears engraved inscrip-
tions, supposed to have a magical influence, or
it is plain, and such inscriptions are written on
its inner surface in ink. In both cases, water
poured into the cop is drunk by those wishing
to derive benefit, as, for instance, the cure of
diseases, from the inscriptions, which, if writ-
ten, are dissolved. This use, in both its forms,
obtains among the Arabs in the present day.
In the other use, the cup or bowl was of very
secondary importance. It was merely the re-
ceptacle for water, in which, after the perform-
ance of magical rites, a boy looked to see
what the magician desired. This is precisely
the same as the practice of the modern Egyp-
tian magicians, where the difference that ink is
employed and is poured into the palm of the
boy's hand is merely accidental. As this latter
use only is of the nature of divination, it is
probable that to it Joseph referred.
The magicians of Egypt are spoken of as a
class in the histories of Joseph and Moses.
Wlion Pharaoh's officers were troubled by their
dreams, being in prison they were at a loss for
an interpreter. Before Joseph explained the
cJ
dreams, he disclaimed the power of interpreting
save by the divine aid, saying " [Do] not inter-
pretations [belong] to God ? tell me [them], I
pray you" (Gen. xl. 8). In like manner, when
Pharaoh had his two dreams, we find that he
had recourse to those who professed to interpret
dreams. Joseph, being sent for on the report
of the chief of the cup-bearers, was told by Pha-
raoh that he had heard that he could interpret
a dream. From the expectations of the Egyp-
tians and Joseph's disavowals, we see that the
interpretation of dreams was a branch of the
knowledge to which the ancient Egyptian ma-
gicians pretended. We again hear of the magi-
cians of Egypt in the narrative of the events
before the Exodus. They were summoned
Pharaoh to oppose Moses. The account
what they effected requires to be carefully ex-
amined, from its bearing on the question wheth-
er magic be an imposture. We read, " And
the Lord spake unto Moses and unto Aaron,
saying, When Pharaoh shall speak unto you,
saying, Show a miracle for you ; then thoa
shalt say unto Aaron, Take tny rod, and cast
[it] before Pharaoh, land] it shall become a ser-
pent" It is then related that Aaron did thoa,
and afterwards : " Then Pharaoh also called
the wise men and the enchanters : now they,
the scribes of Egypt, did so by their secret ana;
for they cast down every man his rod, and they
became serpents ; but Aaron's rod swallowed
up their rods " (Ex. vii. 8-12). The rods were
probably long staves like those re p resent e d on
the Egyptian monuments, not much less than
the height of a man. If the word used mean
here a serpent, the Egyptian magicians may
have feigned a change : if it signify a crocodile,
they could scarcely nave done so. The namea
by which the magicians are designated are to
be noted. That which we render "scribes'*
seems here to have a general signification, in-
cluding wise men and enchanters. The last
term is more definite in its meaning, denoting
users of incantations.
On the occasion of the first plague, the turn-
ing the rivers and waters of Egypt into blood,
the opposition of the magicians again occurs.
" And the scribes of Egypt did so by their secret
arts" (vii. 22). When the second plague, that
of frogs, was sent, the magicians again made
the same opposition (viii. 7). Once more they
appear in the history. The plague of lice came,
and we read that when Aaron had worked the
wonder the magicians opposed him : " And the
scribes did so by their secret arts to bring forth
the lice, but they could not : so there were lice
upon man and upon beast. And the scribes
said unto Pharaoh, This [is] the finger of God :
but Pharaoh's heart was hardened, and he heark-
ened not unto them, as the Lord had said"
(viii. 18, 19 ; Heb. 14, 15). After this we hear
no more of the magicians. All we can gather
from the narrative is that the appearances
produced by them were sufficient to deceive
Pharaoh on three occasions. We tarn to tin
Egyptian illustrations of this part of the sub-
ject. Magic, as we have before remarked, was
inherent in the ancient Egyptian religion. The
Ritual is a system of incantations, and direc-
tions for making amulets, with the object of
securing the future happiness of the disem-
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bodied Krai. Howerer obscure the belief of the
Egyptian* as to the actual character of the state
ofthe soul after death may be to us, it cannot
be doubted that the knowledge and use of the
magical amulets and incantations treated of in
the Ritual was held to be necessary for future
happiness, although it was not believed that
they alone could insure it, since to have dono
good works, or, more strictly, not to have com-
mitted certain sins, was an essential condition
of the acquittal of the soul in the groat trial in
Hades. Besides the Ritual, the ancient Egyp-
tians had books of a purely magical character.
The main source of their belief in tho efficacy
of magic appears to hare been the idea that the
souls of tho dead, whether justified or con-
demned, had the power of revisiting tho earth
and taking various forms. Bearing in mind the
Nigritian nature of Egyptian magic, wo may
look for tho source of these ideas in primitive
Africa.
Like all nations who have practised magic
generally, the Egyptians separated it into a law-
mi kind and an unlawful. A belief in unlucky
and lucky days, in actions to be avoided or dono
on certain days, and in the fortune attonding
birth on certain days, was extremely strong.
Astrology was also hold in high honor. Tho
belief in omsns probably did not take an im-
portant place in Egyptian magic, if wo may
judge from the absence of direct mention of
them. The superstition as to "the ovil oye"
appears to have been known, but thoro is noth-
ing cUo that wo can class with phenomena of
the nature of animal magnetism. Two classes
of learned men had the charge of the magical
books : one of these, the name of which has not
been read phonetically, would seem to corro-
sponJ to the " scribes," as we render the word,
spoken of in the history of Joseph ; whereas
the other has the general sense of " wise men,"
like the other class there mentioned. The Law
contains very distinct prohibitions of all magi-
cal arts. BeiiJes several passages condemning
them, in one place there is a spec-ideation whicn
is so full that it seems evident that its object
is to include every kind of magical art. The
Israelites are commanded in the place referred
to not to learn the abominations of the peoples
of the Promised Land. Then follows this pro-
hibition : " There shall not be found with thee
one who offereth his son or his daughter by fire,
a practiser of divinations (Ic6&ein kaimim), a
worker of hidden acts (swoaen), an augurcr
(■KmeacsA), an enchanter (meeauheph), or a
fabricator of charms (ch6ber chaber), or an in-
quirer by a familiar spirit (side/ 6b), or a wiz-
ard (jkUe'om), or a consultcr of the dead (Mrith
tlKutmiUiim)." It is added that these are abom-
inations, and that on account of their practice
the nations of Canaan were to be driven out
(l)eut. xviii. 9-14, esp. 10, 11). It is remarka-
ble that the offering of children should be men-
tioned in connection with magical arts.
The terms which follow appear to refer prop-
erly to eight different kinds of magic, but some
of them are elsewhere used in a general sense.
I. Kitlmbtmrniim is literally "a diviner of divi-
nations." J. irV«Wi» conveys the idea of " one
who sets covertly," *n rf "° " * "writer •* "M-
dea arts." S. Matad&k, which we render " an
augurer," is from nadmk, which is literally " he
or it hissed or whispered," and in Fiel is ap-
plied to the practice of enchantments, but also
to divining generally. 4. Afec&tMteph signifies
" an enchanter : " too original meaning of the
verb was probably " ho prayed ; " and the strict
sense of this word, "one who uses incantations."
5. ChUbtr chaber seems to mean "a fabricator
of material charms or amulets." 6. Shdcl 6b
is "an inquirer by a familiar spirit." The sec-
ond term signifies a bottle, a familiar spirit
consulted by a soothsayer, and a soothsayer
having a familiar spirit. 7. Yidde'6nt, which
we render "a wizard," is properly "a wise
man," but is always applied to wizards and
false prophets. 8. Tho last term, durah Mam-
metliim, is very explicit, meaning " a consulter
of tho dead: necromancer is an exact trans-
lation if the original signification of the latter
is returned, instead of the more general one it
now usually bears.
Tho history of Balaam shows the belief of
some ancient nations in the powers of sooth-
sayers. When the Israelites had begun to con-
quer the Land of Promise, Balak tho king of
Moab, and the ciders of Midian, resorting to
Pharaoh's expedient, sent by messengers with
" tho rewards of divination in their hands "
(Num. xxii. 7) for Balaam the diviner (Josh,
xiii. 22), whose fame was knowu to them
though he dwelt in Aram. Balak's message
shows what ho believed Balaam's powers to be
iXum. xxii. 5, 6). We are told, however, that
talaam, warned of God, first said that he could
not speak of himself, and then by inspiration
blessed those whom he had been sent for to
curse. He appears to have received inspiration
in a vision or a trance. From xxiv. I it would
seem that it was his wont to use enchantments,
and that, when on other occasions lie went away
after tho sacrifices had been offered, he hoped
that he could prevail to obtain the wish of those
who had sent for him, but was constantly de-
feated. The building now altars of the mystic
number of seven, and tho offering of seven
oxen and seven rams, seem to show that Ba-
laam had some such idea.
The account of Saul's consulting the Witch
of Endor is the foremost place in Scripture of
those which refer to magic. The supernatural
terror with which it is full cannot howerer be
proved to be due to this art, for it has always
been held by sober critics that tho appearing
of Samuel was permitted for the purpose of
declaring the doom of Saul, and not that it was
caused by the incantations of a sorceress. As,
however, the narrative is allowed to be very
difficult, we may look for a moment at the evi-
dence of its authenticity. The details are
strictly in accordance with the age : there is a
simplicity in tho manners described that is for-
eign to a Inter time. The circumstances are
aj,Teeable with the rest of the history, and es-
pecially with all we know of Saul's character.
Here, as ever, he is seen resolved to gain his
ends without caring what wrong he does : he
wishes to consult a prophet, and asks a witch
to call up his shade. Most of all the vigor of
the narrative, showing us the scene in a few
words, proves its antiquity and genuineness.
We can see no reason whatever for supposing
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that it is an interpolation. From the beginning
to the end of this strange history, we have no
warrant for attributing supernatural power to
magicians. Viewed reasonably, it refers to the
question of apparitions of the dead as to which
other places in the Bible leave no doubt. The
connection with magic seems purely accidental.
The witch is no more than a bystander after
the first : she sees Samuel, and that is all. The
apparition may have been a terrible fulfilment
of Saul's desire ; but this does not prove that
the measures he used were of any power. We
have examined the narrative very carefully,
from its detail and its remarkable character:
the result leaves the main question unan-
swered.
In the later days of the two kingdoms, magi-
cal practices of many kinds prevailed among
the Hebrews, as we especially learn from the
condemnation of them by the prophets. Every
form of idolatry which the people had adopted
in succession doubtless brought with it its
magic, which seems always to have remained
with a strange tenacity that probably made it
outlive the false worship with which it was con-
nected. In the historical books of Scripture
there is little notice of magic, excepting that,
wherever the false prophets are mentioned, we
have no doubt an indication of the prevalence
of magical practices. But in the prophets we
find several notices of the magic of the Hebrews
in their times, and some of the magic of for-
eign nations. Isaiah says that the people had
become " workers of hidden arts like the Phi-
listines," and apparently alludes in the same
place to the practice of magic by the Bene-
Kedem (ii. 6). In another place, the prophet
reproves the people for seeking "unto them
that have familiar spirits, and unto the wizards
that chirp, and that mutter" (viii. 19). The
Sractices of one class of magicians are still more
istinctly described (xxix. 3, 4). Isaiah alludes
to the magic of the Egyptians when he says
that in their calamity " they shall seek to the
idols, and to the charmers, and to them that
have familiar spirits, and to the - wizards "
(xix. 3). In xlvii. 12, 13, the magic of Babylon
is characterized by the prominence given to
astrology, no magicians being mentioned ex-
cepting practisers of this art ; unlike the case
of the Egyptians, with whom astrology seems
always to nave held a lower place than with the
Chakhean nation. In both instances the folly
of those who seek the aid of magic is shown.
Micah, declaring the judgments coming for the
crimes of his time, speaks of the prevalence of
divination among prophets who most probably
were such pretended prophets as the opponents
of Jeremiah, not avowed prophets of idols, as
Ahab's seem to have been (Hi. 6, 7, 11). These
prophets seem to have practised unlawful arts,
and yet to have expected revelations. Jeremiah
was constantly opposed by false prophets, who
pretended to speak in the name of the Lord,
saying that they had dreamt, when they told
false visions, ana who practised various magi-
cal arts (xiv. 14, xxih. 25 ad Jin., xxvii. 9,
10 — where the several designations applied to
those who counselled the people not to serve
the king of Babylon may be used in contempt
of the false prophets — xxix. 8, 9). Ezekiel, as
we should have expected, affords some remark-
able details of the magic of his time, in the
clear and forcible descriptions of his visions.
From him we learn that fctichism was among
the idolatries which the Hebrews, in the latest
days of the kingdom of Judah, had adopted
from their neighbors, like the Romans in the
age of general corruption that caused the de-
cline ot their empire (viii. 7-12). This idola-
try was probably borrowed from Egypt, for
the description perfectly answers to that of the
dark sanctuaries of Egyptian temples, with the
sacred animals portrayed upon their walls, and
does not accord with the character of the Assyr-
ian sculptures, where creeping things are not
represented as objects of worship. With this
low form of idolatry, an equally low kind of
magic obtained, practised by prophetesses who
for small rewards made amulets by which the
people were deceived (xiii. 17 ad Jin.). The
passage must be allowed to be very difficult ;
but it can scarcely be doubted that amulets are
referred to which were made and sold by these
women, and perhaps also worn by them. If so,
we have a practice analogous to that of the
modern Egyptians, who hang amulets of the
kind called hegab upon the right side, and of
the Nubians, who hang them on the upper part
of the arm. The notice of Nebuchadnezzar's
divination by arrows, where it is said " be shuf-
fled arrows (xxi. 21), must refer to a practice
the same as or similar to the kind of divination
by arrows called El-Meysar, in use among the
pagan Arabs, and forbidden in the Kur-an.
The references to magic in the Book of Dan-
iel relate wholly to that of Babylon, and not
so much to the art as to those who nsed
it. Daniel, when taken captive, was instruct-
ed in the learning of the Chaldseans, and
placed among the wise men of Babylon (ii. 18),
by whom we are to understand the Magi, for
the term is used as including magicians, sorcer-
ers, enchanters, astrologers, and Chaldaaraa,
the last being apparently the most important
class (ii. 2, 4, 5, 10, 12, 14, 18, 24, 27 ; com p.
i. 20). As in other cases, the true prophet was
put to the test with the magicians, and he suc-
ceeded where they utterly failed.
After the Captivity, it is probable that the
Jews gradually abandoned the practice of magic
Zechariah speaks indeed of the deceit of tera-
phim and diviners (x. 2), and foretells a time
when the very names of idols should be forgot-
ten and false prophets have virtually ceased
(xiii. 1-4), yet in neither case does it seem cer-
tain that he is alluding to the usages of his own
day. In the Apocrypha, we find indications,
that in the later centuries preceding the Chris-
tian era, magic was no longer practised by the
educated Jews. In the Wisdom of Solomon,
the writer, speaking of the Egyptian magicians,
treats their art as an imposture (xvii. 7). The
Book of Tobit is an exceptional case. If we
hold that it was written in Persia or a neigh-
boring country, and, with Ewald, date its com-
position not long after the fall of the Persian
Empire, it is obvious that it relates to a different
state of society from that of the Jews of Egypt
and Palestine. If, however, it was written ui
Palestine, about the time of the Maccabees, as
others suppose, we must still recollect that it
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refen rather to the superstitions of the common
people than to those of the learned. In the
N. T. we read very little of magic. Our Lord
is not said to have been opposed by magicians ;
and the apostles and other early teachers of the
gospel seem to have rarely encountered them.
Philip the deacon, when he preached at Sama-
ria, round there Simon a famous magician,
commonly known as Simon Magus, who had
had great power over the people ; but he is not
•aid to have been able to work wonders, nor,
had it been so, is it likely that he would have
soon been admitted into tho Church (viii. 9-24).
When St. Barnabas and St. Paul wero at Pa-
Jihos, as they preached to the proconsul Scrgius
'uulus, Etymas, a Jewish sorcerer and false
prophet, withstood them, and was struck blind
for a time at the word of St. Paul (xiii. 6-12).
At Bphesm, certain Jewish exorcists signally
failing, both Jews and Greeks were afraid, and
abandoned their practice of magical arts. We
have besides tho remarkable case of the " dam-
sel having a spirit of divination which brought
her masters much gain by foretelling," from
whom St. Paul cast out the spirit of divination
(xvi. 16—18). This is a matter belonging to
another subject than that of magic. Our ex-
amination of tho various notices of magic in
the Bible gives us this general result : — They
do not, as far as we can understand, once state
positively that any but illusive results wero pro-
duced by magical rites. They therefore afford
no evidence that man can gain supernatural
powers to use at his will. This consequence
goes sosne way towards showing that we may
conclude that there is no such thing as real
magic; for although it is dangerous to reason
on negative evidence, yet, in a case of this kind,
it is especially strong.
Magid'do, the Greek form of the name
Mboiddo. It occurs only in 1 Esd. i. 29. An.
Ma'gog. The name Magog is applied in
Scripture both to a person and to a land or
people. In Gen. x. 2, Magog appears as the
second son of Japheth, in connection with Go-
mer (the Cimmerians) and Madai (the Medes) :
in Ez. xxxviii. 2, xxxix. 1, 6, it appears as a
country or people of which Gog was the prince,
in conjunction with Mcshech (the Moschici),
Tubal (theTibarcni), and Rosh (the Roxolani).
In the latter of these senses there is evidently
implied an etymological connection between
Gog and Ma-gog, the Ma being regarded by
Ezekiel as a prefix significant of a country. In
this case, Gog contains the original element of
the name, which may possibly have its origin
in some Persian root. The notices of Magog
would lead us to fix a northern locality: not
only did all the tribes mentioned in connection
with it belong to that quarter, but it is expressly
stated by Exekiel that be was to come up from
" the sides of the north " (xxxix. 2 ) , from a conn-
try adjacent to that of Togarmah or Armenia
(xxxviii. 6), and not far from " the isles " or
maritime regions of Europe (xxxix. 6). The
people of Magog further appear as having a
force of cavalry (xxxviii. 15), and as armed
with the bow (xxxix. 3). From the above data,
combined with the consideration of the time at
which Ezekiel lived, the conclusion has been
drawn thai Magog represents the important
race of the Scythians. In identifying Magog
with the Scythians, however, we must not be
understood as using the latter term in a strictly
ethnographical sense, but as a general expres-
sion for the tribes living north of the Caucasus.
We regard Magog as essentially a geoyrapliical
terra, just as it was applied by the Syrians of
the middle ages to Asiatic Tartary, and by the
Arabians to the district between the Caspian
and Euxine Seas. The inhabitants of this dis-
trict in the time of Ezekiel were undoubtedly
the people generally known by the classical
name of Scythians. In the latter part of the
7th century B.C. they had become well known
as a formidable power through the whole of
Western Asia. As far as the biblical notices
are concerned, it is sufficient to state that the
Scythians of Ezekiel's age — the Scythians of
Herodotus — were in all probability a Japhetic
race.
Ma'gor-mis'sabib, literally, "terror on
every side ; " the name given by Jeremiah to
Pashur the priest, when he smote him and put
him in the stocks for prophesying against the
idolatry of Jerusalem Jer. xx. 8).
Magrpi&sh, one of the heads of the people
who signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neb..
x. 20). The same as Maobish in Ezr. ii.30.
Mah'alah, one of the three children of
Hamraoleketh, the sister of Gilead (1 Chr. vii.
18).
Mahalaleel. 1. The fourth in descent
from Adam, according to the Sethite genealogy,
and son of Cainan (Gen. v. 12, 13, 15-17 ; 1
Chr. i. 2). — 2. A descendant of Perez, or Pha-
rez, the son of Judah (Neh. xi. 4).
Mah'alath, the daughter of Ishmael, and
one of the wives of Esau (Gen. xxviii. 9).
Mah'alath, one of the eighteen wives of
King llchoboam, apparently his first (2 Chr. xi.
18 only). She was her husband's cousin, being
the daughter of King David's son Jerimoth
Mah'alath. The title of Ps. liii., in which
this rare word occurs, was rendered in the Ge-
neva version, " To him that excelleth on Mab-
alath ; " which was explained in the margin to
be " an instrument or kind of note." This ex-
presses in short the opinions of most commen-
tators. Connecting the word with machii ( Ex.
xv. 20; Ps. el. 4), rendered "dance" in the
A. V., but supposed by many from its connec-
tion with instruments of music to be one itself,
Jerome renders the phrase " on Mahalath " by
" per chorum." The title of Ps. liii. in the Chal-
dee and Syriac versions contains no trace of the
word, which is also omitted in the almost iden-
tical Ps. xiv. From this fact alone it might be
inferred that it was not intended to point enig-
matically to the contents of the psalm. Abcn
Ezra understands by it the name of a melody
to which the Psalm was sung, and Rashi ex-
plains it as " the name of a musical instrument,"
adding, however, immediately, with a play upon
the word, "another discourse on the ticknea
(mtchalah) of Israel when the Temple was laid
waste." But the most probable of all conjec-
tures, and one which Gesenins approves, is that
of Ludolf, who quotes the Ethiopic machlet, by
which the iu9upa of the LXX. is rendered in
Gen.iv. 21. Ftirst (Handle, s. v.) explains Ma-
halath as the name of a musical corps dwell-
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ing at Abel- Meholah, just as by Gittith he un-
derstand* the band of Levite minstrels at Oath
Rimmon. A third theory is that of Delitzsch,
who considers Mahalath as indicating to the
choir the manner in which the psalm was to be
sung, and compares the modern terms metio,
andante mato.
Mahalath Lean'noth. The Genera
version of Ps. lxxxviii., in the title of which
these words occur, has " upon Malath Lean-
not!!," and in the margin, " that is, to humble.
It was the beginning of a tone, by the tone
whereof this psalm was sung." It is a remark-
able proof of the obscurity which envelops the
former of the two words that the same com-
mentator explains it differently in each of the
passages in which it occurs. In De Wette's
translation it is a " flute " in Ps. liii., a " gui-
tar" in Ps. lxxxviii. ; and while Rashi in the
former passage explains it as a musical instru-
ment, he describes the latter as referring to
" one sick of love and affliction who was afflict-
ed with the punishments of the captivity."
Augustine and Theodoret both understand lean-
noth of responsive singing. There is nothing,
however, In the construction of the psalm to
show that it was adapted for responsive sing-
ing ; and if leannath be simply to sing," it
would seem almost unnecessary. It has refer-
ence, more probably, to the character of the
psalm, and might be rendered " to bumble, or
afflict," in which sense the root occurs in verse
7. In support of this may be compared, " to
bring to remembrance," in the titles of Ps.
xxxviii. and lxx. ; and " to thank," 1 Chr.
xvi. 7.
Hah'ali ; Mahli, the son of Herari. His
name occurs in the A. V. but once in this form
(Ex. vi. 19).
Mahana'im, a town on the east of the
Jordan, intimately connected with the early
and middle history of the nation of Israel. It
purports to have received its name at the most
important crisis of the life of Jacob. He had
parted from Laban in peace after their hazard-
ous encounter on Mount Gilead (Gen. xxxi.),
and the next step in the journey to Canaan
brings him to Mahanaim : Jacob went on his
way; and he lifted up his eyes and saw the
camp of God encamped; and the angels (or
messengers) of God met him. And when he
saw them he said, This is God's host (mahaneh),
and he called the name of that place Maha-
naim." How or when the town of Mahanaim
arose on the spot thus signalized we are not
told. We next meet with it in the records of
the conquest The line separating Gad from
Manasseh would appear to have run through
or close to it, since it is named in the specifica-
tion of the frontier of each tribe (Josh. xiii. 26
and 29). It was also on the southern bound-
ary of the district of Bashan (ver. 30). But it
was certainly within the territory of Gad (Josh.
xxi. 38, 39), and therefore on the south side of
the torrent Jabbok, as indeed we should infer
from the history of Genesis, in which it lies be-
tween Gilead — probably the modern JebeiJi-
lad — and the torrent. The town with its
" suburbs " was allotted to the service of the
Merarite Levites (Josh. xxi. 39 ; I Chron. vi.
•0). From some cause — the sanctity of its
original foundation, or the strength of its post
tion — Mahanaim had become in the time of
die monarchy a place of mark (2 Sam. ii. 9, IS,
iv. 6). The same causes which led Abner to
fix Ishbosheth's residence at Mahanaim prob-
ably induced David to take refuge there when
driven out of the western part of his kingdom
by Absalom (2 Sam. xvii. 24 ; I K. ii. 8). It
was then a walled town, capacious enough to
contain the " hundreds " and the " thousands "
of David's followers (2 Sam. xviii. 1,4; comp.
"ten thousand," ver. 3); with gates and the
usual provision for the watchman of a fortified
town. Mahanaim was the seat of one of Solo-
mon's commissariat officers (1 K. iv. 14) ; and
it is alluded to in the Song which bears his
name (vi. 13). On the monument of She-
shonk (Shishak) at Kamak, in the 22d car-
touch — one of those which are believed to
contain the names of Israelite cities conquered
by that king — a name appears which is read aa
If'-Aa-it-m*, that is, Mahanaim. If this inter-
pretation may be relied on, it shows that the
invasion of Shishak was more extensive than
we should gather from the records of the Bible
(2 Chr. xii.), which are occupied mainly with
occurrences at the metropolis. As to the iden-
tification of Mahanaim with any modern site
or remains, little can be said. To Eusebius and
Jerome it appears to have been unknown. A
place called Mahneh does certainly exist among
the villages of the east of Jordan, tbongh its
exact position is not so certain. Its identity
with Mahanaim is upheld by Porter. Bat the
distance of Mahneh from the Jordan and from
both the Wady Zxrlca and the Yarmik — each
of which has claims to represent the torrent
Jabbok — seems to forbid this conclusion.
Mah aneh-dan (the " Camp-of-Daa "), a
name which commemorated the last encamp-
ment of the band of six hundred Danite war-
riors before setting out on their expedition to
Laish. The position of the spot is specified
with great precision, as " behind Kirjatb-Jeav-
rim" (Judg. xviii. 12), and as "between Zorah
and Eshtaol " (xiii. 25). Mr. Williams [Hah
City, i. 12, note) was shown a site on the north
side of the Wady Itmail, N. N. E. from Dm d-
Howa, which bore the name of Beit Mahanem,
and which he suggests may be identical with
Mahaneh Dan. The position is certainly very
suitable ; but the name does not occur in th«
lists or maps of other travellers.
Mahara'i (2 Sam. xxiii. 28; 1 Chr. xi. 30,
xxvii. 13), an inhabitant of Nctophah in the
tribe of Judah, and one of David's captains.
MaTiath. L The son of Amasai, a Ko-
hathite of the house of Korah (1 Chr. vi. 36).
— 2. Also a Kohathite, son of Amasai, in the
reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). He wan
apparently the same who is mentioned 2 Chr.
xxxi. 13.
Mah'avite, the, the designation of Eliel,
one of the warriors of King David's guard,
whose name is preserved in the catalogue of
1 Chron. only (xi. 46). The word it plural in
the Hebrew text.
Mahaa'ioth, one of the 14 sons of Henna
the Kohathite (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 30).
Maher-shalal-haah-baa, son of Isaiah,
of whom nothing more is known than that hi*
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MAKKEDAH
509
MALACHI
■me was given by dirioe direction, to indi-
cate that Damascus and Samaria were toon to
be plundered by the king of Assyria (Is. viii.
1-4).
Mahlah, the eldest of the Are daughters
of Zelophchad, the grandson of Monasseh
(Nam. xxvii. 1-11).
Mah'li. L The son of Merari, the son of
Levi, and ancestor of the family of the Mah-
litbs (Num. iii. 30; 1 Chr. vi. 19, 39, xxiv.
26). In the last-quoted verse, there is appar-
ently a gap in the text, Libni and Shimei be-
longing to the family of Gershom (comp. ver.
20. 42), and Eleazar and KUh being afterwards
described as the sons of Mahli (1 Chr. xxiii.
21, xxiv- 23). — 2. The son of Mushi, and
grandson of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 47, xxiii. 33,
xxir. 30).
Mah'iites, the, the descendants of Mahli
the son of Merari (Nam. iii. 33, xxri. 58).
Mlh'lon, the first husband of Ruth. He
and his brother Chilion were sons of Elimelech
and Naomi, and are described as " Ephrathites
of Bcthhhem-Judah" (Ruth i. 3, 5, it. 9, 10;
comp. 1 Sam. xvii. 12).
Ms hoL The father of Ethan the Ezrahite,
and H :nun, Chalcol, and Darda, the four men
moit fomons for wisdom next to Solomon him-
self (I K. iv. 31), who in I Chr. ii. 6 are the
sons and immediate descendants of Zerah.
M&ia'neas = Maasbiah 7 (1 Esd. ix. 48).
Ap.
KCVkas, a place, apparently a town, named
cure only ( I K. iv. 9), in the specification of the
jnrvtdicuon of Solomon's commissariat officer,
Beri-D.'kar. Makaz has not been discovered.
MaTcod, or Ma gad, one of the " strong
and great " cities of Gucad into which the Jews
were driven by the Ammonites under Timo-
thcus (1 Mace v. 36, 36). Ap.
Makheloth, a plain only mentioned in
Num. xxxiii. 25 as that oi >» desert encamp-
ment of the Israelites.
MtUc'kedah, a place memorable in the an-
nals of the conquest of Canaan as the scene of
the execution by Joshua of the five confederate
kings (Josh. x. 10-30). It unquestionably oc-
curred in the afternoon of that tremendous day,
which "was like no day before or after it."
After the execution of the chiefs, Joshua tnrns
to the town itself. To force the walls, to put
the king and all the inhabitants to the sword
(ver. 28), is to that indomitable energy, still
fresh after the gigantic labors and excitements
of the last twenty-four hours, the work of an
boor or two. And now the evening has ar-
rived, the sun is at last sinking — the first sun
that has set since the departure from Gilgal,
— and the tragedy is terminated by cutting
down the five bodies from the trees, and restor-
ing them to the cave, which is then so blocked
np with stones as henceforth never again to be-
come refuge for friend or foe of Israel. The
taking of Makkedah was the first in that series
of sieges and destructions by which the Great
Captain possessed himself of the main points
of defence throughout this portion of the conn-
try. Its situation has hitherto eluded discov-
ery. The report of Eusebius and Jerome is
that it lay 8 miles to the east of Eleuthe-
ropolis, Bmt-Jibrm, a position irreconcilable
with every requirement of the narrative. Por-
ter suggests a ruin on the northern slope of the
Wadj a-Sumt, bearing the somewhat similar
name of et-Klrdiah. Van de Velde would place
it at Sumal, a village standing on a low hill 6>
or 7 miles N. W. of Beit-Jibrin.
Mak'tesh, a place, evidently in Jerusalem,
the inhabitants of which are denounced by
Zephanioh (i. 11). Ewald conjectures that it
was the " Phoenician quarter " of the city. The
meaning of " Moktesh " is probably a deep hol-
low, literally a "mortar." This the Torgum
identifies with the torrent Kedron. But may it
not have been the deep valley which separated
the Temple from the upper city, and which at
the time of Titus's siege was, as it still is,
crowded with the " bazaars " of the merchants t
Mal'tushi, the last, and therefore called
" the seal," of the prophets, as his prophecies
constitute the closing book of the canon. Of
his personal history nothing is known. A tra-
dition preserved in Pseudo-Epiphanius relates
that Malachi was of the tribe of Zebulun, and
born after the captivity at Sopha in the terri-
tory of that tribe. According to the same
apocryphal story, he died young, and was bur-
ied with, his fathers in his own country. Je-
rome, in the preface to hlv Commentary on Mala-
chi, mentions a belief wl.ich was current among
the Jews, that Malachi »as identical with Ezra
the priest. With equal probability, Malachi has
been identified with Mordocai, Nehemiah, and
Zerubbabel. The LXX. render " by Malachi "
(Mai. i. 1), " by the hand of his angel;" and
this translation appears to have given rise to
the idea that Malachi, as well as Haggai and
John the Baptist, was an angel in human shape
(comp. Mai. iii. 1 ; 2 Esd. i. 40). The time at
which his prophecies were delivered is not diffi-
cult to ascertain. Cyril makes him contempo-
rary with Haggai and Zechariah, or a little
later. Syncellus (p. 240 B) places these three
prophets under Joshua the son of Josedec.
That Malachi was contemporary with Nehe-
miah is rendered probable by a comparison of
ii. 8 with Neh. xiii. 15; ii. 10-16 with Neb. xiii.
23, &c. ; and iii. 7-13 with Neh. xiii. 10, &c.
That he prophesied after the times of Haggai
and Zechariah is inferred from his omitting to-
mention the restoration of the Temple, and
from no allusion being made to him by ICzra.
The captivity was already a thing of the long
past, and is not referred to. The existence of
the Temple-service is presupposed in i. 10, iii.
1,10. The Jewish nation had still a political
chief (i. 8), distinguished by the same title as
that borne by Nehemiah (Nob. xii. 36), to which
Gesenius assigns a Persian origin. Hence Vi-
tringa concludes that Malachi delivered his
prophecies after the second return of Nehemiah
from Persia (Neh. xiii. 6), and subsequently to
the 32d year of Artaxcrxes Longimanus (cir.
B.C. 420), which is the date adopted by Kenni-
cott, Hales, and Davidson. From the striking
parallelism between the state of things indicat-
ed in Molochi's prophecies and that actually
existing on Nehemiah's return from the court
of Artaxerxes, it is on all accounts highly prob-
able that the efforts of the secular governor
were on this occasion seconded by the preach-
ing of "Jehovah's messenger," and that Mala-
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MALCH1JAH
510
MAMMON
chi occupied the same position with regard to
the reformation under Neheraiah which Isaiah
held in the time of Hezekiah, and Jeremiah in
that of Josiah. The last chapter of canonical
Jewish history is the key to the last chapter of
its prophecy. The Book of Malachi is contained
in four chapters in oar version, as in the LXX.,
Vulgate, and Peshito-Syriac. In the Hebrew,
the 3d and 4th form hut one chapter. The
whole prophecy naturally divides itself into
three sections, in the first of which Jehovah is
represented as the loving Father and Ruler of
His people (i. 2-ii. 9); in the second, as the
supreme God and Father of all (ii. 10-1G) ; and
in the third, as their righteous and final Judge
(ii. 17-cnd). These may be again subdivided
into smaller sections, each of which follows a
certain order : first a short sentence ; then tho
sceptical questions which might be raised by
the people ; and, finally, their full and trium-
phant refutation. The prophecy of Malachi is
alluded to in the N. T., and its canonical au-
thority thereby established (comp. Mark i. 2,
be. 11, 12; Luke i. 17 ; Rom. ix. 131.
Mal'achy, the prophet Malachi (2 Esd.
i. 40). Ap.
Mal'cham. 1. One of the heads of tho
fathers of Benjamin, and son of Shaharaim
by his wife Hodesh (1 Clir. viii. 9). — 2. Tho
idol Molech, as some suppose (Zeph. i. 5). The
word literally signifies " their king," as the
margin of our version gives it, and is referred
by Gesenius to an idol generally, as invested
with regal honors by its worshippers.
Malchi'ah. 1. A descendant of Gershom,
the son of Levi, and ancestor of Asaph the
minstrel (1 Cbr. vi. 40). — 2. One of tho sons
of Parosh, who had married a foreign wife ( Rzr.
x. 25). — 3. Enumerated among the sons of
Harim, who lived in the time of Ezra (Ezr.
x. 31). — 4. Son of Rechnb, and ruler of the
circuit or environs of Beth-haccercm (Nch. iii.
14). — 6. " The goldsmith's son," who assisted
Nehcmiah in rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem
(Neh. iii. 31). — 6. One of the priests who
stood at the left hand of Ezra when he read the
law to the people in the street before the water-
fttc (Neh. viii. 4). — 7. A priest, the father of
ashur = Maixhijah 1 (Neh. xi. 12; Jcr.
xxxviii. 11. — 8. The son of Ham-mclcch (or
" the king s son," as it is translated in 1 K. xxii.
26 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 7), into whose dungeon or
cistern Jeremiah was cast (Jer. xxxviii. 6). It
would seem that the title " king's son " was of-
ficial, like that of " king's mother," and applied
to one of the royal family, who exercised func-
tions somewhat similar to those of Potiphar in
the court of Pharaoh.
Mal'chiel (Ocn. xlvi. 17), the son of Be-
riah, the son of Ashcr, and ancestor of the
family of the Mai.chielites (Num. xxvi. 45).
In 1 Chr. vii. 31, he is called the father, that is,
founder, of Birzavith.
Mai chielites, the, the descendants of
Malchiel, the grandson of Asher (Num. xxvi.
45).
Malchi'jah. 1. A priest, the father of
Pashur (I Chr. ix. 12); the same as Malchiah
7, and Melchiah. — 2. A priest, chief of the
fifth of the twenty-four courses appointed hv
David (1 Chr. xxiv. 9).— 3. A layman of the
sons of Parosh, who pot awav his foreign wife
(Ezr. x. 25). — 4. Son, that is, descendant, of
Harim (Nch. iii. II). — 5. One of the priests
who sealed the covenant with Nehemioh (Nch.
x. 3). — 6, One of the priests who assisted in
the solemn dedication of tho wall of Jerusalem
under Ezra and Nehcmiah (Nch. xii. 42).
Malchi'ram, one of the ions of Jeconiab,
or Jchoiachin (I Chr. iii. 18).
Mal'chi-shu'a, one of the sons of Kins;
Saul (1 Sam. xir. 49, xxxi. 2; 1 Chr. viii. 3a,
ix. 39). His position in the family cannot be
exactly determined. Nothing is known of him
beyond the fact that he fell, with his two broth-
ers, and before his father, in the early part of
the battle of Gil boa.
Mal'chus is the name of the servant of the
high-priest, wliosc right ear Peter cut off at the
time of the Saviour s apprehension in the gar-
den. See the narrative in Matt. xxvi. 51 ;
Mark xiv.47 ; Luke xxii. 49-51 ; John xviii. 10.
Ho was the personal servant of the high-priest,
and not one of the bailiffs or apparitors of
tho Sanhedrim. It is noticeable that Luke the
physician is the only one of the writers who
mentions the act of healing.
Mal'eleel. Mahalaleel, the son of Cai-
nan (Luke iii. 37 ; Gen. v. 12, murg.).
Mal'lOS, they of, who, with the people
of Tarsus, revolted from Antiochus Epipliancs
because he had bestowed them on one of his
concubines (2 Mace. iv. 30). M alios was an
important city of Cilicia, lying at the month of
the Pyramtis {Sa'lnm), on the shore of the Med-
iterranean, N. E. of Cyprus, and about twenty
miles from Tarsus (Tenia). Ap.
Mallo'thi, a Kohathitc, one of the fourteen
sons of Hcman the singer (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 2C).
Mallows. By the Hebrew word hluUiaA
we arc no doubt to understand some species of
Orache, and in all probability the AtripUz hali-
mus of botanists. It occurs only in Job xxx. 4.
Some writers, as R. Levi (Job xxx.) and La-
ther, with the Swedish and the old DanUh
versions, hence understood "nettles" to be de-
noted by Mailiach. Others have conjecture*!
that some species of " mallow " (wa/ra) is in-
tended. Sprcngcl identifies tlie "Jew's mallow "
(Corchorus olilorius) with the Mailiach. There
is no doubt that this same mallow is still eaten
in Arabia and Palestine, the leaves and pods
being used as a pot-herb. But the Atrtplex
halimut has undoubtedly the best claim to rep-
resent the MaUiach.
Malluch. 1. A Lcvitc of the family of
Merari.aml ancestor of Ethan the singer (1 Chr.
vi. 44). — 2. One of the sons of Bani (Ezr.
x. 29), and 3. One of the descendants of Harim
(Ezr. x. 32), who had married foreign wives.
— 4. A priest, or family of priests (Nch. x. 4),
and 5. One of the " heads of the people woo
signed the covenant with Neheraiah (Nch. x.
27). — 6. One of the families of priests who re-
turned with Zerubbabcl (Neh. xii. 2) ; probably
the same as No. 4.
Mamai'as, apparently the some with Shkm-
aiah in Ezr. viii. 16.
Mammon (Matt vi. 24; Lake xvi. 9), a
word which often occurs in the Chaldee Tar-
gums of Onkelos, and later writers, and in the
Syriac Version, and which signifies " riches."
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MANAEN
511
MANA88EH
It is used in St. Matthew ai a personification
of riches.
MftTTT' rl< * a " a<>T " T ' , i a name which appear*
is the list* of 1 Ead. ix. 34, and occupies the
place of " Mattaniah, Mattenai," in Eir. x. 37,
of which it is a corruption. Ap.
Mam'JTO, an ancient Amorite, who with his
brothers Eshchol and Aner was in alliance with
Abram (Gen. xiv. 13, 24), and under the shade
of whose oak-grove tho patriarch dwelt in the
interval between his residence at Bethel and at
Becrsheba (xiii. 18, xviii. 1). The personality
of this ancient chieftain, unmistakably though
slightly brought out in the narrative just cited,
is lost in the subsequent chapters. Mamre is
there a mere local appellation (xxiii. 17, 19,
xxv. 9, xiix. 30, 1. 13). It does not appear be-
yond the Book of Genesis.
Mamu'ehua, the same as Mallt/ch 3
(1 Esd. ix. 30).
Man. Four Hebrew terms are rendered
"man" in the A. V. 1. Adam. (A) The
name of the man created in the image of
God. It appears to be derived from Adam,
" he or it was red or ruddy," like Edom.
The epithet rendered by us " red " has a very
wide signification in the Shemitic languages,
and must not be limited to the English sense.
When the Arabs apply the term "red" to
man, they always mean by it "fair." (B)
The name of Adam and bis wife (v. 1, 2;
oomp. i. 27, in which case there is nothing to
show that more than one pair is intended).
(C) A collective noun, indeclinable, having
neither construct state, plural, nor feminine
form, used to designate any or all of the de-
scendants of Adam. 2. Itk, apparently soft-
ened from a form unused in the singular by
the Hebrews, inah, " man," " woman,
"men." It corresponds to the Arabic i"n»,
44 nun." iiurfn, softened form tadn, " a man,"
" a woman," and "man " collectively like ins;
and perhaps to the ancient Egyptian as, " a
noble." The variant Enosh occurs as the
proper name of a son of Seth and grandson
of Adam (Gen. iv. 26; 1 Chr. i. 1). In the
A. V. it is written Enos 3. Caber, " a man,"
from gabar, " to be strong;," generally with ref-
erence to his strength, corresponding to vir and
ovjp>. 4. Milium, "men." always masculine.
Tbe singular is to be traced in the antediluvian
proper names Methusael and Methuselah,
remaps it may be derived from the root
milk, " he died, in which case its use would
be very appropriate in Is. xli. 14. If this con-
jecture be admitted, this word would corre-
spond to ftwror and might be read " mor-
tal."
Man'aen is mentioned in Acts xiii. 1 as
one of tbe teachers and prophets in the church
at Antioch at the time of the appointment
of Saul and Barnabas as missionaries to the
heathen. He is not known ont of this pas-
sage. The name signifies consoler; and both
that and his relation to Herod render it quite
certain that he was a Jew. The Herod with
whom he is said to have been brought up
[ainrrpofof) must have been Herod Antipas.
since this Antipas was older than Archelaus,
who succeeded Herod the Great soon after the
birth of Christ, Manaen must have been some-
what advanced in years in a.d. 44, when ha
appears before us in Luke's history. The two
following are the principal views with regard
to ovvrpoaor that have been advanced, and
have still their advocates. One is that it
means comrade, associate, or, more strictly,
one brought up, educated, with another. This
is the more frequent sense of the word. The
other view is that it denotes foster-brother,
brought ap at the same breast ; and as so taken,
Manaen's mother, or the woman who reared
him, would have been also Herod's nurse.
Walch's conclusion (not correctly represented
by some recent writers) combines in a measure
these two explanations. He thinks that Man-
aen was educated in Herod's family along with
Antipas and some of his other children, and at
tho same time that he stood in the stricter re-
lation of foster-brother to Antipas. He lays
particular stress on tbe statement of Josephus
[Ant. xvii. 1, § 3), that the brothers Antipas
and Archelaus were educated in a private way
at Rome. It is a singular circumstance, to say
the least, that Josephus (Ant. xv. 10, J 5) men-
tions a certain Manaem, who was in high re-
pute among the Essenes for wisdom and sanc-
tity, and who foretold to Herod the Great, in
early life, that he was destined to attain royal
honors. Lightibot surmises that the Manaem
of Josephus may be the one mentioned in the
Acts ; but the disparity between his age and that
of Herod the Great, to say nothing of other
difficulties, puts that supposition out of the
question.
Manaliath, a place named in 1 Chr. viii.
6 only, in connection with the genealogies of
the tribe of Benjamin. Of the situation of
Manahath we know little or nothing. It is
tempting to believe it identical with the Menu-
chah mentioned, according to many interpret-
ers, in Judg. xx. 43. Manahath is usually
identified with a place of similar name in
Judah, but this identification is difficult to re-
ceive.
Manaliath, one of the sons of Shobal,
and descendant of Seir the Horite (Gen.
xxxvi. 23 ; 1 Chr. i. 40).
ManaTiethites, the. " Half the Ma&a-
hethites " are named in the genealogies of Ju-
dah as descended from Shobal, the father of
Kirjath-jearim (1 Chr. ii. 52), and half from
Sal ma, the founder of Bethlehem (ver. 54). It
seems to be generally accepted that the same
place is referred to in each passage. Of the
situation or nature of the place or places, we
hare as yet no knowledge. It is probably iden-
tical with Manocho, one of the eleven cities
which in the LXX. text are inserted between
verses 59 and 60 of Josh. xv.
Manas'seaa = Mahasseh 3, of the bom
of Pahath-Moab ( 1 Esd. ix. 31 ; comp. Esr. x.
30). Ap.
Manas'aeh, the eldest son of Joseph by bis
wife Asenath the Egyptian (Gen. xli. 51, xlvi
20). The birth of the child was the first thing
which had occurred since Joseph's banishment
from Canaan to alleviate his sorrows, and fill
the void left by the father and the brother he
so longed to behold ; and it was natural that
he should commemorate his acquisition in the
name Manasseh, " Forgetting — " For God
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MANASSEH
512
MANASSEH
hath-made-me-forget Inamhani) all my toil and
all my father's house. Both he and Ephraim
were born before the commencement of the
famine. Whether the elder of the two sons
was inferior in form or promise to the younger,
or whether there was any external reason to
justify the preference of Jacob, we are not told.
It is only certain that when the youths were
brought before tneir agea grandfather to receive
his blessing and his name, and be adopted as
foreigners into his family, Manasseh was de-
graded, in spite of the efforts of Joseph, into
the second place. It is the first indication of
the inferior rank in the nation which the tribe
descended from him afterwards held, in relation
to that of his more fortunate brother. But
though, like his grand-uncle Esau, Manasseh
had lost his birthright in favor of his younger
brother, he received, as Esau had, a blessing
only inferior to the birthright itself. At the
time of this interview, Manasseh seems to have
been about 22 years of age. Whether he married
~ ptv we are not told. It is recorded that
the children of Machir were embraced by Joseph
before his death ; bat of the personal history of
the patriarch Manasseh himself no trait what-
ever is given in the Bible, cither in the Penta-
teuch or in the curious records preserved in
1 Chronicles. The position of the tribe of
Manasseh during the march to Canaan was
with Ephraim and Benjamin on the west side
of the sacred tent. The chief of the tribe at
the time of the census at Sinai was Gamaliel
ben-Pedahzur, and its numbers were then 32,-
900 (Num. i. 10, 35, ii. 20, 21, vii. 54-59). Of
the three tribes who had elected to remain on
that side of the Jordan, Reuben and Gad had
chosen their lot because the country was
suitable to their pastoral possessions and ten-
dencies. But Machir, Jair, and Nobah, the
sons of Manasseh, were no shepherds. They
were pnre warriors (Num. xxxii. 39 ; Deut. iii.
13, 14, 15). The district which these ancient
warriors conquered was among the most diffi-
cult, if not the most difficult, in the whole
country. It embraced the hills of Gilead with
their inaccessible heights and impassable ra-
vines, and the almost impregnable tract of
Argob, which derives its modern name of
Lsjah from the secure " asylum " it affords to
those who take refuge within its natural for-
tifications.
The few personages of eminence whom we
can with certainty identify as Manassites, such
as Gideon and Jephthah — for Elijah and others
may with equal probability have belonged to
the neighboring tribe of Gad — were among the
most remarkable characters that Israel produced.
But, with the one exception of Gideon, the war-
like tendencies of Manasseh seem to have been
con6ned to the east of the Jordan. There they
throve exceedingly, pushing their way north-
ward over the rich plains of Jaulan and Jedur
to the foot of Mount Hermon (1 Chr. v. 23).
At the time of the coronation of David at He-
bron, while the western Manasseh sent 1 8,000,
and Ephraim itself 20,800, the eastern Manas-
seh, with Gad and Reuben, mustered to the
number of 120,000. But, though thns outward-
ly prosperous, a similar fate awaited them in
the end to that which liefell Gad and Reuben ;
they gradually assimilated themselves to the old
inhabitants of the country (ib. 25). They re-
linquished too the settled mode of life ana tbe
denned limits which befitted the members of a
federal nation, and gradually became Bedouins
of the wilderness (1 Chr. v.* 19, 22). On them
first descended the punishment which was or-
dained to be the inevitable consequence of such
misdoing. They, first of all Israel, were carried
away by Pul and Tiglath-Pileser, and settled
in the Assyrian territories (ib. 26). The con-
nection, however, between east and west bad
been kept up to a certain degree. In Beth-
sbean, the most easterly city of the cis-Jordanic
Manasseh, the two portions all but joined.
David had judges or officers there for all mat-
ters sacred and secular (1 Chr. zxvi. 32) ; and
Solomon's commissariat officer, B»n Geber,
ruled over the towns of Jair and the whole dis-
trict of Argob (1 K.iv. 13). Tbe genealogies of
the tribe are preserved in Num. xxvi. 28-34 ;
Josh. xvii. 1, *c. ; and 1 Chr. vii. 14-19. But
it seems impossible to unravel these so as to
ascertain for instance which of tbe families re-
mained east of Jordan, and which advanced as
the west Nor is it less difficult to fix tbe exact
position of the territory allotted to tbe western
half. In Josh. xvii. 14-18, we find the two
tribes of Joseph complaining that only one por-
tion had been allotted to them, viz. Mount
Ephraim (ver. 15). In reply, Joshua advises
them to go up into the forest (ver. 15, A. V.
" wood "), into the mountain which is a forest
(ver. 18). This mountain clothed with forest
ran surely be nothing but Cabmel. Tbe ma-
jority of the towns of Manasseh were actually
on the slopes either of Carmcl itself or of the
contiguous ranges. From the absence of any
attempt to define a limit to the possessions of
the tribe jn the north, it looks as if no bound
arv-line had existed on that side. On tbe south
side, the boundary between Manasseh and
Ephraim is more definitely described, and may
be generally traced with tolerable certainty. It
began on the east, in the territory of Isaachar
(xvii. 10), at a place called Asbbr (ver. 7), now
Yadr, 1 2 miles N. E. of NatM$. Thence it ran
to Michmethah, described as facing Sbechem
(NabUs), though now unknown ; then went
to tbe right, i.e. apparently northward, to the
spring of Tappuah, also unknown ; there it fell
in with the water-courses of the torrent K "»«*»
— probably the Nakr Falailc — along which it
ran to the Mediterranean. From the indica-
tions of the history it would appear that Ma-
nasseh took very little part in public affairs.
They either left all that to Ephraim, or were
so far removed from the centre of tbe nation at
to have little interest in what was taking place.
That they attended David's coronation at He-
bron has* already been mentioned. When his
rule was established over all Israel, cacb half
had its distinct ruler — the western, Joel ben-
Pedaiah; the eastern, Iddo ben-Zechariah (I
Chr. xxvii. 20, 21 ). From this time, the eastern
Manasseh fades entirely from our view; and
the western is hardly kept before us by an occa-
sional mention.
Manau'seh, the thirteenth king of Judah.
The reign of this monarch is longer than that
of any other of the bouse of David. There is
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none of which we know so little. In part, it
may be, this was the direct result of the charac-
ter and policy of the man. In part, doubtless,
it is to be traced to the abhorrence with which
the following generation looked bock upon it
as the period of lowest degradation to which
their country had ever fallen. The birth of
Manasseh is fixed twelve years before the death
of Hezekiah, B.C. 710 (2 K. xxi. 1 ). We must,
therefore, infer either that there had been no
heir to the throne up to that comparatively late
period in his reign, or that any that had been
bom had died, or that, as sometimes happened
in the succession of Jewish and other Eastern
kings, the elder son was passed over for the
younger. There are reasons which make the
former the more probable alternative. Heze-
kiah, it would seem, recovering from his sick-
ness, anxious to avoid the danger that hod
threatened him of leaving his kingdom without
an heir, marries, at or about this time, Hephzi-
bah (2 K. xxi. 1), the daughter of one of the
citizens or princes of Jerusalem. The child that
is born from this anion is called Manasseh.
This name, too, is strangely significant. It ap-
pears nowhere else in tin history of the king-
dom of Judah. How are we to account for so
singular and unlikely a choice 1 The answer
is, that the name embodied what hod been for
years the cherished object of Hezekiah's policy
and hope. To tako advantage of the overthrow
of the rival kingdom by Shalmancser, and the
anarchy in which its provinces had been left, to
gather round him the remnant of the popula-
tion, to bring thorn back to the worship and
faith of their fathers, this had been the second
step in his great national reformation (2 Chr.
xxx. 6). It was at least partially successful.
" Diversof Ashor, Manasseh, and Zebulun, hum-
bled themselves and came to Jerusalem. " They
were there at the great passover. The work
of destroying idols went on in Ephraim and
Manimeh as well as in Judah (2 Chr. xxxi. 1).
The last twelve years of Hezekiah's reign were
not, however, it will be remembered, those which
were likely to influence for good the character
of his successor. His policy had succeeded. He
had thrown off the yoke of the king of Assyria,
and had mode himself the bead of an independ-
ent kingdom. But he goes a step further.
The ambition of being a great potentate con-
tinued, and it was to the results of this ambi-
tion that the boy Manasseh succeeded at the
age of twelve.
His accession appears to have been the signal
for an entire change, if not in the foreign
policy, at any rate in the religious administra-
tion, of the kingdom. The change which the
king's measures brought about was, after all,
superficial. The idolatry which was publicly
discountenanced was practised privately (Is. l.
29, ii. 20, lxv. U). It was, moreover, the tra-
ditional policy of "the princes of Jndah "
(comp. 2 Chr. xxiv. 17) to favor foreign alli-
ances and the toleration of foreign worship, as
it was that of the true priests and prophets to
protest against it. It would seem, accordingly,
as if they urged upon the young king that
scheme of a close alliance with Babylon which
Isaiah hail condemned, and, as the natnral con-
sequence of this, the adoption, as far as possi-
66
ble, of its worship, and that of other nations
whom it was desirable to conciliate. The re-
sult was a debasement which had not been
equalled even in the reign of Ahaz, uniting in
one centre the abominations which elsewhere
existed separately. Not content with sanction-
ing their presence in the Holy City, as Solo-
mon and Kehoboam hod done, he denied with
it the Sanctuary itself (2 Chr. xxxiii. 4). The
worship thus introduced was predominantly
Babylonian in its character. With this, how-
ever, there was associated the old Molcch wor-
ship of the Ammonites. The fires were re-
kindled in the Valley of Ben-Hinnom. The
Baal and Ashtaroth ritual, which had been im-
ported under Solomon from the Phoenicians,
was revived with fresh splendor. All this was
accompanied by the extremest moral degrada-
tion. Every faith was tolerated but the old
faith of Israel. This was abandoned and pro-
scribed. It is easy to imagine the bitter grief
and burning indignation of those who con-
tinued faithful. They spoke out in words of
corresponding strength. Evil was coming on
Jerusalem which should make the cars of men
to tingle (2 K. xxi. 12). The line of Samaria
and the plummet of the house of Ahab should
be the doom of the Holy City. Like a vessel
that had once been full of precious ointment,
but had afterwards become foul, Jerusalem
should be emptied and wiped out, and exposed
to the winds of heaven till it was cleansed.
Foremost, we may well believe, among those
who thus bore their witness was the old prophet,
now bent with the weight of fourscore years,
who had in his earlier days protested with
equal courage against the crimes of the king's
grandfather. On him too, according to the
old Jewish tradition, came the first shock of
the persecution. But the persecution did no.
stop there. It attacked the whole order of the
true prophets, and those who followed them.
The heart and the intellect of the nation were
crushed out, and there would seem to have
been no chroniclers left to record this portion
of its history. Retribution came soon in the
natural sequence of events. There are indica-
tions that the neighboring nations — Philis-
tines, Moabites, Ammonites — who had been
tributary under Hezekiah, revolted at some
period in the reign of Manasseh, and asserted
their independence (Zeph. ii. 4-19 ; Jer. xlvii.,
xlviii., xlix.). The Babylonian alliance bore
the fruits which had been predicted. The re-
bellion of Merodach-Baladan was crushed, and
then the wrath of the Assyrian king fell on
those who had supported him. Judasa was
again overrun by the Assyrian armies, and
this time the invasion was more successful than
that of Sennacherib. The city apparently was
taken. The king himself was made prisoner
and carried off to Babylon. There his eyes
were opened, and he repented, and his prayer
was heard, and the Lord delivered him (2 Chr.
xxxiii. 12, 13).
Two questions meet us at this point (1)
Have we satisfactory grounds for believing that
this statement is historically true? (2) If we
accept it, to what period in the reign of Ma-
nasseh is it to be assigned ? It has been urged
in regard to ( 1 ) that the silence of the writer
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MANASSEH
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MANASSEH
of the Books of Kings is conclusive against the
trustworthiness of the narrative of 2 Chronicles.
It is believed that that answer is not far to seek.
(1) The silence of a writer who sums up the
history of a reign of fifty-five years in nine-
teen verses as to one alleged event in it is surely
a weak ground for refusing to accept that event
on the authority of another historian. (2)
The omission is in part explained by the char-
acter of the narrative of 2 K. xxi. The writer
deliberately turns away from the history of the
days of shame, and not less from the personal
biography of the king. (3) The character of
tbc writer of 2 Chronicles, obviously a Levite,
and looking at the facts of the history from
the Levite point of view, would lead him to
attach greater importance to a partial re-instate-
ment of the old ritual and to the cessation of
persecution. (4) There is one peculiarity in
the history which is, in some measure, of the
nature of an undesigned coincidence, and so
confirms it. The captains of the host of As-
syria take Manasseh to Babylon. The narra-
tive fits in, with the utmost accuracy, to the
facts of Oriental history. The first attempt of
Babylon to assert its independence of Nineveh
failed. It was crushed by Esarhaddon, and for
a time the Assyrian king held his court at
Babylon, so as to effect more completely the
reduction of the rebellious province. There is
(5) the fact of agreement with the intervention
of the Assyrian king in 2 K. xvii. 24, just at
the samo time. The circumstance just noticed
enables us to return an approximate answer to
the other question. The duration of Esarhad-
don 'a Babylonian reign is calculated as from
B.C. 680-CG7 ; and Manasseh'* captivity must
therefore have fallen within those limits. A
Jewish tradition fixes the 22d year of his reign
as the exact date ; and this, according as we
adopt the earlier or the later date of his acces-
sion, would give B.C. 676 or 673. The period
that followed is dwelt upon by the writer of
2 Chr. as one of a great change for the better.
The compassion or death of Esarhaddon led
to his release, and he returned after some un-
certain interval of time to Jerusalem. The old
faith of Israel was no longer persecuted. For-
eign idolatries were no longer thrust, in all
their foulness, into the Sanctuary itself. The
altar of the Lord was again restored, and peace-
offerings and thank-offerings sacrificed to Je-
norah (2 Chr. xxxiii. 15, 16).
But beyond this the reformation did not go.
?he other facts known of Manassch's reign
connect themselves with the state of the world
round him. The Assyrian monarchy was tot-
tering to its fall, and the king of Judah seems
to have thought that it was still possible for
him to rule as the head of a strong and in-
dependent kingdom. He fortified Jerusalem
(2 Chr. xxvii. 3), and put captains of war in
all the fenced cities of Judah. There was, it
must he remembered, a special reason. Egypt
Tas become strong and aggressive under Psam-
mitichus. About this time we find the thought
of an Egyptian alliance again beginning to
gain favor. The very name of Manasseh's son,
Amon, identical in form and sound with that
of the great sun-god of Ejrypt, is probably an
ndication of the gladness with which the al-
liance of Psammitichus was welcomed. As one
of its consequences, it involved probably the
supply of troops from Judah to serve in the ar-
mies of the Egyptian king. In return for this,
Manasseh, we may believe, received the help of
the chariots and horses for which Egypt was
always famous (Is. xxxi. 1). If this was the
close of Manasseh's reign, we can understand
how it was that on his death he was buried as
Ahaz had been, not with the burial of a king,
in the sepulchres of the house of David, but in
the garden of Uzza (2 K. xxi. 26), and that,
long afterwards, in spite of his repentance, the
Jews held his name in abhorrence. The hab-
its of a sensuous and debased worship bad
eaten into the life of the people ; and though
they might be repressed for a time by force, aa
in the reformation of Josiah, they burst out
again, when the pressure was removed, with
fresh violence, and rendered even the zeal of
the best of the Jewish kings fruitful chiefly in
hypocrisy and unreality. The intellectual life
of the people suffered in the same degree. The
persecution cut off all who, trained in the schools
of the prophets, were the thinkers and teachers
of the people. But little is added by later
tradition to the O. T. narrative of Manasseh's
reign. The prayer that bears his name among
the apocryphal books can hardly, in the ab-
sence of any Hebrew original, be considered as
identical with that referred to in 2 Chr. xxxiii.,
and is probably rather the result of an attempt
to work out the hint there supplied than the
reproduction of an older document. There an
reasons, however, for believing that there exist-
ed, at some time or other, a fuller history, more
or less legendary, of Manasseh and his conver-
sion, from which the prayer may possibly have
been an excerpt preserved for devotional pur-
poses (it appears for the first time in the Apos-
tolical Constitutions) when the rest was rejected
as worthless. Scattered here and there we find
the disjecta membra of such a work. — 2. One
of the descendants of Pahath-Moab, who, in the
days of Ezra, had married a foreign wife (Err.
x. 30). — 3. One of the laymen, of the family
of Hashnm, who put away his foreign wife at
Ezra's command (Ezr. x. 33). — 4. In the He-
brew text of Judg. xviii. 30, the name of the
priest of the graven image of the Danitea is
given as " Jonathan, the son of Gcrshom, the
son of Manasseh ; " the last word being written
CrtD-to and a Masoretic note calling attention
to the " nun suspended." Rashi's note upon
the passage is as follows : — "On account of the
honor of Moses he wrote Nun to change the
name ; and it is written suspended to signify
that it was not Manasseh, but Moses." The
LXX., Pcshito-Syriac, and Chaldee, all read
" Manasseh ; " but the Vulgate retains the ori-
ginal and undoubtedly the true reading, Jtoyses.
Kennicott attributes the presence of the Nun to
the corruption of MSS. by Jewish transcribers.
With regard to the chronological difficulty of
accounting for the presence of a grandson of
Moses at an apparently late period, there is
every reason to believe that the last five chap-
ters of Judges refer to earlier events than those
after which they are placed. In xx. 28, Phine-
has the son of Eleazar, and therefore the grand-
son of Aaron, is said to hare stood before thi
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MANDRAKES
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MANNA
ark, and there is therefore no difficulty in sup-
posing that a grandson of Moses might be alive
at thj s.uno time, which was not long after the
death of Joshua.
M in as' sea. 1. Mahassbh 4, of the sons
of ll ishmn (1 Esd. ix. 33). — 2. Mawasseh,
king of Juiiuh (Matt. i. 10), to whom the apoc-
rypL.il prayer is attributed. — 3. Maxasseh,
tli j son of Joseph ( Rev. vii. 6). — 4. A wealthy
inhabitant of Bcthulia, and husband of Judith,
accur.lin,- to the legend (Jud. viii. 2, 7, x. 3,
xvi. 22, 23, 24).
Manaa'aes, the Prayer of. l. The re-
pentance and restoration of Manasseh (2 Chr.
xxxiii. 12 fit) furnished the subject of many
legendary stories. " His prayer unto his God
was still preserved "in the Book of the Kings
of Israel when the Chronicles were compiled
(2 Chr. xxxiii. 18), and, after this record was
lost, toe subject was likely to attract the notice
of later writers. " The Prayer of Manasseh,"
which is found in some MSS. of the LXX., is
the work of one who has endeavored to express,
not without true feeling, the thoughts of the
repentant king. 2. The Greek text is undoubt-
edly original, and not a mere translation from
the Hebrew. The writer was well acquainted
with the LXX. But beyond this there is noth-
ing to determine the date at which he lived.
The allusion to the patriarchs (1, 8) appears to
fix the authorship on a Jew; but the clear
teaching on repentance points to a time cer-
tainly not long before the Christian era. There
is no indication of the place at which the Prayer
was written. 3. The earliest reference to the
Prayer is contained in a fragment of Julius Af-
ricanos (cir. 221 a.d.), but it may be doubted
whether the words in theiroriginal form clearly
referred to the present composition (Jul. Afric.
fr. 40). It is, however, given at length in the
Apostolical Constitutions (ii. 22). The Prayer
is (bund in the Alexandrine MS. 4. The
Prayer was never distinctly recognised as a
canonical writing, though it was included in
many MSS. of the LXX. and of the Latin ver-
sion, and has been deservedly retained among
the apocrypha in A. V. and by Luther. The
Latin translation which occurs in Vulgate
MSS. is not by the hand of Jerome.
Manaas'ites, the, that is, the members of
the tribe of Manasseh. The word occurs but
thrice in the A V. : via., Deut iv. 43 ; Judg.
xii. 4 ; and 2 K. x. 33.
Mandrakes (Heb. dudaim). Thsdudaim
{the word occurs only in the plural number)
are mentioned in Gen. xxx. 14, IS, 16, and in
Cant. vii. 13. From the former passage wo
team that they were found in the fields of Mes-
opotamia, where Jacob and his wives wore at
one time living, and that the fruit was gathered
" in the days of wheat-harvest," i\«. in May.
From Cant. vii. 13 we learn that the plant m
question was strong-scented, and that it grew
ib Palestine. Various attempts have been made
to identify the dudaim. The most satisfactory
is certainly that which supposes the mandrake
[Atropa maadragora) to be the plant denoted bv
the Hebrew word. The LXX., the Vulg., th'e
Syriae, and the Arahic versions, the Targums,
the most learned of the Rabbis, and many later
commentators, are in favor of the translation
of the A. V. It is well known that the man.
drake is far from odoriferous, the whole plant
being, in European estimation at all events,
very fetid. But CEdmann, after quoting a
number of authorities to show that the man-
drakes were prised by the Arabs for their odor,
makes the following just remark: — "It is
known that Orientals set an especial value on
strongly smelling things that to more delicate
European senses are impleading. . . . The in-
intoxicating qualities of the mandrake, far from
lessening its value, would rather add to it, for
every one knows with what relish the Orientals
use all kinds of preparations to produce intoxi-
cation." That the fruit was fit to be gathered
at the time of wheat-harvest is clear from the
testimony of several travellers. Schultze found
mandrake-apples on the 15th of May. Haascl-
quist saw them at Nazareth early in May. Dr.
Thomson found mandrakes ripe on the lower
ranges of Lebanon and Hermon towards tho end
of April. The mandrake (Atro/xt mandragoru)
is closely allied to the well-known deadly night-
shade (A. belladonna), and belongs to the order
Solanacea.
Ma'neh. [Weiohts and Measures.]
Manger. This word occurs only in con-
nection with the birth of Christ, in Luke ii. 7,
12, 16. The original term is furvti, which is
found but once besides in the N. T., viz. Luke
xiii. 15, where it is rendered by "stall." The
word in classical Greek undoubtedly means a
manger, crib, or feeding-trough ; but according
to Schleusner its real signification in the N. T.
is the open court-yard, attached to tho inn or
khan, and enclosed by a rough fence of stones,
wattle, or other slight material, into which the
cattle would be shut at night, and where the
poorer travellers might unpack their animals
and take up their lodging, when they were
cither by want of room or want of means ex-
cluded from the house. The above interpreta-
tion is of course at variance with the traditional
belief that tho Nativity took place in a cave.
Professor Stanley has, however, shown how des-
titute of foundation this tradition is.
Ma'ni. The same as Bani 4 (1 Esd. ix.
30 ; comp. Ezr. x. 29). Ap.
Manlius, T. In the account of tho con-
clusion of the campaign of Lysias (B.C. 163)
against the Jews, given in 2 Mace, xi., four let-
ters are introduced, of which the lost purports
to be from " L. Memmius and T. Manlius, am-
bassadors of the Romans" (ver. 34-38), con-
firming the concessions made by Lysias. There
can bo but little doubt that the letter is a fabri-
cation. No such names occur among the many
legates to Svria noticed by Polybius ; and there
is no room for the mission of another embassy
between two recorded shortly before and after
the death of Antiochns Epiphancs. If, as seems
likely, the true reading is T. Manius (not Man-
lius), the writer wai probably thinking of the
former embassy when C. Sulpicius and Manius
Scraius were sent to Syria. Ap.
Manna (Heb. man). The most important
passages of the O. T. on this topic are the
following: — Ex. xvi. 14-36; Num. xi. 7-9;
Deut. viii. 3, 16; Josh. v. 12; Ps. lxxviii. 24,
25; Wisd. xvi. 20, 21. From these passages
we learn that tho manna came every morning
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MANTLE
except the Sabbath, in the form of a small
round seed resembling the hoar-frost; that it
must be gathered early, before the sun became
so hot as to melt it ; that it must be gathered
every day except the Sabbath ; that the attempt
to lay aside for a succeeding day, except on the
day immediately preceding the Sabbath, failed
by the substance becoming wormy and offensive ;
that it was prepared for food by grinding and
baking ; that its taste was like fresh oil, and
like wafers made with honey, equally agreeable
to all palates ; that the whole nation subsisted
upon it for forty years ; that it suddenly ceased
when they first got the new com of the land of
Canaan ; and that it was always regarded as a
miraculous gift directly from God, and not as a
product of nature. The natural products of
the Arabian deserts and other Oriental regions,
which bear the name of manna, have not the
qualities or uses ascribed to the manna of
Scripture. The manna of Scripture we regard
as wholly miraculous, and not in any respect a
product of nature. The etymology and mean-
ing of the word manna are 6est given by the old
authorities, the Septuagint, the Vulgate, and
Josephus. According to all these authorities,
with which the Syriac also agrees, the Hebrew
word man, by which this substance is always
designated in the Hebrew Scriptures, is the
neuter interrogative pronoun (what?) ; and the
name is derived from the inquiry {man hi, what
is this?), which the Hebrews made when they
first saw it upon the ground.
The Arabian physician Avicenna gives the
following description of the manna which in his
time was used as a medicine: — "Manna is a
dew which falls on stones or bushes, becomes
thick like honey, and can be hardened so as to
be like grains of corn." The substance now
called mnnna in the Arabian desert, through
which the Israelites passed, is collected in the
month of June from the tar/a or tamarisk
shrub I Tamarix gallica). According to Burck-
hardt, it drops from the thorns on the sticks and
leaves with which the ground is covered, and
must be gathered early in the day, or it will be
melted by the sun. The Arabs cleanse and
boil it, strain it through a cloth, and put it in
leathern bottles ; and in this way it can be kept
uninjured for several years. They use it lite
honey or butter with their unleavened bread,
but never make it into cakes or eat it by itself.
Rauwolf and some more recent travellers have
observed that the dried grains of the Oriental
manna were like the coriander-seed. Niebuhr
observed that at Man] in, in Mesopotamia, the
manna lies like meal on the leaves of a tree
called in the East ballSt and afi or at, which he
regards as a species of oak. The harvest is in
July and August, and much more plentiful in
wet than dry seasons. In the Valley of the
Jordan, Burckhardt fonnd manna like gum on
the leaves and branches of the tree gharnb,
which is as large as the olive-tree, having a
leaf like the poplar, though somewhat broader.
Two other shrubs which have been supposed
to yield the manna of Scripture are the Al-
hagi mmtrorum, or Persian manna, and the AU
hagi dnertonan, — thorny plants common in Sy-
ria. The manna of European commerce comes
mostly from Calabria and Sicily. It is gath-
ered during the months of June and July from
some species of ash ( Orma Europaa and Onaa
Tatundifolia), from which it drops in consequence
of a puncture by an insect resembling the lo-
cust, but distinguished from it by having a
sting under its body. The substance is fluid
at night, and resembles the dew, but in the
morning it begins to harden.
Mano'ah, the father of Samson ; a Danitt,
native of the town of Zorah (Judg. xiii. S).
The narrative of the Bible (xiii. 1-23), of the
circumstances which preceded the birth of Sam-
son, supplies us with very few and faint traits
of Manoah's character or habits. He seems to
have had some occupation which separated him
during part of the day from his wife, though
that was not field-work, because it was in the
field that his wife was found by the angel dur-
ing his absence. He was hospitable, as his
forefather Abram hod been before him ; he was a
worshipper of Jehovah, and reverent to a great
degree of fear. These faint lineaments are
brought into somewhat greater distinctness by
Josephus (Ant. v. 8, § 2, 3), on what authority
we have no means of judging, though his ac-
count is doubtless founded on some ancient
Jewish tradition or record. We hear of Mano-
ah once again in connection with the marriage
of Samson to the Philistine of Timnath. His
father and his mother remonstrated with
him thereon, but to no purpose (xiv. 2, 3).
They then accompanied him to Timnath, both
on the preliminary visit (ver. 5, 6), and to the
marriage itself (9, 10). Manoah appears not
to have survived his son.
Manslayer. The cases of manslaughter
mentioned appear to be a sufficient sample of
the intention of the lawgiver, a. Death by a
blow in a sudden quarrel (Num. xxxv. 22).
b. Death by a stone or missile thrown at ran-
dom (t'6. 22, 23). c. By the blade of an axe
flying from its handle (Deutxix. 5). d. Wheth-
er the case of a person killed by falling from a
roof unprovided! with a parapet involved the
guilt of manslaughter on the owner, is not
clear ; but the law seems intended to prevent
the imputation of malice in any such case, by
preventing as far as possible the occurrence of
the fact itself (Deut. xxii. 8). In all these and
the like cases, the manslaver was allowed to re-
tire to a city of refuge. Besides these, the fol-
lowing may be mentioned as cases of homicide,
a. An animal, not known to be vicious, causing
death to a human being, was to be pnt to death,
and regarded as unclean. But if it was known
to be vicious, the owner also was liable to fine,
and even death (Ex. xxi. 28, 81). 6. A thief
overtaken at night in the act might lawfully be
put to death ; but if the sun had risen, the" act
of killing him was to be regarded as murder
(Ex. xxu. 2, 3).
Mantle. The word employed in the A. V.
to translate no less than four Hebrew terms,
entirely distinct and independent both in deri-
vation and meaning. L S'ndcah. This word
occurs but once, via. Judg. iv. 18, where it de-
notes the thing with which Jael covered Sisera.
It may be inferred that it was some pert of the
regular furniture of the tent. The clew to •
more exact signification is given by the Arabic
version of the Polyglott, which renders it by
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MARESHAH
atcatifak, a word which is explained by Doxy
to mean certain articles of a thick fabric, in
shape like a plaid or shawl, which are com-
monly used for beds by the .Arabs. — 2. Mai
(rendered " mantle " in 1 San., xv. 27, xxviii.
14; Ear. ix. 3, 5; Job i 80, ii. 12; and Ps.
eix. 29). This word is in other passages of the
A V. rendered " coat," " cloak," and " robe."
This inconsistency is undesirable; but in one
esse only — that of Samuel — is it of impor-
tance. It is interesting to know that the gar-
ment which his mother made and brought to
the infant prophet at her annual risit to tho
Holy Tent at Shiloh was a miniature of the of-
ficial priestly tonic or robe ; the same that the
great prophet wore in mature years (1 Sam.
xt. 27), and by which he was on one occasion
actually identified (xxviii. 14).— 3. Ma'ala-
fiak (the Hebrew word is found in Is. iii. 22
only). Apparently some article of a lady's
dree; probably an exterior tnnic, longer and
ampler than the internal one, and provided
with sleeves. But the most remarkable of the
four is — 4. Addertth (rendered "mantle" in
1 K. xix. 13, 19; 2 K. ii. 8, 13, 14; elsewhere
"garment" and "robe") ; since by it, and it
only, is denoted the cape or wrapper which,
with the exception of a strip of skin or leather
round his loins, formed, as we have every rea-
son to believe, the sole garment of the prophet
Elijah. It was probably of sheepskin, such as
is Torn by the modern dervishes.
Ka'ooh, the father of Achish, king of
Gath, with whom David took refuge (1 Sam.
xxrii. 2).
Ma on, one of the cities of the tribe of Ju-
dah, in the district of the mountains ; a mem-
ber of the same group which contains also tho
names of Carmcl and Ziph (Josh. xv. 55). Its
interest for us lies in its connection with Da-
vid (1 Sam. xxiii. 24, 25). The name of Ma-
im still exists all but unchanged in the mouths
of the Arab herdsmen ana peasants in the
•oath of Palestine. Main is a lofty conical
hill, south of, and about 7 miles distant from,
Hebron. In the genealogical records of the
tribe of Judab in 1 Chronicles, Maori appears
as a descendant of Hebron. It should not, how-
ever, be overlooked, that in the original the
same of Maon is identical with that of tbe Me-
bnnim, and it is quite possible that before the
conquest it may have been one of their towns.
Ma'onites, the, a people mentioned in
one of the addresses of Jehovah to the repent-
ant Israelites (Ju<*g. x. 12). The name agrees
with that of a people residing in the desert far
•oath of Palestine, elsewhere in the A. V.
called MxHuxiaf ; but, as no invasion of Israel
by this people is related before the date of tho
passage in question, various explanations and
conjectures have been offered. The reading of
the LXX. — " Midian " — is remarkable as be-
ing found in both the great MSS., and having
<m that account a strong claim to be considered
ai the reading of the ancient Hebrew text.
Ha'ra, the name which Naomi adopted in
the exclamation forced from her by the recog-
nition of her fallow-citizens at Bethlehem
(Both i. 20), " Call me not Naomi (pleasant),
w call me Mara (bitter), for Shaddai hath
"alt-very-bitterly (AosteV) with me."
Ma'rah, a place which lay in the wilder-
ness of Shur or Etham, three days' journey dis-
tant (Ex. xv. 22-24 ; Num. xxxiii. 81 from the
place at which the Israelites crossed the Red
Sea, and where was a spring of bitter water,
sweetened subsequently by the ca*ting-in of a
tree which " the Lord showed " to Moses. It
has been suggested that Moses made use of the
berries of the plant Gh&rlc&d, and which still it
is implied would bo found similarly to operate.
Howarah, distant 164 hours from Auoun Mown,
has been by Robinson, as also by Burckhardt,
Schubert, and Wellsted, identified with it, ap-
parently because it is the bitterest water in the
neighborhood. Winer says that a still bitterer
well lies east of Marah, the claims of which
Tischendorf, it appears, has supported. Lop-
sius prefers Wady Ghirundel. Prof. Stanley
thinks that the claims may be left between this
and Howarah.
Mar/alah, one of the landmarks on the
boundary of the tribe of Zebulun (Josh. xix.
Maran 'atha, an expression used by St.
Paul at the conclusion of his First Epistle to the
Corinthians (xvi. 22). It is a Grecixed form
of the Aramaic words mdVan SthA, "our Lord
cometh."
Marble. Like the Greek ftap/iapoc, the
Heb. shesh, the generic term for marble, may
probably be taken to mean almost aiy shining
stone. The so-called marble of Solomon^
architectural works, which Josephus calls &0or
Aevicor, may thus have been limestone — (a)
from near Jerusalem ; (6) from Lebanon (Jura
limestone), identical with the material of the
Sun Temple at Baalbec ; orjc) white marble
from Arabia or elsewhere. There can be no
doubt that Herod, both in the Temple and else-
where, employed Parian or other marble. The
marble pillars and tessera of various colors of
the palace at Susa came doubtless from Persia
itself (Esth. i. 6).
Marcheshvan. [Months.]
Mar'OUS. The evangelist Mark, who was
cousin to Barnabas (Col. iv. 10), and the com-
panion and fellow-laborer of the apostles Paul
(Philera. 24) and Peter (1 Pet. v. 13).
Mardoche'us. 1. Mobdecai, the an-
cle of Esther, in the apocryphal additions (Esth.
x. 1, xi. 2, 12, xii. 1-6, xvi. 13; 2 Mice. xv.
36). — 2. = Mordecai, who returned with
Zerubbabel and Joshua (1 Esd. v. 8). Ap.
Mar/eshah, one of the cities of Judah in
the district of the Shefclah or low country ;
named in the same group with Keilah and
Nezib {Josh. xv. 44). If we may so interpret
the notices of 1 Chr. ii. 42, Hebron itself was
colonized from Mareshah. It was one of the
cities fortified and garrisoned by Rehoboam
after the rupture with tho northern kingdom
(2 Chr. xi. 8). The natural inference is, that
it commanded some pass or position of ap-
proach (comp. 2 Cbr. xiv. 9). Mareshah is
mentioned once or twice in the history of the
Maccabssan struggles. Judas probably passed
through it on his way from Hebron to avenge
the defeat of Joseph and Azariaa (1 Mace. v.
66). A few days later, it afforded a refuge to
Qorgias when severely wounded in the attack
of Dositheus (2 Mace. xii. 35). It was burnt
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MARK
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MARK, GOSPEL OF
by Judas in his Iduraasan war, in passing from
Hebron to Azotus. About the year 110 B.C., it
was taken from the Idunueans by John Hyrca-
nus. It was in ruins in the 4th century, when
Eusebius and Jerome describe it as in the sec-
ond mile from Klcuthcropolis. S. 8. W. of
Beit-jibrin — in all probability Eleutheropolis —
and a little over a Koraan mile therefrom, is a
site called A/aruah, which is very possibly the
representative of the ancient Marcshah. On
two other occasions, Mareshah comes forward
in the O. T. (2 Cbr. xx. 37; Mic. i. 15.) — 2.
Father of Hebron, and apparently a son or de-
scendant of Caleb the brother of Jcrahmccl
il Cbr. ii. 42), who derived his descent from
adah through Pharcz. — 3. In 1 Chr. ir. 21
we find Marcshah again named as deriving his
origin from Siielah, the third son of Judah.
Mar'imOth = Meraioth the priest (2 Esd.
i. 2 ; comp. Ezr. vii. 8). Ap.
Ma'risa, Mareshah (2 Mace. xii. 35). Ap.
Mark. Mark the evangelist is probably
the same as " John whose surname was Mark '
(Acts xii. 12, 25). Grotios indeed maintains
the contrary. But John was the Jewish name ;
and Mark, a name of frequent use amongst the
Romans, was adopted afterwards, and gradu-
ally superseded the other. John Mark was the
son of a certain Mary, who dwelt at Jerusalem,
and was therefore probably born in that city
(Acts xii. 12). He was the cousin of Barnabas
(Col. iv. 10). It was to Mary's house, as to a
familiar haunt, that Peter came after his deliv-
erance from prison (Acts xii. 12), and there
found " many gathered together praying ; " and
probably John Mark was converted by Peter
from meeting him in his mother's house, for he
speaks of "Marcus my son" (1 Pet. v. 13).
The theory that he was one of the seventy dis-
ciples is without any warrant. Another theory,
that an event of the night of our Lord's be-
trayal, related by Mark alone, is one that befell
himself, must not be so promptly dismissed
(Mark xiv. 51, 52). The detail of facts is re-
markably minute: the name only is wanting.
The most probable view is, that St. Mark sup-
pressed his own name whilst telling a story
which he had the best means of knowing.
Anxious to work for Christ, he went with Paul
and Barnabas as their " minister " on their first
journey ; but at Pcrga, as wo have seen above,
turned back (Acts xii. 25, xiii. 13). On the
second journey, Paul would not accept him
again as a companion, but Barnabas his kinsman
was more indulgent; and thus he became the
cause of the memorable " sharp contention "
between them (Acts xv. 36-40). Whatever
was the cause of Mark's vacillation, it did not
separate him forever from Paul ; for we find
him by the side of that apostle in his first im-
prisonment at Rome (Col. iv. 10; Philem. 24).
In the former place a possible journey of Mark
to Asia is spoken of. Somewhat later he is
with Peter at Babylon (1 Pet. v. 13). On his
return to Asia, he seems to have been with
Timothy at Ephesus when Paul wrote to him
during his second imprisonment (2 Tim. iv. 1 1 ).
When we desert Scripture, we find the facts
doubtful and even inconsistent. The relation
»f Mark to Peter is of great importance for our
liew of his Gospel. Ancient writers with one
consent make the evangelist the interpreter or
the apostle Peter. Some explain this word to
mean that the office of Mark was to truncate
into the tircek tongue the Aramaic discourses
of the apostle; whilst others nuopt the more
probable view, that Murk wrote a gospel which
conformed more exactly than the others to
Peter's preaching, and thus "interpreted" ii to
the church at large. The report that Aiark
was the companion of Peter at Lome is no douht
of great antiquity. Sent on a mission lo
Egypt by Peter, Mark there founded the C hurch
of Alexandria, and preached in various p.accs;
then returned to Alexandria, if which ihtncli
ho was bishop, and suffered a martyr's death.
But none ot these later detail* rest' on sound
authority.
Mark, Gospel of. The cliaravicristics
of this Gospel, the shortest of the lour inspired
records, will appear from the discussion of ihe
various questions that have been raised about
it. — I. &ourc<s of tin's (Jmptl. — Ihe tradition
that it gives the teaching of Peter rather than
of the rest of the apostles has uocit alluded to
above. John the presbyter is sj oken ot by
Pnpias as the interpreter of Peter. Inuai s
calls Mark " intcrprcs ct sectatnr Petri," and
cites the opening and the concluding woi ds of
the Gospel as we now possess them (iii., x. (■).
Kuscbius says, on the authority of Clement of
Alexandria, that the hearers ot l'eter at IJnnic
desired Mark, the follower of l'eter, to k.u-
with them a record of his teaching ; u| on
which Mark wrote his Gospel, which the apos-
tle afterwards sanctioned with his authority,
and directed that it should lie read in the
churches. Tcrtullian speaks of tnc Gospel of
Mark as being connected with l'eter, and so
having apostolic authority. It the ivhuiice
of the apostle's connection with this (>ospcl
rested whollv on these passages, it would
not Iks sufficient, since the witnesses, though
many in number, are not all iudc|X'iidcnt
of each other. But there arc peculiarities
in the Gospel which arc best explain* d by the
supposition that Peter in some way sii|'trin-
tended its composition. Whilst there is hardly
any part of its narrative that is not common to
it and some other Gospel, in tin maimer ol the
narrative there is often a marked ehni.a ter,
which puts aside at once the supposition that
wo have hero a mere epitome of Matthew and
Luke. The picture of the same events is far
more vivid ; touches arc introduced such us
could only be noted by a vigilunt eye-witness,
and such as make us almost eye witnesses of
the Redeemer's doings. To this must lie added
that whilst Mnrk goes over the same groui.d
for tho most part as the other evangelists, and
especially Matthew, there arc many facts thrown
in which prove that we are listening to an in-
dependent witness. Thus the humble o i; in
of Peter is mndo known through him (i. lo-in).
and his connection with Capernaum (i. --9) ; lw
tells us that Levi was "the son of Alplucus"
(ii. 14), that Peter was the name given by oui
Lord to Simon (iii. 16), and Boam rges a sur-
name added by Him to the names of two others
(iii. 17); he assumes tho existence ol another
body of disciples wider than the Twelve (iii. ?S,
iv. 10, 36, viii. 34, xiv. 51, 52) ; we owe to him
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MARK, GOSPEL OF
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MARK, GOSPEL OF
the name of Joirutt (v. 22), the word " carpen-
ter" applied to our Lord (vi. 3), the nation of
the " Syrophoenician " woman (vii. 26); he
substitutes Dalmanutha for the " Magdala " of
Matthew (viii. 10) ; he names Bartinueus (x.
46) ; he alone mentions that oar Lord would
not suffer any man to carry any vessel through
the Temple (xi. 16) • and that Simon of Cy-
rene was the father of Alexander and Rufua
(xv. 21). All these arc tokens of an independ-
ent writer, different from Matthew and Luke,
and in the absence of other traditions it is nat-
ural to look to Peter. One might hope that
much light would be thrown on this question
from the way in which Peter is mentioned in
the Gospel ; but the evidence is not so clear as
might have been expected.
IL Relation of Mark to Matthew and Luke. —
The results of criticism as to the relation of the
three Gospels are somewhat humiliating. Up
to this day, three views are maintained with
equal ardor : (a) that Mark's Gospel is the origi-
nal Gospel out of which the other two hare been
developed ; (6) that it was a compilation from
the other two, and therefore was written last;
and (e) that it was copied from that of Matthew,
and forms a link of transition between the other
two. It is obvious that they refute one an-
other: the same internal evidence suffices to
prove that Mark is the first, and the last, and
the intermediate. Let us return to the facts,
and, taught by these contradictions what is the
worth of" internal evidence," let us carry our
speculations no further than the facts. The
Gospel of Mark contains scarcely any events
that are not recited by the others. There are
verbal coincidences with each of the others, and
.sometimes peculiar words from both meet to-
gether in the parallel place in Mark. On the
other hand, there are unmistakable marks of
independence. The hypothesis which best
meets these facts is, that whilst the matter com-
mon to all three evangelists, or to two of them,
i* derived from the o'-al teaching of the apos-
tles, which they had purposely reduced to a
common form, our evangelist writes as an in-
dependent witness to the truth, and not as a
compiler; and that the tradition that the Gos-
pel was written under the sanction of Peter,
and its matter in some degree derived from
him, is made probable by the evident traces of
an eye-witness in many of the narratives.
III. This Gospel written primarily Jar Gentiles.
— The evangelist scarcely refers to the O. T. in
his own person. The word Law does not once
occur. The genealogy of our Lord is likewise
omitted. Other matters interesting chiefly to
the Jews are likewise omitted ; such as the ref-
erences to the 0. T. and Law in Matt. xii. 5-7,
the reflections on the request of the Scribes and
Pharisees for a sign, Matt. xii. 38-45 ; the para-
ble of the king's son, Matt. xxii. 1-14; and
the awful denunciation of the Scribes and Phar-
isees in Matt xxiii. Explanations are given
in some places, which Jews could not require :
thus, Jordan is a " river " (Mark i. 5 ; Matt. iii.
6) ; the Pharisees, Ac. "nsed to fast" (Mark ii.
18; Matt. ix. 14), and other customs of theirs
are described (Mark vii. 1-4 ; Matt. xv. I, 2) ;
" the time of figs was not yet," i\«. at the season
vf the Passover (Mark xi. 13 ; Matt. xxi. 19) ;
the Sadducees' worst tenet is mentioned (Mart
xii. 18) ; the Mount of Olives is "over against
the temple" (Mark xiii. 3; Matt. xxiv. 3) ; at
the Passover, men eat "unleavened bread"
(Mark xiv. 1, 12; Matt. xxvi. 2, 17), and ex-
planations are given which Jews would not
need (Mark xv. 6, 16, 42; Matt, xxvii. 15, 27,
57). From the general testimony of these and
other places, whatever may be objected to an in-
ference from one or other amongst them, there
is little doubt but that the Gospel was meant
for use in the first instance amongst Gentiles.
IV. Time when the Gospel was written. — It
will be understood from what has been said,
that nothing positive can be asserted as to the
time when this Gospel was written. The tra-
ditions are contradictory. Irenaeus says that it
was written after the death of the apostle Peter;
but in other passages it is supposed to be writ-
ten during Peter's lifetime. In the Bible there
is nothing to decide the question. It is not
likely that it dates before the reference to Mark
in the Epistle to the Colossians (iv. 10), where
he is only introduced as a relative of Barnabas,
as if this were his greatest distinction ; and this
epistle was written about a.d. 62. On the
other hand, it was written before the destruction
of Jerusalem (xiii. 13, 24-30, 33, &c.). Proba-
bly, therefore, it was written between a. d. 63
and 70.
V. Place where the Gospel was written. — The
place is as uncertain as the time. Clement,
Eusebius, Jerome, and Epiphanius, pronounce
for Rome, and manv moderns take the same
view. Chrysostom thinks Alexandria; but this
is not confirmed by other testimony.
VI. Language. — The Gospel was written in
Greek ; of this there can be no doubt if ancient
testimony is to weigh. Baronius indeed, on
the authority of an old Syriac translation, as-
serts that Latin was the original language.
VII. Genuineness of the Gosi>el. — All ancient
testimony makes Mark the author of a certain
Gospel, and that this is the Gospel which has
come down to as, there is not the least histori-
cal ground for doubting. Owing to the very
few sections peculiar to Mark, evidence from
patristic quotation is somewhat difficult to pro-
duce. Justin Martyr, however, quotes ch. ix.
44, 46, 48, xii. 30, and iii. 17 ; and Irenseus cites
both the opening and closing words (iii., x. 6).
An important testimony in any case, but doubly
so from the doubt that v as been cast on the
closing verses (xvi. 9-19). Vith the excep-
tion of these few verses, the genuineness of the
Gospel is placed above the reach of reasonable
doubt.
VIII. Style and Diction. — The purpose of
the evangelist seems to be to place before us
a vivid picture of the earthly acts of Jesus.
The style is peculiarly suitable to this. He
uses the present tense instead of the narrative
aorist, almost in every chapter. Precise and
minute details as to persons, places, and num-
bers, abound in the narrative. All these tend
to give force and vividness to the picture of the
human life of our Lord. On the other side,
the facts are not very exactly arranged. Its
conciseness sometimes makes this Gospel more
obscure than the others (i. 13, ix. 5, 6, iv. 10-
34). Many peculiarities of diction may be no-
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MAROTH
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MARRIAGE
ticod; amongst them the following: — 1. He-
brew ( Aramaic) words are used, but explained
for Gentile readers (iii. 17, 22, v. 41, vii. 11,
34, ix. 43, x. 46, xir. 36, xt. 22, 34). 2. Latin
words are very frequent. 3. Unusual words or
phrases are found here. 4. Diminutives are
frequent. S. The substantive is often repeated
instead of the pronoun ; as (to cite from cb. ii.
only) ii. 16, 18, 20, 22, 27, 28. 6. Negatives are
accumulated for the sake of emphasis (i. 44,
vii. 12, ix. 8, xii. 34, xv. 5). 7. Words are
often added to adverbs for the sake of emphasis
(ii. 20, v. 5, vi. 25, also vii. 21, viii. 4, x. 20, xiii.
29, xiv. 30, 43). 8. The same idea is often re-
peated under another expression, at i. 42, ii. 25,
viii. 15, xiv. 68, Ac. 9. And sometimes the
repetition is effected by means of the opposite,
as in i. 22, 44, and many other places. 10.
Sometimes emphasis is given by simple reitera-
tion, as in ii. 15, 19. II. The elliptic use of
Iva, like that of oiruf in classical writers, is
found, v. 23. 12. The word emptrrpv is used
twenty-five times in this Gospel. 13. Instead
of ov/iffovhov Xa/iQitvetv of Matt, Mark has
mitfkMmv imuiv, iii. 6, xv. 1. 14. There are
many words peculiar to Mark. The diction of
Mark presents the difficulty that whilst it
abounds in Latin words, and in expressions
that recall Latin equivalents, it is still much
more akin to the Hebraistic diction of Matthew
than to the purer style of Luke.
IX. Quotations from the Old Tatamtnt. —The
following list of references to the Old Testa-
ment is nearly or quite complete: —
Murk I. 2 Mai. ill.
„ 1 Ii. xl. 1
„ 44 Lev. xlr. 2.
II. 25 1 Sam. xxi. S.
Iv. 12 Is. vl. 10.
vu. t la, xxix. IS.
„ 10 Ex. xx. It, xxL IT.
Ix. 44 Ii. IxtI. 24.
x. 4 DeuL xxlr. 1.
„ 7 Oen. U. 24.
„ I* Ex. xx. 12-17.
xl. 17 Ii. lvl. 7; Jer. vii. 1L
xll. 10 Pi. cxvlll. 22.
„ 19 Deut. xxt. 5.
„ 2* Ex. III. 6.
„ 29 Dcut vl. 4.
„ 11 Lev. ill. IS.
„ IS Pa. ex. I.
Xlll. 14 Dun. Ix. 27.
„ 24 Ii. xlll. 10.
xiv. 27 Zcch. xlll. 7.
„ 02 Dan. vii. 11.
xv. 28(7)11.1111.12.
„ 24 I'a. xxll. I.
X. Content* of the Gospel. — Though this
Gospel has little historical matter which is not
shared with some other, it would be a great
error to suppose that tbe voice of Mark could
have been silenced without injury to the divine
harmony. It is the history of the war of Jesus
against sin and evil in the world during the
time that He dwelt as a Man among men. Its
motto might well be, as Lange observes, those
words of Peter : " How God anointed Jesus of
Nazareth with the Holy Ghost and with power ;
who went about doing good, and healing all
that were oppressed of the devil ; for God was
with Him" (Acts x. 38).
Mar/moth = Meremoth the priest (1
Esd. viii. 62 ; comp. Ezr. viii. 33). Ap.
Ma'roth, one of the towns of the western
lowland of .finish whose names are alluded to
•r played upon by the prophet Micab (i. 12).
Marriage. The topics which this subject
E resents to our consideration in connection wits
iblical literature may be most conventendv
arranged under the following five heads : — L
Its origin and history. IL The conditions
under which it could be legally effected. HX
The modes by which it was effected. IV. The
social and domestic relations of married life.
V. The typical and allegorical references to
marriage.
I. The institution of marriage is founded on
the requirements of man's nature, and date*
from the time of bis original creation. It may
be said to have been ordained by God, in as far
as man's nature was ordained by Him ; but its
formal appointment was the work of man,
and it has ever been in its essence a natural and
civil institution, though admitting of the infu-
sion of a religious element into it. No sooner
was the formation of woman effected, than
Adam recognized in that act the will of to*
Creator as to man's social condition. " There-
fore shall a man leave his father and his mother,
and shall cleave unto bis wife ; and they shall
he one flesh" (ii. 24). From these words,
coupled with the circumstances attendant on the
formation of the first woman, we may evolve
the following principles : — ( 1 ) the unity of
man and wife, as implied in her being formed
out of man, and as expressed in the words " one
flesh ; " (2) the indissolublenessof the marriage-
bond, except on the strongest grounds (comp.
Matt. xix. 9) ; (3) monogamy, as the original
law of marriage ; (4 ) the social equality of man
and wife; (5) the subordination of tbe wife to
the husband (I Cor. xi. 8, 9; 1 Tim. ii. 13);
and (6) the respective duties of man and wife.
The introduction of sin into the world modified
to a certain extent the mutual relations of man
and wife. As tbe blame of seduction to sin lay
on the latter, the condition of subordination was
turned into subjection, and it was said to her
of her husband, " he shall Tile over thee " (Gen.
iii. 16). In the post-diluvial age, the usages of
marriage were marked with the simplicity that
characterizes a patriarchal state of society. The
rule of monogamy was re-established bv the
example of Noah and his sons (Gen. vii. 13).
Tbe early patriarchs selected their wives from
their own family (Gen. xi. 29, xxix. 4, xxviii.
2), and the necessity for doing this on religious
grounds superseded the prohibitions that after-
wards held good against such marriages on
the score of kindred (Gen. xx. 12 ; Ex. vi. 20 ;
comp. Lev. xviii. 9, 12). Polygamy prevailed
(Gen. xvi. 4, xxv. 1, 6, xxviii. 9, xxix. 23, 28;
1 Chr. vii. 14), but to a fjreat extent divested
of the degradation which in modern times at-
taches to that practice. In judging of it wo
must take into regard tbe following considera-
tions : — ( 1 ) that the principle of monogamy was
retained, even in the practice of polvgamy, by
the distinction made between tbe chief or ori-
ginal wife and the secondary wives. (2) that
the motive which led to polygamy was that
absorbing desire of progeny which is prevalent
throughout Eastern countries, and was especial-
ly powerful among the Hebrews ; and (3) that
tbe power of a parent over his child, and of a
master over his slave, was paramount even ia
matters of marriage, and led in many cans to
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phases of polygamy that are otherwise quite
unintelligible, as, for instance, to the cases
where it was adopted by the husband at the re-
quest of hie wife, under the idea that children
born to a slave were in the eye of the law the
children of the mistress (Gen. xri. 3, xxx. 4,
9) ; or, again, to cases where it was adopted at
the instance of the father (Gen. xxix. 23, 38 ;
Ex. xxi. 9, 10).
Divorce also prevailed in the patriarchal age,
though but one instance of it is recorded (Gen.
xxi. 14). Of this, again, we must not judge
by onr own standard. The Mosaic law aimed
at mitigating rather than removing evils which
were inseparable from the state of society in
that day. Its enactments were directed (1) to
the discouragement of polygamy; (2) to ob-
viate the injustice frequently consequent upon
the exercise of the rights of a father or a master ;
(3) to bring divorce under some restriction ;
and (4) to enforce purity of life during the
maintenance of the matrimonial bond. The
practical results of these regulations may have
been very salutary, but on this point we have
but small opportunities of judging. The usages
themselves, to which we hare referred, remained
in full force to a late period. In the post-
Babylonian period, monogamy appears to nave
become more prevalent than at any previous
thne : indeed we have no instance of polygamy
during this period on record in the Bible, all
the marriages noticed being with single wives
(Tob. i. 9, ii. 11 ; Susan, ver. 29, 63; Matt.
xviii. 25 ; Luke i. 5 ; Acts v. 1 ). During the
same period, the theory of monogamy is set
forth in Ecclns. xxvi. 1-27. The practice of
polygamy nevertheless still existed : Herod the
Great had no less than nine wives at one time.
The abase of divorce continued unabated. Our
Lord and His Apostles re-established the integ-
rity and sanctity of the marriage-bond by the
following measures : — ( 1 ) by the confirmation
of ue original charter of marriage as the basis
on which all regulations were to be framed
(Matt. xix. 4, 5) ; (2) by the restriction of divorce
to the case of fornication, and the prohibition
of re-marriage in all persons divorced on im-
proper grounds ' (Matt v. 32, xix. 9; Rom.vii.
3; 1 Cor. vii. 10, 11); and (3) by the enforce-
ment of moral purity generally (Heb. xiii. 4,
4c), and especially by the formal condemna-
tion of fornication, which appears to have been
classed among acts morally indifferent by a
certain party in the Church (Acts xv. 20).
Shortly before the Christian era, an important
change took place in the views entertained on
the question of marriage as affecting the spir-
itual and intellectual parts of man's nature.
Throughout the Old Testament period, marriage
was regarded as the indispensable duty of every
man, nor was it surmised that there existed in
it any drawback to the attainment of the high-
est degree of holiness. In the interval that
elapsed between the Old and New Testament
periods, a spirit of asceticism had been evolved.
The Eesenes were the first to propound any
1 Re-marriage is prohibited by onr Lord In all
esses of divorce " saving for cause of fornication
« adultery." This crime, equally with death, dis-
solved the marriage-tie, and rendered a new con-
nection possible,— Ed.
06
doubts as to the propriety of marriage : some
of them avoided it altogether, others availed
themselves of it nnder restrictions. Similar
views were adopted by the Therapeutas, and at
a later period by the Gnostics ; thence they
passed into the Christian Church, forming one
of the distinctive tenets of the Encratites, and
finally developing in to the system of monachUm.
II. The conditions of legal marriage are de-
cided by the prohibitions which the law of any
country imposes upon its citizens. In the He-
brew commonwealth these prohibitions were of
two kinds, according as they regulated mar-
riage (i.) between an Israelite and a non-Israel-
ite, and (ii.) between an Israelite and one of his
own community, i. The prohibitions relating
to foreigners were based on that instinctive feel-
ing of exclusiveness which forms one of the
bonds of every social body, and which prevails
with peculiar strength in a rude state of so-
ciety. The only distinct prohibition in the
Mosaic law refers to the Canaanites, with whom
the Israelites were not to marry, on the ground
that it would lead them into idolatry (Ex.
xxxiv. 16 ; Deut. vii. 3, 4). But beyond this,
the legal disabilities to which the Ammonites
and Moabites were subjected (Deut. xxiii. 3),
acted as s virtual bar to intermarriage with
them, totally preventing the marriage of Israel-
itish women with Moabites, but permitting that
of Israelites with Moabite women, such as that
of Mahlon with Ruth. The prohibition against
marriages with the Edomites or Egyptians was
less stringent, as a male of those nations re-
ceived the right of marriage on his admission
to the full citizenship in the third generation of
proselvtism (Deut. xxiii. 7, 8). There were
thus three grades of prohibition, — total in re-
gard to the Canaanites ou either side, total on
the side of the males in regard of the Ammon-
ites and Moabites, and temporary on the side
of the males in regard of the Edomites and
Egyptians ; marriages with females in the two
latter instances being regarded as legal. Mar-
riages between Israelite women and proselyted
foreigners were at all times of rare occurrence.
In the reverse case, viz. the marriage of Israel-
ites with foreign women, it is, of course, highly
probable that the wives became proselytes after
their marriage, as instanced in the case of Ruth
(i. 16) ; but this was by no means invariably
the case. Prosely »ism does not therefore appear
to have been a tin* qua mm in the case of a wife,
though it was so in the case of a husband. In
the N. T., no special directions are given on this
head ; but the general precepts of separation
between believers and unbelievers (2 Cor. vi.
14, 17) would apply with special force to the
case of marriage. The progeny of illegal mar-
riafrcs between Israelites and non-Israelites was
described under a peculiar term, maimer (A. V.
" bastard ; " Deut. xxiii. 2). — ii. The regula-
tions relative to marriage between Israelites
and Israelites may be divided into two classes :
(1) general and (2) special. 1. The general
regulations are based on considerations of rela-
tionship. The most importan t passage relating
to these is contained in Lev. xviii. 6-1 8, wherein
we have in the first place a general prohibition
against marriages between a man ana the " flesh
of his flesh," and in the second place special
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prohibitions against marriage with a mother,
step-mother, sister, or half-sister, whether " born
at home or abroad," grand-daughter, aunt,
whether by consanguinity on either side, or by
marriage on the father's side, daujrhter-in-law,
brother's wife, step-daughter, wife's mother,
step-grand-daughtcr, or wife's sister during the
lifetime of the wife. An exception is subse-
quently made (I)cut. xxv. 5) in favor of mar-
riage with a brother's wife in the event of his
having died childless : to this we shall have
occasion to refer at length. Different degrees
of guiltiness attached to the infringement of
these prohibitions. The grounds on which
these prohibitions were enacted are reducible
to the following three heads : ( I ) moral pro-
priety, (2) the practices of heathen nations,
and (3) social convenience. The first of these
grounds comes prominently forward in the ex-
pressions by which the various offences arc
characterized, as well as in the genera] prohibi-
tion against approaching " the flesh of his
flesh." The second motive to laying down
these prohibitions was that the Hebrews might
bo preserved as a peculiar people, with institu-
tions distinct from those of the Egyptians and
Canaanites (Lev. xviii. 3), as well as of other
heathen nations with whom they might come
in contact. The third ground of the prohi-
bitions, social convenience, comes forward solely
in the case of marriage with two sisters simul-
taneously, the effect of which would be to
" vex " or irritate the first wife, and produce
domestic jars.
A remarkable exception to these prohibitions
existed in favor of marriage with a deceased
brother's wife, in the event of his having died
childless. The law which regulates this has
been named the "Levirate," from the Latin
levir, " brother-in-law." Tho first instance of
this custom occurs in the patriarchal period,
where Onan is called upon to marry his brother
Er'g widow (Gen xxxviii. 8). It was confirmed
by the Mosaic law (Dcut. xxv. 5-9). The
Levirate marriage was not peculiar to the
Jews ; it has been found to exist in many
Eastern countries, particularly in Arabia, and
among the tribes of the Caucasus. The Levi-
rate law offered numerous opportunities for the
exercise of that spirit of casuistry, for which
the Jewish teachers are so conspicuous. One
such case is brought forward bv the Sadducees
for the sake of entangling our Lord, and turns
upon the complications which would arise in
the world to come (the existence of which the
Sadducees sought to invalidate) from the cir-
cumstances of the same woman having been mar-
ried to several brothers (Matt. xxii. 23-30). The
rabbinical solution of this difficulty was, that
the wife would revert to the first husband :
our Lord, on the other hand, subverts the hy-
pothesis on which the difficulty was based, viz.
that the material conditions of the present life
were to be carried on in the world to come ; and
thus He asserts the true character of marriage
as a temporary and merely human institution.
Numerous difficulties are sugcestcd, an>l minute
regulations laid down by the Talmudical writers,
the chief authority on the subject be'ng the
book of the Mishna, entitled Yelnmnth. From
tbe prohibitions expressed in the Bible, others
have been deduced by a process of inferential
reasoning. Thus the Taimudists added to the
Levitical relationships several remoter ones,
which they termed tecondarg, such as grand-
mother and great-grandmother, great-grand-
child, Sua. : the only points in which they at all
touched the Levitical degrees were, that they
added (1 ) the wife of the father's uterine brother
under the idea that in the text the brother de-
scribed was only by the same father, and (2)
tbe mother's brother's wife, for which they had
no anthority.
2. Among the special prohibitions, we have
to notice the following. (I) The high-priest
was forbidden to marry any except a virgin
selected from his own people, r\e. an Israelite
(Lev. xxi. 13, 14). (2) The priests were less
restricted in their choice : they were only pro-
hibited from marrying prostitutes and divorced
women (Lev. xxi. 7). (3) Heiresses were pro-
hibited from marrying out of their own tribe
(Num. xxxvi. 5-9; comp. Tob. vii. 10). (4)
Persons defective in physical powers were not
to intermarry with Israelites by virtue of tbe
regulations in Dcut. xxiii. 1. (5) In tbe Chris-
tian Church, bishops and deacons were pro-
hibited from having more than one wife ( I Tim.
iii. 2, 12), a prohibition of an ambiguous na-
ture, inasmuch as it may refer (1 ) to polygamy
in the ordinary sense of the term, as explained
by Theodoret, and most of the Fathers ; (2) to
marriage after the decease of the first wife ; or
(3) to marriage after divorce during the life-
time of the first wife. The probable sense is
second marriage of any kind whatever, includ-
ing all the three cases alluded to, but with •
special reference to the two last, which were
allowable in the case of the laity, while the
first was equally forbidden to all. ' (6) A simi-
lar prohibition applied to those who were can-
didates for admission into the ecclesiastical
order of widows, whatever that order may hare
been (1 Tim. v. 9): in this case, the 'words
" wife of one man " can 1* applied but to two
cases, (1) to re-marriage after the decease of
the husband, or (2) after divorce. That divorce
was obtained sometimes at tbe instance of the
wife is implied in Mark x. 12, and 1 Cor. vii.
1 1 , and is alluded to by several classical writers.
But St. Paul probably refers to the grncral
question of re-marriage. (7) With regard to
the general question of the re-marriage of di-
vorced persons, there is some difficulty i.i ascer-
taining the sense of Scripture. According to
the Mosaic law, a wife divorced at the instance
of the husband might marry whom she liked ;
but if her second husband died or divorced her,
she could not revert to her first husband, on
the ground that, as for as he was concerned,
she was "defiled " (Deut xxiv. 2-4) : we may
infer from the statement of the ground that
there was no objection to the re-marriage of
the original parties, if the divorced wife had
remained unmarried in the interval. In th*
N. T., there are no direct precepts on the sub-
ject of tho re-marriage of divorced persons. 1
All the remarks bearing upon the point had •
nrimarv rrfcrence to an entirelv different sub-
ject, viz. the abuse of divorce. 'With regard to
\ See note on p. Sal.
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age, no restriction is pronounced in the Bible.
Early marriage is spoken of with approval in
several passages (Prov. ii. 17, v. 18 ; Is. lxii. 5) ;
anil in reducing this general statement to the
more definite one of years, we must take into
account the very early age at which persons
arrive at puberty in Oriental countries. In
modern Egypt, marriage takes place in general
before the bnde his attained the age of sixteen,
frequently when she is twelve or thirteen, and
occasionally when she is only ten. The Tal-
mudists forbade marriage in the case of a man
under thirteen years and a day, and in the case
of a woman under twelve years and a day.
The usual age appears to have been higher,
about eighteen years. Certain days were fixed
for th-e ceremonies of betrothal ana marriage —
th> fourth day for virgins, and the fifth for
widows. The more modern Jews similarly
appoint different days for virgins and widows,
Wednesday and Friday for the former, Thurs-
day for the latter (Picart, i. 240).
ILL The customs of the Hebrews and of
Oriental nations generally, in regard to the pre-
liminaries of marriage, as well as the cere-
monies attending the rite itself, differ in many
respects from those with which we are familiar.
In the first place, the choice of the bride de-
volved not on the bridegroom himself, but on
hi) relations, or on a friend deputed by the
bridegroom for this purpose. It does not fol-
low that the bridegroom s wishes were not con-
sulted in this arrangement. As a general rule,
the proposal originated with the family of the
bridegroom. The imaginary case of women
soliciting husbands (Is. iv. 1) was designed to
convey to the mind a picture of the ravages of
war. The consent of the maiden was some-
times asked ( *Jeu. xxiv. 53) ; but this appears
to bare been subordinate to the previous con-
sent of the father and the adult brothers (Gen.
xxir. 51, xxxiv. II). Occasionally the whole
boiinsss of selecting the wife was left in the
hands of a friend. The selection of the bride
was followed by the espousal, which was not
altogether like our "engagement," but was a
fonnU proceeding, undrnaken by a friend or
legal representative on the part of the bride-
groom, and by the parents on the part of the
bride; it was confirmed by oaths, and ac-
companied with presents to the bride. These
presents were described by different terms; that
to the bride by mohar (A. V. "dowry"), and
that to the relations by motion. Thus Shcchem
offers " never so much dowry and gift " ( Gen.
xxxiv. 12), the former for the bride, the lat-
ter for the relations. It has been supposed
indeed that the mohar was a price paid down to
the father for the sale of hie daughter. Such a
castom undoubtedly prevails in certain parts of
the East at the present day; but it docs not
appear to have been the caso with free women in
patriarchal times. It would undoubtedly be
expected that the mohar should be proportioned
to the position of the bride, and that a poor
nun could not on that account afford to marry
a rich wife (1 Sam. xviii. 23). A "settle-
ment," in the modern sense of the term, i.e. a
written document securing property to the wife,
did not come into use until the post-Babylonian
period : the only instance we have of one is in
Tob. vii. 14, where it is described as an " in-
strument." The Talmudists styled it a ketubah,
and have laid down minute directions as to the
disposal of the sum secured, in a treatise of
the Mishna expressly on that subject. The act
of betrothal was celebrated by a feast, and
among the more modern Jews it is the custom
in some parts for the bridegroom to place a
ring on the bride's finger. Some writers have
endeavored to prove that the rings noticed in
the O. T. (Ex. xxxv. 22; Is. iii. 21) were
nuptial rings ; but there is not the slightest
evidence of this. The ring was nevertheless re-
garded among the Hebrews as a token of fidelity
(Gen. xli. 42), and of adoption into a family
(Luke xv. 22). Between the betrothal and the
marriage an interval elapsed, varying from a few
days, in the patriarchal age (Gen. xxiv. 55), to
a full year for virgins and a month for widows
in later times. During this period, the bride-
elect lived with her friends, and all communica-
tion between herself and her future husband
was carried on through the medium of a friend
deputed for the purpose, termed the " friend of
the bridegroom (John iii. 29). She was now
virtually regarded as the wife of her future
husband. Hence faithlessness on her part was
Eonishable with death (Dent xxii. 23, 24), the
usband having, however, the option of " put-
ting her away (Matt. L 19; Deut xxiv. 1).
We now come to the wedding itself ; and in
this the most observable point is, that there
were no definite religious ceremonies connected
with it. It is probable, indeed, that some for-
mal ratification of the espousal with an oath
took place, as implied in some allusions to
marriage (Ez. xvi. 8 ; Mai. ii. 14), particularly
in the expression, " the covenant of her God
(Prov. ii. 17), as applied to the marriage-bond ;
and that a blessing was pronounced ( Gen. xxiv.
60; Rnth iv. 11, 12), sometimes by the parents
(Tob. vii. 11). But the essence of the mar-
riage ceremony consisted in the removal of the
bride from her father's house to that of the
bridegroom or his father. The bridegroom
prepared himself for the occasion by putting on
a festive dress, and especially by placing on his
head the handsome turban described by the
terra peeV (Is. Ixi. 10; A. V. "ornaments"),
and a nuptial crown or gar/and (Cant. iii. 11) :
he was redolent of myrrh and frankincense and
"all powders of the merchant" (Cant. iii. 6).
The bride prepared herself for the ceremony
by taking a bath, generally on the day pre-
ceding the wedding. The notices of h in the
Bible are so few as to have escaped general
observation (Ruth iii. 3 ; Ez. xxiii. 40 ; Eph. v.
26, 27). The distinctive feature of the bride's
attire was the Ita'iph, or " veil " — a light robe
of ample dimensions, which covered not only
the face but the whole person ( Gen. xxiv. 65 ;
corap. xxxviii. 14, 15). This was regarded as
the symbol of her submission to her husband
(1 Cor. xi. 10). She also wore a peculiar
girdle, named leuhihwrim, the " attire " (A. V.),
which no bride could forget (Jer. ii. 32) ; and
her head was crowned with a chaplet, which
was again so distinctive of the bride, that the
Hebrew term callah, " bride," originated from
it. If the bride were a virgin, she wore her
hair flowing. Her robes were white (Rev. xix.
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«), and sometime* embroidered with cold-thread
(Pi. xlv. 13, 14), and covered with perfumes
(Ps. xlv. 8) : she was further decked out with
jewels (Is. xlix. 18, lxi. 10 ; Rev. xxi. 2). When
the fixed hour arrived, which was generally late
in the evening, the bridegroom set forth from
his house, attended by his groomsmen (A. V.
" companions," Judg. xiv. 11 ; " children of the
bride-chamber ; " Matt. ix. 15), preceded by a
band of musicians or singers (Gen. xxxi. 27 ;
Jer. vii. 34, xvi. 9 ; 1 Mace. ix. 39), and ac-
companied by persons bearing flambeaux (2
Esd. x. 2 ; Matt. xxv. 7 ; compare Jer. xxv.
10; Rev. xviii. 23, "the light of a candle").
Having reached the house of the bride, who
with her maidens anxiously expected his arrival
(Matt. xxv. 6), he conducted the whole party
back to his own or his father's house, with
every demonstration of gladness (Ps. xlv. 15).
On their way back they were joined by a party
of maidens, mends of the bride and bridegroom,
who were in waiting to catch the procession as
it passed (Matt. xxv. 6). The inhabitants of
the place pressed out into the streets to watch
the procession (Cant. iii. II). At the house, a
feast was prepared, to which all the friends and
neighbors were invited (Gen. xxix. 22; Matt,
xxii. 1-10 ; Luke xiv. 8 ; John ii. 2), and the
festivities were protracted for seven, or even
fourteen days (Judg. xiv. 12; Tob. viii. 19).
The guests were provided by the host with fit-
ting robes (Matt. xxii. 11), and the feast was
enlivened with riddles (Jndg. xiv. 12) and other
amusements. The bridegroom now entered into
direct communication with the bride, and the
joy of the friend was " fulfilled " at hearing the
voice of the bridegroom (John iii. 29) conversing
with her, which lie regarded as a satisfactory
testimony of the success of his share in the
work. The last act in the ceremonial was the
-conducting of the bride to the bridal chamber,
cheder (Judg. xv. 1 ; Joel ii. 16), where a can-
opy, named chuppah, was prepared (Ps. xix. 5 ;
Joel ii. 16). The bride was still completely
veiled, so that the deception practised on Jacob
(Gen. xxix. 23) was very possible. A newly
married man was exempt from military service,
or from any public business which might draw
him away from his home, for the space of a
year (Deut. xxiv. 5): a similar privilege was
granted to him who was betrothed (Dcut.
xx. 7).
IV. In considering the social and domestic
conditions of married life among the Hebrews,
wo must in the first place take into account the
position assigned to women generally in their
social scale. There is abundant evidence that
women, whether married or unmarried, went
about with their faces unveiled (Gen. xii. 14,
xxiv. 16, 65, xxix. 11; 1 Sam. i. 13). Women
not unfrcqucntly held important offices. They
took their part in matters of public interest
(Kx. xv. 20; 1 Sam. xviii. 6, 7): in short,
they enjoyed as much freedom in ordinary life
as the women of our own country. If such
was her general position, it is certain that the
wife must have exercised an important influ-
ence in her own home. She appears to have
taken her part in family affairs, and even to
have enjoyed a considerable amount of inde-
.pendence (2 K. iv. 8; Judg. iv. 18; 1 Sam.
xxv. 14, Ac.). The relations of husband mat
wife appear to have been characterized by affec-
tion and tenderness. At the samo time, we
cannot but think that the exceptions to this
state of affairs were more numerous than is
consistent with our ideas of matrimonial hap-
piness. One of the evils inseparable from po-
lygamy is the discomfort arising from the jeal-
ousies and quarrels of the several wives (Gen.
xxi. 11 ; 1 Sam. i. 6). The purchase of wives,
and the small amount of liberty allowed to
daughters in the choice of husbands, most in-
evitably have led to unhappy unions. In the
N. T., the mutual relations of husband and
wife are a subject of frequent exhortation
(Eph. v. 22, 33 ; Col. iii. 18, 19 ; Tit. ii. 4, 5 ;
1 Pet iii. 1-7). The duties of the wife in the
Hebrew household were multifarious : in addi-
tion to the general superintendence of the do-
mestic arrangements, such as cooking, from
which even women of rank were not ex
empted (Gen. xviii. 6; 2 Sam. xiii. 8), and ths
distribution of food at meal-rimes (Prov. xxxi.
15), the manufacture of the clothing and the
various textures required in an Eastern estab-
lishment devolved upon her (Prov. xxxi. 13,
21, 22), and if she were a model of activity
and skill, she produced a surplus of fine linen
shirts and girdles, which she sold, and so, like a
well-freighted merchant-ship, brought in wealth
to her husband from afar (Prov. xxxi. 1 4, 24).
The legal rights of the wife are noticed in Ex.
xxi. 10, under the three heads of food, raiment,
and duty of marriage or conjugal right.
V. The allegorical and typical allusions to
marriage have exclusive reference to one sub-
ject, viz. to exhibit the spiritual relationship
between God and his people. The earliest
form in which the image is implied is in the
expressions " to go a-whoring," and " whore-
dom," as descriptive of the rnprurc of that re-
lationship by acts of idolatry. These expres-
sions have by some writers been taken in their
primary and literal sense, as pointing to the
licentious practices of idolaters. But this de-
stroys the whole point of the comparison, and
is opposed to (tic plain language of Scrip-
ture. The direct comparison with marriage is
confined in the O. T. to the prophetic writings,
unless we regard the Cani.cles as an allegorical
work. In the N. T., the image of the bride-
groom is transferred from Jehovah to Christ
(Matt. ix. 15; John iii. 29), and that of the
bride to the Church (2 Cor. xi. 2 ; Rev. xix. 7,
xxi. 2, 9, xxii. 17) ; and the comparison thus
established is converted by St. Paul into an
illustration of the position and mutual duties
of man nnd wife (Eph. v. 23-32). The breach
of the union is, as before, described as fornica-
tion or whoredom in reference to the mystical
Babylon (Rev. xvii. 1, 2, 5).
Mars' Hill. [Abeopaoc«.]
Mar'sona, one of the seven princes of
Persia, "wise men which knew the times,"
which saw the king's face, and sat first in the
kingdom (Esth. i. 14).
Martha. This name, which docs not ap-
pear in the O. T., belongs to the later Aramaic
Of the Martha of the N. T., there is compara-
tively little to be said. The facts recorded in
Luke x. and John xi. indicate a character de
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MARY OF CLEOPHAS
025
MART MAGDALENE
Tout after the customary Jewish type of devo-
tion, sharing in Messianic hoped and accepting
Jesus as the Christ ; sharing also in the popular
belief in a resurrection (John xi. 24), but not
rising, as her sister did, to the belief that
Christ was making the eternal life to belong,
not to the future only, but to the present.
When she first conies before as in Luke x. 38,
as receiving her Lord into her house, she loses
the calmness of her spirit, is " cumbered with
much serving," is " careful and troubled about
many things." She needs the reproof, "one
thing is needful ; " but her love, though imper-
fect in its form, is vet recognized as true, and
she too, no less than Lazarus and Mary, has
the distinction of being one whom Jesus loved
(John xi. 3). Her position here, it may be
noticed, is obviously that of the elder sister,
the head and manager of the household. It
has been conjectured that she was the wife or
widow of " Simon the leper " of Matt. xxvi. 6
and Mark xiv. 3. The same character shows
>tserf in the history of John xi. The same
spirit of complaint that she had shown before
finds utterance again ( ver. 21 ) ; but there is now,
what there was not before, a fuller faith at once
in His wisdom and His power (ver. 22). And
there is in that sorrow an education for her
as well as for others. She rises from the for-
mula of the Pharisee's creed to the confession
which no " flesh and blood," no human tradi-
tions, could have revealed to her (ver. 24-27).
Her name appears once again in the N. T. She
is present at the supper at Bethany as " serv-
ing " (John xii. 2). The old character shows
itself still, but it has been freed from evil. She
is no longer " cambered," no longer impatient.
Activity has been calmed by trust. When
other voices are raised against her sister's
overflowing love, hers is not heard among
them.
Mary of Cleophas. So in A. v., bat
accurately of "Clopas." In St. John's Gos-
Sel, we read that " there stood by the cross of
esus His mother, and His mothers sister, Mary
of Clones, and Mary Magdalene " (John xix.
25). The same group of women is described
by St. Matthew as consisting of " Mary Mag-
dalene, and Mary of James and Joses, and the
mother of Zebedee's children " (Matt xxvii.
56); and by St. Mark, as "Mary Magdalene,
and Mary of James the Little and of Joses,
and Salome" (Mark. xv. 40). From a com-
parison of these passages, it appears that Mary
of Clopas, and Mary of James the Little and
of Joses, are the same person, and that she was
the sister of St. Mary the Virgin. There is
an apparent difficulty in the fact of two sisters
seeming to bear the name of Mary. But the
fact of two sisters having the same name, though
unusual, is not singular. Miriam, the sister
of Moses, may have been the holy woman after
whom Jewish mothers called their daughters,
just as Spanish mothers not unfrequently give
the name of Mary to their children, male and
female alike, in honor of St. Mary the Virgin.
This is on the hypothesis that the two names
are identical ; bat on a close examination of the
Greek text, we find that it is possible that
this was not the case. St Mary the Virgin is
UafHofi ; her sister is iiapia. Mary of Clopas j
was probably the elder sister of the Lord's
mother. It would seem that she had married
Clopas or Alphasus while her sister was still a
girl. She hail tour sons, and at least three
daughters. The names of the daughters are
unknown to us : those of the sons are James,
Joses, Jude, Simon, two of whom became
enrolled among the twelve apostles [James],
and a third (Simon) may ht»ve succeeded his
brother in the charge of the ( church of Jerusa-
lem. Of Joses and the daughters we know
nothing. Mary herself is brought before us
for the first time on the day of the Crucifixion
— in the parallel passages already quoted from
St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. John. In the
evening of the same day, we find her sitting
desolately at the tomb with Mary Magdalene
(Matt xxvii. 61 ; Mark xv. 47), and at the
dawn of Easter morning she was again there
with sweet spices, which she had prepared on
the Friday night (Matt, xxviii. 1 ; Mark xvi. 1 ;
Luke xxiii. 56), and was one of those who had
" a vision of angels, which said that He was
alive" (Luke xxiv. 23). These are all the
glimpses that we have of her. Clopas or Al-
plueus is not mentioned at all, except as desig-
nating Mary and James. It is probable that he
was dead before the ministry of our Lord com-
menced. Joseph, the husband of St Mary the
Virgin, was likewise dead ; and the two wid-
owed sisters, as was natural both for comfort
and for protection, were in the custom of liv-
ing togothcr in one house.
Mary Magdalene. Four different ex-
planations have been given of this name. ( 1 )
That which at first suggests itself as the most
natural, that she came from the town of Ma;~
dala. The statement that the women with
whom she journeyed followed Jesus in Gali-
lee (Mark xv. 41 ) agrees with this notion. (2)
Another explanation has been found in the fact
that the Talmudic writers in their calumnies
against the Nazarencs make mention df a Mir-
iam Megoddcla, and explain it as meaning
" the twiner or ploitcr of hair." (3) Either seri-
ously, or with tne patristic fondness for parono-
masia, Jerome sees in her name, and in that of
her town, the old Migdol ( = a watch-tower),
and dwells on the coincidence accordingly.
The name denotes the steadfastness of Tier
faith. (4) Origen sees in her name a prophecy
of her spiritual greatness as having ministered
to the Lord, and been the first witness of His
resurrection. — I. She comes before us for the
first time in Luke viii. 2, among the women
who " ministered unto Him of their substance."
All appear to have occupied a position of com-
parative wealth. With all, the chief motive
was that of gratitude for their deliverance
from "evil spirits and infirmities." Of Mary
it is said specially that " seven devils went out
of her ; " and the number indicates, as in Matt
xii. 45, and the " Legion " of the Gadarene
demoniac (Mark v. 9), a possession of more than
ordinary malignity. We must think of her,
accordingly, as having had, in their most
aggravated forms, some of the phenomena of
mental and spiritual disease which we meet
with in other demoniacs, the wretchedness of
despair, the divided consciousness, the preter-
natural frenzy, the long-continued fits of si-
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MARY MAGDALENE
526 MARY, MOTHER OF MARK
lence. From that state of misery, she had
been set free by the presence of the Healer;
and in the absence, as we may infer, of other
ties and duties, she found her safety and her
blessedness in following Him.
It will explain much that follows if we re-
member that this life of ministration must
have brought Mary Magdalene into compan-
ionship of the closest nature with Salome the
mother of James and John (Mark xv. 40), and
even also with Mary the mother of the Lord
(John xix. 25). The women who thus devoted
themselves are not prominent in the history :
we have no record of their mode of life, or
abode, or hopes or fears during the few mo-
mentous days that preceded the crucifixion.
They "stood afar off, beholding these things"
(Luke xxiii. 49), during the closing hours of the
Agony on the Cross. The same close associa-
tion which drew them together there is seen
afterwards. She remains by the cross till all
is over, waits till the body is taken down,
and wrapped in the linen-cloth and placed in
the garden-sepulchre of Joseph of Arimathea
(Matt, xxvii. 61 ; Mark xv. 47 ; Luke xxiii.
55). The sabbath that followed brought an
enforced rest ; but no sooner is the sunset over
than she, with Salome and Mary the mother of
James, "bought sweet spices that they might
come and anoint" the body (Mark xvi. 1).
The next morning accordingly, in the earliest
dawn (Matt, xxviii. 1 ; Mark xvi. 2), they come
with Mary the mother of James to the sepul-
chre. Mary Magdalene had been to the tomb,
and had found it empty, had seen the " vision
of angels" (Matt xxviii. 5; Mark xvi. 5).
She went with her cry of sorrow to Peter and
John (John xx. 1, 2). But she returns there.
She follows Peter and John, and remains when
they go back. The one thought that fills her
mind is still that the body is not there (John
xx. 13). This intense brooding over one fixed
thought was, we may venture to say, to one
who had suffered as she had suffered, full of
special danger, and called for a special disci-
Siline. The utter stupor of grief is shown in
ler want of power to recognize at first either
the voice or the form of the Lord to whom she
had ministered (John xx. 14, 15). At last her
own name uttered by that voice as she had heard
it uttered, it may be, in the hour of her deep-
est misery, recalls her to consciousness ; and
then follows the cry of recognition, with the
strongest word of reverence which a woman of
Israel could use, " Robboni," and the rush for-
ward to cling to His feet. That, however, is
not the discipline she needs. Her love had
been too dependent on the visible presence of
her Master. She had the same lesson to learn
as the other disciples. Though they had
" known Christ after the flesh, they were
" henceforth to know Him so no more. She
was to hear that trnth in its highest and
sharpest form. " Touch me not, for I am not
yet ascended to my Father."
II. What follows will show how great a con-
trast there is between the spirit in which the
evangelist wrote and that which shows itself
in the later traditions. Out of these few facts
there rise a multitude of wild conjectures ; and
with these there has been constructed a whole
romance of hagiology. The questions whack
meet us connect themselves with the narratives,
in the four Gospels, of women who came with
precious ointment to anoint the feet or the
head of Jesus. Although the opinion seems to
have been at one time maintained, few would
now hold that Matt. xxvi. and Mark xiv. art
reports of two distinct events. The supposi-
tion that there were three anointings has
found favor with Origen and LighrfboL We
are left to the conclusion adopted by the great
majority of interpreters, that the Gospels record
two anointings, one in some city unnamed dar-
ing our Lord's Galilean ministry (Luke vii.),
the other at Bethany, before the last entry into
Jerusalem (Matt. xxvi. ; Mark xiv. ; John xii.).
We come, then, to the question, whether in
these two narratives we meet with one woman
or with two. The one passage adduced for the
former conclusion is John xi. 2. There is bat
slender evidence for the assumption that the
two anointings were the acts of one and the
same woman, and that woman the sister of
Lazarus. There is, if possible, still less for the
identification of Mary Magdalene with the chief
actor in either history. (1.) When her name
appears in Luke viii. 3, there is not one word
to connect it with the history that immediately
precedes. (2.) The belief that Mary of Bethany
and Mary Magdalene are identical is yet more
startling. Not one single circumstance, except
that of love and reverence for their Master, is
common. The epithet Magdalene, whatever
may be its meaning, seems chosen for the ex-
press purpose of distinguishing her from all
other Marys. No one evangelist gives the
slightest hint of identity. Nor is this lack of
evidence in the N. T. itself compensated by any
such weight of authority as would indicate a
really trustworthy tradition. Two of the ear-
liest writers who allude to the histories of the
anointing — Clement of Alexandria and Ter-
tullian — say nothing to imply that they
accepted it. The language of Irensms is
against it. Origen discusses the question
fully, and rejects it. He is followed by the
whole succession of the expositors of the East-
ern Church. In the Western Church, how-
ever, the other belief began to spread. The
services of the Feast of St. Mary Magdalene
were constructed on the assumption of its
truth. The translators under James I. adopt-
ed the received tradition. Since that period,
there has been a gradually accumulating con-
sensus against it.
Mary, mother of Mark. The woman
known by this description must hare been
among the earliest disciples. We learn from
Col. iv. 10 that she was sister to Barnabas, and
it would appear from Acts iv. 37, xii. 12, that,
while the brother gave up his land, and brought
the proceeds of the sale into the common treas-
ury of the Church, the Bister gave up her bouse
to be used as one of its chief places of meeting.
The fact that Peter goes to that house on his
release from prison indicates that there was
some special intimacy (Acts xii. 12) between
them, and this is confirmed by the language
which he uses towards Mark as being his
" son " (1 Pet. v. 13). She, it may be added,
must have been like Barnabas of the tribt
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HART, THE VIRGIN
527
MARY, THE VIRGIN
of Levi, ami may hare been connected, as he
was, with Cyprus (Acts iv. 36).
Mary, sister of Lazarus. The fact*
strictly personal to her are but few. She and
her sister Martha appear in Luke x. 40 as re-
ceiving Christ in their house. Mary sat listen-
ing eagerly for every word that fell from the
Divine Teacher. She had chosen the good
part, the life that has found its unity, the
" one thing needful," in rising from the
earthly to the heavenly, no longer distracted
by the "many things of earth. The same
character shows itself in the history of John
xi. Her grief is deeper bnt less active. Her
first thought when she sees the Teacher in
whose power and love she had trusted is one
of complaint. But the great joy and lovo
which her brother's return to life calls up in
her pour themselves out in larger measure
than had been seen before. The treasured
alabaster box of ointment is brought forth
at the final feast of Bethany, John xii. 3.
Mary, the Virgin. There is no person
perhaps, in sacred or in profane literature,
around whom so many legends have been
grouped as the Virgin Mary ; and there are
few whose authentic history is more concise.
We are wholly ignorant of the name and occu-
pation of St. Mary's parents. The evangelist
does not tell us, and we cannot know. She
was, like Joseph, of the tribe of Judah, and of
the lineage of David (Ps. exxxii. 11 ; Luke i.
32 ; Rom. i. 3). She had a sister, named prob-
ably like herself, Mary (John xix. 25), and she
was connected by marriage (Luke i. 36) with
Elisabeth, who was of the tribe of Levi and of
the lineage of Aaron. This is all that we know
of her antecedents. In the summer of the year
which is known as B.C. 5, Mary was living at
Nazareth, probably at her parents' — possibly
at her elder sister's — house, not having yet
been taken by Joseph to his home. She was
at this time betrothed to Joseph, and was there-
fore regarded by the Jewish law and custom as
his wife, though he hod not yet a husband's
rights over her. At this time the angel Gabriel
came to her with a message from God, and an-
nounced to her that she was to be the mother
of the long-expected Messiah. The scene as
well as the salutation is very similar to that
recounted in the Book of Daniel 'x. 18, 19).
Gabriel proceeds to instruct Mary that by the
operation of the Holy Ghost the everlasting
Son of the Father should be born of her. Hu
further informs her, perhaps as a sign by which
she might convince herself that his prediction
with regard to herself would come true, that
her relative Elisabeth was within three months
of being delivered of a child. The angel left
Mary, and she set off to visit Elisabeth either
at Hebron or Juttah (Luke i. 39), where the
tatter lived with her husband Zacharias, about
twentv miles to the south of Jerusalem, and
therefore at a very considerable distance from
Nazareth. Immediately on her entrance into
the house, she was saluted by Elisabeth as the
mother of her Lord, and had evidence of the
truth of the angel's saying with regard to her
cousin. She embodied her feelings of exulta-
tion and thankfulness in the hvmn known
muter the name of the Magnificat. The
hymn is founded on Hannah's song of thank-
fulness (1 Sam. ii. 1-101. Mary returned
to Nazareth shortly before the birth of John
the Baptist, and continued living at her own
home. In the course of a few months, Joseph
became aware that she was with child, and de-
termined on giving her a bill of divorcement,
instead of yielding her up to the law to suffer
the penalty which he supposed that she bad
incurred. Being, however, warned and satis-
fied by an angel who appeared to him in a
dream, he took her to his own house. It was
soon after this, as it would seem, that Augus-
tus' decree was promulgated, and Joseph and
Mary travelled to Bethlehem to huvc their
names enrolled in the registers (b.c. 4) by
way of preparation for tho tuxing, which,
however, was not completed till ten years
afterwards (a.d. 6), in the governorship of
Quirinus. They reached Bethlehem, and
there Mary brought forth the Saviour of the
world, and humbly laid him in a manger.
The visit of the shepherds, the circumcision,
the adoration of the wise men, and tho presen-
tation in the Temple, are rather scenes in the
life of Christ than in that of his mother. The
presentation in the Temple might not take
place till forty days after the birth of the
child. The poverty of St. Mary and Joseph,
it may be noted, is shown by their making the
offering of the poor. The song of Simeon
and the thanksgiving of Anna, like the won-
der of the shepherds and the adoration of tho
magi, only incidentally refer to Mary. Ono
passage alone in Simeon's address is specially
directed to her : " Yea, a sword shall pierce
through thy own soul also." Tho exact pur-
port of these words is doubtful.
In the flight into Egypt, Mary and tho babe
had the support and protection of Joseph, as
well as in their return from thence, in the fol-
lowing year, on the death of Herod tho Great
( b.c. 3). It may be that the holy family at this
time took up their residence in the house of
Mary's sister, the wife of Clopos. Hencefor-
ward, until the beginning of our Lord's minis-
try — i.e. from B.C. 3 to a.d. 26 — wo may pic-
ture St. Mury to ourselves as living in Naza-
reth, in a humble sphere of life. Two circum-
stances alone, so fur ns wo know, broke in on
the otherwise even flow of her life. One of
these was the temporary loss of her Son when
he remained behind in Jerusalem, a.d. 8. The
other was the death of Joseph. The exact date
of this last event we cannot determine, but it
was probably not long after the other. From
the time at which our Lord's ministry com-
menced, St. Mary is withdrawn almost wholly
from sight. Four times only is tho veil re-
moved, which, not surely without a reason, is
thrown over her. These four occasions arc, —
1. The marriage at Cann of Galilee (John ii.).
2. The attempt which she and His brethren made
" to speak with Him" (Matt. xii. 46 ; Mark iii.
21 and 31 ; Luke via. 19). 3. The Crucifix-
ion. 4. The days succeeding tho Ascension
(Acts i. 14). If to these we add two reference*
to her, the first by her Nazarene fellow-citizens
(Matt. xiii. 54, 55 ; Mark vi. 1-3), the second
by a woman in the multitude (Luke xi. 27),
we have specified every event known to us in
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MARY, THE VIRGIN
528
MARY, THE VIRGIN
her life. It is noticeable that, on every occa-
sion of our Lord's addressing her, or speaking
of her, there is a sound of reproof in His words,
with the exception of the last words spoken to
her from the cross.
1. The marriage at Cana in Galilee took
place in the three months which intervened be-
tween the baptism of Christ and the passover
of the year 27. When Jesus was found by his
mother and Joseph in the Temple in the year
8, we And him repudiating the name of " fa-
ther" as applied to Joseph (Luke ii. 48, 49).
Now, in like manner, at His first miracle which
inaugurates His ministry, He solemnly with-
draws Himself from the authority of His earth-
ly mother.
2. Capernaum (John ii. 12) and Nazareth
(Matt. iv. 13, xiii. 54; Mark vi. 1) appear to
have been the residence of St. Mary for a con-
siderable period. The next time that she is
brought before us we find her at Capernaum.
It is the autumn of the year 28, more than a
year and a half after the miracle wrought at
the marriage-feast in Cana. Mary was still
living with her sister, and her nephews and
nieces, James, Joses, Simon, Jude, and their
three sisters (Matt. xiii. 55) ; and she and they
heard of the toils which He was undergoing,
and they understood that He was denying Him-
self every relaxation from His labors. Their
human affection conquered their faith. They
therefore sent a message, begging Him to al-
low them to speak to Him. Again He reproves.
Again He refuses to admit any authority on
the part of His relatives, or any privilege on
account of their relationship.
3. The next scene in St. Mary's life brings
us to the foot of the cross. She was standing
there with her sister Mary and Mary Magda-
lene, and Salome, and other women, having no
doubt followed her Son as she was able through-
out the terrible morning of Good Friday. It
was about three o'clock in the afternoon, and
He was about to give up His spirit. Standing
near the company of the women was St. Jolin ;
and, with almost His last words, Christ com-
mended His mother to the care of him who had
borao the name of the disciple whom Jesus
loved. " Woman, behold thy son." And from
that hour St. John assures us that he took her
to his own abode.
4. A veil is drawn over her sorrow and over
her joy which succeeded that sorrow. Mediaeval
imagination lias supposed, but Scripture does
not state, that her Son appeared to Mary after
His resurrection from the dead. She was
doubtless living at Jerusalem with John, cher-
ished with the tenderness which her tender soul
would have specially needed, and which un-
doubtedly she found pre-eminently in St. John.
We have no record of her presence at the As-
cension, or at the descent of the Holy Spirit on
the day of Pentecost. What we do read of her
is, that she remained steadfast in prayer in the
upper room at Jerusalem with Mary Magdalene
and Salome, and those known as the Lord's
brothers and the apostles. This is the last
view that we have of her. Holy Scripture
leaves her engaged in prayer. From this point
forwards we know nothing of her. It is prob-
able that the rest of her life was spent in Jeru-
salem with St. John (see Epiph. Hoar. 78).
According to one tradition, the beloved disciple
would not leave Palestine until she had expired
in his arms. Other traditions make her jour-
ney with St. John to Ephesus, and there die in
extreme old age.
5. The character of St. Mary is not drawn by
any of the evangelists ; but some of its linea-
ments are incidentally manifested in the frag-
mentary record which is given of her. It is
clear from St. Lnke's account, though, without
any such intimation, we might rest assured of
the feet, that her youth had been spent in the
study of the Holy Scriptures, and that she had
set before her the example of the holy women
of the Old Testament as her model. This
would appear from the Magnificat (Lake i. 46).
Her faith and humility exhibit themselves in
her immediate surrender of herself to the divine
will, though ignorant how that will should be
accomplished (Luke i. 38) ; her energy and
earnestness, in her journey from Nazareth to
Hebron (Luke i. 39) ; her happy thankfulness,
in her song of joy (Luke i. 48) ; her silent mus-
ing thoughtfulness, in her pondering over the
shepherds' visit (Luke ii. 19) ; and in her keep-
ing her Son's words in her heart (Luke ii. 51 ),
though she could not fully understand their
import. In a word, so far as St. Mary is por-
trayed to us in Scripture, she is, as we should
have expected, the most tender, the most faith-
ful, hun<ble, patient, and loving of women, bat
a womai. still.
We do not enter into the theological bear-
ings of the worship of Mary ; but we shall have
left our task incomplete if we do not add a short
historical sketch Jf the origin, progress, and
present state of the devotion to her. What waa
its origin % Certainly not the Bible. There is
not a word there from which it could be in-
ferred ; nor in the Creeds ; nor in the Fathers
of the first five centuries. Whence, then, did
it arise? There is not a shadow of doubt that
the origin of the worship of St. Mary is to be
found in the apocryphal legends of" her birth
and of her death. There we find the germ of
what afterwards expanded into its present por-
tentous proportions. Some of the legends of
her birth are as early as the 2d or 3d cen-
tury. They were the production of the Gnos-
tics, and were unanimously and firmly rejected
by the Church of the first five centuries as fab-
ulous and heretical. Down to the time of the
Nestorian controversy, the cultus of the Blessed
Virgin would appear to have been wholly ex-
ternal to the Church, and to have been regarded
as heretical. But the Nestorian controversies
produced a great change of sentiment in men's
minds. Nestorius had maintained, or at least
it was the tendency of Nestorianism to main-
tain, not only that our Lord had two natures,
the divine and the human (which was right),
but also that He was two persons, in such sort
that the child born of Mary was not divine, bat
merely an ordinary human being, until the
divinity subsequently united itself to Him.
This was condemned by tha Council of Ephe-
sus in the year 431 ; and the title Ocorocor,
loosely translated " Mother of God," was sanc-
tioned. The object of the Council and of the
Anli-Nestorians was in no sense to add honor
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MASH
529
MASTIC-TREE
to the mother, bat to maintain the true doc-
trine with respect to the Son. Nevertheless
the result was to magnify the mother, and, after
a time, at the expense of the Son. The le-
gends too were no longer treated so roughly as
before. The Gnostics were not now objects of
dread. Nestorians, and afterwards Iconoclasts,
were objects of hatred. From this time, the
worship of St. Mary grew apace. We learn
the present state of the religious regard in
which she is held throughout the south of Eu-
rope from St. Alfonso de' Liguori, whose everpr
word is vouched for by the whole weight of his
Church's authority. Thus in the worship of
the Blessed Virgin there are two distinctly-
marked periods. The first is that which com-
mences with the apostolic times, and brings us
down to the close of the century in which the
Council of Ephesus was held, during which
time the worship of Mary was wholly ex-
ternal to the Church, and was regarded by the
Church as heretical, and confined to Gnostic
and Collyridian heretics. The second period
commences with the 6th century, when it be-
gan to spread within the Church ; and, in spite
of the shock given it by the Reformation, nas
continued to spread, and is spreading still.
Mary, a Roman Christian who is greeted
by St. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans (xvi.
6) as having toiled hard for him. Nothing
more is known of bcr.
Mas'aloth, a place in Arbela, which Bac-
chides and Alcimus, the two generals of De-
metrius, beseiged and took with great slaughter
on their way from the north to Gilgal ( 1 Mace.
ix. 2). The name Masaloth is omitted by Jo-
sephus, nor has any trace of it been since
discovered; but the word mav, as Robinson
suggests, have originally signified the " steps "
or " terraces." In that case it was probably a
name given to the rcm.irkable caverns still ex-
isting on the northern side of the same Wady,
and now called Kula'at Ibn Ma'an. Ap.
Mas'chil. The title of thirteen psalms;
xxxii., xlii., xliv., xlv., lii.-lv., lxxiv., Ixxviii.,
Ixxxviii., Ixxxix., cxlii. In the psalm in which
it first occurs as a title, the root of the word is
found in another form (Ps. xxxii. 8), "I will
instruct thee," from which circumstance, it has
been inferred, the title was applied to the whole
p-salra as didactic. But since " Maschil " is
affixed to many psalms which would scarcely
be classed as didactic, Gcsenius (or rather
Roedigcr) explains it as denoting " any sacred
song, relating to divine things, whose end it
was to promote wisdom and piety." Ewald re-
gards Ps. xlvii. 7 (A. V. " sing ye praises with
understanding;" Hob. maschil) as the key to
the meaning of Maschil, which in his opinion is
a musical term, denoting a melody requiring
great skill in its execution. The objection to
the explanation of Roedigcr is, that it is want-
ing in precision, and would allow the term
" Maschil " to be applied to every psalm in the
Psalter. The suggestion of Ewald has most to
command it.
Mash, one of the sons of Aram (Gen. x.
2"!). In 1 Chr. i. 17, the name appears as
Meshcch. As to the geographical position of
Mash, Josophus connects the name with Mrsmt
in Lower Babylonia, on the shores of the Pcr-
87
sian Gulf. The more probable opinion is that
which has been adopted by Bochart and others,
— that the name Mash is represented by the
Mans Masius of classical writers, a range which
forms the northern boundary of Mesopotamia,
between the Tigris and Euphrates. Kalisch
connects the names of Mash and Mysia : this is,
to say the least, extremely doubtful.
Mash'al. The same as Misheal or Mishal
(1 Chr. vi. 74).
Masi'as, one of the servants of Solomon,
whose descendants returned with Zorobabel
(1 Esd. v. 34). Ap.
Mas'man. This name occurs for Sheh-
aiah in 1 Esd. viii. 43 (comp. Ezr. viii. 16).
Masora. [Old Testament.]
Mas'pha. 1. A place opposite to Jeru-
salem, at which Judas Maccabeus and his
followers assembled themselves to bewail the
desolation of the city and the sanctuary (1 Mace
iii. 46). There is no doubt that it is identical
with Mizpeh of Benjamin. — 2. One of the
cities which were taken from the Ammonites
by Judas Maccabseus in his campaign on the
east of Jordan (1 Mace. v. 35). It is probably
the ancient city of Mizpeh of Gilead. Ap.
Mas'rekah, an ancient place, the native
spot of Samlah, one of the old kings of the
Edomites (Gen. xxxvi. 36; 1 Chr. i. 47).
Schwarz (215) mentions a site called En-
Masrak, a few miles south of Petra. lie prob-
ably refers to the place marked Ain Ma/rak in
Palmer's Map, and Ain d-Usdaka in Kiepert's.
Mas'sa, a son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 14;
1 Chr. i. 30). His descendants were not im-
probably the Maaani, who are placed by Ptole-
my in the east of Arabia, near the borders of
Babylonia.
Mas'sah, i.e. " temptation," a name given
to the spot, also called Mbbibah, where the
Israelites tempted Jehovah (Ex. xvi. 7; Ps.
xcv. 8, 9; Heb. iii. 8).
Massi'as = Maaseiah 3 (1 Esd. ix. 22;
comp. Ezr. x. 22). Ap.
Massi'as. Tho same as Masseiab 20,
the ancestor of Baruch (Bar. i. 1 ). Ap.
Mastic-Tree occurs only in the Apoc-
Susan. vcr. 54), where the margin of
L<*
the A. V. has lentisk. There is no doubt that
the Greek work is correctly rendered, as is evi-
dent from the description of it by Theophras-
tus, Pliny, Dioscorides, and other writers. The
fragrant resin known in the arts as " mastic,"
and which is obtained by incisions made in the
trunk in the month of August, is the produce
of this tree, whose scientific name is PisUteia
Itntiscus. It is used with us to strengthen the
teeth and gums, and was so applied by the
ancients, by whom it was much prized on this
account, and for its many supposed medical
virtues. Both Pliny and Dioscorides state that
the best mmtic comes from Chios. Tourne-
fort has given a full and very interesting ac-
count of the lentisks or mastic plants of Scio
(Chios). The Pistacia lentiscm is common on
the shores of the Mediterranean. According
to Strand (F/or. Palitst. No. 559) it has been
observed at Joppa, both by Rauwolf and Po-
cocke. The mastic-tree belongs to the natural
order Anacardiacea.
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MATTANIAH
580
MATTHEW
(.Putacia Umtitcuty — 8m p. US.
Mathanl'ae = Mattaniaii, a descendant
of Pahath-Moab (1 Esd. ix. 31 ; comp. Ezr. x.
30). Ap.
Mathu'sala = Methuselah, the son of
Enoch (Lake iii. 37).
Mat red. a daughter of Mczahab, and
mother of Mchctabcl, who was wife of Hadar
(or Hadad) of Pan, king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi.
89 ; 1 Chr. i. 50).
Mat'ri, a family of the tribe of Benjamin,
to which Saul the king of Israel belonged (1
Sam. x. 21).
Mat'tan. 1. The priest of Baal slain be-
fore his altars in the idol temple at Jerusalem
(2 K. xi. 18; 2 Chr. xxiii. 17). He probably
accompanied Athaliah from Samaria. — 2. The
father of Shephatiah (Jcr. xxxviii. 1 ).
Mat" tanah, a station in the latter part of
the wanderings of the Israelites (Num. xxi. 18,
19). It lay next beyond the well, or Beer, and
between it and Nahaliel ; NahalicI again being
but one day's journey from the Bnmoth or
heights of Moab. Mattanah was therefore prob-
ably situated to the S. E. of the Dead Sea;
but no name like it appears to hare been yet
discovered.
Mattani'ah. 1. The original name of
Zc.'lckiah king of Judah, which was changed
when Nebuchadnezzar plnccd him on the throne
instead of his nephew Jchoiachin (2 K. xxiv.
17). — 2. A Levite singer of the sons of Asaph
(I Chr. ix. 15). He is described as the son of
Micah, Micha (Neh. xi. 17), or Michaiah (Neh.
xii. 35), and after the return from Babylon
lived in the villages of the Nctophathites (1 Chr.
ix. 16) or Nctophathi (Neh. xii. 28), which the
sin™crs had built in the neighborhood of Je-
rusalem (Neh. xii. 29). As leader of the
Temple choir after its restoration (Neh. xi. 17,
xii. 8), in the time of Nchcmiah, lie took part in
the musical service which accompanied the
dedication of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii.
25, 35). Wo find him among the Invites of the
second rank, " keepers of the thresholds," an
office which fell to the singers (comp. 1 Chr.
xv. 18, 21). — 3. A descendant of Asaph, ana
ancestor of Jahaziel the Levite in the reign of
Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xx. 14). — 4. One of the
sons of Elam (Ezr. x. 26). — 5. One of the
sons of Zattu (Ezr. x. 27). — 6. A descendant
of Pahath-Moab (Ezr. x. 30). — And 7. One
of the sons of Bani (Ezr. x. 37), who all put
away their foreign wives at Ezra's command. —
8. A Levite, father of Zaccur, and ancestor of
Hanan the under-treasurer who had charge of
the offerings for tbo Levites in the time of Nc-
hcmiah (Neh. xiii. 13). — 9. One of the four
teen sons of Hcman, whose office it was to blow
the horns in the Temple service as appointed
by David (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 16). — 10. A de-
scendant of Asaph, the Levite minstrel, who
assisted in the purification of the Temple in the
reign of Hczekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 13).
Mat'tatha, the son of Nathan, and grand-
son of David in the genealogy of our Lord
(Luke iii. 31).
Mat tathah, a descendant of II ash urn, who
put away his foreign wife in the time of Ezra
(Ezr. x. 33).
Mattathi'as. 1. = Mattjthiah, who
stood at Ezra's right hand when be read the
law to the people ( 1 Esd. ix. 43 ; comp. Neh.
viii. 4). — 2. The father of the Maccabees
(1 Mace. ii. 1, 14, 16, 17, 19, 24, 27, 39, 45, 49.
xiv. 29). — 3 . The son of Absalom, and brother
of Jonathan 14 (1 Mace. xi. 70, xiii. 11 ). — 4.
The son of Simon Maccabeus, who was treach-
erously murdered, together with his father and
brother, in the fortress of Docus, by Ptolcnueus
the son of Abubus (1 Mace. xvi. 14). — 5. One
of the three envoys sent bv Nicanor to treat
with Judas Maccabteus (2 Mace. xiv. 19). Ap.
Mattathi'as. 1. Son of Amos in the
genealogy of Jesus Christ (Lnke iii. 25). — 2.
Son of Semei, in the same catalogue (Luke iii.
26).
Mattena'i. 1. One of the family of Ha-
shum, who in the time of Ezra had married a
foreign wife (Ezr. x. 33). — 2. A descendant of
Bani, who put away his foreign wife at Ezra's
command (Ezr. x. 37). — 3. A priest in the
days of Joiakim the son of Jcshua (Neh. xii. 19).
Mat'than, the son of Elcazar, and grand-
father of Joseph " the husband of Mary " (Matt,
i. 15). He occupies the same place in the gen-
ealogy as Matthat in Luke iii. 24, with whom
indeed he is probably identical.
Matthani'as = Mattaxiah, one of the
descendants of Elam (1 Esd. ix. 27; comp.
Ezr. x. 26). An.
Mat that. 1. Son of Levi and grandfather
of Joseph, according to the genealogy of Lnke
(iii. 24). — 2. Also the son of a Levi, and a pro-
genitor of Joseph (Luke iii. 29).
Matthelas = Maaseiah 1 (1 Esd. ix. 19 ;
comp. Ezr. x. 18). Ap.
Mat'thow. Matthew the apostle and evan-
gelist is the same as Levi (Luke v. 27-29) the
son of a certain Alphieus (Mark ii. 14). His
call to be an apostle is related by all three evan-
gelists in the same words, except that Matthew
(ix. 9) gives the former, and Mark (ii. 14) and
Luke (v. 27) the latter name. The publicans,
properly so called (publicani), were persons who
farmed the Roman taxes, and they were usually,
in later times, Roman knights, and persons at
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MATTHEW, GOSPEL OF
531
MATTHEW, GOSPEL OP
wraith and credit. They employed under them
inferior officers, natives of the province where
the taxes were collected, called properly port!-
torn, to which class Matthew no doubt belonged.
Easebius mentions that, after our Lord's ascen-
sion, Matthew preached in Judaea (some add for
fifteen years), and then went to foreign nations.
To the" lot of Matthew it fell to visit ^Ethiopia,
says Socrates Scholasticus. Bnt Ambrose says
that God opened to him the country of the Per-
sians ; Isidore the Macedonians ; and others the
Parthians, the Medes, the Persians of the Eu-
phrates. Nothing whatever is really known.
Heracleon, the disciple of Valentinus, describes
him as dying a natural death, which Clement,
Origen, and Tertullian seem to accept : the tra-
dition that he died a martyr, be it true or false,
came in afterwards.
Matthew, Gospel Of. The Gospel which
bears the name of St. Matthew was written by
the apostle, according to the testimony of all
antiquity. I. Language in which it was first
written. — We are told on the authority of Pa-
fias, Irenaeus, Pantamus, Origen, Easebius,
Ipiphanius, Jerome, and many other Fathers,
that the Gospel was first written in Hebrew, i.e.
in the vernacular language of Palestine, the
Aramaic, a. Papias of Hierapolis (who flour-
ished in the first naif of the 2d century) says,
" Matthew wrote the divine oracles in the He-
brew dialect ; and each interpreted them as he
was able." 6. Irenaeus says ( lii. 1 ), that " whilst
Peter and Paul were preaching at Rome and
founding the Church, Matthew put forth his
written Gospel amongst the Hebrews in their
own dialect. c. According to Easebius, Pan-
tamus " is reported to have gone to the Indians,
where it is said that he found the Gospel of
Matthew already among some who had the
knowledge of Christ there, to whom Bartholo-
mew, one of the apostles, had preached, and left
them the Gospel of Matthew written in Hebrew,
which was preserved till the time referred to."
This story re-appears in two different forms : —
Jerome and Ruffinus sav that Pantaenus brought
lack with him this Hebrew Gospel ; and Ni-
eepborus asserts that Bartholomew dictated the
Gospel of Matthew to the inhabitants of that
country, rf. Origen says, " As I have learnt by
tradition concerning the four Gospels, which
alone are received without dispute by the Church
of God under heaven : the first was written by
St Matthew, once a tax-gatherer, afterwards
•n apostle of Jesus Christ, who published it for
the benefit of the Jewish converts, composed in
the Hebrew language." e. Eusebius ( H. E. iii.
24) gives as his own opinion the following:
" Matthew having first preached to the Hebrews,
delivered to them, when ho was preparing to
depart to other countries, his Gospel, composed
in their native language." Other passages to
the same effect occur in Cyril, Epiphanius,
Hieronymus, who mentions the Hebrew origi-
nal in seven places at least of his works, and
from Gregory of Nazianzus, Chrvsostom, Au-
gustine, and other later writers. From all these,
there is no doubt that the old opinion was, that
Matthew wrote in the Hebrew language. So
far all the testimony is for a Hebrew original.
Bat there are arguments of no mean weight
ia favor of the Greek. 1 . The quotations from
the O. T. in this Gospel are of two kinds : those
introduced into the narrative to point oat the
fulfilment of prophecies, &c. ; and those where,
in the course of the narrative, the persons intro-
duced, and especially oar Lord Himself, make
use of O. T. quotations. Between these two
classes, a difference of treatment is observable.
In the latter class, where the citations occur in
discourses, the Scptuagint version is followed.
The auotations in the narrative, however, do
not follow the Scptuagint, bnt appear to be a
translation from the Hebrew text. A mere
translator could not have done this. But an
independent writer, using the Greek tongue, and
wishing to conform his narrative to the oral
teaching of the apostles, might have used for
the quotations the well-known Greek O. T. used
by his colleagues. 2. But this difficulty is to
be got over by assuming a high authority for
this translation, as though made by an inspired
writer; and it has been suggested that this writer
was Matthew hitnself, or at least that he directed
it, or that it was some other apostle, or James
the brother of the Lord, or John, or the general
body of the apostles, or that two disciples of St
Matthew wrote, from him, the one in Aramaic
and the other in Greek I 3. The original He-
brew, of which so many speak, no one of the
witnesses ever saw (Jerome is no exception) ;
and so little store has the Church set upon it,
that it has utterly perished. 4. It is certain
that a gospel, not the same as our canonical
Matthew, sometimes usurped the apostle'*
name ; and some of the witnesses we have quoted
appear to have referred to this in one or other
of its various forms or names. The Nazarenes
and Ebionites possessed each a modification of
the same gospel, which no doubt each altered
more and more as their tenets diverged, and
which bore various names — the Gospel of the
Twelve Apostles, the Gospel according to the
Hebrews, the Gospel of Peter, or the Gospel
according to Matthew. Enough is known to
decide that the Gospel according to the Hebrews
was not identical with our Gospel of Matthew ;
but it had many points of resemblance to the
synoptical Gospels, and especially to Matthew.
Is it impossible that when the Hebrew Matthew
is spoken of, this questionable document, the
Gospel of the Hebrews, was really referred to ?
All that is certain is, that Nazarenes or Ebi-
onites, or both, boasted that they possessed the
original Gospel of Matthew. Jerome is the
exception ; and him wo can convict of the very
mistake of confounding the two, and almost on
his own confession.
H. Style and Diction. — 1. Matthew uses the
expression, " that it might be fulfilled which
was spoken of the Lord by the prophet" (i. 22,
ii. 15). In ii. 5, and in later pussnges of Matt.,
it is abbreviated (ii. 17, iii. 3, iv. 14, viii. 17,
xii. 17, xiii. 14, 35, xxi. 4, xxvi. 56, xxvii. 9).
2. The reference to the Messiah under the name
" Son of David " occurs in Matthew eight
times, and three times each in Mark and Luke.
3. Jerusalem is called " the holy city," " the
holy place " (iv. 5, xxiv. 15, xxvii. 55). 4. The
expression awriXeut rob aluvoe is used five
times ; in the rest of the N. T. only once, in
Ep. to Hebrews. 5. The phrase " kingdom of
heaven," about thirty-three times ; other writers
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MATTHEW, GOSPEL OF
532
MATTTTHIAH
use " kingdom of God," which is found also in
Matthew. 6. " Heavenly Father," used about
six times, and " Father in heaven " about six-
teen, and without explanation, point to the
Jewish mode of speaking in this Gospel. For
other more minute verbal peculiarities, see
Credner.
IIL Citations from 0. T. — The following
list is nearly complete : —
Is. xxlx. is.
Ex. xxxiv. 29.
Mai. III. l.lv. 5.
Lev. xlx. 17 ( ?>.
Oen. I. 27
Gen. II. 24.
Deut xxlv. 1.
Kx.xx.12; Lev.
xlx. 18.
Zech. Ix. ».
Ps. cxvUI. 25.
la. Ivi. 7; Jer.
vll. II.
Pa vih. 2.
Ps. cxvill. 22.
la vlll. 14.
Deut xxv. A.
Ex. III. 8.
Deut vl. S.
Lev. xlx. 18.
Pa. ex. 1.
Gen. Iv. 8; 2
Cbr. xxlv. 21.
Palxlx.26(?);
Jer. xil.7,xxll.
Pa cxvill. 26.
Dan. Ix. 27.
la xlll. 10.
Oen. vl. 11.
Zech. xlll. 7.
Gen. Ix. 6 ( ?).
Dan. vll. 18.
Zech. xl. 13.
Pa xxli. 18.
Pa. xxli. &
l'a. xxU. 1.
IV. Genuineness of the Gospel. — Some crit-
ics, admitting the apostolic antiquity of a part
of the Gospel, apply to St. Matthew as they do
to St. Luke the gratuitous supposition of a
later editor or compiler, who, by augmenting
and altering the earlier document, produced our
present Gospel. We are asked to believe that
in the 2d century, for two or more of the Gos-
pels, new works, differing from them both in
matter and compass, were substituted, and that,
about the end of the 2d century, our present
Gospels were adopted by authority to the ex-
clusion of all others, and that henceforth the
copies of the older works entirely disappeared.
Passages from St. Matthew are quoted bv Jus-
tin Martyr, by the author of the letter toDiog-
netus, by Hegesippns, Irenteus, Tatian, Athe-
nagoras, Theophilus, Clement, Tertullian, and
Origen. It is not merely from the matter but
the manner of the quotations, from the calm
appeal as to a settled authority, from the ab-
sence of all hints of doubt, that we regard it as
proved that the book we possess had not been
the subject of any sudden change. The cita-
tions of Justin Martyr, very important for this
subject, have been thought to indicate a source
different from the Gospels which we now pos-
sess ; and by the word tmointiiioveiuara (me-
moirs), he has been supposed to indicate that
lost work. Space is not given here to show
that the remains referred to are the Gospels
which we possess, and not any one book ;
and that though Jnstin quotes the Gospels very
loosely, so that his words often bear but a
Malt
Matt
1. SB.
la vll. 14.
XV. 8.
u. a
MIc. v. 2.
xvli. 1.
15.
Ho., xl. 1.
11.
18.
er. xxxl. 18.
xvlll. 1ft.
111. J.
is. xl. 3.
xlx. 4.
Iv. 4.
Deut. vlll. S.
ft.
6.
Pa xcl. 11.
7.
7.
Deut vl. 16.
18.
10.
Deut vl. IS.
16.
Is. vlll. 23, Ix. 1.
XXL ft.
r. ft.
Pa xxxvil. 11.
».
21.
Ex. xx. 13.
IS.
27.
Ex. xx. 14.
SI.
Deut xxlv. 1.
16.
S3.
Levlt xlx. 12;
42.
DeutxxlU.23.
xxii. a!
38.
Ex. xxl. 24.
43.
Lev. xlx. 18.
32.
Till. 4.
Lev. xlv. 2.
17.
17.
la llll. 4.
39.
U. IS.
Hoa vl. 6.
44.
x. 35.
MIc. vll. 6.
xxllLSft.
XX t.
Isaiah xxxt. ft.
xxlx. 18.
38,
10.
Mai. III. 1.
14.
Mai. Iv. «.
»U. 3.
1 Sam. xxt 6.
39.
ft.
Num. xxvUL t
xxlv. 16.
<?>•
29.
7.
Hoa vl. 6.
n.
18
la xlU. 1.
xxvl. 31.
40.
Jon. 1. 17.
82.
42.
1 K. x. 1.
64.
Xlll. 14.
Is. vl. 9.
XXVU. 9.
SS.
Pa Ixxvlll. 2.
35.
XV. 4.
Ex. xx. 12, xxl.
43.
17.
46.
slight resemblance to the original, the same is
true of his quotations from the SeptnaginL
The genuineness of the two first chapters of
the Gospel has been questioned, but is estab-
lished on satisfactory grounds, i. All the old
MSS. and versions contain them ; and they arc
quoted by the Fathers of the 2d and 3d centu-
ries. Celsus also knew ch. ii. ii. Their con-
tents would naturally form part of a gospel
intended primarily for the Jews. iii. The com-
mencement of ch. iii. is dependent on ii. £3,
and in iv. 13 there is a reference to ii. 23. iv. In
constructions and expressions, they are simi-
lar to the rest of the Gospel. Professor Nor-
ton disputes the genuineness of these chapters
upon the ground of the difficulty of harmon-
izing them with St. Luke's narrative, and upon
the ground that a large number of the Jewish
Christians did not possess them in their version
of the Gospel.
V. Time when the Gospel was written. — Noth-
ing can be said on this point with certainty.
Some of the ancients think that it was written m
the eighth vear after the Ascension (Thcophy-
lact and Fluthymins) ; others in the fifteenth
(Nicephorus) ; "whilst Irenasus says (iii. 1) that
it was written "when Peter and Paul were
preaching in Rome," and Eusebius at the
time when Matthew was about to leave Pal-
estine. The most probable supposition is
that it was written between SO and 60 ; the
exact year cannot even be {guessed at. — VI.
Place where it was written. — There is not ranch
doubt that the Gospel was written in Palestine.
— VII. Purpose of the Gospel.— The Gospel
itself tells us by plain internal evidence that it
was written for Jewish converts, to show them in
Jesus of Nazareth the Messiah of the O. T.
whom they expected. Jewish converts overall
the world seem to have been intended, and not
merely Jews in Palestine. It is pervaded by
one principle, the fulfilment of the Law and of
the Messianic prophecies in the person of Jesus.
Matthias, the apostle elected to fill the
&lace of the traitor Judas (Acts i. 26). All
eyond this that we know of him for certainty
is that he had been a constant attendant upon
the Lord Jesus during the whole course of His
ministry ; for such was declared by St. Peter
to be the necessary qualification of one who
was to be a witness of the resurrection. It is
said that he preached the Gospel and suffered
martyrdom in Ethiopia. The election of Mat-
thias is discussed by Bishop Beveridge, Works,
vol. i. serm. 2.
Matthias = Mattathah, of the descend-
ants of Hashum (1 Esd. ix. 33; comp. Ezr. x.
33). Ap.
Matuthi'&h. 1. A Levite, the first-born
of Shallum the Korhite, who presided over the
offerings made in the pans ( 1 Chr. ix. 31 ; comp.
Lev. vi. 20 [12], Ac.). — 2. One of the Levitcs
of the second rank under Asaph, appointed
by David to minister before the ark in the ma-
sical service (1 Chr. xvi. 5), "with harps upon
Sheminith " (comp. 1 Chr. xv. 21 ), to lead the
choir. — 8. One of the familv of Nclio, who
had married a foreign wife in tlie days of Ezra
(Ezr. x. 43). — 4. Probably a priest, who
stood at the right hand of Ezra when he read
the law to the people (Ezr. viii. 4). — 5. The
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MAUZZIM
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MEALS
mine as '", tho Hebrew being in the lengthened
form (1 for. xv. 18, 21). He wag one of the
nix sons cf Jeduthun (1 Chr. xxv. 3, 21).
Mlttock (Is. vii. 25). The tool used in
Arabia for loosening tho ground, described by
Nii-huhr, answers generally to our mattock or
gru!>!>in;-axe, i.e. a single-headed pickaxe, tho
siuvulia r'mplex, as opposed to lileormi, of Palla-
dium The ancient Egyptian hoe was of wood,
«nl answered for hoe, spade, and pick.
Etypttm how. (From WllUmoo.)
Maul (i.e. a hammer; a variation of mall,
from iiuiiieiis), a word employed by our trans-
lators to render the Hebrew term meplnt*. The
Hebrew and English alike occur in Prov. xxv.
18 only. But a derivative from the same root,
and differing but slightly . ! n form, viz. moppets,
is found in Jcr. li. 20, and U there translated by
" b-ittle-axe."
Mauzzim. The marginal note to the
A. V. of Dan. xi. 38, " the God of forces," gives,
as the equivalent of the last wont, " Mauzzim,
or gods protectors, or munitions." The Geneva
version renders the Hebrew at a proper name
both in Dan. xi. 38 and 39, where the word oc-
curs airain (marg. of A. V. " munitions "). In
the Greek version of Thcodotion, it is treated
as a proper name, as well as in the Vulgate.
There can be little doubt that " Mauzzim " is to
be taken in its literal sense of " fortresses," just
as in Dan. xi. 19, 39 ; " the god of fortresses"
being then the deity who presided over strong-
holds. But beyond this it is scarcely possible
to connect an appellation so general with any
special object of idolatrous worship. Calvin
suggested that it denoted " money," the strong-
est of all powers. By others it has been sup-
posed to be Man. The opinion of Gesenius is
more probable, that " the god of fortresses " was
Jupiter Capitolinns, for whom Antiochus built
a temple at Antioch (Liv. xli.20). A sugges-
tion made by Mr. Layard (Nin. ii. 456, note) is
worthy of being recorded. After describing
Hera, the Assyrian Venus, as " standing erect
on a lion, and crowned with a tower or mural
coronet, which, we learn from Lucian, was pe-
culiar to the Semitic figure of the goddess," he
adds in a note, " May she be connected with the
' El Maozem,' the deity presiding over bulwarks
and fortresses, the ' god of forces ' of Dan. xi.
38?"
Maziti'as = Mattithiah 3 (1 Esd. ix.
35 ; comp. Ezr. x. 43). Ap.
MWzaroth. The margin of the A. V.
of Job xxxviii. 32 gives " the twelve signs " as
the equivalent of " Mazzaroth," and this is in
all probability its true meaning. The Pcshito-
Synac renders it by "the wain "or "Great
Bear." Fiirst understands by Mazzaroth the
planet Jupiter, the same as the " star " of Amos
v. 26. On referring to 2 K. xxiii. 5, we find
the word mazzaldth (A. V. " the planets "), dif-
fering only from Mazzaroth in having the liquid
/ for r, and rendered in the margin " the twelve
signs," as in the Vulgate. In later Jewish writ-
ings, mazzaldth are the signs of the Zodiac. In
consequence of this, Rashi, and the Hebrew
com.ncntators generally, identify iMuxaroth and
mazzaldth, though their interpretations vary.
Meadow. This word, so peculiarly Eng-
lish, is used in the A. V. to translate two words
which are entirely distinct and independent of
each other. 1. Gen. xli. 2 and 18. H-^ro the
word in the original is ha-AchH. It appears to
be an Egyptian term. The same form is re-
tained by the Coptic version. Its use in Job
viii. 11 (A. V. "flag") seems to show that it
is not a " meadow, but some kind of reed or
water-plant. But as during high inundations
of the Nile — such inundations as are the cause
of fruitful years — the whole of the land on
either side is a marsh, and as the cultivation
extends up to the very lip of the river, is it not
possible that Achu may denote the herbage of
the growing crops? 2. Judg. xx. j>^ only:
" the meadows of Gibeah." Here the word is
maareh, which occurs nowhere else with the
same vowels attached to it. The sense is thus
doubly uncertain. The most plausible inter-
pretation is that of the Peshito-Syrinc, which,
by a slight difference in the vowel-points, makes
the word mearah " the cave."
Me'ah, the Tower of, one of the tow»*s
of the wall of Jerusalem when rebuilt by Nehe-
miah (iii. 1, xii. 39). It stood between the
tower of Hananeel and the sheep-gate, and
appears to have been situated somewhere at
the north-east part of the city, outside of the
walls of Zion.
Meftls. Our information on this subj«ct Is
but scanty. The early Hebrews do not seem
to have given special names to their several
meals; for the terms rendered "dine" and
"dinner" in the A. V. (Gen. xliii. 16; Prov.
xv. 17) are in reality general expressions,
which might more correctly be rendered " cat "
and " portion of food." Iti the N. T. we have
the Greek terms upurrov and ielirvov, which the
A. V. renders respectively "dinner" and "sup-
per" (Luke xiv. 12 ; John xxi. 12), but which
are more properly "breakfast" and "dinner."
There is some uncertainty as to the hours at
which the meals were taken i the Egyptians
undoubtedly took their principal meal at noon
(Gen. xliii. 16) ; laborers took a light meal at
that time (Ruth ii. 14; comp. verse 17) ; and
occasionally that early hour was devoted to
excess and revelling "(1 K. xx. 16). It has
been inferred from those passages (somewhat
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MEALS
534
HEALS
too hastily, we think) that the principal meal
generally took place at noon : the Egyptians do
indeed still make a substantial meal at that
time ; but there are indications that the Jews
rather followed the custom that prevails among
the Bedouins, and made their principal meal
after sunset, and a lighter meal at about 9 or
10 A.M.
The posture at meals varied at various pe-
riods : there is sufficient evidence that the old
Hebrews were in the habit of titling (Gen.
xxvii. 19 ; Judg. xix. 6 ; 1 Sam. xx. 5, 24 ; 1 K.
xiii. 20) ; bnt it does not hence follow that
they sat on chairs; they may have squatted on
the ground, as was the occasional, though not
Eirhaps the general custom of the ancient
gyptians. The table was in this case but
slightly elevated above the ground, as is still
the case in Egypt. As luxury increased, the
practice of sitting was exchanged for that of
reclining : the first intimation of this occurs in
the prophecies of Amos (iii. 12, vi. 4). Tba
custom may have been borrowed in the first
instance from the Babylonians and Syrians,
among whom it prevailed at an early period
(Esth. i. 6, vii. 8). In the time of our Saviour,
reclining was the universal custom, as is im-
plied in the terms used for " ttttingmt meat,"
as the A. V. incorrectly has it. The conch
itself is only once mentioned (Mark vii. 4 ; A . V.
" tables ") ; but there can be little doubt that
the Roman triclinium had been introduced, and
that the arrangements of the table resembled
those described by classical writers. Generally
speaking, only three persons reclined on each
couch, but occasionally four, or even five. The
couches were provided with cushions on which
the left elbow rested in support of the upper
part of the body, while the right arm remained
free : a room provided with these was described
as torpufdvov, lit. "spread" (Mark xiv. 15;
A. V. " furnished"). As several guests reclined
'Fif . 4 holds ■ joint of meat
S~ T
An ancient Egyptian dlmierl>arty.
~Flg». Sand t are eating flat. Fig7«'U about to drink'
(Wilkinson.)
-45.',™"^.^*™ ?'*««•»_ ih&flft -aA/saL'- ^MSST* drin?w.\£ n^anT&S??.
on the same couch, each overlapped his neigh-
bor, as it were, and rested his head on or near
the breast of the one who lay behind him : he
was then said to " lean on the bosom " of his
neighbor (John xiii. 23, xxi. 20). The ordi-
nary arrangement of the couches was in three
Sides of a square, the fourth being left open
for the servants to bring up the dishes.
Some doubt attends the question whether
the females took their meals along with the
males. The cases of Ruth amid the reapers
(Ruth ii. 14), of Elkanah with his wives (1
Sam. i. 4), of Job's sons and daughters (Job i.
4), and the general intermixture of the sexes
in daily life, make it more than probable that
they did so join ; at the same time, as the duty
of attending upon the guests devolved upon
them (Luke x. 40), they probably took a some-
what irregular and briefer repast. Before com-
mencing the meal, the guests washed their
hands. This custom was founded on natural
decorum ; not only was the hand the substitute
for our knife and fork, but the hands of all the
guests were dipped into one and the same dish.
Another preliminary step was the grace or
blessing, of which we have but one instance in
the O. T. (1 Sam. ix. 13), and more than one
pronounced by our Lord Himself in the N. T.
(Matt. xv. 36 ; Luke ix. 16 ; John vi. 11.) The
mode of taking the food differed in no material
point from the modern usages of the East;
generally there was a single dish into which
each guest dipped his hand (Matt. xxvi. 23) ;
occasionally separate portions were served oat
to each (Gen. xliii. 34 ; Ruth ii. 14 ; 1 Sam. i.
4). A piece of bread was held between the
thumb and two fingers of the right hand, and
was dipped either into a bowl of melted grease
(in which case it was termed fu/riov, " a sop,"
John xiii. 26), or into the dish of meat, whence
a piece was conveyed to the month between
the layers of bread. At the conclusion of the
meal, grace was again said in conformity with
Pent, viii. 10, and the hand* were strain washed.
Thus far we have described the ordinary meal :
on state occasions more ceremony was used.
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HEAT
535
MED AN
and the meal was enlivened in various ways.
Sncb occasions were numerous, in connection
partly with public, partly with private events.
On these occasions a sumptuous repast was
frepared; the guests were previously invited
Esth. v. 8; Matt xxii. 3), and on the day of
the feast a second invitation was issued to those
that were bidden (Esth. vi. 14; Prov. ix. 3;
Matt xxii. 3). The visitors were received
with a kiss (Tob. vii. 6 ; Luke vii. 45) ; water
was produced for them to wash their feet with
(Luke vii. 44): the head, the beard, the feet,
and sometimes the clothes, were perfumed with
ointment (Ps. xxiii. 5 ; Am. vi. 6 ; Luke vii. 38;
John xiL 3) ; on special occasions, robes were
Srovided (Matt xii. 11); and the head was
ecorated with wreaths (Is. xxviii. 1 ; Wisd. ii.
7, 8 ; Joseph. Ant. xix. 9, § 1 ). The regulation
of the feast was under the superintendence of a
special officer, named upxtrpinZivoc (John ii. 8 ;
A. V. "governor of the feast"), whose busi-
ness it was to taste the food and the liquors
before they were placed on the table, and to
settle about the toasts and amusements : he was
generally one of the guests (Ecclus. xxxii. 1,
2), and might therefore take part in the con-
versation. The places of the guests were set-
tled according to their respective rank (Gen.
xliii. 33; 1 Sam. ix. 22; Luke xiv. 8; Mark
xii. 39; John xiii. 23); portions of food were
placed before each (1 Sam. i. 4; 2 Sam. vi. 19;
1 Chr. xvi. 3), the most honored guests receiv-
ing either larger (Gen. xliii. 34; comp. Herod,
vi. 57) or more choice (1 Sam.ix.24; comp.//.
vii. 321 ) portions than the rest The meal was
enlivened with music, singing, and dancing (2
Sam. xix. 35; Ps. lxix. 12; Is. v. 12; Am. vi.
5), or with riddles (Judg. xiv. 12); and amid
these entertainments the festival was prolonged
for several days (Esth. i. 3, 4).
Me'ani. The same as Meucnim (1 Esd.
v. 31 ; comp. Ezr. ii. 50). An.
Mearah, a place named in Josh. xiii. 4
only. Its description is " Mearah, which is to
the Zidonians." The word mearah means in
Hebrew a cave, and it is commonly assumed
that the reference is to some remarkable cavern
in the neighborhood of Zidon. But there is
danger in interpreting these very ancient names
by the significations which they bore in later
Hebrew. Rcland suggests that Mearah may be
the same with Meroth, a village named by Joso-
phns. The identification is not improbable,
though there is no means of ascertaining the
fact. A village called el-Mughdr is found in
the mountains of Naphtali, some ten miles W.
of the northern extremity of the Sea of Galilee,
which may possibly represent an ancient Mearah.
Measures. [Weights and Mbasubes.1
Meat. It does not appear that the worn
"meat" is used in any one instance in the
Authorized Version of either the 0. or N. Tes-
tament, in the sense which it now almost exclu-
sively bears of animal food. The latter is de-
noted uniformly by "flesh." 1. The only pos-
sible exceptions to this assertion in the O. T.
arc : — (a.) Gen. xxvii. 4, 4c., " savory meat."
(b. ) lb. xiv. 23, " corn and bread ana meat"
2. The only real and inconvenient ambiguity
caused by the change which has taken place in
the meaning of the word is in the case of the
" meat-Offering," which consisted solely of flouv,
or corn, and oil, sacrifices of flesh being confined
to the other two. 3. There are several other
words, which, though entirely distinct in the
original, are all translated in the A. V. by
" meat ; " but none of them present any special
interest except lerepk. This word would be
perhaps more accurately rendered " prey " or
" booty." Its use in Ps. cxi. 5, especially when
taken in connection with the word rendered
"good understanding" in ver. 10, which would
rather be, as in the margin, " good success,"
throws a new and unexpected fight over the
familiar phrases of that beautiful psalm. 4. In
the N. T., the variety of the Greek words thus
rendered is equally great
Meat-Offering. The word minehah signi-
fies originally a gitt of any kind ; and appears
to be used generally of a gift from an inferior to
a superior, whether God or man. Afterwards
this general sense became attached to the word
" Corban ; " and the word minehah restricted to
an " unbloody offering." The law or ceremo-
nial of the meat-offering is described in Lev. ii.
and vi. 14-23. It was to be composed of fine
flour, seasoned with salt, and mixed with oil
and frankincense, but without leaven; and it
was generally accompanied by a drink-offering
of wine. A portion of it, including all the
frankincense, was to be burnt on the altar as
"a memorial;" the rest belonged to the priest;
but the meat-offerings offered by the priests
themselves were to be wholly burnt Its mean-
ing appears to be exactly expressed in the
words of David (1 Chr. xxix. 10-14). It will
bo seen that this meaning involves neither of
the main ideas of sacrifice — the atonement for
sin, and self-dedication to God. It takes them
for granted, and is based on them. Accord-
ingly, the meat-offering, properly so called,
seems always to have been a subsidiary offer-
ing, needing to be introduced by the sin-offering,
which represented the one idea, and forming
an appendage to the burnt-offering which rep-
resented the other. The unbloody offering*,
offered alone did not properly belong to the-
regular meat-offering. They were usually sub-
stitutes for other offerings "(comp. Lev. v. 11 ;
Num. v. 15).
Mebunna'i. In this form appears, in one
passage only (2 Sam. xxiii. 27), the name of
one of David's guard, who is elsewhere called
Sibbechai (2 Sam. xxi. 18; 1 Chr. xx. 4) or
Sibbecai (1 Chr. xi. 29, xxvii. 11) in the
A. V. The reading " Sibbechai " is evidently
the true one.
Meche'rathite, the, that is, the native
or inhabitant of a place called Mecherah ( 1 Chr.
xi. 36). In the parallel list of 2 Sam. xxiii. the
name appears, with other variations, as " the
Maachnthite " (ver. 34). Kennicott concludes
that the latter is the more correct.
Me'daba, the Greek form of the name
Medbba (1 Mace. ix. 36). Ap.
Me'dad. [Eldad and Mbdad.]
Me'dan, a son of Abraham ana Keturah
(Gen. xxv. 2; 1 Chr. i. 32), whose name and
descendants have not been traced beyond this
record. It has been supposed, from the simi-
larity of the name, that the tribe descended from
Medan was more closely allied to Midian than
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MEDES
536
MEDES
by men blood-relation, and that it was the
same as, or a portion of, the latter. There is,
however, no ground for this theory beyond its
plausibility. The mention of " Ishmaelite " as
a convertible term with " Midianite," in Gen.
xxxvii. 28, 36, is remarkable ; but the Midian-
ite of the A. V. in ver. 36 is Medanite in the
Hebrew.
Me'deba, a town on the eastern side of
Jordan. Medeba is first alluded to in the frag-
ment of a popular song of the time of the
conquest, preserved in Num. xxi. (see ver. 30.)
Here it seems to denote the limit of the territory
of Hcsbbon. It nextoecurs in the enumeration
of the country divided amongst the trans-Jor-
danic tribes ('Josh. xiii. 9), as giving its name
to a district of level downs railed " the Mishor
of Medeba," or "the Mishor on Medeba."
This district fell within the allotment of Reuben
(ver. 16). At the time of the conquest, Medeba
belonged to the Amorites, apparently one of
the towns taken from Moab oy them. When
we next encounter it, four centuries later, it is
again in the hands of the Monbites, or, which is
nearly the same thing, of the Ammonites (1
Chr. xix. 7). In the time of Ahaz, Medeba was
a sanctuary of Moab (Is. xv. 2). In the Mac-
cabsean times, it had returned into the hands of
the Amorites, who seem most probably intended
by the obscure word Jambri in 1 Mace. ix. 36.
About 1 10 B.C. it was taken after a long siege
by John Hyrcanus. Medeba has retained its
name down to our own times. To Euscbius and
Jerome it was evidently known. In Christian
times it was a noted bishopric of the patriarchate
of " Becerra, or Bitira Arabia;." It is in the
pastoral district of the Bdka, which probably
answers to the Mishor of the Hebrews, 4 miles
8. E. of Heshbon, and like it lying on a rounded
but rocky hill.
Medea (Hcb. madai), one of the most
powerful nations of Western Asia in the times
anterior to the establishment of the kingdom of
Cyrus, and one of the most important tribes
composing that kingdom. The title by which
they appear to have known themselves was
Mada.
1. Primitive History. — It may be gathered
from the mention of the Medcs, by Moses,
among the races descended from Japhet, that
they were a nation of very high antiquity ; and
It is in accordance with this view that we find
a notice of them in the primitive Babylonian
history of Berosus, who says that the' Modes
conquered Babylon at a very remote period
(circ. B.C. 2458), and that eight Median mon-
archs reigned there consecutively, over a space
of 224 years. There are independent grounds
for thinking that an Aryan element existed in
the population of the Mesopotamiun Valley, side
by side with the Cushite and Shemitic elements,
at a very early date. It is therefore not at all
impossible that the Medes may have been the
predominant race there for a time, as Berosus
states, and mny afterwards have been overpow-
ered, and driven to the mountains.
2. Connection with Assyria. — The deepest
obscurity hangs, however, over the whole his-
tory of the Medes from the time of their bearing
twny in Babylonia (B.C. 2458-2234) to their
first appearance in the cuneiform inscriptions
among the enemies of Assyria, about B.C. 880.
They then inhabit a portion of the region which
bore their name down to the Mahometan con-
quest of Persia ; but whether they were recent
immigrants into it, or had held it from a
remote antiquity, is uncertain. However this
was, it is certain that at first, and for a long
series of years, they were very inferior in power
to the great empire established upon their flank.
They were under no general or centralized gov-
ernment, but consisted of various petty tribes,
each ruled by its chief, whose dominion was
over a single small town and perhaps a few
villages. The Assyrian monarch! ravaged their
lands at pleasure, and took tribute from their
chiefs ; while the Medes could in no way retali-
ate upon their antagonists. Media, however,
was strong enough, and stubborn enough, to
maintain her nationality throughout the whole
period of the Assyrian sway, *nd was never ab-
sorbed into the empire.
3. Median History of Herodotus. — Herodotus
represents the decadence of Assyria as greatly
accelerated by a formal revolt of the Medes,
following upon a period of contented subjection,
and places this revolt more than 218 years be-
fore the battle of Marathon, or a little before b.c
708. Ctesias placed the commencement of Me-
dian independence as far back as B.C. 875. No
one now defends this latter statement, which
alike contradicts the Hebrew records and the
native documents. According to Herodotus, the
Medes, when they first shook off the yoke,
established no government Quarrels were set-
tled by arbitration, and a certain Deioces, hav-
ing obtained a reputation in this way, contrived
after a while to get himself elected sovereign.
He was succeeded by his son Fhraortes, an am-
bitious prince, who directly after his accession
began a career of conquest, reduced nation after
nation, and finally perished in an expedition
against Assyria, after he had reigned 22 years.
Cyaxares, the son of Phraortes, then mounted
the throne. After a desperate struggle, during
eight and twenty years with the Scythians, Cy-
axares succeeded in recovering his former em-
pire, whereupon be resumed the projects which
their invasion had made him temporarily aban-
don. He conquered the Assyrians, and engaged
in a war with Alyattes, king'of Lydia, the father
of Croesus, with" whom be long maintained a
stubborn contest This war was terminated at
length by the formation of an alliance between
the two* powers. Cyaxares, soon after this,
died, having reigned "in all 40 years. He was
succeeded by his son Astvages.
4. Its Imperfections. — Snch is, in outline, the
Median History of Herodotus. It has been
accepted as authentic by most modern writers.
That the story of Deioces is a romance has
been acknowledged. That the chronological
dates are improbable, and even contradictory,
has been a frequent subject of complaint Re-
cently it has been shown that the whole scheme
of dates is artificial, and that the very names
of the kings, except in a single instance, arc
nnbistorical. The cuneiform records of Sargon,
Sennacherib, and Esar-haddon, clearly show
that the Median kingdom did not commence
so early as Herodotus imagined. These three
princes, whose reigns cover the space extending
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MEDES
537
MEDES
from B.C. 720 to b.c. 660, all carried their arras
deep into Media, and found it, not under the
dominion of a single powerful monarch, but
under the rule of a vast number of petty chief-
tains. It cannot have been till near the middle
of the 7th century b.c. that the Median king-
dom was consolidated, and became formidable
to its neighbors. How this change was accom-
plished is uncertain : tho most probable suppo-
sition would seem to be, that about this time a
fresh Aryan immigration took place from the
countries east of the Caspian, and that the leader
of the immigrants established his authority over
the scattered tribes of his race, who had been
settled previously in the district between the
Caspian and Mount Zagros. There is good
reason to believe that this leader was the great
Cvaxarcs. The Deioccs and Phraortcs of
Herodotus are thus removed from the list of
historical personages altogether.
5. 1 kedapment of Median Power, and Forma-
tion of 'he Empire. — It is evident that the devel-
opment of Median power proceeded /xtri passu
with the decline of Assyria, of which it was
in part an effect, in part a cause. Cvaxarcs
must h.i >e been contemporary with tie later
years of that Assyrian monarch who passed the
g.~°-ater portion of his time in hunting expedi-
tions in Susiana. In order to consolidate a
powerful kingdom in the district cast of As-
syria, it was necessary to bring into subjection
a number of Scythic tribes. The struggle with
these tribes may bo the real event represented
in Herodotus by the Scythic war of Cyaxnrcs,
or possibly his narrative may contain a still
larger amount of truth. His capture of Nine-
veh an. I conquest of Assyria arc facts which no
scepticism can doubt ; and the date of the cap-
ture may be fixed with tolerable certainty to
the year B.C. 625. It was undoubtedly after
this that Cyaxares endeavored to conquer
Lydia. It is surprising that he failed, more
especially as he seems to have been accompa-
nied by the forces of the Babylonians, who
were perhaps commanded by Nebuchadnezzar
in the occasion.
6. Extent of the Empire. — The limits of tho
Median Empire cannot be definitely fixed.
From north to south its extent was in no
place great, since it was certainly confined be-
tween the Persian Gulf and the Euphrates on
the one side, the Black and Caspian Seas on
the other. From cast to west it had, however,
• wide expansion, since it reached from the
Halys at least as far as the Caspian Gate., and
possibly farther. It was separated from Baby-
lonia either by the Tigris, or more probably
by a line running about half way ltetwcen that
river and the Euphrates. Its greatest length
may be reckoned at 1,500 miles from N. W. to
S. E., and its average bnsadth at 400 or 450
miles. Its area would thus be about 600,000
square miles, or somewhat greater than that
of modern Persia. — 7. Its Character. — With
regard to the nature of the government cstnl>-
lished by the Medes over the conquered na-
tions, we possess hat little trustworthy evi-
dence. Herodotus in one place compares,
somewhat vaguely, the Median with the Per-
sian system (i. 134) ; but on the whole it is
prrhaps most probable that the Assyrian or-
es
ganization was continued by the Medes, the
subject-nations retaining their native mon-
arch*, and merely acknowledging subjection by
the payment of an annual tribute. This seems
certainly to have been the case in Persia. Tho
sutrapiul organization was apparently a Persian
invention, begun by Cyrus, continued by Cam-
byses, his son, but first adopted as the regular
governmental system bv Darius Hystaspis. —
8. Its Duration. — Of all the ancient Oriental
monarchies, the Median was the shortest in
duration. It commenced, as we have seen,
after the middle of the 7th centurv B.C., and
it terminated B.C. 558. — 9. Itt Jinal Overthrow.
— Tho conquest of the Medes by a sistcr-Iranie
race, the Persians, under their native monarch
Cyrus, is another of those indisputable facts of
remote history, which make the inquirer feel
that he sometimes attains to solid ground in
these difficult investigations. After manv par-
tial engagements, a great battle was fought
between the two armies, and the result was the
complete defeat of the Medes, und the capture
of their king, Astyagcs, by Cyrus. — 10. Posi-
tion of Media under Persia. — The treatment of
tho Medes by the victorious Persians was not
that of an ordinary conquered nation. Accord-
ing to some writers (as Herodotus and Xeno-
phon), there was a close relationship between
Cyrus and tho last Median monarch, who wai
therefore naturally treated with more than com-
mon tenderness. The two nations were close
ly akin ; they had the same Aryan or Ironic
origin, the samo curly traditions, the some
language, nearly the same religion, and ulti
matcly tho same manners and customs, dress,
and general mode of life. Medes were ad-
vanced to stations of high honor and impor-
tance under Cyrus and \\s successors I he
Median capital was at first the chief ro\ al resi-
dence. On tho first convenient opportunity
Media rebelled, elevating to the throne a certain
Phraortcs (Frawartislt). Darius Hystaspis, in
whoso reign this rebellion took place, had great
difficulty in suppressing it. — II. Internal Di-
visions. — According to Herodotus, the Median
nation was divided into six tribes, called Dumb,
the Parctaccni, the Strachatcs, the Arizanti,
the Budii, and the Magi. It is doubtful, how-
ever, in what sense these arc to I* considered
as ethnic divisions. Wc may perhaps assume,
from the order of Herodotus' list, that the
Busts, Parctaccni, Struchatcs, and Arizanti
wcro true Medes, of genuine Aryan dewrent,
while the Budii and Magi were foreigners
admitted into tho nation.
12. Religion. — The original religion of tho
Medes miist undoubtedly have liecn that sim-
ple creed which is placed before us in the earliet
portions of tho Zcndavestu. Its peculiar char-
acteristic was Dualism, the belief in the exist-
ence of two opposite principles of good and
evil, nearly if not quite on a par with one an.
other. Ormazd and Ahriman were both self,
caused and self-existent, both indestructible,
both potent to work their will. Besides Or-
mazd, the Arvans worshipped the Sim and
Moon, under tho names of Mithra and Homa;
and they believed in the existence of numerous
spirits or genii, some good, somo had, the sub-
jects and ministers respectively of the two
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MEDES
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MEDICINE
powers of Good and Evil. Their migration
brought them into contact with the fire-
worshippers of Armenia and Mount Zagros,
among whom Mag-ism had been established
from a remote antiquity. The result was
either a combination of the two religions, or
in some cases an actual conversion of the con-
querors to the faith and worship of the con-
quered. So far as can be gathered from the
scanty materials in our possession, the latter
was the case with the Mcdes. — 13. 3 fanners,
Customs, and National Character. — The customs
of the Medes are said to have nearly resembled
those of their neighbors, the Armenians and
the Persians ; bat they were regarded as the
inventors, their neighbors as the copyists.
They were brave and warlike, excellent ri-
ders, and remarkably skilful with the bow.
The flowing robe, so well
known from the Persepoli-
tan sculptures, was their
native dress, and was cer-
tainly among the points for
which the Persians were
beholden to them. As
troops, they were consid-
ered little inferior to the
native Persians, next to
whom they were usually
ranged in the battle-field.
— 14. References to the
Medes in Scripture. — The
references to the Medes in
the canonical Scriptures
are not very numerous ;
but they are striking. We
first hear of certain " cities
of the Mcdes," in which
the captive Israelites were
placed by " the king of As-
syria" on the destruction
of Samaria, B.C. 721 (2 K.
xvii. 6, xviii. 11). This
implies the subjection of
Media to Assyria at the
time of Shalmaneser, or of
Sargon, bis successor, and
accords very closely with
the account given by the
latter of certain military colonies which he
planted in the Median country. Soon after-
wards, Isaiah prophecies the part which the
Medes shall take in the destruction of Baby-
lon (Is. xiii. 17, xxi. 2); which is again still
more distinctly declared by Jeremiah (li. 11
and 28), who sufficiently indicates the inde-
pendence of Media in his day (xxv. 25). Dan-
iel relates the fact of the Medo-Pcrsic conquest
(v. 28, 31), giving an acconnt of the reign of
Darius the Medc, who appears to have been
made viceroy by Cyrus (vi. 1-28). In Ezra
we have a mention of Achmetha (Ecbatana),
" the palace in the province of the Mcdes,"
where the decree of Cyrus was found (vi. 2-5)
— a notice which accords with the known facts
that the Median capital was the seat of govern-
ment under Cyrus, but a royal residence only,
and not the seat of government, under Darius
Hystaspis. Finally, in Esther, the high rank
of* Media under the Persian kings, yet at the
same time its subordinate position, are marked
Medlw Dtcm.
(From Monument!.)
by the frequent combination of the two name*
in phrases of honor, the precedency being in
every case assigned to the Persians. In the
Apocrypha, the Medes occupy a more promi-
nent place. The chief scene of one whole book
(Tobit) is Media; and in another (Judith) m
very striking portion of the narative belongs to
the same country. The mention of Rhages in
both narratives as a Median town and region
of importance is geographically correct ; and
it is historically true that Phraoitcs suffered his
overthrow in the Rhagian district.
Media, a country, the general situation of
which is abundantly clear, though its limits
may not be capable of being precisely deter-
mined. Media lay north-west of Persia Prop-
pcr, south and south-west of the Caspian, east
of Armenia and Assyria, west and north-west
of the great salt desert of Iran. Its greatest
length was from north to south, and in this
direction it extended from the 32d to the 40th
parallel, a distance of 550 miles. In width it
reached from about long. 45° to 53° ; but its
uverage breadth was not more than from 250 to
300 miles. Its area may be reckoned at about
150,000 square miles, or three-fourths of that
of modern France. It comprised the modern
provinces of Irak Ajemi, Persian Kurdistan,
part of Lmistan, Azerbijan, perhaps Talish
and Ghilan, but not Mazanaeran or Astera-
bad. The division of Media commonly rec-
ognized by the Greeks and Romans was that
into Media Magna, and Media Atropatene.
1. Media Atropatene corresponded nearly to the
modern Azerbijan, being the tract situated be-
tween the Caspian and the mountains which
run north from Zagros, and consisting mainly
of the rich and fertile basin of Lake Urumigeh,
with the Valleys of the Aras and the Se/id Rod.
The ancient Atropatene may have included
also the countries of Ghilan and Talish, to-
gether with the Plain of Moghan at the mouth
of the combined A'mt and Aras Rivers. 2. Me-
dia Magna lay south and east of Atropatene.
It contained great part of Kurdistan and Lu-
ristan with all Ardeian and Irak Ajemi. The
character of tins tract is very varied. It is
indicative of the division, that there were two
Ecbatanas — one, the northern, at Takht-i-Stt-
Ifimnn ; the other, the southern, at Hamadan,
on the flanks of Mount Orontes (Elwand) —
respectively the capitals of the two districts.
Next to the two Ecbatanas, the chief town in
Media was undoubtedly Rhages — the Raga of
the inscriptions. The onlv other place of
much note was Bagistana, the modern Behis-
tun, which guarded the chief pass connecting
Media with the Mesopotamian rloin.
Me'dian. Darius, " the son of Ahasuerus,
of the seed of the Medes " (Dan. ix. ! ) or " the
Mcde " (xi. 1 ), is thus described in Dan. t. 31 .
Medicine. Egypt was the earliest home
of medical and other skill for the region of
the Mediterranean basin ; and every Egyptian
mummy of the more expensive and elaborate
sort involved a process of anatomy. Still we
have no trace of any philosophical or rational
svstcm of Egyptian origin ; and medicine in
Egyp' wns a mere art or profession. The prac-
tice of physic was not among the Jews a privi-
lege of the priesthood. Any one might practice
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MEDICINE
539
MEDICINE
It, and this publicity must have kept it pure.
Nay, there was no scriptural bar to its practice
by resident aliens. We read of " physicians,
" healing," &c., in Ex. xxi. 19, 2 K. viii. 29,
2 Chr. xvi. 12, Jerem. viii. 22. At the same
time, the greater leisure of the Levites, and
their other advantages, would make them the
students of the nation, as a rule, in all science ;
and their constant residence in cities would
give them the opportunity, if carried out in
fact, of a far wider field of observation. The
reign of peace of Solomon's days must have
opened, especially with renewed Egyptian in-
tercourse, new facilities for the study. He him-
self seems to have included in his favorite
natural history some knowledge of the medi-
cinal uses of the creatures. His works show
him conversant with the notion of remedial
treatment (Prov. iii. 8, vi. 15, xii. 18, xvii. 22,
xx. 30, xxix. 1 ; Eccles. iii. 3) ; and one pas-
gage indicates considerable knowledge of anato-
my. The statement that King Asa (2 Chr xvi.
12) "sought not to Jehovah but to the physi-
cians," may seem to countenance the notion
that a rivalry of actual worship, based on some
medical fancies, had been set up. The captivity
at Babylon brought the Jews in contact with a
new sphere of thought. We know too little
of the precise state of medicine in Babylon,
Susa, and the " cities of the Mcdes," to deter-
mine the direction in which the impulse so de-
rived would have led the exiles. The Book of
Ecclesiasticus shows the increased regard given
to the distinct study of medicine, by the repeat-
ed mention of physicians, &c., which it con-
tains, and which, as probably belonging to the
period of the Ptolemies, it might be expected
to show. Rank and honor are said to be the
portion of the physician, and his office to be
from the Lord (xxxviii. 1, 3, 12). The re-
peated allusions to sickness in vii. 35, xxx. 17,
xxxi. 22, xxxvii. 30, xxxviii. 9, coupled with
the former recognition of merit, have caused
tome to suppose that this author was himself a
physician. In Wisd. xvi. 12, plaster is spoken
of; anointing, as a means of healing, in Tob.
vi. 8. To bring dowr» ♦'•e subject to the period
of the N.T., St. Luke, "the beloved physi-
cian," who practised at Antioch whilst the
body was his care, could hardly have failed to
be conversant with all the leading opinions
current down to his own time. The medicine
and surgery of St. Luke were probably not in-
ferior to those commonly in demand among
educated Asiatic Greeks, and must have been,
as regards their basis, Greek, and not Jewish.
— Among special diseases named in the O. T.
are ophthalmia (Gen. xxix. 17), which is per-
haps more common in Syria and Egypt than
anywhere else in the world ; especially in the
fig season, the juice of the newly-ripe fruit
having the power of giving it. It may occasion
partial or total blindness (2 K. vi. 18). The
eye-salve (Rev. iii. 18) was a remedy common
to Orientals, Greeks, and Romans. Several
diseases are mentioned, the names of which are
derived from various words, signifying to burn
or to be hot (Lev. xxvi. 16; Deut. xxviii. 22).
The " burning boil," or "of a boil " (Lev. xiii.
23), is merely marked by the notion of an effect
resembling that of fire, like our " carbuncle ; "
it may possibly find an equivalent In the Da
mascus boil of the present time. The diseases
rendered " scab " and " scurvy " in Lev. xxi.
20, xxii. 22, Dent, xxviii. 27, may be almost
any skin disease. Some of these may be said
to approach the type of leprosy. The " botch
(shechin) of Egypt " (Deut. xxviii. 27) is so
vague a term as to yield a most uncertain
sense ; the plague, as known by its attendant
bubo, has been suggested. It is possible that
the Elephantiasis Gracorum may he intended.
The same word is used to express the " boil "
of Hezckiah. In Deut. xxviii. 35 is mentioned
a disease attacking the " knees and legs," con-
sisting in a "sore botch which cannot be
healed," but extended, in the sequel of the
verse, from the " sole of the foot to the top of
the head." The latter part of the quotation
would certainly accord with Elephantiasis Gra.-
corum. The Elephantiasis Grcecorum is what
now passes under the name of " leprosy " — the
lepers, e.g. of the huts near the Zion Gate of
modern Jerusalem are elephantiasiacs [Lepro-
sy]. The disease of King Antiochus (2 Mace
ix. 5-10, &c.) is that of a boil breeding worms.
There is some doubt whether this disease be
not allied to phthiriasis, in which lice are bred,
and cause ulcers. In Deut. xxviii. 65, it is pos-
sible that a palpitation of the heart is intended
to be spoken of ("omp. Gen. xlv. 26). In
Mark ix. 17 (comp. Luke ix. 38) we have an
apparent case of epilepsy. The expression of
Ex. ix. 10, a " boil " flourishing, or ebullient
with Mains, may perhaps be a disease analo-
gous to phlegmonous erysipelas, or even com-
mon erysipelas. The "withered hand" of
Jeroboam (1 K. xiii. 4-6), and of the man,
Matt. xii. 10-13 (comp. Luke vi. \0), is snch
an effect as is known to follow from the ob-
literation of the main artery of any member,
or from paralysis of the principal nerve, either
through disease or through injury. The case
of the widow's son restored by Elisha (2 K. iv.
19) was probably one of sunstroke. The dis-
ease of Asa " in his feet " which attacked him
in his old age (1 K. xv. 23 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 12),
and became exceedingly great, may have been
either adema, swelling, "or podagra, gout. The
disease of Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. iv. 33) may
be viewed as a species of the melancholy known
as lycanthropia. Persons so affected wander
like wolves in sepulchres by night, and imitate
the howling of a wolf or a dog. Here should
be noticed the mental malady of Saul. His
melancholy seems to have had its origin in his
sin. Music, which soothed him for a while,
has entered largely into the mildei- modern
treatment of lunacy. The palsy meets ns in
the N. T. only, and in features too familiar to
need special remark. Gangrene, or mortifica-
tion in its various forms, is a totally different
disorder from the " canker " of the A. V. in 2
Tim. ii. 17. Both gangrene and cancer were
common in all the countries familiar to the
scriptural writers, and neither differs from the
modem disease of the same name. The bite or
sting of venomous beasts can hardly be treated
as a disease ; but in connection with the " fiery
(i'.e. venomous) serpents " of Num. xxi. 6, and
the deliverance from death of those bitten, it
deserves a notice. The brazen figure was sym-
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MEGIDDO
540
MEHTJMAK
bolical only. It was customary to consecrate the
image of the affliction, either in its cause or in
its effect, as in the golden hemorrhoids, golden
mice, of 1 Sam. vi. 4, 8, and in the ex-votos
<-ommon in Egypt, even before the Exodus;
and these may'be compared with this setting-
up of the brazen serpent. The scorpion and
centipede are natives of the Levant (Rev. ix. 5,
10), and, with a large variety of serpents, swarm
there. — Among surgical instruments or pieces
of apparatus, the following only are alluded to
in Scripture. A cutting instrument, supposed
a " sharp stone " (Ex. iv. 25). The " knife " of
Josh. v. 2 was probably a more refined instru-
ment for the same purpose. An " awl " is men-
tioned (Ex. xxi. 6) as used to bore through the
ear of the bondman who refused release, and
is supposed to have been a surgical instrument.
The '* roller to bind " of Ez. xxx. 21 was for a
broken limb, as still used. A scraper, for which
the " potsherd " of Job was a substitute (Job
ii. 8). — Ex. xxx. 23-25 is a prescription in
form. An occasional trace occurs of some
chemical knowledge, e.g. the calcination of the
gold by Moses, the effect of " vinegar upon
natron (Ex. xxxii. 20; Prov. xxv. 20 ; comp.
Jer. ii. 22), the mention of " the apothecary "
(Ex. xxx. 35; Eccles. x. 1), and of the mer-
chant in " powders " (Cant. iii. 6), shows that
a distinct and important branch of trade was
set up in these wares, in which, as at a modern
druggist's, articles of luxury, Sue., are com-
bined with the remedies of sickness. Among
the most favorite of external remedies has
always been the bath. There were special oc-
casions on which the bath was ceremonially
enjoined. The Pharisees and Esscnes aimed
at scrupulous strictness of all snch rules (Matt.
xv. 2 ; Mark vii. 5 ; Luke xi. 38). River-
bathing was common ; but houses soon began
to include a bath-room (Lev. xv. 13 ; 2 K. v.
10 ; 2 Sam. xi. 2 ; Susanna 15).
Me'eda = Mehida (t Esd. v. 32). A p.
Megiddo was in a verv marked position on
the southern rim of the Plain of Esdraelon,
on the frontier-line, speaking generally, of the
territories of the tribes of Issachar and Ma-
nasseh, and commanding one of those passes
from the north into the hill-country which
were of such critical importance on various oc-
casions in the history of Judaea (Jndith iv. 7).
The first mention occurs in Josh. xii. 21, where
Megiddo appears as the city of one of the
"thirty and one kings," or petty chieftains,
whom Joshua defeated on the west of the
Jordan. The song of Deborah brings the place
vividly before us, as the scene of the great con-
flict between Siscra and Barak. The chariots
of Sisera were gathered "unto the River of
Kishon " (Judg. iv. 13); Barak went down
with his men " from Mount Tabor " into the
plain (iv. 14); "then fought the kings of Ca-
naan in Taanach by the waters of Megiddo"
(v. 19). Still we do not read of Megiddo being
firmly in the occupation of the Israelites, and
perhaps it was not really so till the time of
Solomon. But the chief historical interest
of Megiddo is concentrated in Josiah's death.
When Pharaoh-Necho came from Egypt against
the king of Assyria, Josiah joined the latter,
and was slain at' Megiddo (2 K. xxiii. 29), and
his body was carried from thence to Jerusalem
lu. 30). The story is told in the Chronicles in
more detail (2 Chr. xxxv. 22-24). There the
fatal action is said to have taken place " in the
Valley of Megiddo." This calamity made a
deep and permanent impression on the Jews.
Thus, in the language of the prophets (Zech.
xii. 11), "the mourning of Hadadrimmon in
the Valley of Megiddon " becomes a poetical
expression for the deepest and most despairing
grief; as in the Apocalypse (Rev. xvi. 16)
Armageddon, in continuance of the same
imagery, is presented as the scene of terrible
and final conflict. The site thus associated
with critical passages of Jewish history from
Joshua to Josiah nas been identified beyond
any reasonable doubt. Robinson did not visit
this corner of the plain on his first journey, hot
he was brought confidently to the conclusion
that Megiddo was the modern d-Ltjjk*, which
is undoubtedly the Legio of Eusebins and Je-
rome. There can he no doubt that the identi-
fication is substantially correct. El-Lejjwm is
on the caravan-route from Egypt to Damascus,
and traces of a Roman road arc found near the
village. Van de Vclde describes the view of
the plain as seen from the highest point be-
tween it and the sea, and the huge uUm which
mark the positions of the " key-fortresses " of
the hills and the plain, Taanuk and fl-Ltjjix,
the latter being the most considerable, and
having another called TeU-Mettdlim, half an
hour to the N. W. About a month later in the
same year, Dr. Robinson was there. Both wri-
ters mention a copious stream flowing down
this gorge (March and April), and turning some
mills before joining the Kishon. Here are prob-
ably the " waters of Megiddo " of Judg. v. 19,
though it should be added that by Dr. Stanley
they are supposed rather to be " the pools in
the bed of the Kishon " itself. The same author
regards the "Plain (or Valley) of Megiddo"
as denoting, not the whole of the Esdraelon
level, but that broadest part of it which is
immediately opposite the place we are describ-
ing.
Megiddon, the Valley of. The ex-
tended form of the preceding name. It occurs
only in Zech. xii. 11.
Mehe'tabeel- Another and less correct
form of Mbhbtabel. The ancestor of Shem-
aiah the prophet who was hired against
Nehemiah by Tobiah and Sanball&t (Neh. vi.
10).
Mehe'tabel, the daughter of Matted, and
wife of Hadad, or Hadar, the eighth and hut-
mentioned king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 39).
Mehida, a family of Nethinim, the de-
scendants of Mehida, returned from Babyloa.
with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 52; Neh. vii. 54).
MeTlir. the son of Chelub, the brother of
Shuah (1 Chr. iv. 11).
Mehol'athite, the, a word occurring
once only (I Sam. xviii. 19). It no doubt de-
notes that Adriel belonged to a place called
Meholah, bnt whether that was Abel-Meholan
afterwards the native place of Eliaha, or an-
other, is uncertain.
Mehu'jael, the son of Irad, and fourth in
descent from Cain (Gen. iv. 18).
Melmmaa, one of the seven eunuchs
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MELCHI-SHUA
541
MELCHIZEDEK
(A. V. "chamberlains") of Ahasuerus (Esth.
i. 10).
Mjliunim, Ezr. ii. 50. Elsewhere called
Muiiijnims and Mutism.
Mytianims, the, a people against whom
Kin' Uzziah waged a successful war (2 Chr.
xxvi. 7). Although so different in its English
drjss, yet the name is in the original merely
tho plural of Maox. Moon, or the Maonites,
probably inhabited the country at the back of
tlio great range of Seir, tho modern esh-Sherah,
w'.iich forms the eastern side of tho Wady d-
Ara/fik, whore at the present day there is still a
town of the same name. Another notice of tho
Mil rii:ns in the roign of Hczckiah (cir. B.C.
7JJ-337) is found in 1 Chr. iv. 41. Here they
an spoken of as a pastoral people, either them-
s^'Ivjs Hamites, or in alliance with Hamites,
i\ lijt and peaceable, dwelling in tents. Here,
however, the A. V. treats the word as an or-
diuiry noon, and renders it "habitations."
A third notice of the Mchunim, corroborative
of those already mentioned, is found, in the
narrative of a Chr. xx. There is every reason
to believe that in ver. 1 "the Ammonites"
should be read as " the Maonites," who in that
cii'o are th« " mm of Mount Seir" mentioned
lat.tr in tho narrative (ver. 10, 22). In all these
p ma.fas, including the last, the LXX. render
thi name by oi Unvaioi — the Minaeans — a
nation of Arabia renowned for their traffic in
spice-*, who *re named by Strabo, Ptolemy,
and ether ancient geographers, and whose seat
is now ascertained to have been the S. W. por-
tion of the great Arabian peninsula, the western
half of the modern Hadram aut. The latest
appearance of tin name Mehcnims in the
Bible is m the lists of those who returned
from the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii.
5'J, A. V. "Mohunim;" Neh. vii. 52, A. V.
" Mjunitn ").
Ma-Jjor'kon, a town in the territory of
Din (J.) ill. xix. 46 only); named next in or-
der to Gath-rimmon, and in the neighborhood
of Joppa or Japho.
Mj konah, one of the towns which wore
re-inhabited after tho Captivity by the men of
Jiil.ih (Neh. xi. 23). It is not mentioned
elsjwhara, and it does not appear that any
nam? corresponding with it has ^et been dis-
covered.
Mjlati'ah, a Gibeonite, who assisted in
rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii.
?)•
Mal'chi. 1. The son of Janna, and ances-
tor of Jojopli in tho genealogy of Jesus Christ
(Luke iii. 24). — ?. The son of Addi in the
same genealogy (Li ko iii. 21).
Malohi'ah, a priest, the father of Pashnr
(Jor. xxi. I ).
MaLshi'as. 1. The same as Malchiaii 2
(1 Esd. ix. 26). — 2. = Malchiaii 3 and Ma l-
cm j ah 4 (1 Esd. ix. 32). — 3- The same as
Malchiaii 6 (I Esd. ix. 44). Ap.
Mjl'chiel. Charmis, the son of Melchiel,
wa< one of tho three governors of Bethulia
(Jiid. vi. 15). Ap.
Mjlchis'edec, the form of the name Mbl-
chizbdbk adopted in the A. V. of the New
Testament (Hch. v., vi., vii.).
Mel'ohi-Shu'a, a son of Saul (1 Sam. xiv.
49, xxxi. 2). Elsewhere correctly given Mal-
chishua.
Melohiz'edek, king of Salem, and priest
of the Most High God, who met Abrum in the
Valley of Shaveh, which is the king's valley,
brought out bread and wine, blessed Abruin,
and received tithe* from him (Gen. xiv. 18-20).
The other places in which Mclchizedck is men-
tioned arc Ps. ex. 4, where Messiah is described
as a priest forever, " after the order of Mclchiz-
edck, and Hcb. v., vi., vii., where theso two
passages of the O. T. are quoted, and the typi-
cal relation of Mclchizedck to our Lord is
stated at great length. There is something sur-
prising and mysterious in the first appearance
of Mclchizedck, and in the subsequent reference
to him. Bearing a title which Jews in after
ages would recognize as designating their own
sovereign, bearing gifts which recall to Chris-
tians the Lord's Supper, this Canaanitc ' crosses
for a moment the path of Abram, and is un-
hesitatingly recognized as a person of higher
spiritual rank than the friend of God. Disap-
pearing as suddenly as he came in, he is lost to
the <iacred writings for a thousand years. The
faith of early ages ventured to invest his person
with superstitious awe. Jewish tradition pro-
nounces Mclchizedck to be a survivor of the
deluge, — the patriarch Shcm. It should be
noted that this supposition docs not appear in
the Targum of Onkelos, — a presumption that
it was not received by the Jews till after the
Christian era, — nor has it found favor with the
Fathers. Equally old, perhaps, but less widely
diffused, is the supposition, not ui. known to
Auguetino, and ascribed by Jcromu (I.e.) to
Origen and Didymus, ttiat Melchizedck was an
angel. The Fathers of the fourth and fifth
centuries record with reprobation the tenet of
the Mclchizedekians, that he was a Power, Vir-
tue, or Influence of God, and the not less dar-
ing conjecture of Hieraeas and his followers,
that Melchizedek was the Holy Ghost Epipha-
nius mentions some members of Oie Church as
holding the erroneous opinion that Melchizedek
was the Son of God appearing in human form.
Similar to this was a Jewish opinion that he
was the Messiah. The way in which he is
mentioned in Genesis would rather lead to tho
immediate inference that Melchizedck was of
one blood with the children of Ham, among
whom he lived, chief (like the King of Sodom)
of a settled Canaonitish tribe. And as Balaam
was a prophet, so Melchizedek was a priest,
among the corrupted heathen, not self-appoiut-
ed, but constituted by a special gift from God,
and recognized as such by Him. The " order
of Melchizedek," in Ps. ex. 4, is explained by
Gcsenius and Rosenmuller to mean " manner
= likeness in official dignity = a king ana
priest The relation between Melchizedck and
Christ as type and antitype is made in the
Ep. to the Hebrews to consist in the following
particulars. Each was a priest, (1) not of
the Levitical tribe; (2) superior to Abraham,
(3) whose beginning and end are unknown ;
1 It Is Incredible that » priest of an excommuni-
cated nnd acetiraed race, tne cup of whose Iniquity
was almost rail, should be superior to Abraham,
the father of the faithful, and heir of the world.
Melchizedek was no Canaanite. — Eo.
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MELITA
542
MELONS
(4) who is not only a priest, bnt also a king
of righteousness and peace.' Another fruitful
source of discussion has been found in the site
of Salem and Shaveh, which certainly lay in
Abrain's road from Hobah to the Plain of
Mamrc, and which are assumed to be near to
each other. The various theories may be
briefly enumerated as follows : — ( 1 ) Salem is
supposed to have occupied in Abraham's time
the ground on which afterwards Jebus and then
Jerusalem stood ; and Shaveh to be the valley
east of Jerusalem through which the Kidron
flows. (2) Jerome denies that Salem is Je-
rusalem, and asserts that it is identical with a
town near Scythopolis or Bcthshan. (3) Pro-
fessor Stanley is of opinion that there is every
probability that Mount Gerizim is the place
where Mclchizedck, the priest of the Most High,
met Abram. (4) Ewald denies positively that
it is Jerusalem, and says that it must be north
of Jerusalem, on the other side of Jordan ; an
opinion which Rodiger condemns.
Mel'ea. The son of Mcnan, and ancestor
of Joseph in the genealogy of Jesus Christ
(Luke iii. 31 ).
Mel'och. The second son of Micab, the
son of Mcrib-baal or Mephibosheth (1 Chr.
viii. 35, ix. 41).
Mel'icu. The same as Mallcch 6 (Neh.
xii. 14; comp. ver 2).
Mel'ita, the modern Malta. This island has
an illustrious place in Scripture, as the scene
of that shipwreck of St. Paul which is described
in such minute detail in the Acts of the Apostles.
{1.) We take St. Paul's ship in the condition
in which we find her about a day after leaving
Faib Havens, i.e. when she was under the lee
of Clauda (Acts xxvii. 16), laid-to on the star-
board tack, etnd strengthened with " undcrgird-
ers," the boat being just taken on board, and
the gale blowing hard from the E. N. E. (2.)
Assuming (what every practised sailor would
allow) that the ship's direction of drift would be
about W. by N., and her rate of drift about a
mile and a half an hour, we come at once to
the conclusion, by measuring the distance on a
chart, that she would be brought to the coast
of Malta on the thirteenth day (see ver. 27).
(3.) A ship drifting in this direction to the place
traditionally known as St. Paul's Bay would
come to that spot on the coast without touching
any other part of the island previously. The
coast, in fact, trends from this bay to the S. E.
This mav be seen on consulting any map or
chart of Malta. (4.) On Koura Point, which is
the south-easterly extremity of the bay, there
must infallibly have been breakers, with the
wind blowing from the N. E. Now the alarm
was certainly caused by breakers, for it took
place in the night (ver. 27), and it docs not ap-
pear that the passengers were at first aware of
the danger which became sensible to the quick
car of the "sailors." (5.) Yet the vessel did
not strike ; and this corresponds with the posi-
tion of the point, which would be some little
1 The attempt to make Melchlzedek n tvpe re-
mits In conftiKlon. The order of Aim l« tvpe,
and l« so need bv the apostle. The order of Mel-
chlzedek in antitype: and the gist of Paul's argu-
ment is, that the antitype Is of necessity superior to
the type.— Ed.
distance on the port side, or to the left, of lbs-
vessel. (6.) Off this point of the coast, the
soundings are twenty fathoms (ver. 28), and a
little farther, in the direction of the supposed drift.
they are fifteen fathoms (ib.). (7.) Though the
danger was imminent, there would still be time
to anchor (ver. 29) before striking on the rocks
ahead. (8.) With bad holding ground, there
would have been great risk of the ship drajrgin^
her anchors. The bottom of St. Panl's Br.}' is
remarkably tenacious. (9.) The other geologi-
cal characteristics of the place are in harmony
with the narrative, which describes the creek as
having in one place a sandy or muddy bear h
(ver. 39), and which states that the bow of tl»
ship was held fast in the shore, while the stern
was exposed to the action of the waves (ver. 41 (.
(10.) Another point of local detail is of consid-
erable interest — viz. that as the ship took the
ground, the place was observed to be ct$a/.uoooc,
i.e. a connection was noticed between two ap-
parently separate pieces of water. Wo shall see,
on looking at a chart, that this would be the
case. (11.) Malta is in the track of ships be-
tween Alexandria and Pnteoli : and this cor-
responds with the fact that the " Castor and
Pollux," an Alexandrian vessel which ultimately
conveyed St. Paul to Italy, had wintered in the
island (Acts xxviii. 11). (12.) Finally, the
course pursued in this conclusion of the voyage,
first to Syracuse, and then to Rhcginm,* con-
tributes a last link to the chain of arguments
by which we prove that Mclita is Malta. The
question has been set at rest forever by Mr.
Smith of Jordan Hill, in his Voyaye and' Ship-
wreck of St. Paid, the first published work in
which it was thoroughly investigated from a
sailor's point of view. As regards the condition
of the Island of Melita, when St. Paul was there,
it was a dependency of the Roman province of
Sicily. Its chief oflicer (under the governor of
Sicily) appears from inscriptions to have had the
title of npyroc tie?jraiuv, or Primus Mtiitem-
stum, and this is the very phrase which St. Luke
nses (xxviii. 7). Melita, from its position in
the Mediterranean, and the excellence of its
harbors, has always !>een important both in
commerce and war. It was a settlement of the
Phoenicians at an carlv period ; and their lan-
guage, in a corrupted" form, continued to be
spoken there in St. Panl's day.
Melons (Heb. abattichim) arc mentioned
only in Num. xi. 5. By the Hebrew word we
are probablv to understand both the melon
( Cucumis me7o) and the water-melon ( Cucurbita
citruOtu) ; for the Arabic noun singular, batt'kh,
which is identical with the Hebrew word, is used
generically. The water-melon is by some con-
sidered to be indigenous to India, from which
country it may have boon introduced into Egypt
in very early times. The common melon ( Cucu-
mis meto) is cultivated in the same places and
ripens at the same time with the water-melon ;
but the fruit in Egypt is not so delicious as in
this country. The water-melon, which is now
extensively cultivated all over India and the
tropical parts of Africa and America, and in-
deed in hot countries generally, is a fruit not
unlike the common melon ; but the leaves are
deeply lohed and gashed, the flesh is pink or
white", and contains a large quantity of cold
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MEMPHIS
543
MEMPHIS
•watery juice without much flavor ; the seeds are
•black.
CWkHMu cOraltm.
Mel'zar. The A. V. is wrong in regarding
Melaar as a proper name ; it is rather an official
title, as is implied in the addition of the article
in each case where the name occurs (Dan. i. 1 1,
16) ; the marginal reading, " the steward," is
therefore more correct.
Mem'rniua, Quintus (2 Mace. xi. 34).
(Manlius, T.] Ap.
Memphis, a city of ancient Egypt, situated
on the western bank of the Nile, in latitude 30°
6' N. It is mentioned by Isaiah (xix. 13), Jere-
miah (ii. 16, xlvi. 14, 19), and Ezckiel (xxx. 13,
16), under the namo of Nopii ; and by Hosea
(ix. 6) under the name of Mopb in Hebrew, and
Memphis in our English version. Though
some regard Thebes as the more ancient city,
the monuments of Memphis are of higher anti-
quity than those of Thebes. Herodotus dates its
foundation from Menes, the first really historical
king of Egypt, The era of Menes is not satis-
factorily determined. But, indeterminate and
conjectural as the early chronology of Egypt yet
is, all agree that the known history of the em-
pire begins with Menes, who founded Memphis.
The city belongs to the earliest periods or au-
thentic history. The building of Memphis is
associated by tradition with a stupendous work
of art which has permanently changed the course
of the Nile and the face of the Delta. Before
the time of Menes, the river, emerging from the
upper valley into the neck of the Delta, bent its
course westward toward the hills of the Libyan
Desert, or at least discharged a large portion of
its waters through an arm in that direction.
Here the generous flood whose yearly inunda-
tion gives life and fertility to Egypt was largely
absorbed in the sands of the desert, or wasted
in stagnant morasses. It is even conjectured
that up to the time of Menes the whole Delta
was an uninhabitable marsh. The rivers of
Damascus, the Baruda and 'Aieaj, now lose
themselves in the same way in the marshy lakes
-of the great desert plain south-cast of the city. !
Herodotus informs us, upon the anthority of the !
Egyptian priests of his time, that Menes, " by ■
banking up the river at the bend which it forms
about a hundred furlongs south of Memphis, laid
the ancient channel dry, while he dug a new
course for the stream halfway between the two
lines of hills." From his description, it appears
that Memphis was created upon a marsh re-
claimed by the diko of Menes, and drained by
his artificial lake. The dike of Menes began
twelve miles south of Memphis, and deflected
the main channel of the river about two miles
to the eastward. Upon the rise of the Nile, a
canal still conducted a portion of its waters
westward through the old channel, thus irrigat-
ing the plain beyond the city in that direction,
while an inundation was guarded against on
that side by a large artificial lake or reservoir
at Abousir. The skill in engineering which
these works required, and which their remains
still indicate, argues a high degree of material
civilization, at least in the mechanic arts, in the
earliest known period of Egyptian history.
The city is said to have had a circumference
of about 1 9 miles. Herodotus states, on the au-
thority of the priests, that Menes " built the
temple of Hephaestus, which stands within the
city, a vast edifice, well worthy of mention"
(ii. 99). The divinity whom Herodotus iden-
tifies with Hepluestus was Plah, " the creative
power, the maker of all material things." The
temple of Apis was one of the most noted
structures of Memphis. It stood opposite the
southern portico of the temple of Ptah ; and
Psammetichus, who built that gateway, also
erected in front of the sanctuary of Apis a mag-
nificent colonnade, supported by colossal stataes
or Osiride pillars, such as may still be seen at
the temple of Modeenet llabou at Thebes
(Herod, ii. 153). Through this colonnade the
Apis was led with great pomp upon state occa-
sions. At Memphis was the reputed burial-
place of Isis : it had also a temple to that
" myriad-named " divinity. Memphis had also
its Serapcium, which probably stood in the
western quarter of the city. The sacred cubit,
and other symbols used in measuring the rise
of the Nile, were deposited in the temple of
Serapis. The Necropolis, adjacent to Memphis,
was on a scale of grandeur corresponding with
the city itself. The " city of the pyramids " is
a title of Memphis in the hieroglyphics upon
the monuments. The great field or plain of the
pyramids lies wholly upon the western bank of
the Nile, and extends from Alno-Boiuh, a little to
the north-west of Cairo, to Ma/doom, about forty
miles to the south, and thence in a south-west-
erly direction about twenty-five miles farther,
to the pyramids of Hoteara and of Biahm'u in
the Fauoura. But the principal scat of the
pyramids, the Memphite Necropolis, was in a
range of about fifteen miles from SaJckara to
Gixeh, and in the groups here remaining nearly
thirty are probably tombs of the imperial sov-
ereigns of Memphis. Memphis long held it»
place as a capital ; and for centuries a Memphite
dynasty ruled over all Egypt. Lepsius, Bun-
sen, and Brugsch agree in regarding the 3d,
4th, 6th, 7th, and 8th dynasties of the Old Em-
pire as Memphite, reaching through a period
of about a thousand years. During a portion of
this period, however, the chain was broken, or
there were contemporaneous dynasties in other
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MENELAUS
£44
MEN1
parts of Egypt The overthrow of Memphis
was distinctly predicted by the Hebrew prophets
(Is. xix. 13 ; Jer. xlvi. 19). The latest of these
predictions was uttered nearly 600 years butbre
Christ, and half a century before the invasion
of l'-gypt by Cambyses (cir. B.C. 525). Herodo-
tus iuibrms as that Cambyses, enraged at the
opposition he encountered at Memphis, com-
mitted many outrages upon the city. The city
never recovered from the blow inflicted by Cam-
byses. The rise of Alexandria hastened its
decline. The Caliph conquerors founded Fostat
(Old Cairo) upon the opposite bank of tho Kile,
a few miles north of Memphis, and brought
materials from the old city to build their new
capital (a.d. 638). At length so complete was
the ruin of Memphis, that for a long time its
very site was lost. Pocockc could find no trace
of it. Recent explorations, especially those of
Messrs. Marictte and Linnnt, have brought to
light many of its antiquities, which have been
dispersed to the museums of Europe and
America.
Mem'ucan. One of the seven princes of
Persia in the reign of Ahasucrus, who " saw the
lung's face," and sat first in the kingdom (Esth.
i. 14, 16, 21 ). Thev were " wise men who
knew the times" (skilled in the planets, accord-
ing to Aben Ezra), and appear to have formed
a council of state ; Joscpnus says that one of
their offices was that of interpreting the laws
(Ant. xi. 6, §1).
Men'ahem, son of Gadi, who slew the
usurper Shall um, and seized the vacant throne
of Israel, B.C. 772. His reign, which lasted
ten years, is briefly recorded in 2 K. xv. 14-22.
It has been inferred from the expression in
verse 14, " from Tirzah," that Mcnahcm was a
general under Zechariah stationed at Tirzah,
and that he brought up his troops to Samaria,
and avenged the murder of his master by Shal-
lum. He maintained the calf-worship of Jero-
boam. The contemporary prophets, Hosea and
Amos, have left a melancholy picture of the
ungodliness, demoralization, and feebleness of
Israel. In the brief history of Mcnahem, his
ferocious treatment of Tiphsnh occupies a con-
spicuous place. The time of the occurrence,
and the site of the town, have been doubted.
The act, whether perpetrated at the beginning
of Mcnahera's reign or somewhat later, was
doubtless intended to strike terror into the
hearts of reluctant subjects. But the most re-
markable event in Mcnahcm's reign is the first
appearance of a hostile force of Assyrians on
the north-east frontier of Israel. King Pul,
however, withdrew, having been converted from
an enemy into an ally bv a timely gift of 1 ,000
talents of silver. Rawlinson says that in an
inscription the name of Mcnahcm is given,
probably by mistake of the stone-cutter, as a
tributary of Tiulath-Pilcscr.
Men' an. The son of Mattatha, one of the
ancestors of Joseph in the genealogy of Jesus
Christ (Luke iii. 31).
Mo'ne (lit. •' numbered "). The first word
of the mvstorious inscription written upon th?
wall of Bolshazzar's palace, in which Daniel
read the doom of the king and his dynasty
(Ban. v. 25, 26).
Menela us, a usurping high-priest who
obtained the office from Antiochus Epiphaner
(c. B.C. 172) by a large bribe (2 toiicc. iv.
23-25), and drove out Jason, who had obtained
it not long bciore by similar means. He m< t
with a violent death at the hands of Antiot hu»
Kupator (cir. B.C. 163), which seemed in a
peculiar manner a providential punishment of
his sacrilege (xiii. 3, 4). According to Josc-
phus, he was u younger brother of Ja.-on and
Onias, and, like Jason, changed his proper
name Onias for a Greek name. In 2 Macca-
bees, on the other hand, he is called a brother
of Simon the Bcnjamitc (2 Mace. iv. 23). Ap.
Menes theus. The father of Atollo-
nius 3 (2 Msec. iv. 21 ). Ap.
Meni'. The last clause of Is. lxv. 11 i*
rendered in the A. V. " and that furnish the
drink-offering unto that number," the marginal
reading for the last word being " Mcni." That
the word so rendered is a proper name, and also
the proper name of aji object of idolatrous
worship cultivated by the Jews in Babylon, is
a supposition which there seems no nason to
question, as it is in accordance with the context,
and nas every probability to recommend it.
But the identification of Mcni with any known
heathen god is still uncertain. The versions are
at variance. In the LXX. the word is rendered
" fortune " or " luck." The judgments of the
commentators are equally conflicting. The
majority conclude that Mcni is the Moon god
or goddess, the T>eus Luma, or Dta Lvna of
the Romans ; masculine as regards the earth
which she illumines (JVrrte marihn), feminine
with respect to the sun (oot'iV uxor), from whom
sho receives her light. Aroorg those who have
interpreted the word literally "dumber "may be
reckoned Rashiand Abrnbanel, who understand
by it the " number" of the priests who formed
the company of revellers at the feast. Kimchi.
in his noto on Is. lxv. 1 1 , snys of Mem", " It is
a star, and some interpret it of the stars wnich
are numbered, and they are the seven stars of
motion," i.e. the planets. But Gcseinus, with
more probability, while admitting the same
origin of the word, gives to the root miui
the sense of assigning, or distributing, and coo*
nccts it with manah, one of the three idols wor-
shipped by the Arabs before the time of Mo-
hammed, to which reference is made in the
Koran (Sura 53), "What think ye of Allat,
and Al Uzzah, and Manah, that other third
goddess?" Manah was the object ofwor>hip
of " the tribes of Hudheyl and Khuxd 'ah, who
dwelt between Mekkch and El-Mcdccnth, and,
ns some sny, of the tribes of Ows, El-Khnxrnj r
and Thakcck also. This idol was a large stone,
demolished by one Saad, in the 8th year of the
flight, a year so fatal to the idols of Arabia. "
The etymology given by Gcscnius is more
probable ; and'Mcni would then lie the penon-
lfication of fate or destiny, under whatever
form it was worshipped. Whether this farm,
as Gcscnius maintains, was the planet Venus,
which was known to Arabic astrologers as " the
lesser good fortune' " ( the planet Jupiter being
the "greater"), it is impossible to say with
certainty ; nor is it safe to reason from the
worship' of Manah by the Arabs in the time*
before Mohammed to' that of T'eni by the Jewr
more than a thousand years ea. V.
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MEPHIBOSHETH
545
MEPHIBOSHETH
Meonenim, the Plain of, an oak, or
terebinth, or other great tree — for the trans-
lation of the Hebrew Eton, by " plain " is most
probably incorrect, as will be" shown under the
bead of Plain — which formed a well-known
object in Central Palestine in the days of the
Judges. It is mentioned — at least under this
name — only in Judg. be. 37. In what direc-
tion it stood with regard to Shechem we are not
told. The meaning of Meoncnim, if interpret-
ed as a Hebrew word, is enchanters or " observ-
ers of times," as it is elsewhere rendered (Dcut.
xviii. 10, 14 ; in Mic. v. 12 it is " soothsayers ").
This connection of the name with magical arts
has led to the suggestion that the tree in ques-
tion is identical with that beneath which Jacob
bid the foreign idols and amulets of his house-
hold, before going into the presence of God at
the consecrated ground of Bethel (Gen. xxxv.
4). But the inference seems hardly a sound
one, for meoncnim docs not mean " enchan tmenta,"
but " enchanters," nor is there any ground for
connecting it in any way with amulets or im-
ages ; and there is the positive reason against
the identification, that while this tree seems to
have been at a distance from the town of She-
chem, that of Jacob was in it, or in very close
proximity to it Five trees are mentioned in
connection with Shechem : — 1. The oak (not
" plain " as in A. V.) of Moreh, where Abram
made his first halt and built his first altar
in the Promised Land (Gen. xii. 6). 2. That
of Jacob, already spoken of. 3. "The oak
which was in the holv place of Jehovah "
(Josh. xxiv. 26). 4. The Elon-Muttsab, or
" oak (not ' plain,' as in A V.) of the pillar in
Shechem," beneath which AM melee h was made
king (Judg. ix. 6). 5. The Elon-Meonenim.
While four of these were probably one and the
same tree, the oak of Meonenim seems to have
been a distinct one. It is perhaps possible that
Meonenim may have originally been Maonim,
that is Maonites or Mehunim, a tribe or nation
of non-Israelites elsewhere mentioned.
Meonotha'i. One of the sons of Othniel,
the vounger brother of Caleb (1 Chr. iv. 14).
Mepha'ath, a city of the Reubenites, one
of the towns dependent on Heshbon (Josh. xiii.
18), lying in the district of the Mishor (comp.
17 and Jer. xl»iii. 21, A. V. "plain "), which
probably answered to the modern Bdka. It
was one of the c-ties allotted with their suburbs
to the Merarite Levites (Josh. xxi. 37 ; 1 Chr.
vi 79). Mephaath is named in the above pas-
Xwith Dibon, Jahazah, Kirjnthaim, and
towns, which have been identified with
tolerable certainty on the north of the Anion
LWad* Mojeb) ; but no one appears yet to
ave discovered any name at all resembling it.
In the time of Eusebius, it was used as a mili-
tary post.
Mephibo'sheth, the name borne by two
members of the family of Saul — his son and
his grandson. — 1. Saul's son by Rizpah the
daughter of Aiah, his concubine (2 Sam. xxi.
8). He and his brother Armoni were among
the seven victims who were surrendered hv Da-
vid to the Gibeonites, and by them crucified in
sacrifice to Jehovah, to avert a famine from
which the country was Buffering. — 2. The son
of Jonathan, grandson of Saul, and nephew of
69
the preceding. 1. His life seems to have been,
from beginning to end, one of trial and discom-
fort. 1 he name of his mother is unknown.
When his father and grandfather were slain
on Gilboa, he was an infant but five years old.
He was then living under the charge of his
nurse, probably at Gibcah, the regular resi-
dence of Saul. The tidings that the army was
destroyed, the king and bis sons slain, and that
the Philistines, spreading from hill to hill of
the country, were sweeping all before them,
reached the royal household. The nurse fled,
carrying the child on her shoulder. But in her
panic and hurry she stumbled, and Mcphibo-
sheth was precipitated to the ground with such
force as to deprive him for life of the use of both
feet (2 Sam. iv. 4). 2. Afterthe accident which
thus iinbittcred his whole existence, Mephibo-
sheth was carried with the rest of his family
beyond the Jordan to the mountains of OileaJ,
where he found a refuge in the house of Machir
bcn-Ammicl, a powerful Gadite or Manussito
sheik at Lo-dcbar, not far from Mahanaim,
which during the reign of his uncle Ishbosheth
was the headquarters of his family. By Machir
he was brought up, there he married, and there
he was living at a later period, when David,
having completed the subjugation of the adver-
saries of Israel on every side, hod leisure to
turn his attention to claims of other and hardly
less pressing descriptions. So completely had
the family of the late king vanished from tho
western side of Jordan, that tho only person to
be met with in anv way related to them was
one Ziba, From this man, David learnt of the
existence of Mcphiboshctb. Royal messengers
were sent to the house of Machir at Lo-dcbar
inthe mountains of Gilcad, and by them the
prince and his infant son Micua were brought
to Jerusalem. The interview with David was
marked by extreme kindness on the part of the
king, and on that of Mcphibosheth by the fear
and humility which have been pointed out as
characteristic of him. He leaves the royal
presence with all the property of his grandfather
restored to him, and with the whole family and
establishment of Ziba as his slaves, to cultivate
the land and harvest the produce. He himself
is to be a daily guest at David's table. From
this time forward, he resided at Jerusalem.
3. An interval of about seventeen years now
passes, and the crisis of David's life arrives.
Of Mephibosheth's behavior on this occasion
we possess two accounts, — his own (2 Sam.
xix. 24-30), and that of Ziba (xvi. 1-4). They
are naturally at variance with each o Jher. In
consequence of the story of Ziba, his loyalty
and thoughtful courtesy are rewarded by the
possessions of his master, thus once more re-
instating him in the position from which he had
been so rudely thrust on Mephibosheth's arri-
val in Judah. Mephibosheth s story — which,
however, he had not the opportunity of telling
nntil several days later, when he met David
returning to his kingdom at the western bank
of Jordan — was very different from Ziba's.
That David did not disbelieve it is shown by
his revoking the judgment he had previously
given. That he did not entirely reverse his
decision, but allowed Ziba to retain possession
of half the lands of Mephibosheth, is probably
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MERAN
546
MERARI
due partly to weariness at the whole transac-
tion, but mainly to the conciliatory frame of
mind in which he was at that moment. " Shall
then any man be put to death this day ? " is
the key-note of the whole proceeding. 4. The
writer is aware that this is not the view gene-
rally taken of Mephibosheth's conduct, and in
particular the opposite side has been maintained
with much cogency and ingenuity by the late
Professor Blunt in his Undesigned Coincidences.
But when the circumstances on both sides are
weighed, there seems to be no escape from the
conclusion come to above. Mephibosheth could
have had nothing to hope for from the revolu-
tion. Ziba, on the other hand, had every thing
to gain, and nothing to lose, by any turn affairs
might take. With regard to the altsence of
the name of Mephibosheth from the dying
words of David, which is the main occasion of
Mr. Blunt's strictures, it is most natural — at
any rate it is quite allowable — to suppose that,
in the interval of eight years which elapsed
between David's return to Jerusalem and his
death, Mephibosheth's painful life had come to
an end. We may without difficulty believe
that he did not lone survive the anxieties and
annoyances which Ziba's treachery had brought
upon him.
Me'rab, the eldest daughter, possibly the
eldest child, of King Saul (I Sam. xiv. 49).
She first appears after the victory over Goliath
and the Philistines, when David had become an
inmate in Saul's house (I Sam. xviii. 2), and
immediately after the commencement of his
friendship with Jonathan. In accordance with
the promise which he made before the engage-
ment with Goliath (xvii. 25), Saul betrothed
Mcrab to David (xviii. 17). David's hesita-
tion looks as if he did not much value the
honor — ntany rate, before the marriage, Mc-
rab's younger sister Michal had displayed her
attachment for David, and Merab was then
married to Adriel the Mcbolathite, to whom
she bore five sons (2 Sara. xxi. 8). The Au-
thorized Version of this last passage is an ac-
commodation. The Hebrew text has " the
five sons of Michal, daughter of Saul, which
she bare to Adriel." The most probable solu-
tion of the difficulty is that " Michal " is the
mistake of a transcriber for "Merab." But
the error is one of very ancient date.
Merai'ah. A priest in the days of Joai-
kim, the son of Joshua, and representative
of the priestly family of Seraiah (Neh. xii.
12).
Merai'oth. 1. A descendant of Eleazar
the son of Aaron, and head of a priestly house.
It was thought by Lightfoot that he was the
immediate predecessor of Eli in the office of
high-priest. It is apparently another Mcraioth
who comes in between Zadok and Ahitub in
the genealogy of Azariah (1 Chr. ix. 11 ; Neh.
xi. 11), unless the names Ahitub and Mcraioth
arc transposed, which is not improbable. —
2. The head of one of the houses of priests,
which in the time of .Toiakim the son of Jean ua
was represented by Helkai (Neh. xii. 15).
Mer'an. The merchants of Meran and
Theman are mentioned with the Hagarenes
(Bar. iii. 23) as " searchcrs-out of understand-
ing." The name does not occur elsewhere,
and is probably a corruption of " Medan " or
"Midian."
Mer'ari, third son of Levi, and head of the
third great division of the Levites, the Mkba-
rites, whose designation in Hebrew is the
same as that of their progenitor, only with the
article prefixed. Of Mcrari's personal history,
beyond the fact of his birth before the descent
of Jacob into Egypt, and of his being one of
the seventy who accompanied Jacob thither,
we know nothing whatever (Gen. xlvi. 8, 11).
At the time of the Exodus, and the numbering
in the wilderness, the Merarites consisted of
two families, the Mahlites and the Mnshites
Mahli and Mushi being either the two sons, oi
the son and grandson, of Mcrari (1 Cbr. vi.
19,47). Their chief at that time was Zuriel,
and the whole number of the familv, from a
month old and upwards, was 6,200 ; those from
30 years old to 50 were 3,200. Their charge
was the boards, bars, pillars, sockets, pins, and
cords of the tabernacle and the court, and all
the tools connected with setting them np. In
the encampment, their place was to the north
of the tabernacle ; and both they and the Ger-
shonites were " und'T the hand " of Ithamar
the son of Aaron. Owing to the heavy nature
of the materials which they had to carry, fou-
wagons and eight oxen were assigned to them ,■
and in the march both they and the Gershon-
ites followed immediately after the standard
of Judah, and before that of Reuben, that they
might set up the tabernacle against the arrival
of the Kohatbites (Num. iii. 20, 33-37, ir.
29-33, 42-45, vii. 8, x. 17, 21). In the divis-
ion of the land by Joshua, the Merarites had
twelve cities assigned to them, out of Renbun,
Gad, and Zebulun, of which one was Ramocb-
Gilead, a city of refuge, and in later times a
frequent subject of war between Israel and
Syria (Josh. xxi. 7, 34-40 ; 1 Chr. vi. 63, 77-
81). In the time of David, Asuiah was then
chief, and assisted with 220 of his family in
bringing up the ark (1 Chr. xv. 6). After-
wards we And the Merarites still sharing with
the two other Levitical families the various
functions of their caste (1 Chr. xxiii. 6, 21-23).
In the days of Hezekiah, the Merarites were
still flourishing; and Kish the son of Abdi, and
Azariah the son of Jehalelel, took their part
with their brethren of the two other Levirk-al
families in promoting the reformation, and pu-
rifying the house of the Lord (2 Chr. xxix. 12,
15). After the return from captivity, Shemaiah
represents the sons of Mcrari, in 1 Cbr. ix. 14.
Neh. xi. 15. There were also at that time sons
of Jeduthun under Obadiah or Abda, the son
of Shemaiah (1 Chr. ix. 16 ; Neh. xi. 17). A
little later again, in the time of Ezra, when he
was in great want of Levites to accompany
him on his journey from Babylon to Jerusalem,
" a man of good understanding of the sons of
Mahli" was found, whose name, if the text
here and at ver. 24 is correct, is not given.
"Jeshaiah also of the sons of Merari,' with
twenty of his sons and brethren, came witL
him at the same time (Ezr. viii. 18, 19). Bnt
it seems pretty certain that Sherebiah, in ver.
18, is the name of the Mahli te, and that both he
and Hashabiah, as well as Jeshaiah, in ver. 19,
were Levites of the family of Merari, and not.
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MERIBAH
547
MERODACH-BALADAN
as the actual text of vcr. 24 indicates, priests. —
2. Th: father of Judith (Jud. viii. 1, xvi. 7).
Msrathi'im, the Land of, that is " of
double rcltcllion, ' alluding to the country of
the Chaldaeuns, and to the double captivity
which it had inflicted on the nation of Israel
(Jcr. 1. 21 ).
Mercu'riUS, properly Hermes, the Greek
d'ity, whom the Romans identified with their
Mercury, the cod of commerce and bargains.
Ifcrmss was the son of Zeus and Maia the
daughter of Atlas, and is constantly represent-
ed as the companion of his father in his wan-
derings upon earth. The episode of Baucis
and Philemon (Ovid, Metam. viii. 620-724) ap-
pears to have formed part of the folk-lore of
Asia Minor, and strikingly illustrates the readi-
ness with which the simple people of Lystra
recognized in Barnabas and Paul the gods who,
according to their wont, had come down in the
likeness of men (Acts xiv. 1 1 ). They called
Paul " Hermes, because he was the chief speak-
er;" identifying in him, as thev supposed, by
this characteristic, the herald of* the gods and
of Zeus, the eloquent orator, inventor of let-
ters, music, and the arts.
Mercy-Seat. This appears to have been
merely the lid of the Ark of the Covenant, not
another surface affixed thereto. It was that
whereon the blood of the yearly atonement was
sprinkled by the high-priest; and in this rela-
tion it is doubtful whether the sense of the
word in the Hcb. is based on the material fact
of its " covering " the Ark, or derived from this
notion of its reference to the " covering " (i.e.
atonement) of sin.
Mefed. This name occurs in a fragment-
ary genealogy in 1 Chr. iv. 17, 18, as that of
-one of the sons of Ezra. Tradition identifies
him with Caleb and Moses.
Mer'emoth. 1. Son of Uriah, or Urijah,
the priest, of the family of Koz or Hukkoz, the
head of the seventh course of priests as estab-
lished by David. In Ezr. viii. 33, Mercmoth
is appointed to weigh and register the gold and
silver vessels belonging to the Temple. In the
rebuilding of the wall of Jerusalem under Ne-
hemiah, we find Meremoth taking an active
part, working between Meshullam and the sons
of Hassenaah who restored the fish-gate (Nch.
iii. 4). and himself restoring the portion of the
Temple wall on which abutted the house of the
1iigh-pricst Eliashib (Nch. iii. 21). — 2. A lay-
man of the sons of Bani, who had married a
foreign wife (Ezr. x. 36). — 3. A priest, or
more probably a family of priests, who sealed
the covenant with Nehemiah (Nch. x. 5). The
latter supposition is more probable, because in
Neh. xii. 3 the name occurs, with many others
of the same list, among those who went up with
Zcrulibabel a century before.
Mefes. One of the seven counsellors of
Ahasucrus king of Persia, "wise men which
knew the times 1 ' (Esth. i. 14).
Mer'ibah. In Ex. xvii. 7 we read, " He
called the name of the place Mossah and Mcri-
bah," where the people murmured, and the rock
was smitten. (For the situation, see Reph-
idim.) The name is also given to Kadesh
(Num. xx. 13,24, xxvii. 14; Pent. xxii. 51,
" Meribah-kadcsh "), because there also the
people, when in want of water, strove with
God.
Merib-ba'al, son of Jonathan the son of
Saul (1 Chr. viii. 34, ix. 40), doubtless the
same person who in the narrative of 2 Samuel
is called Mephiboshetm.
Mer'odach is mentioned once only in
Scripture, namely in Jcr. 1. 2. It has been
commonly concluded from this passage that
Bel and Merodach were separate gods ; but
from the Assyrian and Babylonian inscriptions
it appears that this was not exactly the case.
Merodach was really identical with the famous
Babylonian Bel or Bel us, the word being prob-
ably at first a mere epithet of the god, which
by degrees superseded his proper appellation.
Still a certain distinction appears to nave been
maintained between the names. The golden
image in the great temple at Babylon seems to
have been worshipped distinctly as Bel rather
than Merodach, while other idols of the god
may have represented him as Merodach rather
than Bel.
Mer'odach-Bal'adan is mentioned as
king of Babylon in the davs of Hezckiab, both
in the Second Book of kings (xx. 12) and in
Isaiah (xxxix. 1). In the former place, he is
called Berodacb-Baladan. The orthography
" Merodach " is, however, to be preferred. The
name of Merodach-Baladon has been clearly
recognized in the Assyrian inscriptions. The
Canon gives Mcrodaeh-Baladan (Mardocempal)
a reign of 12 yeari — from B.C. 721 to b.c. 709
— nnd makes him then succeeded by a certain
Arceanus. Polyhistor assigns him a six-
months' reign, immediately before Elibus, or
Bclibus, who (according to the Canon) ascend-
ed the throne b.c. 702. It has commonly been
seen that these must be two different reigns, and
that Mcrodaeh-Baladan must therefore have
been deposed in b.c. 709, and have recovered
his throne in B.C. 702, when he had a second
period of dominion lasting half a year. The
inscriptions contain express mention of both
reigns. Sargon states that in the twelfth year
of his own reign he drove Mcrodaeh-Baladan
out of Babylon, after he had ruled over it for
twelve years ; and Sennacherib tells us that io
his first year he defeated and expelled the same
monarch, setting up in his place " a man named
Belib." Putting all our notices together, it
becomes apparent that Merodach-Boladan was
the head or the popular party, which resisted the
Assyrian monarchs, and strove to maintain the
independence of the country. It is uncertain
whether he was self-raised or was the son of a
former king. In the Second Book of Kings,
he is styled " the son of Baladan ; " but the
inscriptions call him "the son of Yagin;"
whence it is to be presumed that Baladan was
a more remote ancestor. There is some doubt
as to the time at which Merodach-Baludan sent
his ambassadors to Hezckiah, for the purpose
of inquiring as to the astronomical marvel of
which Jndiea had been the scene ( 2 Chr. xxxii.
31 ). We prefer to assign the embassy to Mer-
odach-Baladan's earlier reign, and bring it
within the period, B.C. 721-709, which the
Canon assigns to him. Now the 14th year of
Hezckiah, in which the embassy should fall
(2 K. xx. 6 ; Is. xxxviii. 5), appears to have
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MEROM
548
MESECH
been B.C. 713. This was the year of Mcrodnch-
Baladan's first reign. The real object of the
mission was most likely to effect a league be-
tween Babylon, Judaea, and Egypt (Is. xx. 5,
6), in order to check the growing power of the
Assyrians. The league, however, though do-
signed, does not seem to have taken effect.
Sargon sent expeditions both into Syria and
Babylonia — seized tho stronghold of Ashdod
in the one, and completely defeated Merodach-
Baladan in the other. That monarch sought
safety in flight, and lived for eight years in ex-
ile. At last he found an opportunity to return.
In b.c. 703 or 702, Babylonia was plunged in
anarchy, the Assyrian yoke was thrown off,
and various native leaders struggled for the
mastery. Under these circumstances, the ex-
iled monarch seems to have returned, and re-
covered his throne. Merodach-Baladan had
obtained a body of troops from his ally, the
king of Susiana; but Sennacherib defeated the
combined army in a pitched battle. Merodach-
Baladan fled to " the islands at the mouth of
the Euphrates." He lost his recovered crown
after wearing it for about six months, and
spent the remainder of his days in exile and
obscurity.
Merom, the Waters of, a place mem-
orable in the history of the conquest of Pales-
tine. Here, after Joshua had gained possession
of the southern portions of the country, a con-
federacy of the northern chiefs assembled under
the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor (Josh,
xi. 5), and here they were encountered by
Joshua, and completely routed (ver. 7). The
name of Merom occurs nowhere in the Bible
but in this passage, nor is it found in Josephus.
In the Onomasticon of Eusebius, the name is
given as " Mcrran," and it is stated to be " a
village twelve miles distant from Sebaste (Sa-
maria), and near Dothaim." It is a remarka-
ble fact that though by common consent the
" waters of Merom " are identified with the
lake through which the Jordan runs between
Banias and the Sea of Galilee — the Semccho-
nitis of Josephus, and Dahr el-Hukh of the
modern Arabs — yet that identity cannot be
proved by any ancient record. The region to
which the name of UOleh is attached — the Ard
d-Hileh — is a depressed plain or basin, com-
mencing on the north of the foot of the slopes
which lead up to the Merj Ayun and Tell d-Ka-
dy, and extending southwards to the bottom
of the lake which bears the same name — Bohr
d-Hileh. On the east and west it is enclosed be-
tween two parallel ranges of hills ; on the west
the highlands of Upper Galilee — the Jebel So-
fia ; and on the east a broad ridge or table-
and of basalt, thrown off by the southern base
of Hermon, and extending downwards beyond
tho Hulek till lost in the high ground east of
the Lake of Tiberias. The latter rises abruptly
from the low ground ; but the hills on the west-
ern side break down more gradually, and leave
a trnct of undulating table-land of varying
breadth between them and the plain. This
basin is in all about fifteen miles long and
four to five wide, and thus occupies an area
about equal to that of the Lake of Tiberias. It
is the receptacle for the drainage of the high-
lands on each side, but more especially for the
£
waters of the Merj Ayun, an elevated plateaa
which lies above it amongst the roots of the
great northern mountains of Palestine. In
form, the lake is not far from a triangle, the
base being at the north, and the apex at the
south. It measures about three miles in each
direction. Its level is placed by Van de Vclde
at a hundred and twenty feet above the Medi-
terranean. The water of the lake is clear and
sweet ; it is covered in parts by a broad-leaved
plant, and abounds in water-fowl. Owing to
its triangular form, a considerable space is left
between the lake and the mountains at its
lower end. This appears to be more the case
on the west than on the east, and the rolling
plain thus formed is very fertile, and cultivated
to the water's edge. Supposing the lake to be
identical with the " waters of Merom," the
plain just spoken of on its south-western mar-
gin is the only spot which could liave been the
site of Joshua's victory, though, as the Canaan-
ites chose their own ground, it is difficult to*
imagine that they would have emcamped in a
position from which there was literally no es-
cape. But this only strengthens the difficulty
already expressed as to the identification. Still
the district of the Huleh will always possess an
interest for the biblical student, from its con-
nection with the Jordan, and from the cities
of ancient fame which stand on its border, —
Kedesh, Hazor, Dan, Laish, Cssarea, Philip-
pi, &c.
Mero'nothite, the, that is, the native of
a place called probably Mcronoth, of which,
however, no further traces have yet been dis-
covered. Two Meronothites are named in the
Bible : — 1. Jehdeiab, who had the charge of
the royal asses of King David (1 Chr. x.wii.
30) ; and 2. Jabon, of one those who assisted
in the repair of the wall of Jerusalem after the
return from the captivity (Nch. iii. 7).
Me'rOZ, a place mentioned only in the Song
of Deborah and Barak in Judg. v. 23, and there
denounced because its inhabitants had refused
to take any part in the struggle with Sisera.
Meroz must nave been in the neighborhood of
tho Kishon, but its real position is not knows :
possibly it was destroyed in obedience to the
curse. A place named Merrus (but Eusebius
Mr/tyiuv) is named by Jerome (Onom. " Mer-
rora") as twelve miles north of Sebaste, near
Dothaim ; but this is too for south to have been
near the scene of the conflict Far more feasi-
ble is the conjecture of Schwarz, that Mera
is to be found at Meraxt* — more correct]/
d-MurOstuM — a ruined site about four miles
N. W. of Beitan, on the southern slopes of
the hills which are the continuation of the so-
called " Little Hermon," and form the north-
ern side of the valley ( Wady Jalmd) which
leads directly from the Plain of Jexreel to the
Jordan.
Me'ruth. A corruption of butu 1, in
Ezr. ii. 37 (1 Esd. v. 24). Ap.
Me'sech, Me'shech, a son of Japhetfc
(Gen. x. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 5), and the progenitor of
a race frequently noticed in Scripture in con-
nection with Tubal, Magog, and other northern
nations. They appear as allies of Gog (Ea.
xxxviii. 2 3, xxxix. 1 ), and as supplying the
Tyrians with copper and slaves (Ex. xxvii
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MESHA
549
MESHULLAM
13) : in Ps. cxx. 5, they are noticed as one of
the remotest and at the same time rudest na-
tions of the world. Both the name and the
associations are in favor of the identification
of Mcahech with the MoscM : the form of the
name adopted by the LXX. and the Vulg. ap-
proaches most nearly to the classical designa-
tion. The position of the Moschi in the age of
Ezekicl was probably the same as is described
by Herodotus (iii. 94), viz. on the borders of
Cholchis and Armenia, where a mountain
chain connecting Anti-Taurus with Caucasus
was named after them the Moachici Mantes, and
where was also a district named by Strabo (xi.
497-499) Moscliice. In the Assyrian inscrip-
tions, the name appears under the form of
Musiai.
Me'sha, the name of one of the geographi-
cal limits of the Joktanites when they first
settled in Arabia (Gen. x. 30). Without put-
ting too precise a limitation on the possible
situation of Mesha and Sephar, we may sap-
pose that these places must have fallen within
the south-western quarter of the peninsula ;
including the modern Yemen on the west, and
the districts of 'Oman, Mahreh, Shihr, &c., as
far as Hadramawt, on the east. In Sephar we
believe we have seen the eastern limit of the
early settlers, whether its site be the seaport or
the inland city. If Mesha was the western
limit of the Joktanites, it must be sought for in
north-western Yemen. But the identifications
that have been proposed are not satisfactory.
The seaport called itoiaa or Moi(a, mentioned
by Ptolemy, Pliny, Arrian, and others (see the
Dictionary of Geography, s. v. Muza) presents
the most probable site. It was a town of note
in classical times, but has since fallen into
decay, if the modern Moosa be the same place.
Mesha may possibly have lain inland, and more
to the north-west of Sephar than the position
of Moosa would indicate ; but this is scarcely
to be assumed.
Me'sha. 1. The king of Moab in the
reigns of Ahab and his sons Ahaziah and Je-
horam, kings of Israel (2 K. iii. 4), and tribu-
tary to the first. When Ahab had fallen in
battle at Ramoth-Gilead, Mesha seized the op-
portunity afforded by the confusion consequent
upon this disaster, and the feeble reign of
Ahaziah, to shake off the yoke of Israel, and
free himself from the burdensome tribute of
" a hundred thousand wethers and a hundred
thousand rams with their wool." The country
east of the Jordan was rich in pasture for cattle
(Num. xxxii. I); the chief wealth of the Moab-
ites consisted in their large flocks of sheep;
and the king of this pastoral people is de-
scribed as waked, " a sheep-master," or owner
of herds. When Jehoram succeeded to the
throne of Israel, one of his first acts was to
secure the assistance of Jehoshaphat, his fa-
ther's ally, in reducing the Moabites to their
former condition of tributaries. The united
armies of tho two kings marched by a circui-
tous route round the Dead Sea, and were joined
bv the forces of the king of Edom. The
Mo.ihites were defeated, and the king took
refnge in his last stronghold, and defended him-
self with the energy of despair. With 700
fighting men, he made a vigorous attempt to
cat his way through the beleaguering army;
and, when beaten back, he withdrew to the wall
of his city, and there, in sight of the allied
host, offered his first-born son, his successor in
the kingdom, as a burnt-offering to Cbemosh,
the ruthless fire-god of Moab. His bloody
sacrifice had so far the desired effect, that the
besiegers retired from him to their own land.
There appears to be no reason for supposing
that the son of the king of Edom was the vic-
tim on this occasion. It is more natural, and
renders the narrutive more vivid and consistent,
to suppose that the king of Moab, finding his
last resource fail him, endeavored to avert the
wrath and obtain the aid of his god by the most
costly sacrifice in his power. — 2. The eldest
son of Caleb the son of Hezron by his wife
Azubah, as Kimchi conjectures (1 Chr. ii. 42).
— 3. A Benjamite, son of Shaharaim, by his
wife Hodesh, who bare him in the land of Moab
(1 Chr. viii. 9).
Me'shach. The name given to Mishael,
one of tho companions of Daniel, and like him
of the blood-royal of Judah, who with three
others was chosen from among the captives to
be taught " the learning and the tongue of the
Chaldasans" (Dan. i. 4), so that they might be
qualified to "stand before" King Nebuchad-
nezzar (Dan. i. 5) as his peisonal attendants
and advisers (i. 20). But, notwithstanding
their Chaldamn education, these three young
Hebrews were strongly attached to the religion
of their fathers; and their refusal to join in the
worship of the image on the Plain of Dura
gave a handle of accusation to the Chaldeans.
The rage of the king, the swift sentence of
condemnation passed upon the three offenders,
their miraculous preservation from the fiery
furnace heated seven times hotter than usual,
the king's acknowledgment of the God of
Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, with their
restoration to office, are written in the 3d chap-
ter of Daniel, and there the history leaves
them.
Meshelemi'ah. A Korhite, son of Eore,
of the sons of Asaph, who with his seven sons
and his brethren, ' sons of might," were port-
ers or gate-keepers of the house of Jehovah in
the reign of David (1 Chr. ix. 21, xxvi. 1, 2, 9).
Meshezabe'el. L Ancestor of Mcshul-
lam, who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the
wall of Jerusalem (Nch. iii. 4). — 2. One of
the " heads of the people," probably a family,
who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Nch.
x. 21). — 3. The father of Pethahiah, and de-
scendant of Zcrah the son of Judah (Neh. xi.
24).
Meshillemith. The son of Immer, a
priest, and ancestor of Amashai or Maasiai,
according to Neh. xi. 13, and of Pashur and
Adaiah, According to 1 Chr. ix. 12.
Mesbillemoth. An Ephraimite. ances-
tor of Bcrechiah, one of the chiefs of the tribo
in the reign of Pekah (2 Chr. xxviii. 12)
2. Neh. xi. 13. The same as Meshillemith.
Meshullam. L Ancestor of Shaphan the
scribe (2 K. xxii. 3). — 2. The son of Zerub-
babcl (1 Chr. iii. 19). — 3. A Gaditc, one of
the chief men of the tribe, who dwelt in Baslian
at the time the genealogies were recorded in the
reign of Jotham king of Judah ( I Chr. v. 13). —
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MESOPOTAMIA
550
MESOPOTAMIA
4. A Bcnjamite, of the sons of Elpaal (1 Chr.
Wii. 17). — 6. A Benjamite, the son of Hoda-
viah or Joed, and father of Salln (I Chr. ix. 7 ;
Neh. xi. 7). — 8. A Bcnjamite, son of Shepha-
thiah, who lived at Jerusalem after the cap-
tivity (1 Chr. ix. 8). — 7. The same as Shal-
L0M, who was high-priest probably in the reign
of Amon, and father of Hilkiah (1 Chr. ix. 11 ;
Neh. xi. 11). — 8. A priest, son of Meshille-
mith, »r Meshillcmoth, the son of Immer, and
ancestor of Maastai orAmashai (1 Chr. ix. 12;
comp. Neh. xi. 13). — 9. A Kohathite, or
family of Kohathite Levitcs, in the reign of
Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 12). — 10. One of tho
"heads" (A. V. "chief men") sent by Ezra
to Iddo " the head," to gather together the
Levitcs to join the caravan about to return to
Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 16). — 11. A chief man
in the time of Ezra, probably a Levitc, who
assisted Jonathan and Jahaziah in abolishing
tho marriages which some of tho people had
contracted with foreign wives (Ezr. x. 15). —
12. One of the descendants of Bani, who had
married a foreign wife and put her away (Ezr.
x. 29). — 13. (Neh. Hi. 30, vi. 18.) The son
of Bercchiah, who assisted in rebuilding the wall
of Jerusalem (Neh. iii.4), as well ns the Temple
wall, adjoining which he had his " chamber "
(Neh. iii. 30). He was probably a priest, and
his daughter was married to Johanan the son
of Tobi'.ih the Ammonite (Neh. vi. 18). — 14.
The son of Bosodeiah : he assisted Jehoiada
the son of Passuh in restoring the old gate of
Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 6). — 15. One of those
who stood at the left hand of Ezra when he
read the law to the people (Neh. viii. 4). — 16.
A priest, or family of priests, who scaled the
covenant with Nehcmiah (Neh. x. 7). — 17.
One of the heads of the people who scaled the
covenant with Nehcmiah (Neh. x. 20). — 18.
A priest in the days of Joiakim the son of
Jcshua, and representative of the house of Ezra
(Neh. xii. 13). — 19. Likewise a priest at the
same time as the preceding, and head of the
priestly family of Gtnncthon (Neh. xii. 16). —
20. A family of porters, descendants of Mc-
shullam (Neh. xii. 25), who is also called Me-
shelcmiah (I Chr. xxvi. 1). Shelcmiah (1 Chr.
xxvi. 14), and Shallum (Neh. vii. 45). — 21.
One of the princes of Judah at the dedication
of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 33).
Meshullem'eth. The daughter of Haniz
of Jotliah, wife of Manassch king of Judah, and
mother of his successor Amon (2 K. xxi. 19).
Meso'baite, the, a title which occurs only
once, and then attached to the name of Jasiel
(1 Chr. xi. 47). The word retains strong
traces of Zoiiah, on« of the petty Aramite
kingdoms. But on this it is impossible to
pronounce with any certainty.
Mesopota'mia is the ordinary Greek ren-
dering of the Hebrew A ram-Naharaim, or " Syria
•if the two rivers," whereof we have frequent
mention in the earlier books of Scripture (Gen.
xxiv. 10; Dcut. xxiii. 4; Judg. iii. 8, 10). If we
look to the signification of the name, we must re-
gard Mesopotamia as the entire country between
the two rivers, the Tigris and the Euphrates.
This is a tract nearly "00 miles long, and from 20
to 250 miles broad, extending in a south-easterly
direction from Telek (lat. 38° 23', long. 39° 18')
to Kitrnah (lat. 31°, long. 47° 30'). The An
bian geographers term it " the Island," a name
which is almost literally correct, since a tew
miles only intervene between the source of tlic
Tigris and the Euphrates at Ttltk. It is lor tlie
most part a vast plain, but is crossed al>out its
centre by the range of the Sinjar Hills, running
nearly cast and west from about Mosul to a
little below Iiakkeh ; and in its northern portion
it is even mountainous, the Upper Tigris Valley
being separated from the Mesopotamian Plain liy
an important range, the Mons Masius ol StralxJ,
which runs from liirehjik to Jezirih. To this
description of Mesopotamia in the most extend-
ed sense of the term, it seems proper to append
a more particular account of i hut region, which
bears the name par emllence, both in Scripture,
and in the classical writers. This is the north-
western portion of the tract already descriWd,
or the country lictween the great bend of the
Euphrates (hit. 35° to 37° 30') mid the Upper
Tigris. It consists of the mountain country
extending from Birerjik to .Itzireh upon the
north ; and, upon the south, of the great undu-
lating Mcsopotamian Plain, as far as the Sinjar
Hills and the River Khalmir. The northern
range, called by the Arabs Karajah Dayh to-
wards the west, and Jtbel Tur towards the cast,
docs not attain to any great elevation. The
streams from the north side of this range are
short, and fall mostly into the Tigris. Those
from the south arc more important. They Now
down at very moderate intervals along the whole
course of the range, and gradually collect into
two considerable rivers, — the uelik (ancient
Biliehus), and the Khalmtr (Habor or C'halio-
ras), — which empty themselves into the Eu-
phrates. South of "the mountains is the gnnt
plain already described, which, between the
Khalxmr nnd the Tigris, is interrupted only by
the Sinjar nm;:c, but west of the Khalmir is
broken by several spurs from the Karajnh Ikinh,
having a general direction from north to south.
Besides Or/a and llamtn, the chief cities of
modern Mesopotamia are Mardin and Sisil'm,
south of the Jrlxl Tur. and iJiarULr, north of
that range, upon the Tigris. Of these place*,
two, NUlbin and Diurbekr, were important from
n remote antiquity : Xitibin lieing then Nisihis ;
nnd Diarbekr, Amida. We first hear of Mes-
opotamia in Scripture as the country where
Nahor nnd his family settled alter quitting Ur
of the Chaldees (Gen. xxiv. 10). Here lived
Bethuel and Laban ; and hither Abraham sent
his servant to fetch Isaac a wife " of his own
kindred" (ib. vcr. 38). Hither too, a century
later, came Jacob on the same errand ; and
hence he returned witli his two wives ul'tcr an
absence of 21 years. After this, we have no
mention of Mesopotamia till the close of tho
wanderings in the wilderness (Dcut. xxiii. 4).
About half a century later, wc find, for the first
and last time, Mesopotamia the seat of a | over-
fill monarchy (Judg. iii.). Finally, the children
of Ammon, having provoked a war with 1 >.ivid,
" sent a thousand talents of silver to hire them
| chariots and horsemen out of Mesopotamia, and
out of Syria Maachah, and out of Zoiiah "
i (1 Chr. xi'x. 6). According to the Assyrian in-
! scriptions, Mesopotamia was inhabited in tho
I early times of the empire (B.C. 1200-1100) by
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MESSIAH
551
METALS
a rast number of petty tribes, each under its
own prince, and all quite independent of one
another. The Assyrian monarchs contended
with these chiefs at great advantage, and by the
time of Jehu (b.c. 880) had fully established
their dominion over them. The tribes were all
called " tribes of the Nairi," a term which some
compare with the Naharaim of the Jews, and
translate " tribes of the ttream-Janda." But this
identification is very uncertain. On the destruc-
tion of the Assyrian Empire, Mesopotamia seems
to have been divided between the Medes and
the Babylonians. The conquests of Cyrus
brought it wholly under the Persian yoke ; and
thus it continued to the time of Alexander.
Messiah. This word (AfashiacA), which
answers to the word Xpurroc in the N. T., means
anointed; and is applicable in its first sense to
any one anointed with the holy oil. It is ap-
plied to the high-priest in Lev. iv. 3, 5, 16.
The kings of Israel were called anointed, from
the mode of their consecration (I Sam. ii.
10, 33, xii. 3, 5, &c.). This word also refers
to the expected Prince of the chosen people
who was to complete God's purposes for
them, and to redeem them, and of whose
coming the prophets of the old covenant in
all time spoke. It is twice used in the N. T.
of Jesus (John i. 41, iv. 25, A. V. " Mcssias ") ;
but the Greek equivalent, the Christ, is con-
stantly applied, at first with the article as n
tide, exactly the Anointed One, but later without
the article, as a proper name, Jaut Christ.
This article contains a rapid survey of the
expectation of a Messiah among the Jews.
The earliest gleam of the gospel is found in the
account of the foil (Gen. lii. 15). Many inter-
preters would understand by the seed of the
woman the Messiah only ; but it is easier to
think with Calvin, that mankind, after they are
gathered into one army by Jesus the Christ, the
Head of the Church, are to achieve a victory
over evil. The blessings in store for the children
of Shem are remarkably indicated in the words
of Xoab, " Blessed be Jehovah the God of Shem "
(Geo. ix. 26). Next follows the promise to
Abraham, wherein the blessings to S'uein arc
turned into the narrower channel of one family
(Gen. xii. 2, 3). The promise is still indefinite ;
but it tends to the undoing of the curse of Adam,
by a blessing to all the earth through the seed
of Abraham, as death had come on the whole
earth through Adam. A great step is made in
Gen. xlix. 10, " The sceptre shall not depart
from Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his
feet, until Shiloh come ; and unto him shall the
gathering of the people be." This is the first
case in which the promises distinctly centre in
one person. The next passage usually quoted
is the prophecy of Balaam (Num. xxiv. 17-19).
The tUir points indeed to the glory, as the scep-
tre denotes the power of a king. But it is
doubtful whether the prophecy is not fulfilled
in David (2 Sam. viii. 2, 14); and though
David is himself a type of Christ, the direct
Messianic application of this place is by no
means certain. The prophecy of Moses ( 1 )eut.
xviii. IS) claims attention. Does this refer to
the Messiah ? The reference to Moses in John
v. 45-47, " He wrote of me," seems to point to
this passage. The passages in the Pentateuch
which relate to " the Angel of the Lord " have
been thought by many to bear reference to the
Messiah. The second period of Messianic
prophecy would include the time of David.
Passages in the Psalms are numerous which ore
applied to the Messiah in the N. T., such as
Ps. ii., xvi., xxii., xl., ex. The advance in
clearness in this period is great. The name of
Anointed, i.e. King, comes in, and the Messiah
is to come of the Uncage of David. He is de-
scribed in His exaltation, with His great king-
dom that shall be spiritual rather than temporal
(Ps. ii., xxi., xl., ex.). In other places, He is
seen in suffering and humiliation (Ps. xxii.,
xvi., xl.).
After the time of David, the predictions of the
Messiah ceased for a time, until those prophets
arose whose works we possess in the canon of
Scripture. The Messiah is a King and Ruler
of David's house, who sAould come to reform
and restore the Jewish nation and purify the
Church, as in Is. xi., xl.-lxvi. The blessings
of the restoration, however, will not be confined
to Jews ; the heathen are made to share them
fully (Is. ii., lxvi.). The passage of Micah v. 2
(comp. Mutt. ii. 6) lift no doubt in the mind
of the Sanhedrim as to the birthplace of the
Messiah. The lineage of David is again alluded
to in Zcchariah (xii. 10-14). The time of the
second Temple is fixed by Haggai (ii. 91 for
Messiah's coining ; and the coming of the Fore-
runner and of the Anointed areclcai'y revealed
in Mai. iii. 1, iv. 5, 6. The fourth pe*iod alter
the close of the canon of the O. T. is known to
us in a great measure from allusions in .lie
N. T. to the expectation of the Jews. The
Pharisees, and those of the Jews who expected
Messiah at all, looked for a tcmpor.il prince
only. The Apostles themselves were n .'wted
with this opinion till after the Rcsnncction
(Matt. xx. 20, 21 ; Luke xxiv. 21 ; Acts i. 6).
Gleams of a purer faith appear (Luke ii. 30,
xxiii. 42; John iv. 25). On the other hand,
there was a sceptical school which had discarded
the expectation altogether. The expectation
of a golden age that should return upon the
earth was common in heathen nations. 1 his
hope the Jews also shared; but with them it
was associated with the coining of a |iarricnlur
Person, the Messiah. It has been asserted that
in Him the Jews looked for an earthly king,
and that the existence of the hope of a Messiah
may thus be accounted for on natural grounds,
and without a divine revelation. But the
prophecies refute this : they hold out not a
Prophet only, but a King and a Priest, whose
business it should be to set the people free from
sin, and to teach them the wnvs of God, as in
Ps. xxii., xl., ex. ; Is. ii., xi., iiii. In these and
other places too the power of the coming One
reaches beyond the Jews, and embraces all the
Gentiles, which is contrary to the exclusive
notions of Judaism. A fair consideration of
all the passages will convince that the growth
of the Messianic idea in the prophecies is ow-
ing to revelation from God.
Messi'as, the Greek form of Messiah (John
i. 41, iv. 25).
Metals. The Hebrews, in common with
other ancient nations, were acquainted with
nearly all the metals known to modern metal-
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METALS
552
METALS
lurgy, whether as the products of their own soil
•r the results of intercourse with foreigners.
One of the earliest geographical definitions is
that which describes the country of Havilah as
the land which abounded in gold, and the gold
of which was good (Gen. ii. 11, 12). The first
artist in metals was a Cainite, Tubal Cain, the
son of Lamech, the forger or sharpener of every
instrument of copper (A. V. " brass ") and iron
( Gen. iv. 22). " Alirum was very rich in cattle,
in silver, and in gold" (Gen. xiii. 2) ; silver, as
will be shown hereafter, being the medium of
commerce, while gold existed in the shape of
ornaments, during the patriarchal ages. Tin is
first mentioned among the spoils of the Midi-
am to which were taken when Balaam was slain
(Num. xxxi. 22), and lead is used to heighten
the imagery of Moses' triumphal song (Kx. xv.
10). Whether the ancient Hebrews were ac-
quainted with steel, properly so called, is uncer-
tain ; the words so rendered in the A. V. (2 Sam.
xxii. 35 ; Job xx. 24 ; Ps. xviii. 34 ; Jer. xv.
12) are in all other passages translated brass,
and would be more correctly copper. The
" northern iron " of Jer. xv. 12 is believed by
commentators to be iron hardened and tempered
by some peculiar process, so as more nearly to
correspond to what we call steel [Steel] ; and
the " flaming torches " of Nah. ii. 3 are probably
the flashing steel scythes of the war-chariots
which should come against Nineveh. Besides
the simple metals, it is supposed that the
Hebrews used the mixture ot copper and tin
known as bronze; and probably in all cases in
which copper is mentioned as in any way manu-
factured, bronze is to be understood as the metal
indicated. With the exception of iron, gold is
the most widely diffused of all metals. Almost
every country in the world has in its turn yield-
ed a certain supply, and as it is found most
frequently in alluvial soil, among the debris
of rocks washed down by the torrents, it was
known at a very early period, and was procured
with littld difficulty. We have no indications
of gold streams or mines in Palestine. The
Hebrews obtained their principal supply from
the south of Arabia, and the commerce of the
Persian Gulf. It was probably brought in form
of ingots (Josh. .vii. 21 ; A. V. " wedge," lit.
" tongue "), and was rapidly converted into ar-
ticles of ornament and use. The great abun-
dance of gold in early times is indicated by its
entering into the composition of every article of
ornament and almost all of domestic use. Among
the spoils of the Midianitcs taken by the Israel-
ites in their bloodless victory when Balaam was
slain were ear-rings and jewels to the amount
of 16,750 shekels of gold (Num. xxxi. 48-54),
equal in value to more than 30,000/. of our
present money. 1,700 shekels of gold (worth
more than 3,000/.) in nose jewels (A. V. " ear-
rings ") alone were taken by Gideon's army
from the slaughtered Midianites (Judg. viii. 26).
These numbers, though large, are not incredibly
freat, when we consider that the country of the
lidianitcs was at that time rich in gold streams
which have been since exhausted, and that like
the Malavs of the present day, and the Peruvians
of the time of Pizarro, they carried most of their
wealth about them. But the amount of treasure
tccumulated by David from spoils taken in war
is so enormous, that we are tempted to conclua*
the numbers exaggerated. Though gold was
thus common, silver appears to hare been the
ordinary medium of commerce.
The first commercial transaction of which
we possess the details was the purchase of
Kphron's field by Abraham for 400 shekels of
silver (Gen. xxiii. 16) ; slaves were bought with
silver (Gen. xvii. 12) ; silver was the money paid
bv Abimelcch as a compensation to Abraham
(ben. xx. 16) ; Joseph was sold to the Ishmaelite
merchants for twenty pieces of silver (Gen.
xxxvii. 28) ; and generally, in the Old Testa-
ment, " money " in the A. V. is literally silver.
The first payment in gold is mentioned in 1 Chr.
xxi. 25, whe're David buys the threshing-floor of
Oman, or Araunah, the Jebusite, for six hun-
dred shekels of gold by weight. But in the
parallel narrative of the transaction in 2 Sam.
xxiv. 24, the price paid for the threshing-floor
and oxen is fifty shekels of silver. With this
one exception, there is no case in the O. T. in
which gold is alluded to as a medium of com-
merce; the Hebrew coinage may have been
partly gold, but we have no proof of it. Silver
was brought into Palestine in the form of plates
from Tarshish, with gold and ivory (1 K. x. 22;
2 Chr. ix. 21 ; Jer. x. 9). The accumulation
of wealth in the reign of Solomon was so great,
that silver was but little esteemed ; " the king
made silver to be in Jerusalem as stones "(IK.
x. 21, 27). With the treasures which were
brought out of Egypt, not only the ornaments
but the ordinary metal-work of the tabernacle
were made. From a comparison of the different
amounts of gold and silver collected by David,
it appears that the proportion of the former to
the hitter was 1 to 9 nearly. Brass, or more
properly copper, was a native product of Pales-
tine, " a land whose stones are iron, and out of
whose hills thou mayest dig copper " (I)cut. viii.
9 ; Job xxviii. 2). It was so plentiful in the
days of Solomon that the quantity employed in
the Temple could not be estimated, it was so
great (1 K. vii. 47). There is strong reason
to believe that brass, a mixture of copper and
zinc, was unknown to the ancients. J'o the
latter metal, no allusion is found. But tin was
well known, and, from the difficulty which at-
tends the toughening pure copper so as to ren-
der it fit for hammering, it is probable that the
mode of deoxidizing copper by the admixture
of small quantities of tin had been early discov-
ered. Arms (2 Sam. xxi. 16 ; Job xx. 24 ; Ps.
xviii. 34) and armor (1 Sam. xvii. 5, 6, 38)
were made of this metal, which was capable of
Iwing so wrought as to admit of a keen and hard
edge. The Egyptians employed it in cutting the
hardest granite*. Iron, like copper, was found in
the hills of Palestine. The " iron mountain " in
the trans-Jordanic region is dcscrilied by Jose-
phns, and was remarkable for producing a par-
ticular kind of palm. Iron-mines are still
worked by the inhabitants of Kefr Hindi in the
S. of the Valley Zaharini. Tin and lead were
both known at a very early period, though there
is no distinct trace of them in Palestine. The
former was among the spoils of the Midianites
(Num. xxxi. 22), who might have obtained it
in their intercourse with the Phoenician mer-
chants (comp. Gen. xxxvii. 25, 36), who them-
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MIBSAM
553
MICAH
selves procured it from Tarshish (Ex. xxvii. 12)
and the tin countries of the west. Antimony
{2 K. ix. SO; Jcr. iv. 30, A. V. "painting"),
in the form of powder, was used by the Hebrew
women, like the kohl of the Arabs, for coloring
their eyelids and eyebrows. Further informa-
tion will be found in the articles upon the sev-
eral metals ; and whatever is known of the
metallurgy of the Hebrews will be discussed
under Minixq.
Mete'rus. According to the list in 1 Esd.
t. 17, "the sons of Meterus" returned with
Zorobabel. Ap.
Meth'ex-Am'm&h, a place which David
took from the Philistines, apparently in his last
war with them (2 Sam. viii. I). In the parallel
passage of the Chronicles (1 Chr. xviii. 1),
Gam and her daughter-towns " is substituted
for Metheg ha-Ammah. The renderings are
legion ; but the interpretations may be reduced
to two: — I. That adopted by Gesenius and
Fiirst, in which Amman is taken as meaning
" mother-city " or " metropolis " (comp. 2 Sam.
xx. 19), and Metheg ha-Ammah " the bridle of
the mother-city " — viz. of Gath, the chief town
ol the Philistines. 2. That of Ewald, who,
taking Ammah as meaning the "fore-arm,"
treats the words as a metaphor to express the
perfect manner in which David had smitten and
humbled his foes.
Methu'sael, the son of Mehujacl, fourth
in descent from Cain, and father of Lamech
(Gen. iv. 18).
Methu'selah, the son of Enoch, sixth in
descent from Seth, and father of Lamech (Gen.
v. 25-27).
ICe'unim, Neh. vii. 52. Elsewhere given
in A. V. as Mkiiunim and Meqdnixs.
Meuzal, Ez. xxvii. 19 marg. [Uzal.J
Me'zahab. The father of Hatred, and
grandfather of Mehetabel, who was wife of Ha-
dar or Hadad, the last-named king of Edom
(Gen. xxxvi. 39 ; 1 Chr. i. 50). His name,
which, if it be Hebrew, signifies " waters of
gold," has given rise to much speculation.
Mi'amin. 1. A laympn of Israel of the
sons of Parosh, who had marr : ed a foreign wife,
and put her away at the bidding of Ezra (Ezr.
x. 25). — 2. A priest or family of priests who
went up from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh.
xii. 5).
Mlb'har. " Mibhar the son of Haggeri "
is the name of one of David's heroes in the list
given in I Cbr. xi. The verse (38) in which
it occurs appears to be corrupt, for in the cor-
responding catalogue of 2 Sara, xxiii. 36 we
find, instead of " Mibhar the son of Haggeri,"
" of Zobah, Bani the Gadite." It is easy to sec,
if the latter be the true reading, how Bani hag-
gadi could be corrupted into oen^amtri. But
that "Mibhar" is a corruption of mitsttooah,
"of Zobah," is not so clear, though not abso-
lntely impossible. It would seem from the
LXX. of 2 Sam., that both readings originally
co-existed.
Mib'sam. 1. A son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv.
13; 1 Chr. i. 29), not elsewhere mentioned.
The signification of his name has led some to
propose an identification of the tribe sprung from
him with some one of the Abrahamic tribe
settled in Arabia oromatifera. — 2. A son of
70
Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 25), perhaps named after the
Ishmaelite Mibsam.
Mibzar. Oneofthephylarchsor"dukes"
of Edom (I Chr. i. 53) or Esau (Gen. xxxvi.
43) after the death of Hadad or Hadar.
Hictth. an Israelite whose familiar story is
preserved m the xviith and xviiith chapters of
Judges, furnishing us with a picture of the in-
terior of a private Israelite family of the rural
districts, which, in many respects, stands quite
alone in the sacred records, and has probably
no parallel in any literature of equal age. But
apart from this the narrative has several points
of special interest to students of biblical his-
tory in the information which it affords as to
the condition of the nation. We see (1.) how
completely some of the most solemn and char-
acteristic enactments of the Law had become a
dead letter. Micah was evidently a devout
believer in Jehovah. His one anxiety is to
enjoy the favor of Jehovah (xvii. 13); the
formula of blessing used by his mother and his
priest invokes the same awful name (xvii. 2,
xviii. 6) ; and yet so completely ignorant is he
of the law of Jehovah, that the mode which
he adopts of honoring Hiw is to make a molten
and graven image, teraphim or images of
domestic gods, and to set up an unauthorized
priesthood, first in his own family (xvii. 5),
and then in the person of a Levite not of the
priestly line (ver. 12). (2.) The story also
throws a light on the condition of the Levites.
Here we have a Levite belonging to Bethlehem
Jndah, a town not allot.cd to nis tribe; next
wandering forth to take up his abode wherever
he could find a residence; then undertaking
the charge of Micah's idol-chapel ; and, lastly,
carrying off the property of nis master and
benefactor, and becoming the first priest to
another system of false worship. But the trans-
action becomes still more remarkable when we
consider (3.) that this was no obscure or ordi-
nary Levite. He belonged to the chief family
in the tribe, nay, we may say to the chief family
of the nation ; for though not himself a priest,
he was closely allied to the priestly house, and
was the grandson of no less a person than the
great Moses himself. [Manasseh, No. 4.1 (4.)
The narrative gives us a most vivid idea of
the terriblo anarchy in which the country was
placed, when " there was no king in Israel, and
every man did what was right in his own eyes ; "
and shows how urgently necessary a central
authority had become. A body of six hundred
men completely armed, besides the train of
their families and cattle, traverses the length
and breadth of the land, not on any mission for
the ruler or the nation, as on later occasions
(2 Sam. ii. 12, &c., xx. 7, 14), but simply for
their private ends. Entirely disregarding the
rights of private property, they burst in where-
cver they please along their route, and plunder-
ing the valuables, and carrying off persons,
reply to all remonstrances by taunts and threats.
As to the date of these interesting events, the
narrative gives us no direct information beyond
the fact that it was before tho beginning of the
monarchy ; but we may at least infer that it was
also before the time or Samson, because in this
narrative (xviii. 12) we meet with the origin of
the name Mahaneh-dan, a place which already
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MICAH
554
MICAH
bore Chat name in Samson's childhood (xiii.
25). The date of the record itself may perhaps
be more nearly arrived at. That, oii the one
hand, it was after the beginning of the mon-
archy, is evident from the references to the antc-
monarchicul times (xviii. 1, xix. 1, xxi. 25).
The reference to the establishment of the house
of God in tShiloli (xviii. 31) seems also to point
to the oariy part of Saul's reign.
Micsah. The sixth in order of the minor
prophets, according to the arrangement in our
present canon ; in the LXX. he is placed third,
after Ilosca and Amos. To distinguish him
from Micaiah the son of Imlah, the contem-
porary of Elijah, he is called the Morasthitl,
that is, a native of Moreshcth, or some place of
similar name, which Jerome and Euscbius call
Morasthi, and idcutify with a small village near
Elcuthcropolis to the cast, where formerly the
prophet's tomb was shown, though, in the days
of Jerome, it had been succeeded by a church
(Epit. Paula:, c. C). As little is known of the
circumstances of Mieuh's life as of many of the
other prophets. Pseudo-Epiplumius makes him,
contrary to all probability, of the tribo of
Ephraim. For rebuking Jchoram for his im-
pieties, Micah, according to the same authority,
was thrown from a precipice, and buried at
Morathi in his own country, hard by the cem-
etery of Enakim, where his sepulchre was still
to be seen. The period during which Micah
exercised the prophetical office is stated, in the
superscription to his prophecies, to have ex-
tended over the reigns of Jotham, Ahaz, and
Hczckiah, kings of Juilab, giving thus a maxi-
mum limit of 59 years (u.c. 75G-G97), from the
accession of Jotham to the death of Ilczekiah,
and a minimum limit of 16 years (u.c. 742-
720), from the death of Jotham to tliu accession
of Hczckiah. In either case, he would be con-
temporary with Hosea and Amos during part
of tiicir ministry in Israel, and with Isaiah in
Judah. With respect to one of his prophecies
(Mi. 12), it is distinctly assigned to the reign of
Ilczekiah (Jer. xxvi. 18), and was probably de-
livered before the great passover which inaugu-
rated the reformation in Judah. The date of
the others must be determined, if at all, by in-
ternal evidence; and the periods to which they
are assigned are therefore necessarily conjec-
tural. The time assigned to the prophecies by
the only direct evidence which we possess
agrees so well with their contents, that it may
fairly be accepted as correct. A confusion ap-
pears to have existed in the minds of those who
see in the prophecy in its present form a con-
nected whole, Dctween the actual delivery of
the several portions of it, and their collection
and transcription into one book. It is conceiva-
ble, to say the least, that certain portions of
Micah's prophecy may have been uttered in the
reigns of Jotham and Ahaz ; and for the proba-
bility of this there is strong internal evidence,
while thev were collected as a whole in the
reign of Hezekiah, and committed to writing.
The book thus written may have liccn read in
the presence of the king and the whole people,
on some great fast or festival day. It is im- |
possible, in dealing with internal evidence, to j
assert positively that the inferences deduced |
from it are correct ; but in the present instance |
they at least establish a probability, that, la
placing the period of Micah's prophetical ac-
tivity between the times of Jotham and Ilcze-
kiah, the superscription is correct. In tlie first
years of Hczckiah s reign, the idolatry which
"prevailed in the time of Ahaz was not eradi-
cated; and in assigning the date of Micah's
prophecy to this period, there is no anachronism
in the allusions to idolatrous practices. In the
arrangement adopted by Wells (prof, to Micah,
§ iv.-vi.), ch. i. was delivered in the contcm-
Ijorary reigns of Jotham king of Judah and of
.'clean king of Israel ; ii. I-iv. 8, in those of
Ahaz, Pekah, and Hosea ; iii. 12 being assigned
to the last year of Ahaz, and the remainder of
the book to the reign of Ilczekiah. But, at
wliatcver time the several prophecies were first
delivered, they appear in their present form as
an organic whole, marked by a certain regu-
larity of development Three sections, omit-
ting the superscription, arc introduced by the
same phrase, " Hear ye," and represent three
natural divisions of "the prophecy, — i., ii.,
iii.-v.,vi.-vii., — each commencing with rebukes
and threatenings, and closing with a promise.
The first section opens with a magnificent
description of the coming of Jehovah to judg-
ment for the sins and idolatries of Israel and
Judah (i. 2-4), and the sentence pronounced
uiion Samaria (5-9) by the Judge Himself.
Ihc prophet sees the danger which threaten*
his country, and traces in imagination the
devastating" march of the Assyrian conquerors
(i. 8-16). The impending punishment suggests
its cause; and the prophet denounces a woe
upon the people generally for the corruption
and violence which were rife among tbem, and
upon the false prophets who led them astray by
pandering to their appetites and luxury (ii. I-
1 1 ). The sentence of captivity is passed upon
them (10), but is followed instantly by a prom-
ise of restoration and triumphant return (ii. 12,
13). The second section is addressed especially
to the princes and heads of the people ; their
avarice and rapacity arc rebuked in strong
terms. But the threatening is again succeeded
by a promise of restoration ; and in the glories
of the Messianic kingdom the prophet loses
sight of the desolation which should befall hi»
country. The predictions in this section form
the climax of the book; and Ewald arranges
them in four strophes, consisting of from seven
to eight verses each (iv. 1-8, iv. 9-v. 2, v. 3-9,
v. 10-15), with the exception of the last, which
is shorter. In the last section (vi., vii.), Jeho-
vah, by a bold poetical figure, is represented as
holding a controversy with His people, plead-
ing with them in justification of His conduct
towords them and the reasonableness of His
requirements. The dialogue form in which
chap. vi. is cast renders the picture very dra-
matic and striking. The whole concludes with
a triumphal song of joy at the great deliverance,
like that from Ejrypt, which Jehovah will
achieve, and a full acknowledgment of His
mercy, and faithfulness to His promises ( 16-20).
Thc last verse is reproduced in the song oif
Zacharias (Luke i. 72, 73). The predictions
uttered by Micah relate to the invasions of
Shalmnncser (i. 6-8; 2 K. xvii. 4, 6) and Sen-
nacherib (i. 9-16; 2 K. xviii 13), the destrnr-
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MICAIAH
555
MICHAEL
tion of Jerusalem (iii. 12, vii. 13), the captivity
iu Babylon (iv. 10), the return (iv. 1-8, vii. 11),
the establishment of a theocratic kiugdom iu
Jerusalem (iv. 8), and tho Kuler who should
spring fro.n Bethlehem (v. 2). The destruc-
tion of Assyria and Babylon is supposed to be
referred to in v. 5, 6, vii. 8, 10. It is rcmurka-
blo that the prophecies commence with the last
words recorded of tho prophet's namesake,
Micaiah the son of Imlah, " Hearken, O people,
cverv one of vou" (1 K. xxii. 28). The style
of Micah has been compared with that of Ilosca
and Isaiah. His diction is vigorous and forci-
ble, sometimes obscure from the abruptness of
its transitions, but varied, and rich in figures
derived from the pastoral (i. 8, ii. 12, v. 4, 5, 7,
8, vii. 14) and rural life of the lowland country
(i. 6, iii. 12, iv. 3, 12, 13, vi. IS), whose vines
and olives and fig-trees were celebrated (1 Chr.
xxvii. 27, 23), and supply tho prophet with so
many striking allusions (i. 6, iv. 3, 4, vi. 15,
vii. 1, 4) as to suggest that, like Amos, ho may
have been cither a herdsman or a vine-dresser,
who had heard the howling of the jackals (i. 8,
A. V. " dragons ") as ho watched his flocks or
his vines by night, and had seen the lions
slaughtering tho sheep (v. 8). The languago
of Micah is quoted in Matt. ii. S, 6, and his
prophecies are alluded to in Matt. x. 35, 36;
Mark xiii. 12; Luke xii. 53; John vii. 42. — 2.
A descendant of Joel the Rcubcnite (1 Chr. v.
5). — 3. The son of Meribbaal, or Mcphibo-
shoth, the son of Jonathan (1 Chr. viii. 34, 35,
ix. 40, 41). — 4. A Kohathite Levito, eldest
son of Uzziol the brother of Amrum ( 1 Chr.
xxiii. 20). — 5. The father of Abdon, u man of
high station in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr.
xxxiv. 23).
Mioai'ah. There are seven persons of this
name in the O. T. besides Micoh the Levitc, to
whom the name is twice givon in the Hebrew
(Judg. xvii. 1,4); Micah and Micaiah mean-
ing the same thing, " Who like Jehovah ? " In
the A. V. however, with tho one exception fol-
lowing, the name is given as Michaiaii. The
son of Imlah, a prophet of Samaria, who, in
tho last year of the reign of Ahab, king of
Israel, predicted his defeat and death, B.C. 897.
Tho circumstances were as follows: — Throe
years after tho great battle with Bcnhadad,
Ahab proposed to Jehoshaphat that they should
jointly go up to battle against Ramoth-Gilead.
Jehoshaphat assented in cordial words to the
proposal; but suggested that they should first
'' inquire at the word of Jehovah." Accord-
ingly, Ahab assembled 400 prophets, while, in
an open space at the gate of the city of Sama-
ria, he and Jehoshaphat sat in royal robes to
meet and consult them. Tho prophets unani-
mously gave a favorable response ; and among
them, Zedekiah the son of Chenaanah, made
horns of iron as a symbol, and announced, from
Jehovah, that with those horns Ahab would
push tho Assyrians till ho consumed them.
Jehoshaphat was dissatisfied with the answer,
and asked if there was no other prophet of Je-
hovah, at Samaria. Ahab replied that there
was yet one, — Micaiah the son of Imlah; but
he added, " I hate him, for he does not proph-
esy good concerning me, but evil." Micaiah
was, nevertheless, sent for; and after an attempt
had in vain been made to tamper with him, he
first expressed an ironical concurrence with the
400 prophets, and then opeuly foretold the de-
feat of Ahab's army and the death of Ahab
himself. And in opposition to the other proph-
ets, he said, that he had seen Jehovah sitting
on His throne, and all the host of Heaven
standing by Him, on His right hand and on
His left: that Jehovah said, Who shall per-
suade Ahab to go up and fall at Ramoth-Gil-
ead ? that a Spirit came Ibrth, and said that he
would do so ; and on being asked, Wherewith ?
he answered, that he would go forth, and lie a
lying spirit in the mouth of all the prophets.
Irritated by the account of the vision, Zedekiah
struck Micaiah on the cheek, and Ahab ordered
Micaiah to bo token to prison, and fed on bread
and water till his return to Samaria. From
his interest in the story, Joscphus relates sev-
eral details not contained in tho Bible, some of
which are probable, while others are very un-
likely, but for none of which docs ho give any
authority. Thus, he says, Micaiah was already
in prison, when sent for to prophesy before
Ahab and Jehoshaphat, and that it was Micaiah
who had predicted death by a lion to the son of
a prophet, under the circumstances mentioned
in 1 Iv. \x. 35, 36 ; and had rebuked Ahab, after
his brilliant victory ovei tho Syrians, for not
putting Bcnhadad to death. The history of
Micaiah is an exeinulificatio/i iu practice, of
contradictory predictions being made by dif-
ferent prophets. The only rule bearing on the
judgment to be formed under such circum-
stances seems to have been a negative one. It
is laid down in Deut. xviii. 21, 22, where tho
question is asked, How the children of Israel
were to know the word which Jehovah had not
spokeu i And the solution is, that " if the
thing follow not, nor come to pass, that is the thing
which Jehovah has not spoken."
Mioha. 1. The son of Mephiboshcth (2
Sum. ix. 12). — 2. A Levite, or family of Le-
vitcs, who signed tho covenant with Nchcmiah
(Nch. x. U).— 3. The father of Mattaniah, a
Gcrshonite Levite, and descendant of Asaph
(Nch. xi. 17, 22). — 4. A Simeonite, father of
Ozias, one of the three governors of the city of
Bcthulia in the time of Judith (Jud. vi. 15).
Michael, " one," or " the first of the chief
princes " or archangels ( Dan. x. 13 ; comp. Judo
9), described in Dan. x. 21 as the " prince " of
Israel, and in xii. 1 as " the great prince which
standeth " in time of conflict " for the children
of thy people." All these passages in the O. T.
belong to that late period of its Revelation,
when, to tho general declaration of the angelic
office, was added the division of that office into
parts, and the assignment of them to individual
angels. As Gabriel represents tho ministration
of the angels towards man, so Michael is the
type and leader of their strife, in God's name
and His strength, against the power of Satan.
In tho O. T. therefore he is the guardian of tho
Jewish people in their antagonism to godless
power and Heathenism. In the N. T. (see Rev.
xii. 7), he fights in heaven against the dragon
— * that old serpent called the Devil and Satan,
which deceivcth the whole world ; " and so takes
part in that struggle which is the work of the
Church on earth. There remains one passage
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MICHAL
556
MICHMASH
(Jade 9; comp. 2 Pet ii. 11) in which we are
told tliut " Michael the archangel, when con-
tending with the devil he disputed about the
body of Moses, durst not bring against him a
railing accusation, but said, The Lord rebuke
thee. 1
Mi'chah, eldest son of Uzziel, the son of
Koliath ( lChr. xxiv. 24, 25), elsewhere ( 1 Chr.
xxiii. 20) called Micah.
Michai'ah. 1. The father of Achbor, a
man of liigh rank in the reign of Josiah (2 K.
xxii. 12). He is the same as Micah the father
of Abdon (2 Chr. xxxir. 20). — 2. The son of
Zaccur, a descendant of Asaph (Neh. xii. 35).
He is the same as Micah the sou of Zichri
(1 Chr. ix. 15) and Micha the son of Zabdi
(Neh. xi. 17). — 3. One of the priests at the
dedication of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii.
41).— 4. The daughter of Uriel of Gibcah,
wife of Uehoboam, and mother of Abijah kin?
of Judah (2 Cbr. xiii. 2). [Maachah 3.J
— 5. One of the princes of Jehoshaphat whom
he sent to teach the law of Jehovah in the cit-
ies of Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 7). — 6. The son of
Gcmariah. He is only mentioned on one occa-
sion. After Iiaruch had read, in public, proph-
ecies of Jeremiah announcing imminent calam-
ities, Michaiah went and declared them to all
tho princes assembled in King Jchoiakim's
house ; and the princes forthwith sent for Ba-
ruch to read the prophecies to them (Jcr.
xxxvi. 11-U).
Michal, the younger of Saul's two daugh-
ters ( I Sam. xiv. 49). The king had proposed
to bestow on David his elder daughter Me-
iub ; but before the marriage could be arranged
an unexpected turn was given to the matter by
the behavior of Michal, who fell violently in
love with the young hero. The marriage with
her elder sister was at once put aside. Saul
eagerly caught at the opportunity which the
change afforded him of exposing his rival to
the risk of death. The price fixed on Michal's
hand was no less than the slaughter of a hun-
dred Philistines. For these tho usual "dowry"
by which, according to tho custom of the East,
from the time of Jacob down to the present
day, the father is paid for his daughter, was
relinquished. David by a brilliant feat doubled
the tale of victims, and Michal became his
wife. It was not long before the strength of
her affection was put to tho proof. They seem
to have been living at Gibcah. After one of
Saul's attacks of frenzy, Michal learned that
the house was being watched bv the myrmidons
of Saul, and that it w;is intended on "the next
morning to attack her husband as he left his
door (xix. 11). Like a true soldier's wife, she
meets stratagem by stratagem. She first pro-
vided for David's safety by lowering him out
of the window ; to gain time for him to reach
ilie residence of Samuel, she next dressed up
t!ie bed as if still occupied by him : the tera-
Iibim, or household e^>u, was' laid in bed, its
icad enveloped, like that of a slcc;>er, in the
usual net ol goat's hair for protection from
gnats, the rest of the figure covered with the
1 The .lews regarded Michael as the chlof of
the wven archangel*. In thN vlr<v, ehe Christian
Church hat generally cniiieldi-d. Many it the lt>-
*>rux;r» embraced the idea that ne is Christ. — Eo.
wide beged or plaid. Saul's messengers fores
their way into the inmost apartment, and then
discover the deception which has been playod
off upon them with such success. Saul's rage
may be imagined : his fury was such that Mi-
chal was obliged to fabricate a story of David's
having attempted to kill her. This was the
last time she saw her husband for many years ;
and when the rupture between Saul and David
had become open and incurable, Michal was
married to another man, Phalli or Phaltiel of
Gallim ( 1 Sam. xxv. 44 ; 2 Sam. iii. 1 5). After
the death of her father and brothers at Gilboa,
Michal and her new husband appear to have
betaken themselves, with the rest of the family
of Saul, to the eastern side of the Jordan. Ii
is on the road leading up from the Jordan Val-
ley to the Mount of Olives that we first en-
counter her with her husband. Michal under
the joint escort of David's messengers and Ab-
ncr's twenty men, en route to David at Hebron,
the submissive Phaltiel behind, bewailing the
wife thus torn from him. It was at least four-
teen years since David and she had parted at
Gibcah, since she had watched him disappear
down the cord into the darkness, and had per-
illed her own life for his against the rage of her
insane father. That David's love for his absent
wife had undergone no change in the interval
sccins certain from the eagerness with which
he reclaims her as soon as the opportunity ia
afforded him. The meeting took place at He-
bron. How Michal comported herself in the
altered circumstances of David's household we
arc not told ; but it is plain from the subse-
quent occurrences that something had happened
to alter the relations of herself and David. It
was the day of David's greatest triumph, when
he brought the Ark of Jehovah from its tem-
porary resting-place to its home in the newly-
acquired city. Michal watched the procession
approach from the window of her apartments
in the royal harem ; the motions of her hus-
band shocked her as undignified and indecent ;
"she despised him in her heart." After the
exertions of the long day were over, the king
was received by his wile with a bitter taunt
which showed how incapable she was of appre-
ciating cither her husband's temper or the ser-
vice in which he had been engaged. David'*
retort was a tremendous one, conveyed in
words, which, once spoken, could never be re-
called. It gathered up all the differences be-
tween them, which made sympathy no longer
possible ; and we do not need the assurance of
the sacred writer, that " Michal had no child
unto the day of her death," to feel quite certain
that all intercourse between her and David
must have ceased from that date. Her name
appears but once again (2 Sam. xxi. 8) as the
mother of five of the grandchildren of Saul.
But it is probably more correct to substitute
Merab tor Michal in this place,
Micbe'as, the prophet Micah the Moraa-
thitc (2 Esd. i. 39). Ap.
Mich'mas, a variation, probably a later
form, of the name Michmash (Ear. ii. 27 ;
Neh. vii. 31).
Mich'mash, a town which is known to os
almost solely by its connection with the Philis-
tine war of Saul and Jonathan (1 Sam. xiii..
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MICHTAM
557
MIDIAN
xiv.). It has been identified with great proba-
bility in a village which still bears the name of
MilJimas, and stands at about 7 miles north
of Jerusalem, on the northern edge of the great
Wadj/ Suweinit — in some maps W. Fuwar —
which forms the main pass of communication
between the central highlands on which the vil-
lage stands, and the Jordan Valley at Jericho.
The place was thus situated in the verv middle
of the tribe of Benjamin. But, though in the
heart of Benjamin, it is not named in the list
of the towns of that tribe (comp. Josh, xviii.),
but first appears as one of the chief points of
Saul's poution at the outbreak of the war
(1 Sim. xiii., xiv.). Unless Makaz be Mich-
mash — an identification for which we have only
the authority of the LXX. — we hear nothing
of the place from this time till the invasion of
Judab by Sennacherib in the reign of Hezekiah,
when it is mentioned by Isaiah (x. 28). After
the captivity, the men of the place returned,
123 in number (Ezr. ii. 27; Nch. vii. 31). At
a later date, it became the residence of Jonathan
Maccabaus, and the seat of his government
(1 Mace. ix. 73). In the time of Eusebius and
Jerome ( Onomasticon, " Machmas "), it was " a
verr large village retaining its ancient name,
and lying near Ramah in the district of JEiia
i Jerusalem), at 9 miles distance therefrom."
mmediately below the village, the great wady
spreads out to a considerable width — perhaps
half a mile ; and its bod is broken up into an
intricate mass of hummocks and mounds, some
two of which, before the torrents of 3,000 win-
ters had reduced and rounded their forms, were
probably the two " teeth of cliff" — the Bozez
and Sench of Jonathan's adventure. Right
opposite U Jeba (Geba) on a curiously terraced
hill.
Mich'methah, a place which formed one
of the landmarks of the boundary of the terri-
tories of Ephraim and Manasseh on the west-
ern side of Jordan. (1.) It lay "facing She-
chem ; " it also was the next place on the bound-
ary west of Ashbr (Josh. xvii. 7), if indeed
the two are not one and the same place —
hara-Micmethath a distinguishing affix to the
more common name of Asher. The position
of the place must be somewhere on the east
of and not far distant from Shechem. But
then (2.) this appears quite inconsistent with
the mention of the same name in the specifica-
tion of a former boundary (Josh. xvi. 6). The
probability is, that the statements of chap. xvi.
have suffered very great mutilation, and that a
fap exists between verses 5 and 6. The place
as not been met with nor the name discovered
by travellers, ancient or modern.
Mioh'ri, ancestor of Elah, one of the heads
of the fathers of Benjamin (I Chr. ix. 8) after
the captivity.
Mich'tam. This word occurs in the titles
of six psalms (xvi., lvi.-lx.), all of which are
ascribed to David. The marginal reading of
our A. V. is "a golden psalm," while in the
Geneva version it is described as " a certain
tone." From the position which it occupies
in the title, we may infer that michtam is a term
applied to these psalms to denote their musical
character ; but beyond this every thing is ob-
Mid'din, a city of Judah (Josh. xr. 61),
one of the six specified as situated in the dis-
trict of " the midbar" (A. V. "wilderness").
It is not mentioned by Eusebius or Jerome, nor
has it been identified 'or perhaps sought for by
later travellers.
Mid'ian, a son of Abraham and Keturah
(Gen. xxv. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 32) ; progenitor of the
Midianitcs, or Arabians dwelling principally in
the desert north of the peninsula of Arabia.
Southwards thev extended along the eastern
shore of the Gulf of Eylch (Sinus sElanitiais) ;
and northwards they stretched along the eastern
frontier of Palestine. Midian is first mentioned,
as a people, when Moses fled, having killed the
Egyptian, to the "land of Midian" (Ex. ii.
15), and married a daughter of a priest of
Midian (21). The "land of Midian/' or the
portion of it specially referred to, was probably
the Peninsula of Sinai. It should, however,
be remembered that the name of Midian (and
hence t."ie "land of Midian") was perhaps
often applied, as that of the most powerful of the
northern Arab tribes, to the northern Arabs
generally. The Midianitcs were mostly dwell-
ers in tents, not towns; and Sinai has not
sufficient pasture to support more than a
small or a moving people. But it must be
be remembered that perhaps (or we may say
probably) the Peninsula of Sinai has consider-
ably changed in its physical character since the
time of Moses. Whatever may have been the
position of Midian in the Sinaitic Peninsula, if
we may believe the Arabian historians and ge-
ographers, backed as their testimony is by the
Greek geographers, thecity of Midian was situate
on the opposite or Arabian shore of tho Arabian
Gulf, and thence northwards, and spreading east
and west, we have the true country of the wan-
dering Midianitcs. The next occurrence of tho
name of this people in the sacred history marks
their northern settlement on the border of tho
Promised Land, " on this Bide Jordan " [by]
" Jericho " in the plains of Moab (Num. xxii.
1-4), when Balak said of Israel, to the elders
of Midian, " Now shall this company lick up
all " [thatare] " round about us, as the ox licketh
up the grass of the field." The spoil taken in
the war that soon followed, and more especially
the mention of the dwellings of Midian, render
this suggestion very doubtful, and point rather
to a considerable pastoral settlement of Midian
in the trans-Jordan ic country. In this case the
Midianitcs were evidently tributary to the Amor
ites, being " dukes of Sihon, dwelling in the
country : this inferior position explains their
omission from Balaam's prophecy. It was here,
" on this side Jordan," that the chief doings of
the Midianitcs with the Israelites took place
The influence of the Midianitcs on the Israel-
ites was clearly most evil, and directly tended
to lead them from the injunctions of Moses.
Much of the dangerous character of their influ-
ence may probably be ascribed to the common
descent from Abraham. While the Canaanitish
tribes were abhorred, Midian might claim con-
sanguinity, and more readily seduce Israel from
their allegiance. The events at Shittim occa-
sioned the injunction to vex Midian, and smite
them. Twelve thousand men, a thousand
from each tribe, went up to this war, a war in
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MIDIAN
558
MIGDAL-EL
which all the males of the enemv were slain.
After a lapse of some years, the Midianites ap-
pear again as the enemies of the Israelites.
They had recovered from the devastation of the
former war, probably by the arrival of fresh
colonists from the desert tracts over which
their tribes wandered ; and they now were suf-
ficiently powerful to become the oppressors of
the children of Israel. Allied with the Amalek-
itcs, and the Bene-Kedem, they drove them to
mako dens in the mountains and caves and
strongholds, and wasted their crops even to
Gaza, on the Mediterranean coast, in the land
of Simeon. Midian had oppressed Israel for
seven years. As a numberless Eastern horde,
they entered the land with their cattle and their
camels. The imagination shows us the green
plains of Palestine sprinkled with the black
goats'-hair tents of this great Arab tribe, their
flocks and herds and camels let loose in the
standing corn, and foraging pnrtics of horse-
men driving before them the possessions of the
Israelites. The descent of Gideon and his
servant into the camp, and the conversation of
the Midianite watch, form a vivid picture of
Arab life. It does more : it proves that as Gid-
eon, or Phurah his servant, or both, understood
the language of Midian, the Shemitic languages
differed much less in the 14th or 13th century
B.C. than they did in after-times. The strata-
gem of Gideon receives an illustration from
modern Oriental life. Until lately, the police
in Cairo were accustomed to go their rounds
with a lighted torch thrust into a pitcher, and
the pitcher was suddenly withdrawn when light
was required — a custom affording an exact
parallel to the ancient expedient adopted by
Gideon. The consequent panic of the great
multitude in the valley, if it has no parallels in
modern European history, is consistent with
Oriental character. At the sight of the 300
torches, suddenly blazing round about the camp
in the beginning of the middle watch, with the
confused din of the trumpets, " all the host ran,
and cried, and fled" (21). The rout was com-
plete. The flight or so great a host, encum-
bered with slow-moving camels, baggage, and
cattle, was calamitous. All the men of Israel,
out of Naphtali, and Ashcr, and Manasseh,
joined in the pursuit ; and Gideon roused the
men of Mount Ephraim to " take lwfore " the
Midianites " the waters unto Bethbarah and
Jordan " (23, 24). Thus cnt off, two princes,
Oreb and Zeob (the "raven," or, more correct-
ly, "crow," and the "wolf"), fell into the
hands of Ephraim. But though many joined
in a desultory pursuit of the rabble of the Mid-
ianites, only the 300 men who hod blown the
trumpets in the Valley of Jezrcel crossed Jor-
dan with Gideon, " faint yet pursuing " (viii. 4).
With this force it remained for the liberator to
attack the enemy on his own ground. Fif-
teen thousand men, under the " kings " of
Midian, Zcbah, and Zalmunna, were at Kar-
kor, tho sole remains of 135,000 (viii. 10). The
assurance of God's help encouraged the weary
three hundred, and they ascended from the
plain (or ghdr) to the higher country by a ra-
vine or torrent-bed in the hills, " and smote the
host, for the host was secure " (viii. 11), — se-
cure in that wild country, on their own ground,
and away from the frequent haunts of man. A
sharp pursuit seems to have followed this fresh
victory, ending in the capture of the kings and
the final discomfortnre of the Midianites.
Having traced the history of Midian, it re-
mains to show what is known of their condition
and customs. The whole account of their do-
ings with Israel plainly marks them as charac-
teristically Arab. They are described as true
Arabs — now Bcdawces, or " people of the des-
ert ; " anon pastoral, or settled Arabs — the
" flock " of Jethro ; the cattle and flocks of Midi-
an, in the later days of Moses; their camels
without number, as the sand of the sea-side for
multitude when they oppressed Israel in the
days of the Judges — all agree with such a
description. Like Arabs, who are predomi-
nantly a nomadic people, they seem to have
partially settled in the land of Moab. The
only glimpse of their habits is found in the vig-
orous picture of the camp in the Valley of Jez-
reel (Jiidg. vii. 13). The spoil taken in both
the war of Moses and that of Gideon is re-
markable. The gold, silver, brass, iron, tin,
and lead (Num. xxxi. 22), the "jewels of gold,
chains, and bracelets, rings, car -rings, and
tablets" (50), taken by Moses, is especially
noteworthy; and it is confirmed by the booty
taken by Gideon (Judg. viii. 21, 24-2C). We
have here a wealthy Arab nation, living by-
plunder, delighting in finery; and, where fo-
rays were impossible, carrying on the traffic
southwards into Arabia, the land of gold — if
not naturally, by trade — and across to Chaldn,
or into the rich plains of Egypt. Midian is
named authentically only in the Bible. It has
no history elsewhere. The city of " Medven *
[say the Arabs] " is the city of the people of
Shu'eyb, and is opposite Tabook, on the shore
of Bahr el-Kulsum s ' [the Red Seal ; "between
these is six days' journey. It " [Mcdyenl " is
larger than Tabook ; and in it is the well Bom
which Moses watered the flock of Shu'evb"
(Mardsid, s. v.). El-Makreezee (in his Kkitat)
enters into considerable detail respecting this
city and people. He tells us that in the land of
Midian were many cities, of which the people
had disappeared, and the cities themselves had
fallen to ruin ; that when he wrote (in the year
825 of the flight ) forty cities remained, the names
of some being known ; and of others, tost.
Midwife* Parturition in the East is usu-
ally easy. The office of a midwife is thus, in
many Eastern countries, in little use, but is per-
formed, when necessary, by relatives. In the
description of the transaction mentioned in
Ex. i., one expression "upon the stools" re-
ceives remarkable illustration from modem
usage. The Egyptian practice, as described by
Mr. Lane, exactly answers to that indicated in
the Book of Exodus. " Two or three days be-
fore the expected time of delivery, the Lm/ek "
(midwife) "conveys to the house the tnraes
dwilddeJi, a chair of a peculiar form, upon which
the patient is to be seated during the birth."
Mig'dal-el, one of the fortified towns of
the possession of Naphtali (Josh, xix.38 only),
possibly deriving its name from some ancient
tower — the "tower of El, or God." In the
present unexplored condition of the part of
Palestine allotted to Naphtali, it is dangerous
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MIGDOL
559
MILE
to hazard conjectures as to the situations of the
towns ; but if it be possible that Hurah is Horem,
and Yarun Iron, tho possibility is strengthened
by finding a Mujeidel at no great distance from
them, namely, on the left bank of the Wady
Kerlcerah, eight miles due east of the Rat en-
Nakurah, six miles west of Hurah, and eight of
Yarun. By Eusebius it is spoken of as a large
village lying between Dora (Tantura) and
Ptolcmais (Akka), at nine miles from the for-
mer. Schwarz (184), reading Migdal-el and
Horem as one word, proposes to identify it with
Mejdti d-Keruin, a place about twelve miles cast
of Akka.
Mig'dal-gad, a city of Judah (Josh. xv.
37), iii the district of the Shefelah, or maritime
lowland. By Eusebius and Jerome in the Ono-
vuuticon, it appears to be mentioned as " Mag-
dala." A village called d-Medjdd lies in
the maritime plain, a couple of miles inland
from Asealon, nine from Um Lakh'a, and eleven
from A/Ian. So far this is in support of Van
dc Vcldo's identification of the place with Mig-
dal-gad. Migdal-god was probably dedicated to
or associated with the worship of the ancient
deity Gad.
Migdol, proper name of one or two places
on the eastern frontier of Egypt, cognate to
Afiydal, which appears properly to signify a
military watch-towor, or a shepherd's lookout.
This <orm occurs only in Egyptian geography,
and it has therefore been supposed by Cham-
pollion to be substituted for an Egyptian name
of similar sound, ifeshtol or Mejtoi. The ancient
Egyptian form of Migdol having, however,
been found, written in a manner rendering it
not improbable that it was a foreign word,
MAKTUR or MAKToRU, as well as so used
tint it must be of similar meaning to the
Hebrew M'ujdtU, the idea of the Egyptian origin
and etymology of the latter must be given up.
1 . A Migdol is mentioned in the account of
the Exodus (Ex. xiv. 2; Num. xxxiii. 7, 8).
We suppose that the position of the encamp-
ment was before or at Pihahiroth, behind which
was Migdol, and on the other hand Baal-zcphon
and the sea, these places being near together.
The place of the encampment and of the pas-
sage of the sea we believe to have been not far
from the Perscpolitan monument, which is
mode in Linant's map the site of the Scrapcum.
2. A Migdol is spoken of by Jeremiah and
Ezekiel. The latter prophet mentions it as a
boundary-town, evidently on the eastern border,
corresponding to Sevench, or Syene, on the
southern (xxix. 10, xxx. 6). In the prophecy
of Jeremiah, the Jews in Egypt are spoken of as
dwelling at Migdol, Tahpanhes, and Noph, and
in the country of Pathros (xliv. 1 ) ; and in that
•bretclliiig, apparently, an invasion of Egypt
by Nebuchadnezzar, Migdol, Noph, and Tah-
panhes are again mentioned together (xlvi. 14).
It seems plain, from its being spoken of with
Memphis, and from Jews dwelling there, that
this Migdol was an important town, and not a
mere fort, or even military settlement. After
this time, there is no notice of anv place of this
name in Egypt, excepting of Magdolus, by
HecaUeus of Miletus, and in the Itinerary of
Antoninus in which Magdolo is placed twelve
Roman mile* to the southward of Pelusium,
in the route from the Serapenm to that tow*.
This latter place most probably represents the
Migdol mentioned by Jeremiah and Ezekiel.
Its position on the route to Palestine would
make it both strategically important and popu-
lous, neither of which would lie the case with a
town in the position of the Migdol of the Pen-
tateuch. Gesenius, however, holds that there
is but one Migdol mentioned in the Bible (Lex.
s. v.). Lcpsius distinguishes two Migdols, and
considers Magdolo to be the same as the Migdol
of Jeremiah and Ezekiel.
Mig'ron, a town, or a spot — for there is
nothing to indicate which — in the neighbor-
hood of Saul's city, Gibeah, on the very edge
of the district belonging to it (1 Sam. xiv. 2) ;
distinguished by a pomegranate - tree, undct
which on the eve of a memorable event we dis-
cover Saul and Ahiah surrounded by the poor
remnants of their force. Migron is presented
to our view only onee again, viz. in the in-
valuable list of the places disturbed by Sen-
nacherib's approach to Jerusalem (Is. x. 28).
But here its position scens a little farther north
than that indicated in the former passage. It
here occurs between Aiath — that is Ai — and
Michmash ; in other words, was on the north of
the great ravine of the Wady Suweiuit, while
Gibeah was more than two miles to the south
thereof. In Hebrew, Migron may mean a
" precipice," and it is not impossible, therefore,
that two places of the same name are intended.
Mi'jamln. 1. The chief of the sixth of
the twenty-four courses of priests established
by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 9). — 2. A family of
priests who signed the covenant with Nehe-
raiah ; probably the descendants of the pre-
ceding (Neh. x. 7).
Mlkloth. L One of the sons of Jehiel,
the father or prince of Gibcon, by his wife
Maachah (1 Chr. viii. 32, ix. 37, 38). — 2.
The leader of the second division of David's
armv (1 Chr. xxvii. 4).
Miknei'ah. One of the Lcvitcs of the
second rank, gatekeepers of the ark, appointed
by David to play in the Temple band " with
harps upon Shcminith" (1 Chr. xv. 18, 21).
Milala'i. Probably a Gcrshonitc Lcvitc of
the sons of Asaph, who assisted at the dedica-
tion of the walls of Jerusalem (Xeh. xii. 3C).
Mil'cah. 1. Daughter of Haran and wifo
of her uncle Nahor, Abraham's brother, to
whom she bare eight children (Gen. xi. 29,
xxii. 20, 23, xxiv. 15, 24, 47). — 2. The fourth
daughter of Zelophehad (Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii.
1, xxxvi. 11 ; Josh. xvii. 3).
Mil com. The " abomination " of the chil-
dren of Ammon, elsewhere called Mollcic
(1 K. xi. 7, &c.) and Malcham (Zepb. i. 5
marg. " their king "), of the latter of which it
is probably a dialectical variation.
Mile, a Roman measure of length equal to
1,618 English yards. It is only once noticed in
the Bible (Matt. v. 41 ) ; the usual method of
reckoning, both in the N. T. and in Joscphus,
being by the stadium. The Roman system of
measurement was fully introduced into Pales-
tine, though probably at a later date. The milo
of the Jews is said to have been of two kinds,
long or short, dependent on the length of the
pace, which varied in different parts, the long
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MILL
560
MTLLO
pace being doable the length of the short
one.
Miletus, Acts xx. 15, 17, less correctly
culled Miletum in 2 Tim. iv. 20. In the con-
text of Acts xx. 6, we hare the geographical
relations of Miletus brought out as distinctly
as if it were St. Luke's purpose to state them.
In the first place, it lay on the coast to the
8. of Ephcsus. Next, it was a day's sail from
Trogyllmm (vcr. 15). Moreover, to those who
are sailing from the north, it is in the direct
line for Cos. All these details correspond with
the geographical facts of the case. The site
olf Miletus has now receded ten miles from the
coast, and, even in the apostle's time, it must
hare lost its strictly maritime position. The pas-
sage in the Second Epistle to Timothy, where
Miletus is mentioned, presents a very serious
difficulty to the theory that there was only one
Roman imprisonment. As to the history of
Miletus itself, it was far more famous fire hun-
dred years before St. Paul's day than it ever
became afterwards. In early times, it was the
most flourishing city of the Ionian Greeks. In
the natural order of erents, it was absorbed in
the Persian Empire. After a brief period of
spirited independence, it received a blow from
which it never recovered, in the siege conducted
by Alexander, when on his Eastern campaign.
But still it held, even through the Roman
period, the- rank of a second-rate trading-town,
and Strabo mentions its four harbors. At this
time, it was politically in the prorince of Asia,
through Cabia was the old ethnological name
of the district in which it was situated.
Milk. As an article of diet, milk holds a
more important position in Eastern countries
than with ns. It is not a mere adjunct in
cookery, or restricted to the use of the young,
although it is naturally the characteristic food
of childhood, both from its simple and nutritive
qualities (1 Pet. ii. 2), and particularly as con-
trasted with meat (1 Cor. ni. 2 ; Heb. v. 12) ;
but beyond this it is regarded as substantial
food adapted alike to all ages and classes. Not
only the milk of cows, but of sheep (Deut.
xxxii. 14), of camels (Gen. xxxii. 15), and of
goats (Prov. xxrii. 27) was used; the latter
appears to have been most highly prized. Milk
was used sometimes in its natural state, and
sometimes in a sour coagulated state : the for-
mer was named chalab, and the latter chemah.
In the A. V., the latter is rendered " butter ; "
bat there can be no question that in every case
(except perhaps Prov. xxx. 33) the term refers
to a preparation of milk well known in Eastern
countries under the name of leben. The method
now pursued in its preparation is to boil the
milk over a slow fire, adding to it a small piece
of old leben or some other acid in order to make
it coagulate. The refreshing draught which
Jael offered " in a lordly dish " to Sisera (Judg.
v. 25) was leben. Leben is still extensively used
in the East : at certain seasons of the year the
poor almost lire upon it, while the upper
classes eat it with salad or meat. It is still
offered in hospitality to the passing stranger,
exactly as of old in Abraham's tent (Gen.
xviii. 8).
Mill. The mills (rfchaim) of the ancient
Hebrews probably differed but little from those
at present in nse in the East. These consist
of two circular stones, about 18 inches or two
feet in diameter, the lower of which is fixed, and
has its upper surface slightly convex, fitting
into a coresponding concavity in the upper
stone. The fatter, colled by the Hebrews receb,
"chariot," and by the Arabs reklcab, "rider,"
has a hole in it through which the grain passes,
immediately above a pivot or shaft which rise*
from the centre of the lower stone, and about
which the upper stone is turned by means of an
upright handle fixed near the edge. It is worked
by women, sometimes singly, ana sometimes two
together, who are usually seated on the bare
ground (Is. xlvii. 1, 2), "facing each other: both
have hoid of the handle by which the upper is
turned round on the ' nether ' millstone. * The
one whose right hand is disengaged throws in
the grain, as occasion requires, through the hole
in the upper stone. It is not correct to say that
one pushes it half round, and then the other
seizes the handle. This would be slow work,
and would give a spasmodic motion to the stone.
Both retain their bold, and pull to or posh from,
as men do with the whip or cross-cut saw. The
proverb of our Saviour (Matt xxir. 41 ) is tree
to life, for women only grind. I cannot recall
an instance in which men were at the mill "
(Thomson, The, Land and the Book, c. 34). The
labor is very hard, and the task of grinding in
consequence performed only by the lowest ser-
vants (Ex. xi. 5) and captives (Judg. xri. 21 ;
Job xxxi. 10 ; Is. xlvii. 1,2; Lam. v. 11). So
essential were mill-stones for daily domestic use,
that they were forbidden to be taken in pledge
(Deut. xxiv. 6; Jos. Ant. iv. 8, §26), in order
that a man's family might not be deprived of
the means of preparing their food. The hand-
mills of the ancient Egyptians appear to have
been of the same character as those of their de-
scendants, and like them were worked by women
(Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. ii. p. 118, &c.). " They
had also a large mill on a very similar principle*;
bnt the stones were of far greater power and
dimensions; and this could only nave been
turned by cattle or asses, like those of the ancient
Romans, and of the modern Cairenes." It was
the mill-stone of a mill of this kind, driven by
an ass, which is alluded to in Matt, xviii. 6.
With the morable upper mill-stone of the hand-
mill, the woman of Thebes broke Abimelech'a
skull (Judg. ix. 53).
Millet (Heb. dochan ) . In all probability the
grains of Panicum miliaceum and italicum, and
of the LTolcta mrghum, Linn, (the Sorghum vul-
gare of modern writers), may all be comprehend-
ed by the Hebrew word. Mention of millet
occurs only in Ex. iv. 9. Dr. Royle maintains
that the truedukhun of Arab autho'rs is the Pa»-
icum miliaceum, which is universally cultivated
in the East. The Panicum miliaceum is culti-
vated in Europe and in tropical conn tries. It
is probable that both the Sorghum vulgare and
the Panicum miliaceum were used by the ancient
Hebrews and Egyptians, and that the Heb.
dochan may denote cither of these plants.
Mil'loj a place in ancient Jerusalem. Both
name and thing seem to have been already in
existence when the city was taken from the
Jcbusites by David (2 Sam. v. 9 ; 1 Chr. xi. 8).
Its repair or restoration was one of the great
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MINES
561
MINES
works for which Solomon railed hi* "levy"
( I K. ix. 15, 24, xi. 27) ; and it formed a prom-
inent part of the fortifications by which Hezc-
kiah prepared for the approach of the Assyrians
(2 Chr. xxxii. 5). The last passage seems to
show that " the Millo" was part of the "city
of David," that is of Zion (comp. 2 K. xii. 20).
If " Millo " be taken as a Hebrew word, it woold
be derived from a root which has the force of
" filling." This notion has been applied by the
in ter p rete rs after their custom in the most vari-
ous and opposite ways : — a rampart (agger) ;
a mound ; an open space nsed for assemblies,
and therefore often filled with people ; a ditch
or valley; even a trench filled with water.
Bnt none of these guesses enable us to ascertain
what Millo really was, and it would probably
be nearer the truth — it is certainly safer — to
look on the name as an ancient or archaic term,
Jcbusite, or possibly even still older, adopted
by the Israelites when they took tho town, and
incorporated into their own nomenclature. The
only ray of light which we can obtain is from
the LXX. Their rendering in every case (ex-
cepting only 2 Chr. xxxii. 5) is b uxpa, a word
which they employ nowhere else in the O. T.
Now v axpa means " the citadel," and it is re-
markable that it is the word used with unvarying
persistence throughout the Books of Maccabees
for the fortress on Mount Zion. It is therefore
perhaps not too much to assume that the word
millo was employed in the Hebrew original of
1 Maccabees.
Millo, the House Of. L Apparently a
family or clan, mentioned in Judg. ix. 6, 20,
only, in connection with the men or lords of
Shochem. — 2. The " house of Millo that goo th
down to Silla " was the spot at which King
Joash was murdered by his slaves (2 K. xii. 20).
There is nothing to lead us to suppose that the
morder was not committed in Jerusalem, and
in that case the spot must be connected with
the ancient Millo (see preceding articlo).
Mines, Mining. "Surely there is a
source for the silver, and a place for the gold
which they refine. Iron is taken out of the
soil, and stone man melts (for) copper. He
hath put an end to darkness, and to all perfec-
tion (t£ most thoroughly), he searcheth the
stone of thick darkness and of the shadow of
death. He hath sunk a shaft far from tho wan-
derer ; they that are forgotten of the foot are sus-
pended, away from man they waver to and fro.
(As for) the earth, from her cometh forth
bread, yet her nethermost parts are upturned
as (by) .Irs The place of sapphire (are) her
stones, and dust of gold is his. A track which
the bird of prey hath not known, nor the eye
of the falcon glared upon ; which the sons of
pride (i.«. wild beasts) have not trodden, nor
the roaring lion gone over; in the flint, man
hath thrust his hand, he hath overturned
mountains from the root; in the rocks, he hath
cleft channels, and every rare thing hath his
eye seen : the streams hath ho bound that they
weep not, and that which is hid he bringcth
forth to tight" (Job xxviii.1-11). Such is the
highly poetical description given by the author
of the Book of Job of the operations of mining
as known in bis day, the only record of the
kind which we inherit from the ancient He-
71
brews. It may be fairly inferred from the dV
scription that a distinction is made between
gold obtained in the manner indicated, and that
which is found in the natural state in tho allu-
vial soil, among the dtlirit washed down by the
torrents. This appears to be implied in the
expression " the gold they refine, which pre-
supposes a process by which the pure gold is
extracted from the ore, and separated from the
silver or copper with which it may have been
mixed. What is said of gold may be equally
applied to silver ; for, in almost every allusion
to the process of refining, the two metals are
associated. In the passage of Job which has
been quoted, so far as can be mode out from
the obscurities with which it is beset, the nat-
ural order of mining operations is observed in
the description. The poet might have hod be-
fore him the copper-mines of the Sinaitic Penin-
sula. In the Wady Moglwrah, " the Valley of
the Cave," are still traces of the Egyptian col-
ony of miners who settled there for the purpose
of extracting copper from the freestone rocks,
and left their hieroglyphic inscriptions upon
the face of the cliff. The ancient furnaces are
still to be seen, and on the coast of the Bed Sea
are found the piers and wharves whence the
miners shipped their metal in the Harbor of
Abu Zelitnch. The copper-mines of Phteno in
Idumasa, according to Jerome, were between
Zoar and Potra : in the persecution of Diocle-
tian, the Christians were condemned to work
them. The gold-mines of Egypt in the Bish-
aree Desert, the principal station of which was
Eshuranib, about throe days' journey beyond
Wady Allago, have been discovered within the
last few years by M. Linant and Mr. Bonomi.
Ruins of the miners' huts still remain as at Su-
rabit cl-Khldim. According to thn account
given by Diodorus Siculus (iii. 12-14), the
mines were worked by gangs of convicts and
captives in fetters, who were kept day and
night to their task by tho soldiers set to guard
them. Tho work was superintended by an en-
gineer, who selected the stone, and pointed it
out to tho miners. The harder rock was split
by the application of fire ; but the softer was
broken up with picks and chisels. The miners
were quite naked, their bodies being painted ac-
cording to tho color of the rock they wore work-
ing ; and, in order to see in the dark passages of
tho mine, they carried lamps upon their heads.
The stone as it fell was curried off by boys ; it
was then pounded in stone mortars with iron
pestles by those who were over 30 years of age
till it was reduced to the size of a lentil. The
women and old men afterwards ground it in
mills to a fine powder. The final process of
separating the gold from the pounded stone was
intrusted to the engineers who superintended
the work. They spread this powder upon a
broad slightly-inclined table, and rubbed it
gently with the hand, pouring water npon it
from time to time so as to carry away all the
earthy matter, leaving the heavier particles upon
the board. This was repeated several times;
at Hrat with the hand, and afterwnrds with fine
sponges gently pressed upon the earthy sub-
stance, till nothing but the gold was left. It
was then collected by other workmen, and
placed in earthen crucibles with a mixture of
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lead and salt in certain proportions, together
with a little tin and some barley bran. The
crucibles were covered and carefully closed
with clay, and in this condition baked in a fur-
nace for live days and nijrhts without intermis-
sion. Of the three methods which have been
employed for refining gold and silver, — 1. by
exposing the fused metal to a current of air ;
2. by keeping the alloy in a state of fusion, and
throwing nitre upon it; and 3. by mixing the
alloy with lead, exposing the whole to fusion
upon a vessel of bone-ashes or earth, and blow-
ing upon it with bellows or other blast, — the
latter appears most nearly to coincide with the
description of Diodorus. To this process,
known as the cupelling process, thero seems to
be a reference in Ps. xii. 6, Jer. vi. 28-30, Ez.
xxii. 18-22. Silver-mines are mentioned by
Diodorus (i. 33), with those of gold, iron, and
copper, in the Island of Meroe, at the mouth of
the Nile. But the chief supply of silver in the
ancient world appears to have been brought
from Spain. The mines of that country were
celebrated (1 Mace. viii. 3). Mt. Orospeda,
from which the Guadalquivir, the ancient Bal-
tes, takes its rise, was formerly called " the sil-
ver mountain," from the silver-mines which
were in it (Strabo, iii. p. 148). But the largest
silver-mines in Spain were in the neighbor-
hood of Carthago Nova. The process of sepa-
rating the silver from the lead is abridged by
Strabo from Polybius. The lumps of ore were
first pounded, and then sifted through sieves
into water. The sediment was again pounded,
and again filtered ; and, after this process had
been repeated fire times, the water was drawn
off, the remainder of the ore melted, the lead
poured away, and the silver left pure. If Tar-
tessus be the Tnrshish of Scripture, the metal-
workers of Spain in those days must have pos-
sessed the art of hammering silver into sheets ;
for we find in Jer. x. 9, " silver spread into
plates is brought from Tarshish, and gold from
Uphaz." We have no means of knowing
whether the gold of Ophir was obtained from
mines or from the washing of gold-streams. In
all probability, the greater part of the gold
which came into the hands of the Phoenicians
and Hebrews was obtained from streams ; its
great abundance seems to indicate this. As
gold is seldom if ever found entirely free from
silver, the quantity of the latter varying from
two per cent to thirty per cent, it has been
supposed that the ancient metallurgists were
acquainted with some means of parting them,
an operation performed in modem times by
boiling the metal in nitric or sulphuric acid.
To some process of this kind it has been ima-
gined that reference is made in Prov. xvii. 3,
" The Jinim/-pot is for silver, and the _/iirnace for
gold;" and again in xxvii. 21. A strong
proof of the acquaintance possessed by the an-
cient Hebrews with the manipulation of metals
is found by some in the destruction of the gold-
en calf in the desert by Moses. " And he took
the calf which they had made, and burnt it in
fire, and ground it to powder, and strewed it
upon the water, and made the children of
Israel drink" (Ex. xxxii. 20). As the highly
malleable character of gold would render an
operation like that which is described in the
text almost impossible, an explanation ha
been sought in the supposition that we have
here an indication that Moses was a proficient
in the process known in modern times as calci-
nation. The whole difficulty appears to have
arisen from a desire to find too mnch in the
text. The main object of the destruction of
the calf was to prove its worthlessncss, and to
throw contempt upon idolatry ; and all this
might have been done without any refined
chemical process like that referred to. How
far the ancient Hebrews were acquainted with
the processes at present in nsc for extracting
copper from the ore it is impossible to assert,
as there are no references in Scripture to anv
thing of the kind except in the passage of Job
already quoted. Copper-smelting, however, is
in some cases attended with comparatively
small difficulties, which the ancients had evi-
dently the skill to overcome. Some means of
toughening the metal so as to render it fit for
manufacture must have been known to the He-
brews as to other ancient nations. The E-prp-
tians evidently possessed the art of working
bronze in great perfection at a very early time,
and much of the Knowledge of metals which the
Israelites had must have been acquired during
their residence among them. Of tin there ap-
pears to have been no trace in Palestine. That
the Phoenicians obtained their supplies from
the mines of Spain and Cornwall, there can be
no doubt. The lead-mines of Gebel e' Rossass,
near the coast of the Red Sea, about half way
between Berenice and Kossayr, may have sup-
plied the Hebrews with that metal, of whkh
there were no mines in their own country, or
it may have been obtained from the rocks in
the neighborhood of Sinai. The hills of Pales-
tine are rich in iron, and the mines are still
worked there, though in a very simple rude
manner, like that of the ancient Saroothra-
cians: of the method employed by the Egyp-
tians and Hebrews, we have no certain infor-
mation. It may have been similar to that in
use throughout the whole of India from very
early times, which is thus described by Dr.
Ure : — " The furnace or bloomcry in which the
ore is smelted is from four to five feet high ; it
is somewhat pear-shaped, being about five feet
wide at bottom, and one foot at top. It is built
entirely of clay. . . . There is an opening in
front about a foot or more in height, which i»
built up with clav at the commencement, and
broken down at the end, of each smelting ope-
ration. The bellows arc usually made of goat's
skin. . . . The bamboo nozzles of the bellows
arc inserted into tubes of clay, which pass into
the furnace. . . . The furnace is filled with
charcoal ; and, a lighted coal being introduced
liefore the nozzles, the mass in the interior is
soon kindled. As soon as this is accomplished,
a small portion of the ore, previously moistened
with water to prevent it from running through
the charcoal, out without any flux whatever,
is laid on the top of the coals, and covered
with charcoal to fill up the furnace. In this
manner, ore and fuel are supplied, and the bel-
lows are urged for three or four hours. When
the process is stopped and the temporary wall
in front broken down, the bloom is removed
with a pair of tongs from the bottom of tha
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MINISTER
563
MINT
furnace." It has seemed necessary to give this
account of a very ancient method of iron-smelt-
ing, because, from the difficulties which attend
it, and the intense heat which is required to
separate the metal from the ore, it has been as-
serted that the allusions to iron and iron manu-
facture in the Old Testament are anachronisms.
Bat if it were possible among the ancient In-
dians in a Tery primitive state of civilization, it
might have been known to the Hebrews, who
may have acquired their knowledge by working
as slaves in the iron-furnaces of Egypt (comp.
Dent. iv. 20).
Mingled People. This phrase [ha 'ereb),
like that of " the mixed multitude," which the
Hebrew closely resembles, is applied, in Jer.
xxv. 20 and Ex. xxx. 5, to denote the miscel-
laneous foreign population of Egypt and its
frontier-tribes, including every one, says Je-
rome, who was not a native Egyptian, but
was resident there. It is difficult to attach
to it any precise meaning, or to identify with
the mingled people any race of which we
have knowledge. " The kings of the mingled
people that dwell in the desert " are the same
apparently as the tributary kings (A. V. " kings
of Arabia") who brought presents to Solomon
(1 K. x. 15) : the Hebrew in the two cases is
identical. The *' mingled people" in the midst
of Babylon (Jer. I. 37) were probably the for-
eign soldiers or mercenary troops who lived
among the native population, as the Tar-
gnra takes it.
Min'iamin. 1. A Levite in the reign of
Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. IS). — 2. The same as
Miami* 2 and Mijahin 2 (Neb. xii. 17). —
3- One of the priests at the dedication of the
wall of Jerusalem (Nch. xii. 41).
Min'ni, a country mentioned in connection
with Ararat and Ashchenaz (Jer. li. 27). It
has been already noticed as a portion of Ar-
menia. [Armenia.]
Minister. This term is used in the A. V.
to describe various officials of a religious and
civil character. In the O.T., it answers to the
Hebrew ntesharcth, which is applied (1) to an
attendant upon a person of high rank (Ex.
xxiv. 13 ; Josh. i. 1 ; 2 K. iv. 43 ; (2) to the
attaches of a royal court (1 K. x. 5; 2 Chr.
xxii. 8 ; comp. Pa. civ. 4), where, it may be
observed, tbey are distinguished from the
* servants " or officials of higher rank ; J3)
to the priests and Levites (Is. lxi. 6 ; Ez.
xliv. 11 ; Joel i. 9, 13 ; Ezr. viii. 17 ; Neh. x.
36). In the N. T., we have three terms, each
with its distinctive meaning — teirovpyoc, im/-
firm, and iuueovor. The first answers most
nearly to the Hebrew meshareth, and is usually
employed in the LXX. as its equivalent. It
betokens a subordinate public administrator
(Rom. xiii. 6, xv. 16; Iteb. viii. 2). In all
these instances, the original and special mean-
ing of the word, as used by the Athenians of
one who performs certain gratuitous public
semces, is preserved. The second term, tinj-
ftrvt, differs from the two others in that it con-
tains the idea of actual and personnl attendance
upon a superior. Thus it is used of the attend-
ant in the synagogue, the ehasan of the Talmud-
wts (Luke'iv. 20), whose dutv it was to open
and close the building, to produce and replace
the books employed in the service, and gen-
erally to wait on the officiating priest or teach-
er. The idea of pa-tonal attendance comes promi-
nently forward in Luke i. 2, Acts xxvi. 16.
In all these cases, the etymological sense of
the word (imi ipirnc, literally a " tub-rower,"
one who rows under command of the steers-
man) comes out. The third term, Auucovoe, is
the one usually employed in relation to the
ministry of the gospel : its application is two-
fold, in a general sense to indicate ministers of
any order, whether superior or inferior, and in
a special sense to indicate an order of inferior
ministers.
Minnith, a place on the east of the Jor-
dan, named as the point to which Jephthah's
slaughter of the Ammonites extended (Judg.
xi. 33). Minnith was in the neighborhood of
Abel-Ceramim, the " meadow of vineyards."
A site bearing the name Menjah is marked in
Van de Vclde's Map, at seven Roman miles
east of Heshbon, on a road to Amman, though
not on the frequented track. The " wheat of
Minnith " is mentioned in Ez. xxvii. 1 7, as be-
ing supplied by Jadah and Israel to Tyre ; but
there is nothing to indicate that the same place
is intended, ana indeed the word is thought by
some not to be a proper name.
Minstrel. The Hebrew word in 2 K. iii.
15 (menaggen) properly signifies a player upon
a stringed instrument like the harp or kinnar
[Harp], whatever its precise character may
have been, on which David played before
Saul (1 Sam. xvi. 16, xviii. 10, xix. 9), and
which the harlots of the great cities used to
carry with them, as they walked, to attract
notice (Is. xxiii. 16). The passage in which
it occurs has given rise to much conjecture ;
Elisha, upon being consulted by Jchornm as to
the issue of the war with Moab, at first indig-
nantly refuses to answer, and is only induced
to do so by the presence of Jchoshaphat. He
calls for a harper, apparently a camp follower ;
" and it came to pass as the harper harped that
the hand of Tchovah was on him." Other in-
stances of the jamc divine influence o> impulse
connected with music arc seen in the oase of
Saul and the young prophets in I San-., x. 5, 6,
10, 11. In the present passage, the reason of
Elisha's appeal is variously explained. Ac-
cording to Keil, " Elisha calls for a minstrel,
in order to gather in his thoughts by the soft
tones of music from the impression of the
outer world, and, by repressing the life of self
and of the world, "to be transferred into the
state of internal vision, by which his spirit
would be prepared to receive the divine reve-
lation." This in effect is the view taken by
Josephus, and the same is expressed by Mai-
momdes in a passage which embodies the
opinion of the Jews of the middle ages.
The "minstrels" in Matt. ix. 23 were the
flute-players who were employed as profes-
sional mourners to whom frequent allusion
is made (Eccl. xii. 5 ; 2 Chr. xxxv. 25 ; Jer.
ix. 1 7-20).
Mint occurs only in Matt, xxiii. 23, and
Luke xi. 42, as one of those herbs, the tithe of
which the Jews were most scrupulously exact
in paying. There cannot be the slightest
donbt that the A. V. is correct in the transla-
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MIRACLES
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MIRACLES
tfon of the Greek word, and all the old ver-
sion! are agreed in understanding some species
of mint ( Aicnthu) by it. Mint was used by the
Greeks and Romans both as a carminative in
medicine, and a condiment in cookery. The
horse-mint (M. syleestris) is common in Syria,
and, according to Russell, found in the gardens
at Aleppo ; M . saliva is generally supposed to
be only a variety of M . amenta, another species
of mint ; perhaps all these were known to the
ancients. The mints belong to the large natu-
ral order Lahiata.
Miph'kad, the Grate, one of the gates
of Jerusalem at the time of the rebuilding of
the wall after the return from captivity (Neb.
iii. 31 ). It was probably not in the wall of
Jerusalem proper, but in that of the city of
David, or /ion, and somewhere near to the
junction of the two on the north side.
Miracles. The word "miracle" is the
ordinary translation, in onr Authorized Eng-
lish Version, of the Greek ay/uiov. Our trans-
lators did not borrow it from the Vulgate, but,
apparently, from their English predecessors,
Tyndale, Coverdale, 4c. ; and it had, probably
before their time, acquired a fixed technical
import in theological language, which is not
directly suggested by its etymology. It will
perhaps be found that the habitual use of the
term " miracle " has tended to fix attention too
much on the physical strangeness of the facts
thus described, and to divert attention from
what may be called their signaUty. In reality,
the practical importance of the strangeness of
miraculous facts consists in tnis, that it is one
qf the circumstances which, taken together,
make it reasonable to understand the phenome-
non as a mark, seal, or attestation of the di-
vine sanction to something else. And if we
suppose the divine intention established, that a
given phenomenon is to be taken as a mark or
sign of divine attestation, theories concerning
the mode in which that phenomenon was pro-
duced become of comparatively little practical
value, and are only serviceable as helping our
tonceptions. In many cases, the phenomenon
which constitutes a divine sign may be one
not, in itself, at all varying from the known
«ourse of nature. This'is the common case of
prophecy, in which the fulfilment of the proph-
ecy, which constitutes the sign of the proph-
et s commission, may be the result of ordina-
ry causes ; and yet, from being incapable of
having been anticipated by human sagacity, it
may be an adequate mark or sign of the divine
sanction. In such cases, the miraculous or
wonderful element is to be sought, not in the
fulfilment, but in the prediction. It would
appear, indeed, that in almost all cases of signs
or evidential miracles something prophetic is
involved. In the common case, for example,
of healing sickness hv a word or touch, the
word or gesture may be regarded as a prediction
of the cure; and then, if the whole circum-
stances he such as to exclude just suspicion of
(1) a natural anticipation of the event, and (2)
a casual coincidence, it will be indifferent to
the siirnality of the cure whether we regard it
as effected by the operation of ordinary canses,
or by an immedinte interposition of the Deity
reversing the course of nature. Hypotheses
by which such cures are attempted to be ac-
counted for by ordinary causes are indeed gen-
erally wild, improbable, and arbitrary, and are,
on that ground, justly open to objection ; bat,
if the miraculous character of the predictive
antecedent be admitted, they do not tend to
deprive the phenomenon of its sianalrtf: and
there are minds who, from particular associa-
tions, find it easier to conceive a miraculous
agency operating in the region of mind than
one operating in the region of matter. The
peculiar improbability of Miracle* is resolved
by Hume, in his famous Essay, into the cir-
cumstance that they are "contrary to experi-
ence." This expression is, as has often been
pointed out, strictly speaking, incorrect. In
strictness, that only can be said to be contrary
to experience which is contradicted by the im-
mediate perceptions of persons present at the
time when the fact is alleged to have occurred.
But the terms " contrary to experience " are
used for " contrary to the analogy of our expe-
rience ; " and it must be admitted, that in tnis
latter, less strict sense, miracles are contrary to
general experience, wo far as their mere nAywioo/
circumstances, visible to us, are concerned. This
should not only be admitted, bat strongly in-
sisted upon, by the maintenance of miracles,
because it is on essential element of their signal
character. And this leads us to notice one
grand difference between divine miracles and
other alleged facts that seem to vary from the
ordinary course of nature. I' is manifest that
there is an essential difference between alleging
a case in which, all the real antecedents or
causes being similar to those which we have
daily opportunities of observing, a consequence
is said to have ensned quite different from that
which general experience finds to be uniformly
conjoined with them, and alleging a case in
which there is supposed, and indicated by all the
circumstances, the intervention of an invisible
antecedent, or cause, which we know to exist,
and to be adequate to the production of such
result ; for the special operation of which, in
this case, we can assign probable reasons, and
also for its not generally operating in a similar
manner. This latter is the case of the Scrip-
ture miracles. Even if we do not regard the
existence of God, in the proper sense of that
term, as proved by the course of nature, still
if we admit His existence to be in any degree
probable, or even possible, the occurrence of
miracles will not be incredible. For it is sorely
going too far to sav, that because the ordinary
course of nature leaves ns in doubt whether
the author of it be able or unable to alter it, or
of such a character as to be disposed to alter it
for some great purpose, it is there/are incredible
that He should ever have actually altered it.
It will be proper to say a few words here
upon some popular forms of expression which
tend greatly to increase, in many minds, the
natural prejudice against miracles. One of
these is the usual description of a miracle,
as " a violation of the Anus of nature." This
metaphorical expression suggests directly the
idea of natural agents breaking, of their own
accord, some rule which has the authority and
sanctity of a law to them. Such a figure can
only be applicable to the case of a supposed
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causeless and arbitrary variation from the uni-
form order of sequence in natural things, and
is wholly inapplicable to a change in that order
caused by God Himself. The word " law," when
applied to material things, ought only to be un-
derstood as denoting a number of observed and
anticipated sequences of phenomena, taking
place with such a resemblance or analogy to
each other as if a rule had been laid down, which
those phenomena were constantly observing.
But the rale, in this case, is nothing different
from the actual order itself; and there is no
cause of these sequences but the will of God
choosing to produce those phenomena, and
choosing to produce them in a certain order.
Again, the term "nature" suggests to many
persons the idea of a great system of things
endowed with powers and forces of its own —
a sort of machine, set a-going originally by a
first cause, but continuing its motions of iUelf.
Hence we are apt to imagine that a change in
the motion or operation of any part of it by
God would produce the same disturbance of
the other parts as such a change would be
likely to produce in them if made by us or
any other natural agent. But if the motions
and operations of material things be produced
really by the divine will, then His choosing to
chan'ge.'for a special purpose, the ordinary mo-
tion of one part, does not necessarily, or proba-
bly, infer His choosing to change the ordinary
motions of other parts in a way not at all re-
quisite for the accomplishment of that special
purpose. It is as easy for Him to continue the
ordinary course of the rest, with the change of
one part, as of all the phenomena without any
change at all. Thus, though the stoppage of
the motion of the earth in the ordinary course
of nature would be attended with terrible con-
vulsions, the stoppage of the earth miraculously,
for a special purpose to be served by that only,
would not, of itself, be followed by any such
consequences. From the same conception of
nature, as a machine, we are apt to think of in-
terferences with the ordinary course of nature
as implying some imperfection in it. But it is
manifest that this is a false analogy; for the
reason why machines are made is to save us
trouble ; and, therefore, they are more perfect
in proportion as they answer this purpose.
Bnt no one can seriously imagine that the
universe is a machine for the purpose of sav-
ing trouble to the Almighty. Again, when
miracles are described as "interferences with
the laws of nature," this description makes
them appear improbable to many minds, from
their not sufficiently considering that the laws
of nature interfere with one another, and that
we cannot get rid of " interferences " upon any
hypothesis consistent with experience.
"Furthermore, whatever ends may be contem-
plated by the Deity for the laws of nature in
reference to the rest of the universe — (in
which question we have as little information
as interest) — we know that, in respect of us,
they answer discernible moral ends — that they
place us, practically, under government, con-
ducted in the way of rewards and punish-
ment — a government of which the tendency is
to encourage virtue and repress vice — and to
form in us a certain character by discipline ;
which character onr moral nature compels us
to consider as the highest and worthiest object
which we can pursue. Since, therefore, the
laws of nature hare, in reference to us, moral
purposes to answer, which, as far as we can
judge, they have not to serve in other respects,
it seems not incredible that these peculiar pur-
poses should occasionally require modifications
of those laws in relation to us, which are not
necessary in relation to other parts of the uni-
verse. After all deductions and abatements
have been made, however, it must be allowed
that a certain antecedent improbability must
always attach to miracles, considered as events
varying from the ordinary experience of man-
kind as known to us ; because likelihood, veri-
similitude, or ifsemblance to what we know to
have occurred, is, by the constitution of our
minds, the very ground of probability ; and
though we can perceive reasons, from the
moral character of God, for thinking it likely
that He may have wrought miracles, yet we
know too little of His ultimate designs, and
of the best mode of accomplishing them to
argue confidently from His character to His
acts, except where the connection between the
character and the acts is demonstrably indisso-
luble, as in the case of acts rendered necesxary
by the attributes of veracity and justice. Mir-
acles are, indeed, in the notion of tbem, no
breach of the high generalization that "simi-
lar antecedents nave similar consequents ; "
nor, necessarily, of the maxim that " God
works by general laws ; " because we can lee
some laws of miracles (as e.g. that they are in-
frequent, and that they are used as attesting
signs of, or in conjunction with, revelations),
and may suppose more ; but they do vary,
when taken apart from their proper evidence,
from this rule, that " what a general experi-
ence would lead us to regard as similar ante-
cedents are similar antecedents ; " because the
only assignable specific difference observable by
us in the antecedents in the case of miracles,
and in the case of the experiments, from the
analogy of which they vary in their physical
phenomena, consists in the moral antecedents ;
and these, in cases of phvsical phenomena, we
generally throw out of the account ; nor have
we grounds a priori for concluding with confi-
dence that these are not to be thrown out of the
account here also, although we can see that
the moral antecedents here (such as the fitness
for attesting a revelation like the Christian)
are, in many important respects, different from
those which the analogy of experience teaches
us to disregard in estimating the probability of
physical events.
But, in order to form a fair judgment, we
must take in all the circumstances of the case,
and, amongst the rest, the testimony on which
the miracle is reported to ns. Our belief, in-
deed, in human testimony, seems to rest upon
the same sort of instinct on which onr belief in
the testimony (as it may be called) of nature
is built, and is to be checked, modified, and con-
firmed by a process of experience similar to
that which is applied in the other case. As we
learn, by extended observation of nature and
the comparison of analogies, to distinguish
the real laws of physical sequences from the
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casual conjunctions of phenomena, so are
we taught in the same manner to distinguish
the circumstances under which human testimo-
ny is certain or incredible, probable or suspi-
cious. The circumstances of our condition
force us daily to make continual observations
upon the phenomena of human testimony; and
it is a matter upon which we can make such
experiments with peculiar advantage, because
every man carries within his own breast the
whole sum of the ultimate motives which can
influence human testimony. Hence arises the
aptitude of human testimony for overcom-
ing, and more than overcoming, almost any
antecedent improbability in the thing report-
ed. So manifest, indeed, is this inherent power
of testimony to overcome antecedent improba-
bilities, that Hume is obliged to allow that tes-
timony may bo so circumstanced as to require
us to believe, in some cases, the occurrence of
things quite at variance with general experience ;
but he pretends to show that testimony to such
facts when connected with religion can never be so
circumstanced.
Over and above the direct testimony of hu-
man witnesses to the Bible miracles, we have
also what may be called the indirect testimony
of events confirming the former, and raising a
distinct presumption that some such miracles
must have been wrought. Thus, for example,
we know, by a copious induction, that in no
nation of the ancient world, and in no nation
of the modem world unacquainted with the
Jewish or Christian revelation, has the knowl-
edge of the one true God as the Creator
and Governor of the world, and the public
worship of Him, been kept up by the mere light
of nature, or formed the groundwork of such
religions as men have devised for themselves.
Yet we do find that, in the Jewish people,
though no way distinguished above others by
mental power or high civilization, and with as
strong natural tendencies to idolatry as others,
this knowledge and worship was kept up from
a very early period of their history, and, ac-
cording to their uniform historical tradition,
kept up by revelation attested by undeniable
miracles. Again, the existence of the Christian
religion, as the belief of the most considerable
and intelligent part of the world, is an undis-
puted fact ; and it is also certain that this religion
originated (as far as human means are con-
cerned) with a handful of Jewish peasants, who
went about preaching, on the very spot where
'Jesus was crucified, that He had risen from
the dead, and had been seen bv and had con-
versed with them, and afterwards ascended into
heaven. This miracle, attested by them as eve-
witnesses, was the very ground and founda-
tion of the religion which they preached ; and
it was plainly one so circumstanced, that, if it
had been false, it could easily have been proved
to be false. Yet, though the preachers of it were
everywhere persecuted, they had gathered, before
they died, large churches in thecountry where the
facts were best known, and through Asia Minor,
Greece, Egypt, and Italy ; and these churches,
notwithstanding the severest persecutions, went
on increasing, till, in about 300 years after, this
religion — i.e. a religion which taught the wor-
ship of a Jewish peasant who had been igno-
miniously executed as a malefactor — became
the established religion of the Roman Empire,
and has ever since continued to be the prevail-
ing religion of the civilized world.
It is manifest that, if the miraculous facts of
Christianity did not really occur, the stories
about them must have originated either in
fraud or in fancy. The coarse explanation of
them by the hypothesis of unlimited fraud has
been generally abandoned in modern times ;
but, in Germany especially, many persons of
great acuteness have long labored to account
for them by referring them to fancy. Of these
there have been two principal schools, — the
Naturalistic and the Mythic. 1. The Natural-
ists suppose the miracles to have been natural
events, more or less unusual, that were mis-
taken for miracles, through ignorance or enthu-
siastic excitement. But the result of their la-
bors in detail has been (as Strauss has shown
in his Leben Jem) to turn the New Testament,
as interpreted by them, into a narrative far less
credible than any narrative of miracles could
be. 2. The Mythic theory supposes the N. T.
Scripture narratives to have been legends, not
stating the grounds of men's belief in Chris-
tianity, but springing out of that belief, and
embodying the idea of what Jesus, if he were
the Messiah, must have been conceived to hare
done in order to fulfil that character, and was
therefore supposed to have done. But it is ob-
vious that this leaves the origin of the belief,
that a man, who did not JvljU the idea of the
Messiah in any one remarkable particular,
tras the Messiah, wholly unaccounted for. It is
obvious also, that all the arguments for the
genuineness and authenticity of the writing*
of the N. T. bring them up to a date when the
memory of Christ's real history was so recent
as to make the substitution of a set of mere
legends in its place utterly incredible ; and it is
obvious also, that the gravity, simplicity, his-
torical decorum, and consistency with what we
know of the circumstances of the times in
which the events are said to have occurred,
observable in the narratives of the N. T., make
it impossible reasonably to accept them as mere
myths.
It is observable, that, in the early ages, the
fact that extraordinary miracles were wrought
by Jesus and His apostles does not seem to
have been generally denied by the opponents
of Christianity. They seem always to have
preferred adopting the expedient of ascribing
them to art magic and the power of evil spirits.
We know that, in two instances in the gospel
narrative, the cure of the man born blind, and
the Resurrection, the Jewish priests were unable
to pretend such a solution, and were driven to
maintain unsuccessfully a charge of fraud ; and
the circumstances of the Christian miracles
were, in almost all respects, so utterly unlike
those of any pretended instances of magical
wonders, that the apologists have little diffi-
culty in refuting this plea. This they do gene-
rally from the following considerations. (1.)
The greatness, number, completeness, and pub-
licity of the miracles. (2.) The natural bene-
ficial tendency of the doctrine they attested.
(3.) The connection of them with a whole
scheme of revelation, extending from the first
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•riftin of the human race to the time of Christ.
This evasion of the force of the Christian mir-
acles, bv referring them to the power of evil
spirits, lias seldom been seriously recurred to
m modern times ; but the English infidels of
the last century employed it as a kind of argu-
■rattan ad homtnem, to tease and embarrass their
opponents — contending that, as the Bible
speaks of " lying wonders " of Antichrist, and
relates a long contest of apparent miracles be-
tween Moses and the Egyptian magicians,
Christians could not, on their own principles, have
any certainty that miracles were not wrought
by evil spirits. Particular theories as to the
manner in which miracles have been wrought
are matters rather curious than practically use-
mi. In all sach cases we must bear in mind
the great maxim Sbbtilitas Naturae longe
81'PEBAT St'BTILITATEM MENTIS HuMAJi*.
Another question, more curious than practi-
cal, U that respecting the precise period when
miracles ceased in the Christian Church. It is
plain, that, whenever they ceased in point of
tact, they ceased relatively to us whenever a suf-
ficient attestation of them to our faith fails to
be supplied. In the case of the Scripture mir-
acles, pre must be careful to distinguish the par-
ticular occasion* upon which they were wrought,
from their general purpose and design, yet not
so as to overlook the connection between these
two things. There are but few miracles re-
corded, in Scripture of which the whole char-
acter was merely evidential — few, that is, that
were merely displays of a supernatural power
made for the sole purpose of attesting a Divine
Revelation. Of this character were tho chango
of Moses' rod into a serpent at the burning
bush, the burning bush itself, the going-down
of the shadow upon the sun-dial of Ahaz, and
some others. In general, however, the miracles
recorded in Scripture have, besides tho ultimate
purpose of affording evidence of a divine in-
terposition, some immediate temporary pur-
poses which they were apparently wrought to
serve, — such as the curing of diseases, tho
feeding of the hungry, the relief of innocent
or the punishment of guilty persons. Theso
immediate temporary ends are not without
value in reference to the ultimate and general
design of miracles, as providing evidence of
the truth of revelation. And in some cases it
would appear that miraculous works of a par-
ticular kind were selected as emblematic or
typical of some characteristic of the revelation
which they were intended to attest. In this
point of view, Christian miracles may be fitly
regarded as specimens of a Divine Power, al-
leged to be present. In this sense, they seem
to be called the manifestation or exhibition of the
Spirit In the case of the Old Testament
miracles, again, in order fully to understand
their evidential character, we must consider the
general nature and design of the dispensation
with which they were connected. The general
design of that dispensation appears to have
been to keep up in one particular race a knowl-
edge of the one true God, and of the promise
of a Messiah in whom " all the families of the
*arth " should be " blessed." And in order to
this end, it appears to have been necessary that,
at WDM time, God should have assumed the
character of tiie local tutelary Deity and Prince
of that particular people. And from this pecu-
liar relation in which He stood to the Jewish
people (aptly called by Josephus a Theocbact)
resulted the necessity of frequent miracles, to
manifest and make sensibly perceptible His
actual presence among and government over
them. The miracles, therefore, of the Old
Testament are to be regarded as evidential of
the theocratic government; and this again is
to be conceived of as subordinate to the further
Eurpose of preparing the way for Christianity,
y keeping up in the world a knowledge of the
true God and of His promise of a Redeemer.
With respect to the character of the Old
Testament miracles, we must also remember
that the whole structure of the Jewish economy
had reference to the peculiar exigency of the
circumstances of a people imperfectly civilized,
and is so distinctly described in the New Testa-
ment, as dealing with men according to the
" hardness of their hearts," and being a system
of " weak and beggarly elements," and a rudi-
mentary instruction for " children " who were
in the condition of " slaves." It has been often
made a topic of complaint against Hume, that,
in dealing with testimony as a medium for
proving miracles, he has resolved its force en-
tirely into our experience of its veracity, Mid
omitted to notice that, antecedently to all ex-
perience, we are predisposed to give it credit
by a kind of natural instinct. The argument,
indeed, in Hume's celebrated Essay on Miracles,
was very far from being a new one. The re-
statement of it, however, by a person of Hume's
abilities, was of service in putting men upon a
more accurate examination of tho true nature
and measure of probability. Bishop Butler
seems to have been very sensible of die imper-
fect state, in his own time, of the logic of
Probability; and, though he appears to hare
formed a more accurate conception of it than
the Scotch school of Philosophers who succeed-
ed and undertook to refuto Hume, yet there is
one passage in which we may perhaps detect a
misconception of the subject in the pages of
even this great writer. " There is," he observes,
" a very_ strong presumption against common
speculative truths, and against the most ordinary
facts, before the proof of them, which yet is
overcome by almost any proof. There is t. pre-
sumption of millions to one against the story
of Cmsar or any other man. For, supj»osc a
number of common facts so and so circum-
stanced, of which one had no kind of proof,
should happen to come into one's thoughts every
one would, without any possible doubt, con-
clude thera to be false. And tho like may be
said of a single common fact. And from hence
it appears that the question of importance, as
to tne matter before us, is concerning the de-
gree of the peculiar presumption against mira-
cles ; not, whether there be anv peculiar pre-
sumption at all against them. Por if there lie a
presumption of millions to one against the most
common facts, what can a small presumption,
additional to this, amount to, though it he
peculiar? It cannot be estimated, and is as
nothinq" {Analogy, part 2, c. ii.). It is plain
that, in this passage, Butler lays no stress upon
the peculiarities of the story of'Cawar, which b»
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casually mentions. For he expressly adds, " or
of any other man," and repeatedly explains
that what he says applies equally to any ordi-
nary facts, or to a single fact. And this be-
comes still more evident, when we consider the
extraordinary medium by which he endeavors
to show that there is a presumption of millions
to one against such " common ordinary facts "
as he is speaking of. For the way in which he
proposes to estimate the presumption against
ordinary facts is, by considering the likelihood
of their being anticipated beforehand by a per-
son guessing at random. But, surely, this is not
a measure of the likelihood of the facts con-
sidered in themselves, but of the likelihood of
the coincidence of the fads with a rash and arbi-
trary anticipation. The case of a person guess-
ing beforehand, and the case of a witness re-
porting what has occurred, are essentially dif-
ferent. The truth is, that the chances to which
Butler seems to refer as u presumption against
ordinary events, are not in ordinary cases over-
come by testimony at all. The testimony has
nothing to do with them ; because they are
chances against the event considered as the
subject of a random vaticination, not as the sub-
ject of a report made by an actual observer.
But it should be observed that what we com-
monly call the chances against an ordinary
event are not specific, but particular. They are
thances ngainst Mm event, not against Mis kind
of event. Tho chances, in the case of a die,
are the chances against a particular face, not
against the coming-up of some face.
The ecclesiastical miracles are not delivered
to us by inspired historians ; nor do they seem
to form any part of the same series of events as
The miracles of the Mew Testament. The mir-
acles of the New Testament (setting aside those
wrought by Christ Himself) appear to have
been worked by a power conferred upon partic-
ular persons according to a regular law, in virtue
•f which that power was ordinarily transmitted
torn one person to another, and the only persons
privileged thus to transmit that power were the
apostles. The only exceptions to this rule were
(1.) the apostles themselves, and (2.) the family
«f Cornelius, who were the first-fruits of the
Gentiles. In all other cases, miraculous gifts
were conferred only by the laying-on of the
o/iostles' hands. By this arrangement, it is evi-
dent that a provision was made for the total
leasing of that miraculous dispensation within
a limited period ; because, on the death of tho
last of the apostles, the ordinary channels wonld
be all stopped through which such gifts were
transmitted in the Church. One passage has,
indeed, been appealed to as seeming to indicate
the permanent residence of miraculous powers
In the Christian Church through all ages, Mark
xvi. 17, 18. But — (1.) That passage itself is
of doubtful authority, since we know that it was
omitted in most of the Greek MSS. which
Busebius was able to examine in the 4th cen-
tury ; and it is still wanting in some of the most
important that remain to us. (2.) It does not
necessarily imply more than a promise that such
miraculous powers should exhibit themselves
among the immediate converts of the apostles.
And (.1.) this latter interpretation is supported
by what follows — " And they went forth, and
preached everywhere, the Lord working witlk
them, and continuity the word with the occompatn/-
ing signs." It is, indeed, confessed by the latest
and ablest defenders of the ecclesiastical miracle*
that the great mass of them were essentially a>
new dispensation ; but it is contended, that, by
those who believe in the Scripture miracles, no
strong antecedent improbability against such a
dispensation can be reasonably entertained ; be-
cause, for them, the Scripture miracles have
already " borne the brant " of the infidel ob-
jection, and " broken the ice." But this is
wholly to mistake the matter. If the only ob-
jection antecedently to proof against the eccle-
siastical miracles were a presumption of their
impossibility or incredibility, simply as mrractn,
this allegation might be pertinent ; because he
that admits that a miracle has taken place can-
not consistently hold tliat a miracle as such is
impossible or incredible.
But the antecedent presumption against the
ecclesiastical miracles rises upon four distinct
grounds, no one of which can uc properly called
a ground of infidel objection. (I.) It arises
from the very nature of probability, and the
constitution of the hrman mind, which compels
as to take tho analogy of general experience as
a measure of likelihood. And this presumption
it is manifest is neither religious nor irreligious,
but antecedent to, and involved in, all probable
reasoning. (8.) This general antecedent pre-
sumption against miracles, as varying from the
analogy of general experience, is (as we have
said) neither religious nor irreligious — neither
rational nor Irrational — but springs from tha
very nature of probability ; and it cannot ba
denied without shaking the liasis of all probable
evidence, whether for or against religion. Nor
docs the admission of the existence of the Deity,
or the admission of the actual occurrence of the
Christian miracles, tend to remove this antece-
dent improbability against miracles, circum-
stanced as tho ecclesiastical miracles generally
are. If, indeed, the only presumption against
miracles were one against their possibility, this
might be truly described as an atheistic pre-
sumption. But the true presumption against
miracles is not against their possibility, but their
probability. Nor can the admission that God has
actually wrought such miracles as attest the
Christian religion remove the general presump-
tion against miracles as improbable occurrences.
It is indeed quite true that Christianity has re-
vealed to us the permanent operation of a super-
natural order of things, actually goingon around
us. But there is nothing in tne notion of sac* a
supernatural system as the Christian dispensa-
tion is to lead "us to expect continual interfer-
ences with the common course of nature. (3.) It
is acknowledged by the ablest defenders of the
ecclesiastical miracles, that, for the most part,
they belong to those classes of miracles which
are described as ambiguous and tentative; ue.
they are cases in which the effect, if it occurred
at all, may have been the result of natural causes,
and where, upon the application of the same
means, the desired effect was only sometimes
S reduced. (4.) Though it is not true that the
cripture miracles have so " home the brant "
of the a priori objection to miracles as to remove 1
all peculiar presumption against them aa int-
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MIRIAM
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MISGAB
probable events, there is a sense in which they
may be truly said to hare prepared the way for
those of ibe ecclesiastical legends. But it is one
which aggravates, instead of extenuating, their
improbability. The narratives of the Scripture
miracles may very probably have tended to raise
an expectation of miracles in the minds of weak
and credulous persons, and to encourage design-
ing men to attempt an imitation of them. In
this sense it may be said that the Scripture
narratives "broke the ice," and prepared the
way for a whole succession of legends. On the
whole, we may conclude that the mass of the ec-
clesiastical miracles do not form any part of
the same series as those related in Scripture,
which latter are, therefore, unaffected by any
decision we may come to with respect to the
former ; and that they are pressed by the weight
of three distinct presumptions against them —
being improbable (1) as varying from the anal-
ogy of nature ; (2) as varying from the analogy
of the Scripture miracles; (3) as resembling
those legendary stories which are the known
product of the credulity or imposture of man-
kind.
Miriam. 1. Miriam, the sister of Moses,
was the eldest of that sacred family ; and she
first appears, probably as a young girl, watch-
ing her infant brother's cradle in the Nile (Ex.
ii. 4), and suggesting her mother as a nurse
(ib. 7). The independent and high position
given by her superiority of age she never lost.
" The sister of Aaron is her biblical distinc-
tion (Ex. xv. 20). In Num. xii. 1, she is placed
before Aaron ; and in Mic. vi. 4 reckoned as
amongst the Three Deliverers. She is the first
personage in that household to whom the pro-
phetic gifts are directly ascribed — "Miriam
the Prophetess " is her acknowledged title (Ex.
xv. 20). The prophetic power snowed itself
in her under the same form as that which it
assumed in the days of Samuel and David, —
poetry, accompanied with music and proces-
sions"! Ex. xv - 1-19). She took the lead, with
Aaron, in the complaint against Moses for his
marriage with a Cushite. "Hath Jehovah
spoken by Moses? Hath He not also spoken
by us ? " (Num. xii. 1,2.) A stem rebuke was
administered in front of the sacred Tent to
both Aaron and Miriam. But the punishment
fell on Miriam, as the chief offender. The
hateful Egyptian leprosy, of which for a mo-
ment the sign had been seen on the hand of her
younger brother, broke out over the whole per-
son of the proud prophetess. How grand was
her position, and how heavy the blow, is im-
plied in the cry of anguish which goes up from
both her brothers. And it is not less evident
in the silent grief of the nation (Num. xii. 10-
15). This stroke, and its removal, which took
place at Hazcroth, form the last public event
of Miriam's life. She died towards the close
of the wanderings at Kadesh, and was buried
there (Num. xx. 1). Her tomb was shown
near Petra in the days of Jerome. According
to Josephus, she was married to the famous
Hue, and, through him, was grandmother of
the architect Bezalebl. — 2. A person —
whether man or woman does not appear — men-
tioned in the genealogies of the tribe of Judah
*nd house of Caleb (1 Chr. iv. 17).
73
Mir'ma. A Benjamite, " chief of the fit.
there," son of Shaharaim by his wife Hodesh ;
born in the land of Moab (I Cbr. viii. 10).
Mirror. The two words, mardh (Ex.
xxxviii. 8) and rt! (Job xxxvii. 18), are ren-
dered " looking-glass " in the A. V., but from
the context evidently denote a mirror of polished
metal. The Hebrew women on coming out
of Egypt probably brought with them mirrors
like those which were used by the Egyptians,
and were made of a mixed metal, chiefly cop-
per, wrought with such admirable skill, says
Sir G. Wilkinson (Anc. Eg. iii. 384), that they
were " susceptible of a lustre, which has even
been partially revived at the present day, in
some of those discovered at Thebes, though
buried in the earth for many centuries. Tine
mirror itself was nearly round, inserted into a
fsrpttn Mirer, (from Mr. Salra enDMUoa.)
handle of wood, stone, or metal, whose form
varied according to the taste of the owner.
Some presented the figure of a female, a flower,
a column, or a rod ornamented with the head
of Athor, a bird, or a fancy device ; and some-
times the face of a Typhoninn monster was in-
troduced to support the mirror, serving as a
contrast to the features whose beauty was dis-
played within it." The metal of which the
mirrors were composed, being liable to rust and
tarnish, required to be constantly kept bright
(Wisd. vii. 26; Ecclus. xii. 11). This was
done by means of pounded pumice-stone,
rubbed on with a sponge, which was generally
suspended from the mirror. The obscure im-
age produced by a tarnished or imperfect mir-
ror appears to be alluded to in 1 Cor. xiii. 12.
The obscure word gilydtdm (Is. iii. 23), rendered
" glasses " in the A. V . after the Vnltrate tpecula,
is explained by Schroeder to signify " transpar-
ent dresses " of fine linen.
Mis'ael. L The same as Mishael 2 (1
Esd. ix. 44 ; comp. Neh. viii. 4). — 2. =■ Mish-
abl 3, the Hebrew name of Meshach (Song
of the Three Child. 66). Ap.
Mia'gab, a place in Moab named in com-
pany with Nkbo and Kiriathaim in the de-
nunciation of Jeremiah (xlviii. 1). It appears
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MIZAR
to be mentioned also in Is. xxv. 12, though
there rendered in the A. V. " high fort." It is
possibly identical with Mizpeh op Moab,
named only in I Sam. xxiii. 3.
Mish'ael. 1. One of the sons of Uzziel,
the uncle of Aaron and Moses (Ex. vi. 22).
When Nadab and Abihu were struck dead for
offering strange fire, Mishael and his brother
Elzaphan, at the command of Moses, removed
their bodies from the sanctuary, and buried
them without the camp, their loose-fitting tunics
serving for winding-sheets (Lev. x. 4, 5). — 2.
One of those who stood at Ezra's left hand
when he read the law to the people (Neh. viii.
4). — 3. One of Daniel's three companions in
captivity, and of the blood-royal of Judah
(Dan. i. 6, 7, 11, 19, ii. 17).
Mish'al, and Mish'eal, one of the towns
in the territory of Asher (Josh. xix. 26), allot-
ted to the Gershonite Levites (xxi. 30).
Mish'am. A Benjamite, son of Elpaal, and
descendant of Sbaharaim (1 Chr. viii. 12).
Mish'ma. 1. A son of Ishmael, and
brother of Mibsam (Gen. xxv. 14; 1 Chr. i.
30). The Masamani of Ptolemy may represent
the tribe of Mishma. — 2. A son of Simeon
(1 Chr. iv. 25), brother of Mibsam. These
brothers were perhaps named after the older
brothers, Mishma and Mibsam.
Mishman'nah. The fourth of the twelve
lion-faced Gadites who joined David at Ziklag
(1 Chr. xii. 10).
Mish'raites, the, the fourth of the four
"families of Kirjath-Jearim," i.e. colonies pro-
ceeding therefrom and founding towns (1 Chr.
ii. 53).
Miaper'eth. One of those who returned
with Zerobbabel and Jeshua from Babylon
(Neh. vii. 7).
Mifl'rephoth-ma'im, a place in northern
Palestine, in close connection with Zidon-rab-
bah, i.e. Sidon (Josh. xi. 8). The name occurs
once again in the enumeration of the districts
remaining to be conquered (xiii. 6). Taken as
Hebrew, the literal meaning of the name is
"burnings of waters," and accordingly it is
taken by the old interpreters to mean " warm
waters, whether natural, «'.«. hot baths or
springs — or artificial, i.e. salt, glass, or smelt-
ing works. The probability nere, as in so
many other cases, is, that a meaning has been
forced on a name originally belonging to anoth-
er language, and therefore unintelligible to the
later occupiers of the country. Dr. Thomson
treats Misrephothmaim as identical with a col-
lection of springs called Ain-Musheirtfeh, on the
seashore, close under the lias en-Nahhwra ; but
this has the disadvantage of being very far
from Sidon. May it not rather be the place
with which we are familiar in the later history
as Zarcphath 1
Mite, a coin current in Palestine in the time
of our Lord (Mark xii. 41-44 ; Luke xxi. 1-4).
It seems in Palestine to have been the smallest
piece of money, being the half of the farthing,
which was a coin of very low value. From St.
Mark's explanation, " two mites, which make a
farthing " (ver. 42), it may perhaps be inferred
that the farthing was the commoner coin. In
the Grace-Roman coinage of Palestine, the two
smallest coins, of which the assarion is the more
common, seem to correspond to the farthing;
and the mite, the larger weighing about twice
as much as the smaller.
Mith'cah, the name of an unknown desert
encampment of the Israelites, meaning, per-
haps, "place of sweetness" (Num. xxxiii. 28,
291.
Mith'nite, the, the designation of Josha-
phat, one of David's guard in the catalogue
of 1 Chr. xi. (ver. 43.)
Mith'red&th. 1. The treasurer of Cyrus
king of Persia, to whom the king gave the'ves-
sels of the Temple, to be by him transferred to
the hands of Sneshbazzar (Ez. i. 8). — 2. A
Persian officer stationed at Samaria, in the
reign of Artaxerxes, or Smerdis the Magian
(Ezr. iv. 7).
Mithrida'tes. 1. (l Esd. ii. 1 1) •= Mith-
redath 1. — 2. (1 Esd. ii. 16) = Mithrb-
DATH 2. Ap.
Mitre. [Crowm.1
Mityle'ne, the chief town of Lesbos, and
situated on the east coast of the island. Mity-
lene is the intermediate place where St. Paul
stopped for the night between Assos and Chi-
os (Acts xx. 14, 15). It may be gathered from
the circumstances of this voyage that the wind
was blowing from the N. W. ; and it i» worth
while to notice that in the harbor or in the road-
stead of Mitylene the ship would be sheltered
from that wind. The town itself was celebrat-
ed in Roman times for the beauty of its build-
ings. In St. Paul's day, it had the privileges
of a free city. It is one of the few cities of the
-3Cgean which have continued without inter-
mission to flourish till the present day. It has
given its name to the whole island, and is itself
now called sometimes Castro, sometimes iftty-
len.
Mixed Multitude. With the Israelites
who journeyed from Rameses to Succoth, the
first stage of the Exodus from Egypt, there
went up (Ex. xii. 38) " a mixed multitude,"
who have not hitherto been identified. A ben
Ezra says it signifies the Egyptians who were
mixed with them. Rashi on Num. xi. 4 iden-
tifies the " mixed multitude " of Num. and Ex-
odus. During their residence in Egypt, mar-
riages were naturally contracted between the
Israelites and the natives. This hybrid race is
evidently alluded to by Rashi and Abcn Ezra,
and is most probably that to which reference is
made in Exodus. That the "mixed multi-
tude " is a general term including all those who
were not of pure Israelite blood is evident;
more than this cannot be positively asserted.
In Exodus and Numbers it probably denoted
the miscellaneous hangers-on of the Hebrew
camp, whether they were the issue of spurious
marriages with Egyptians, or were themselves
Egyptians or belonging to other nations. The
same happened on the return from Babylon,
and in Neh. xiii. 3 (corap. 23-30) a slight clew
is given by which the meaning of the " mixed
multitude" may be more definitely ascer-
tained.
Mi'zar, the Hill, a mountain apparently
in the northern part of trans-Jordanic Pales-
tine, from which the author of Psalm xiii. ot-
ters his pathetic appeal (ver. 6). The
appears nowhere else.
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MIZPAft
]£iz"pah, and Miz'peh. The name borne
by several places in ancient Palestine. — 1.
Mizpah. The earliest of all, in order of the
narrative, is the heap of stones piled up by Ja-
cob and Laban (Gen. xxxi. 48) on Mount Gil-
ead (ver. 25), to serve both as a witness to the
covenant then entered into, and also as a land-
mark of the boundary between them (ver. 52).
This heap received a name from each of the
two chief actors in the transaction — Galeed
and Jeoab Sahadutha. But it had also a
third, viz. Mizpah, which it seems from the
terms of the narrative to have derived from
neither party, but to have possessed already.
The name remained attached to the ancient
meeting-place of Jacob and Laban ; and the spot
where their conference had been held became a
sanctuary of Jehovah, and a place for solemn
conclave and deliberation in times of difficulty
Ion? after. On this natural "watch-tower,'
when the last touch had been put to their mis-
ery by the threatened attack of the Bene-Am-
mon, did the children of Israel assemble for the
choice of a leader (Judg. x. 17 ; comp. ver. 16) ;
and when the outlawed Jephthah had been pro-
railed on to leave his exile, and take the head of
his people, his first act was to go to " the Miz-
pah," and on that consecrated ground utter all
his words " before Jehovah." At Mizpah he
seems to have henceforward resided ; there the
fetal meeting took place with his daughter on
his return from the war (xi. 34), ana we can
hardly doubt that on the altar of that sanctuary
the father's terrible vow was consummated. It
seems most probable that the " Mizpeh-Gilead "
which is mentioned here, and here only, is the
same as the ham-Mizpah of the other parts of
the narrative ; and both, as we shall see after-
wards, are probably identical with the Ramath-
Mizpeh and Ramoth-Gilead, so famous in
the later history. It is still more difficult to
determine whether this was not also the place
at which the great assembly of the people was
held to decide on the measures to be taken
against Gibeah after the outrage on the Levite
and his concubine (Judg. xx. 1, 3, xxi. 1, 5,
8). Mizpah is probau" v tbe same as Ramath-
Mizpeh, mentioned Josh. xiii. 26 only. Ra-
math ham-Mizpeh was most probably identical
also with Ramoth-Gilcad. Mizpah still re-
tained its name in the days of the Maccabees,
by whom it wa9 besieged, and taken with the
other cities of Gilead ( ' Mace. v. 35).
2. A second Mizpeh, on the east of Jordan,
was the Mizpeh-Moah, where the king of that
nation was living when David committed his
parents to his care (1 Sam. xxii. 3). The
name does not occur again, nor is there any
clew to the situation of the place. It may have
been Kir-Moab, the modern Keralc, or even
the great Mount Pisgah. — 3. A third was
Th« Lamd op Mizpeh, or more accurately
"or Mizpah," the residence of the Hivites
who joined the northern confederacy against
Israel, headed by Jabin king of Hazor (Josh,
xi. 3). No other mention is found of this dis-
trict in the Bible, unless it be identical with —
4. The Valley op Mizpeh, to which the
discomfited hosts of the same confederacy were
chased by Joshna ( xi. 8). It lay eastward from
Mbkbphoth-Maim ; but this affords us no
assistance, as the situation of the latter place
is by no means certain. If we may rely on
the peculiar term here rendered " valley," then
we may accept the " land of Mizpah "or " the
valley of Mizpeh " as identical with that enor-
mous tract, the great country of Cosle-Syria,
the Buka'a alike of the modern Arabs and of
the ancient Hebrews. But this must not be
taken for more than a probable inference. —
6. Mizpeh, a city of Judah (Josh. xv. 38) ;
in the district of the Shefclah or maritime low-
land. Van de Velde suggests its identity with
the present Tell a-Sq/it/en — the Blanchcgarde
of the Crusaders. — 6. Mizpeh, in Josh, and
Samuel ; elsewhere Mizpah, a " city " of Ben-
jamin, named in the list of the allotment be-
tween Beeroth and Chephirah, and in apparent
proximity to Raman and Gibeon (Josh, xviii.
26). Its connection with the two last-named
towns is also implied in the later history (1 K.
xv. 22 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 6 ; Neh. iii. 7). It was one
of the places fortified by Asa against the incur-
sions of the kings of the northern Israel ( 1 K.
xv. 22 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 6 ; Jer. xli. 9) ; and after
the destruction of Jerusalem it became the resi-
dence of the superintendent appointed by the
king of Babylon (Jer. xl. 7, &c.), and the scene
of his murder and of the romantic incidents
connected with the name of Ishmacl the son
of Ncthaniah. But Mizpah was more than
this. In the earlier periods of the history of
Israel, at the first foundation of the monarchy,
it was the great sanctuary of Jehovah, the spe-
cial resort of the people in times of difficulty
and solemn deliberation. It was one of die
three holy cities which Samuel visited in turn
as judge of the people (vii. 6, 16), the other
two being Bethel and Gilgol. But, unlike
Bethel aud Gilgal, no record is preserved of
the cause or origin of a sanctity so abruptly
announced, and yet so fully asserted. We
have seen that there is at least some ground
for believing. that the Mizpah spoken of in the
transactions of the early part of the period of
the judges was the ancient sanctuary in the
mountains of Gilead. Is it possible that as
the old Mizpah became inaccessible, an emi-
nence nearer at hand was chosen and invested
with the sanctity of the original spot, and used
for the same purposes ? With the conquest of
Jerusalem, and the establishment there of the
Ark, the sanctity of Mizpah, or at least its rep-
utation, seems to have declined. We hear of
no religious act in connection with it till that
affecting assembly called together thither, as to
the ancient sanctuary of their forefathers, by
Judas Maccabasus, " when tbe Israelites assem-
bled themselves together and came to Massepha
over against Jerusalem; for in Maspha was
there aforetime a place of prayer for Israel "
(I Mace. iii. 46). The expression "over
against," no less than the circumstances of the
story, seems to require that from Mizpah the
City or the Temple was visible. These condi-
tions are satisfied by the position of Scopus,
the brood ridge which forms the continuation
of the Mount of Olives to the north and east,
from which the traveller gains, like Titus, his
first view, and takes his last farewell, of th«
domes, wnlls, and towers of the Holy City.
Miz'pax. Properly Mispab, as iiu the A. V..
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HNASON
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MOAB
of 1611 and the Genera version ; the same as
Mispkrbth (Ezr. ii. 8).
Mizpeh. IMizpah.]
Mia'raim, the usual name of Egypt in the
O. T., the dual of Mazor, which is less fre-
quently employed. If the etymology of Mazor
be sought in Hebrew, it might signify a
"mound," " bulwark," or "citadel," or again
" distress ; " but no one of these meanings is
apposite. We prefer, with Gesenius, to look
to the Arabic. In the Kdmoot, one of the
meanings given to Mizr is " red earth or mud,"
and this we believe is the true one, from its
correspondence to the Egyptian name of the
-country, KEM, which signifies " black," and
was given to it for the blackness of its alluvial
soil. Mizraim first occurs in the account of
the Hamites in Gen. x., where we ruad, " And
the sons of Ham ; Cush, and Mizraim, and
Phut, and Canaan" (vcr. 6; comp. 1 Chr. i.
8). If the names be in an order of seniority,
we can form no theory as to their settlements
from their places ; but if the arrangement be
geographical, the placing may afford a clew to
the positions of the Homite lands. Cush would
stand first, as the most widely spread of these
peoples, extending from Babylon to the Upper
Nile ; the territory of Mizraim would be the
next to the north, embracing Egypt and its col-
onies on the north-west and north-cast ; Phut,
as dependent on Egypt, might follow Mizraim ;
And Canaan, as the northernmost, would end
the list. Egypt, the "land of Ham," may
.hare been the primitive seat of these four stocks.
In the enumeration of the Mizroitcs, though
we have tribes extending fur beyond Egypt, we
mar suppose that they all had their first seat
in Mizraim, and spread thence, as is distinctly
said of the Philistines. Here the order seems
to be geographical, though the same is not so
clear of the Canaanites. Mizraim, therefore,
like Cush, and perhaps Ham, geographically
represents a centre whence colonies went forth
in the remotest period of post-diluvian history.
We regard the distribution of the Mizraitcs as
showing that their colonies were but a port of
the great migration that gave the Cushites the
■command of the Indian Ocean, and which ex-
plains the affinity the Egyptian monuments
show us between the pro-Hellenic Cretans and
Carians (the latter no doubt the Lcleges of the
Greek writers) and the Philistines. In the use
of the names Mazor and Mizriam for Egypt,
there can be no doubt that the dual indicates
the two regions into which the country has
always been divided by nature as well as by its
inhabitants. It has been supposed that Mazor,
as distinct from Mizraim, signifies Lower
Egypt; but this conjecture cannot be main-
tained.
Mia'zah. Son of Reuel, and grandson of
Esau (Gen. xxxri. 13, 17; 1 Chr. i. 87).
Mna'son is honorably mentioned in Scrip-
ture, like Gaiits, Lydio, and others, as one of
the hosts of the Apostle Paul (Acts xxi. 16).
It is most likely, in the first place, that his resi-
dence at this time was not Ctesarea, but Jeru-
salem. He was a Cyprian by birth, and may
have been a friend of Barnabas (Acts iv. 36),
and possibly brought to the knowledge of
Christianity by him.
Mo'ab, the name of the son of Lot's eldest
daughter, the elder brother of Ben-Ammi, the
progenitor of the Ammonites (Gen. xix. 37);
also of the nation descended from him. Zoar
was the cradle of the race of Lot. From this
centre, the brother-tribes spread themselves.
Ammon, whose disposition seems throughout
to have been more roving and unsettled, went
to the north-east. Moab, whose habits were
more settled and peaceful, remained nearer
their original seat. The rich highlands which
crown the eastern side of the chasm of the
Dead Sea, and extend northwards as far as the
foot of the mountains of Gilead, appear at that
early date to have borne a name, which in its
Hebrew form is presented to ns as Shaveh-Kiria-
thaim, and to have been inhabited by a branch
of the great race of the Rephaim. This ancient
people, the Kmim, gradually became extinct
before the Moahites, who thus obtained pos-
session of the whole of the rich elevated tract
referred to. With the highlands they occupied
also the lowlands at their feet. Of the valua-
ble district of the highlands they were not al-
lowed to retain entire possession. The warlike
Amorites crossed the Jordan, and overran the
richer portion of the territory on the north,
driving Moab back to his original position
behind the natural bulwark of the Amon.
The plain of the Jordan Valley appears to
have remained in the power of Moab. When
Israel reached the boundary of the country,
this contest had only very recently occurred.
Sihon, the Amorite king under whose com-
mand Heshbon had been taken, was still reign-
ing there : the ballads commemorating the
event were still fresh in the popular mouth
(Num. xxi. 27-30). Of these events we obtain
the above outline only from the fragments of
ancient documents, which are fonnd embedded
in the records of Numbers and Deuteronomy
(Num. xxi. 26-30; Deut. ii. 10, 11). The
rition into which the Moabites were driven
the incursion of the Amorites was a very
circumscribed one, in extent not so much as
half that which they had lost. But on the
other hand it was much more secure, and was
well suited for the occupation of a people
whose disposition was not so warlike as that
of their neighbors. The territory occupied by
Moab at the period of its greatest extent, be-
fore the invasion of the Amorites, divided itself
naturally into three distinct and independent
portions. Each of these portions appears to
nave had its name by which it is almost inva-
riably designated. (1 ) The enclosed corner or
canton south of the Anion was the " field of
Moab " (Ruth i. 1, 2, 6, &c.). (2) The more
open rolling country north of the Arnon, op-
posite Jericho, and up to the hills of Gilead,
was the " land of Moab " (Deut. i. 5, xxxii.
49, &c.). (3) The sunk district in the tropical
depths of the Jordan Valley, taking its name
from that of the great valley itself — the Ara-
bah — was the Arboth-Moab, the dry regions
— in the A. V. very incorrectly rendered the
" plains of Moab" (Num. xxii. 1, Ac.). Out-
side of the hills, which enclosed the " field of
Moab " or Moab proper, on the south-east, lay
the vast pasture grounds of the waste unculti-
vated country or " Midbar " which is described
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MOAB
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MOAB
•■ " being Moab " on the east (Num. xxi.
Through this latter district, Israel appears to
hare approached the Promised Land. Some
communication had evidently taken place,
though of what nature it is impossible clearly
to ascertain. But whatever the communica-
tion may have been, the result was, that Israel
did not traverse Moab, but turning to the right
passed outside the mountains through the
" wilderness," by the east side of the territory
above described (Dent. ii. 8 ; Judg. xi. 18), and
finally took up their position in the country
north of the Arnon, from which Moab had so
lately been ejected. Here the headquarters of
the nation remained for a considerable time
while the conquest of Boshan was being effect-
ed. It was during this period, that the visit of
Balaam took place. The whole of the country
east of the Jordan, with the exception of the
one little corner occupied by Moab, was in pos-
session of the invaders; and although at the
period in question the main body had descend-
ed from the upper level to the Plains of Shit-
tim, the Arboth-Moab, in the Jordan Valley,
yet a great number must have remained on the
upper level, and the towns up to the very edge
or the ravine of the Arnon were still occupied
by their settlements (Num. xxi. 24 ; Judg- xi.
26). It was a situation full of alarm for a
nation which had already suffered so severely.
Th? account of the whole of these transactions
in the Book of Numbers perhaps hardly con-
veys an adequate idea of tho extremity in
which Balak found himself in his unexpected
encounter with the new nation and their
mightv divinity. The connection of Moab
with Midian, and the comparatively inoffen-
sive character of the former, are shown in the
narrative of the events which followed the de-
parture of Balaam. The latest date at which
the two names appear in conjunction is found
in the notice of the defeat of Midian " in the
field of Moab " by the Edomite king Hadad-
ben-Bcdad, which occurred five generations be-
fore the establishment of the monarchy of Israel
(Gen. xxxvi. 35; lChr. i.46). After the con-
quest of Canaan, the relations of Moab with Is-
rael were of a mixed character. With the tribe
of Benjamin, whose possessions at their eastern
end were separated from those of Moab only
by the Jordan, they had at least one severe
struggle, in union with their kindred the Am-
monites, and also, for this time only, the wild
Amalekites from the south (Judg. lii. 12-30).
The fend continued with true Oriental pertina-
city to the time of Saul. Of his slaughter of tho
Ammonites we have full details in 1 Sam. xi.,
and, amongst his other conquests, Moab is espe-
cially mentioned (I Sam. xiv. 47). But while
such were their relations to the tribe of Benja-
min, the story of Ruth, on the other hand, tes-
tifies to the existence of a friendly intercourse
between Moab and Bethlehem, one of the
towns of Judah. By his descent from Ruth,
David may be said to have had Moabite blood
in his veins. The relationship was sufficient,
especially when combined with the blood-feud
between Moab and Benjamin, already alluded
to, to warrant his visiting the land of his ances-
, and committing his parent* to the protec-
tion of the king of Moab, when hard pressed
by Saul (1 Sam. xxii. 3, 4). But here all
friendly relation stops forever. The next time
the name is mentioned is in the account of Da-
vid's war, at least twenty years after the last-
mentioned event (2 Sam. viii. 2 ; 1 Chr. xviii.
2). So signal a vengeance can only have been
occasioned bv some act of perfidy or insult,
like that which brought down a similar treat-
ment on the Ammonites (2 Sam. x.). It has
been conjectured that the king of Moab be-
trayed the trust which David reposed in him,
and either himself killed Jesse and his wife, or
surrendered them to Saul. But this, though
not improbable, is nothing more than conjec-
ture. It must have been a considerable time
before Moab recovered from so severe a blow.
At the disruption of the kingdom, Moab
seems to have fallen to the northern realm. At
the death of Ahab, eighty years later, we find
Moab paying him the enormous tribute, appar-
ently annual, of 100,000 rams, and the same num-
ber of wethers with their fleeces. It is not sur-
prising that the Moabites should have seized the
moment of Ahab's death to throw off so bur-
densome a yoke ; but it is surprising, that, not-
withstanding snch a drain on their resources,
they were ready to incur the risk and expense
of a war with a state in every respect far their
superior. Their first step, after asserting their
independence, was to attack the kingdom of
Judah (2 Chr. xx.). The army was a huge
heterogeneous horde of ill-assorted elements,
and the expedition contained within itself the
elements of its own destruction. As a natural
consequence of the late events, Israel, Jmlah,
and Edom united in an attack on Moab. The
three confederate armies approached, not a*
usual by the north, but round the southern
end of the Dead Sea, through the parched val-
leys of Upper Edom. As the host came near,
the king of Moah, doubtless the same Mesha
who threw off the yoke of Ahah, assembled
the whole of his people on the boundary of his
territory. Here they remained all night on the
watch. With the approach of morning, the sun
rose suddenly above the horizon of the rolling
plain, and shone with a blood-red glare on a
multitude of pools in the bed of the wady at
their feet. To them the conclusion was inevi-
table. The army had, like their own on the
late occasion, fallen out in the night; these
red pools were the blood of the slain ; those
who were not killed had fled, and nothing
stood between them and the pillage of the
camp. The cry, " Moab to the spoil I " was
raised. Down the slopes they rushed in head-
long disorder. Then occurred one of those
scenes of carnage which can happen but once
or twice in the existence of a nation. The
Moabites fled back in confusion, followed and
cut down at every step by their enemies. Far
inwards did the pursuit reach, among the cities
and farms and orchards of that rich district;
nor when the slaughter was over was the horrid
work of destruction done. At last the struggle
collected itself at Kir-Haraseth. HcreMesha
took refuge with his family and with the rem-
nants of his army. The heights around were
covered with slingers, who discharged their vol-
leys of stones on the town. At length the an-
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MOAB
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noyance could be borne no longer. Then
Mcsha, collecting round him a forlorn hope of
700 of his best warriors, made a desperate sally,
with the intention of catting his way through
to his special foe, the kin); of Edom. But the
enemy were too strong for him, nnd he was
driven back. And then came a fitting crown
to a tragedy already so terrible. An awful
spectacle amazed and horrified the besiegers.
The king and his eldest son, the heir to the
tnrone, mounted the wall ; and, in the sight of
the thousands who covered the sides of that vast
amphitheatre, the father killed and burnt his
chilil as a propitiatory sacrifice to the cruel gods
of his country.
In the " Burden of Moab " pronounced by
Isaiah (chaps, xv., xvi.), we possess a document
full of interesting details as to the condition of
the nation at the time of the death of Ahaz
king of Judah, B.C. 726. This passage of
Isaiah cannot be considered apart from that of
Jeremiah, chap, xlviii. The latter was pro-
nounced more than a century later, about the
year 600, ten or twelve years before the in-
vasion of Nebuchadnezzar, by which Jerusalem
was destroyed. The difficulty of so many of
the towns of Reuben being mentioned, as
already in the possession of Moab, may per-
haps be explained by remembering that the
idolatry of the neighboring nations — and
therefore of Moab — hat! been adopted by the
trans-Jordanic tribes for some time previously
to the final deportation by Tiglath-Pileser (see
I Chr. v. 25), and that many- of the sanctuaries
were probably, even at the date of the original
delivcrv of the denunciation, in the hands of
the priests of Chemosh and Milcom. On the
other hand, the calamities which Jeremiah de-
scribes may have been inflicted in any one of
the numerous visitations from the Assyrian
army, under which these unhappy countries
suffered at the period of his prophecy, in rapid
succession. But the uncertainty of the exact
dates referred to in these several' denunciations
docs not in the least affect the interest or the
value of the allusions they contain to the con-
dition of Moab. They bear the evident stamp
of portraiture bv artists who knew their subject
thoroughly. The nation appears in them as
high-spirited, wealthy, populous, and even to a
certain extent civilized, enjoying a wide reputa-
tion and popularity. And since the descriptions
we are considering are adopted by certainly two,
and probably three prophets, Jeremiah, Isaiah,
and the older seer, extending over a period of
nearly 200 years, wc may safely conclude that
they lire not merely temporary circumstances,
but were the enduring characteristics of the
people. In this case, there can be no doubt that,
nmongst the pastoral people of Syria, Moab
stood next to Israel in all matters of material
wealth and civilization. Half the allusions of
Isaiah and Jeremiah in the passages referred
to must forever remain obscure. Many expres-
sions also, such as the " weeping of Jazcr,"
the "heifer of three years old," the "shadow
of Heslilion," the " lions." must be nnintelligi-
ble. But nothing can obscure or render ob-
solete the tone of tenderness and affection
which makes itself felt in a hundred expres-
sions throughout these precious documents.
Isaiah recurs to the subject in another \
of extraordinary force, and of fiercer character
than before, viz. xxv. 10-12. Here the exter-
mination, the utter annihilation, of Moab, is
contemplated by the prophet with triumph, aa
one of the first results of the re-establishment of
Jehovah on Mount Zion. Between the time
of Isaiah's denunciation and the destruction of
Jerusalem, we have hardly a reference to Moab.
Zcphaniah, writing in the reign of Josiali, re-
proaches them (it. 8-10) for their taunts against
the people of Jehovah, but no acts of hostility
are recorded either on the one side or the other.
From one passage in Jeremiah (xxv. 9-21 ), de-
livered in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, just be-
fore the first appearance of Nebuchadnezzar, it
is apparent that it was the belief of the prophet
that the nations surrounding Israel — and Mo-
ab among the rest — were on the eve of devas-
tation by the Chaldtenns, and of a captivity for
seventy years (see ver. 11), from which, how-
ever, they should eventually be restored to their
own country (ver. 12 and xlviii. 47). From
another record of the events of the same period,
or of one only just subsequent (2 K. xxiv. 2),
it would appear, however, that Moab made
terms with the Chaldaeans, and for the time
acted in concert with them in harassing and
plundering the kingdom of Jehoiakim. Four
or five years later, in the first year of Zedckiah
(Jer. xxvii. 1), these hostilities must have
ceased, for there was then a regular intercourse
between Moab and the court at Jerusalem (ver.
3), possibly, as Bunsen suggests, negotiating
a combined resistance to the common enemy.
The brunt of the storm must have fallen on
Judah and Jerusalem. In the time of Ezekiel,
the cities of Moab were still flourishing. " the
glory of the country," destined to become at a
future day a prey to the Bene-kedcm, tlic " men
of the East — the Bedouins of the great des-
ert of the Euphrates (Ez. xxv. 8-11). After
the return from the captivity it was a Moabite,
Sanballat of Horonaim, who took the chief
part in annoying and endeavoring to hinder the
operations of the rebuilders of Jerusalem (Neh.
ii. 19, iv. 1, vi. 1, &c.). During the interval
since the return of the first caravan from Baby-
lon, the illegal practice of marriages between
the Jews and the other people around, Moab
amongst the rest, had become frequent. Even
among the families of Israel who returned
from the captivity was one bearing the name of
Pahath-Moab (Ezr. ii. 6, viii. 4 ; Neh. iii. 11,
&c.), a name which must certainly denote a
Moabite connection. In the Book* of Judith,
the scene of which is laid shortly after the re-
turn from captivity (iv. 3), Moahitcs and Am-
monites are represented as dwelling in their
ancient seats, and as obeying the call of the
Assyrian general. In the time of Eusebius, i\e.
cir.'A.D. 380, the name appears to have been
attached to the district as well as to the town
of Rabbath, both of which were called Moab.
It also lingered for some time in the name of
the ancient Kir-Moab, which, as Charakmoba,
is mentioned by Ptolemy, and as late as the
Council of Jerusalem, a.d. 536, formed the see
of a bishop under the same title. Since that
time, the modem name Ktrak has superseded the
older one, and no trace of Moab has been found
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cither in records or in the country itself. Like
the other countries east of Jordan, Moab has
been very little visited by Europeans, and be-
yond its general characteristics hardly any thing
is known of it. In one thing all agree, the ex-
traordinary number of ruins which are scattered
over the country. The wholecountry is undulat-
ing, and, after the general level of the plateau is
reached, without any serious inequalities ; and
in this, and the absence of conspicuous vegeta-
tion, has a certain resemblance to the downs of
our own southern counties. Of the language
of the Moabites we know nothing, or next to
nothing. In the few communications recorded
as taking place between them and Israelites,
no interpreter is mentioned (see Ruth ; 1 Sam.
xxiL 3, 4, &c.). For the religion of the Moab-
ites, see Chkmosh, Molech, Peob. Of their
habits and customs, we have hardly a trace.
Moadi"ab A priest, or family of priests,
who returned with Zerubbabel. The chief of
the house in the time of Joiakim the son of
Jeshna was Piltai (Neh. xii. 17). Elsewhere
{Neh. xii. 5) called Maadiah.
Mochmur, the Brook, a torrent, i'.«. a
r<ady, mentioned only in Jnd. vii. 18. The
torrent Mochmur may be either the Wadu Mcuc-
Jiiriifeh, on the northern slopes of which Akrabeh
stands, or the Wady AJtmar, which is the con-
tinuation of the former eastwards.
Mo'din, a place not mentioned in either Old
or New Testament, though rendered immortal
by its connection with the history of the Jews
in the interval between the two. It was the
native city of the Marcabiean family (1 Mace,
xiii. 25), and as a necessary consequence con-
tained their ancestral sepulchre (ii. 70, ix. 19).
It was here that Mattathias struck the first blow
of resistance. Mattathias himself, and subse-
quently his sons Judas and Jonathan, were
buried in the family tomb, and over them Simon
erected a structure which is minutely described
in the Book of Maccabees (xiii. 23-30), and,
with less detail, by Josephus. At Modin the
Maccabtean armies encamped on the eves of
two of their most memorable victories, — that
of Judas over Antiochus Eupator (2 Mace. xiii.
14), and that of Simon over Cendebeus (1 Mace.
xvi. 4), the last battle of the veteran chief before
his assassination. The only indication of the
position of the place to be gathered from the
above notices is contained in the last, from which
we may infer that it was near " the plain," i.e.
the great maritime lowland of Pbilistia ( vcr. 5).
By Eusebius and Jerome, it is specified as near
Diospolis, ie. Lydda; while the notice in the
Mishna (Petachim, ix. 2), and the comments of
Bartenora and Maimonides, state that it was
fifteen (Roman) miles from Jerusalem. At the
same time, the description of the monument
seems to imply that the spot was so lofty as to
be visible from the sea, and so near, that even
the details of the sculpture were discernible
therefrom. All these conditions, excepting the
last, are tolerably fulfilled in either of the two
sites called Latrun and Kubab. The mediaeval
and modern tradition places Modin at Saba, an
eminence south of Kurietel-enab ; but this being
not more than seven miles from Jerusalem, while
it is as much as twenty-five from Lydda, and
thirty from the sea, and also far removed from
the plain of Philistia, is at variance wiJh ever}
one of the conditions implied in the records.
Mo'eth. In 1 Esd. viii. 63, " Noadiah the
son of Binnui " (Ezr. viii. 33), a Levite, is called
" Moeth the son of Sabban. Ap.
Moladah, a city of Judah, one of those
which lay in the district of " the south," next
to Edom (Josh. xv. 26, xix. 2). In the latter
tribe, it remained at any rate till the reign of
David (I Chr. iv. 28) ; but by the time of the
captivity it seems to have come back into the
hands of Judah, by whom it was re-inhabited
after the captivity (Neh. xi. 26). In the Ono-
masticon, a place named Malatha is spoken of as
in the interior of Daroma; and further it is
mentioned as four miles from Arad, and twenty
■from Hebron. Ptolemv also speaks of a Mah-
atthaasnearElusa. l'he requirements of these
notices ore all very fairly answered by the
position of the modem k-Milh. El-MUh is
about four English miles from Tell Arad, seven-
teen or eighteen from Hebron, and nine or ten
due east of Beersheba.
Mole* 1. 7'inthemeth. This word occurs in
the list of unclean birds in Lev. xi. 18; Deut
xiv. 16 (A. V. "swan"), and in Lev. xi. 30
(A. V. "mole"). Bochart has argued with
much force in behalf of the "chameleon " being
the timhemeth. The only clew to an identifica-
tion of tinihemeth is to be found in its etymology,
and in the context in which the word occurs.
Bochart conjectures that the root from which
the Heb. name of this creature is derived has
reference to a vulgar opinion amongst the an-
cients, that the chameleon lived on air. It is
probable that the animals mentioned with the
tinthemeth (Lev. xi. 30) denote different kinds
of lizards ; perhaps therefore, since the etymol-
ogy of the word is favorable to that view, the
chameleon may be the animal intended by tin-
themeth in Lev. xi. 30. The chameleon belongs
to the tribe Dendrosaura, order Saura ; the fam-
ily inhabits Asia and Africa, and the south of
Europe ; the C. vulgaris is the species mentioned
in the Bible. — 2. Chfphdr perdth is rendered
" moles " by the A. V. in Is. ii. f.0. Perhaps
no reference is made by the Hebrew words to
any particular animal, but to the holes and bur-
rows of rats, mice, &c., which we know fre-
quent ruins and deserted place!.
Moleoh. The fire-god Molech was the
tutelary deity of the children of Ammon, and
essentially identical with the Moabitish Chc-
mosh. Fire-gods appear to have been common
to all the Canaanite, Syrian, and Arab tribes,
who worshipped the destructive clement under
an outward symbol, with the most inhuman
rites. Among these were human sacrifices,
purifications and ordeals by fire, devoting of
the first-born, mutilation, and vows of perpetual
celibacy and virginity. To this class of divini-
ties belonged the old Canaanitish Molech. The
root of the word Molech is the same as that of
me/ec, or " king ; " and hence he is identified with
Mulcham ("their king") in 2 Sam. xii. 30,
Zeph. i. 5, tiie title by which he was known to
the Ismelites, as being invested with regal honors
in his diameter as a tutelary deity, the lord and
master of his people. Our translators have
recognized this identity in their rendering of
Am. v. 26 (where " your Moloch " is literally
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"your king," as it is given in the margin), fol-
lowing the Greek in the speech of Stephen, in
Acta vii. 43. The first direct historical allusion
to Molech-worship is in the description of Sol-
omon's idolatry in his old age ( 1 K. xi. 7 ). Two
verses before, the same deity is called Milcom.
Most of the Jewish interpreters say that in the
worship of Moloch the children were not burnt,
but made to pass between two burning pyres,
as a purificatory rite. But the allusions to the
actual slaughter arc too plain to be mistaken ;
and Aben Ezra, in his note on Lev. xviii. 21,
says that "to cause to pass through" is the
same as " to turn." Compare Deut. xii. 31 ;
Ps. cvi. 37, 38 ; Jer. vii. 31, xix. 5 ; Ez. xvi. 20,
21,xxiii. 37. The worship of Molech is evi-
dently alluded to, though not expressly men-
tioned, in connection with star-worship and the
worship of Baal, in 2 K. xvii. 16, 17, xxi. S, 6,
which seems to show that Molech, the flame-
god, and Baal, the sun-god, whatever their dis-
tinctive attributes, and whether or not the latter
is a general appellation including the former,
were worshipped with the same rites. The sac-
rifice of children is said by Movers to have been
not so much an expiatory as a purificatory rite,
by which the victims were purged from the dross
of the body, and attained union with the deity.
But the sacrifice of Mesha king of Moab, when,
in despair at failing to cut his way through the
overwhelming forces of Judah, Israel, and Edom,
he offered up his eldest son a burnt-offering,
probably to Chemosh, his national divinity, has
more of the character of an expiatory rite to
appease an angry deity than of a ceremonial
purification. According to Jewish tradition,
the image of Molech was of brass, hollow within,
and was situated without Jerusalem. Kimchi
(on 2 K. xxiii. 10) describes it as " set within
seven chapels ; and whoso offered fine flour they
open to him one of them ; (whoso offered) tur-
tle-doves or young pigeons they open to him
two ; a lamb, they open to him three ; a ram,
they open to him *>ur ; a calf, they open to him
five ; an ox, they « wen to him six ; and so who-
ever offered his son they open to him seven.
And his face was (that) of a calf, and his hands
stretched forth like a man who opens his hands
to receive (something) of his neighbor. And
they kindled it with fire ; and the priests took
the babe, and put it into the hands of Molech,
and the babe gave up the jrhost. And why was
it called Tophet and Hinnom t Because they
used to make a noise with drums (topkim) that
the father might not hear the cry of his child
and have pity upon him, and return to him.
Hinnom, because the babe wailed (menahon),
and the noise of his wailing went up. Another
opinion (is that it was called) Hinnom because
the priests used to say, ' May it profit thee !
may it be sweet to thee ! may it be of sweet
savor to thee!"' All this detail is probably
as fictitious as the etymologies are unsound ;
but we have nothing to supply its place. By
these chapels, Lightfoot explains the allusion in
Am. v. 26, Acts vii. 43, to " the tabernacle of
Moloch." It was more probably a shrine or
ark in which the figure of the god was carried
in processions. Molech, " the king," was the
lord and master of the Ammonites ; their coun-
try was his possession (Jcr. xlix. 1 ), as Moab
was the heritage of Chemosh ; the princes of
the land were the princes of Malcham (Jer. xlix.
3 ; Am. i. 15). His priests were men of rank
(Jer. xlix. 3), taking precedence of the princes.
So the priest of Hercules at Tyre was second
to the king (Justin xviii. 4, § 5), and like Mo-
lech, the god himself, Baal Chamman, is Mr1~
hart, " the king of the city." The priests of
Molech, like those of other idols, were called
Chemarim (2 K. xxiii. 5; Hoa. x. 5; Zeph.
i.4).
Moll. Mabli, the son of Merari (1 Esd.
viii. 47 ; romp. Ezr. viii. 18). Ap.
Mo'lid, the son of Abishor by his wife
Abihail, and descendant of Jerahmeel ( 1 Chr.
ii. 29).
Moloch. The Hebrew corresponding to
" your Moloch " in the A. V. of Amos v. 26 is
maUcehem, " your king," as in the margin. In
accordance with the Greek of Acta vii. 43,
which followed the LXX. of Amos, our trans-
lators have adopted a form of the name Molech
which does not exist in Hebrew. Gesenios
compares with the " tabernacle " of Moloch the
sacred tent of the Carthaginians mentioned by
Diodorus (xx. 65). It was more probably a
kind of palanquin in which the image was car-
ried in processions, a ..■ustom which is alluded
to in Is. xlvi. 1 ; Epist. of Jer. 4.
Mom'dis. Maadai, of the sons of Bani
(1 Esd. ix. 34 ; comp. Ezr. x. 34). Ap.
Money. This article treats of two princi-
pal matters, the uncoined money and the coined
money mentioned in the Bible. I. Uncoiked
Money. 1. Uncoined Money in general. — It
is well known that ancient nations that were
without a coinage weighed the precious metals,
a practice represented on the Egyptian monu-
ments, on which gold and silver are shown to
have been kept in the form of rings. The
gold rings found in the Celtic countries have
been held to have had the same use. We hare
no certain record of the use of ring-money or
other uncoined money in antiquity excepting
among the Egyptians. It can scarcely be
doubted that the Assyrians and Babylonians
adopted, if they did not originate, this custc-ra.
— 2. The Antiquity of Coined Money. — tte-
specting the origin of coinage, there are two
accounts seemingly at variance : some saying
that Phidon king of Argos first struck money,
and, according to Epborus, in .£gina; but
Herodotus ascribing its invention to the Lydi-
ans. The former statement probably refers to
the origin of the coinage of European Greece,
the latter to that of Asiatic Greece. On the
whole, it seems reasonable to carry up Greek
coinage to the 8th century B.C. Purely Asiatia
coinage cannot be taken up to so early a date.
The more archaic Persian coins seem to be of
the time of Darius Hystaspis, or possibly Cyrus,
and certainly not much older ; and there is no
Asiatic money, not of Greek cities, that can
\k reasonably assigned to an earlier period. — 3.
Notion of Uncoined Money in the O.T. — There
is no distinct mention of coined money in the
books of the O. T. written before the return
from Babylon. In the history of Abraham, we-
read that Abimelech gave the patriarch " a
thousand [pieces] of silver," apparently to pur-
chase veils for Sarah and her attendants; bat
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the passage is extremely difficult (Gen. xx. 16).
The narrative of the purchase of the burial-
place from Ephron gives us farther insight
into the use of money at that time (Gen. xxiii.
3, 9, 16). Here a currency is clearly indicated
like that which the monuments of Egypt show
to have been there used in a very remote age.
A similar purchase is recorded of Jacob, who
bought a parcel of a field at Shalem for a hun-
dred kesitahs (xxxiii. 18, 19). Bat what is the
haitaht The old interpreters supposed it to
mean a lamb, and it has been imagined to have
been a coin bearing the figure of a lamb.
Throughout the history of Joseph, we find evi-
dence of the constant use of money in prefer-
ence to barter (Gen. xliii. 21, xlvii. Id— 16).
At the time of the Exodus, money seems to
have been still weighed (Ex. xxx. 13). Here
the shekel is evidently a weight, and of a special
system, of which the standard examples were
probably kept by the priests. Throughout the
taw, money is spoken of as in ordinary use ;
but only silver money, gold being mentioned as
valuable, but not clearly as used in the same
manner. We may thus sum up onr results
respecting the money mentioned in the books
of Scripture written before the return from
Babylon. From the time of Abraham, silver
money appears to have been in general use in
Egypt and Canaan. This money was weighed
when its value had to be determined, ana we
may therefore conclude that it was not of a
settled system of weights. Since the money
of Egypt and that of Canaan are spoken of
together, we may reasonably suppose they were
of the same kind. It is even probable that the
form in both cases was similar or the same,
since the ring-money of Egypt resembles the
ordinary ring-money of the Celts, among whom
it was probably first introduced by the Phoeni-
cian traders. We find no evidence in the Bible
of the use of coined raonev by the Jews before
the time of Ezra. — II. Coikkd Monet. 1.
Tie Principal Monetary Systems of Antiquity. —
Some notice of the principal monetary systems
of antiquity, as determined by the joint evi-
dence of the coins and of ancient writers, is
necessary to render the next section compre-
hensible. The earliest Greek coins, by which
we here intend those struck in the age before
the Persian War, are of three talents or stand-
ards, — the Attic, the JEginetan, and the Mace-
donian or earlier Phoenician. The oldest coins
of Athens, of ^Egina, and of Macedon and
Thrace, we should select as typical respectively
of these standards ; obtaining as the weight
of the Attic drachm about 67-5 grains troy ; of
the ^Eginetan, about 96 ; and of the Macedo-
nian, about 58, or 116, if its drachm be what
is now generally held to be the didrachm. The
electrum coinage of Asia Minor probably af-
fords examples of the use by the Greeks of a
fourth talent, which may be called the later
Phoenician, if we hold the staters to have been
tetradrarhms, for their full weight is about
248 grs. ; but it is possible that the pure gold
which they contain, about 186 grs., should
alone be taken into account, in which case they
world be didrachms on the .Aiginetan standard.
The EuboTc talent of the writers we recognize
aowhere in the coinage. We most now briefly
trace the history of these talents, (a.) The
Attic talent was from a very early period the
standard of Athens. If Solon really reduced
the weight, we have no money of the city of
the older currency. Corinth followed the same
system ; and its use was diffused by the great
influence of these two leading cities. In Sicily
and Italy, after, in the case of the former, a
limited use of the jEginetan talent, the Attic
weight became universal. After Alexander's
time, the other talents were partly restored ; but
the Attic always remained the chief, (b.) The
..Eginetan talent was mainly used in Greece
Proper and the islands, and seems to have been
annihilated by Alexander, or by the general
issue of a coin equally assignable to it or the
Attic standard as a hemidrachm or a tetrobolon.
(c.) The Macedonian talent, besides being nsed
in Macedon and in some Thracian cities before
Alexander, was the standard of the great
Phoenician cities under Persian rule, and was
afterwards restored in most of them, (of.) The
later Phoenician talent was always used for the
official coinage of the Persian kings and com-
manders, and after the earliest period was very
general in the Persian Empire. Respecting the
Roman coinage, it is only necessary here to
state that the origin of the weights of its gold
and silver money is undoubtedly Greek. — 2.
Coined Money mentioned in the Bible. — The
earliest distinct mention of coins in the Bible is
held to refer to the Persian money. In Ezra
(ii. 69, viii. 27) and Nebemiah (vii. 70-72),
current gold coins are spoken of under the
name daregmdn oV/arcdn, which only occurs in
the plural, and appears to correspond to the
Dane. The Apocrypha contains the earliest
distinct allusion to the coining of Jewish
money, where it is narrated, in the First Book
of Maccabees, that Antiochus VII. granted to
Simon the Maccabce permission to coin money
with his own stamp, as well as other privileges
(xv. 6). This was in the fourth year of Simon's
pontificate, B.C. 140. The earliest Jewish coins
were until lately considered to have been struck
by Simon on receiving the permission of Ami
iKIBJI VpQ, •• gh«k«l of bmol." Vik, *bon which M
[Tear) 1. R TTOTp &bvn% " JmariuB ttx hofj.'
Bnneh bearing thrtt ftowm. AL
oehns VU, The average weight of the silver
coins is about 220 grains troy for the shekel,
and 110 for the half-shekel. The shekel cor-
responds almost exactly to the tetradrachm or
didrachm of the earlier Phoenician talent in
use in the cities of Phoenicia under Persian
rule, and after Alexander's time at Tyre, Sidon,
and Berytus, as well as in Egypt. It is repre-
sented in the LXX. by didrachm, a rendering
which has occasioned great difficulty to numis-
matists. The natural explanation seems to us
to he. thar the Alexandrian Jews adopted for
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the shekel the term didrachm as the common
name of the coin corresponding in weight to
it, and that it thus became in Hebraistic Greek
the equivalent of shekel. There is no ground
for supposing a difference in use in the LXX.
and N. JT. The fabric of the silver coins above
described is so different from that of any other
ancient money, that it is extremely hard to base
any argument on it alone, and the cases of other
special classes, as the ancient money of Cyprus,
show the danger of such reasoning. Some
have been disposed to consider that it proves
that these coins cannot be later than the time
of Nchemiah ; others will not admit it to be
later than Alexander's time; while some still
hold that it is not too archaic for the Macca-
ba:au period. The inscriptions of these coins,
and all the other Hebrew inscriptions of Jewish
coins, arc in a character of which there are few
other examples. As Ucsenius has observed, it
bears a strong resemblance to the Samaritan
and Phoenician, and we may add to the Ara-
miean of coins which must be carefully distin-
guished from the Aramamn of the papyri found
in Egypt. The meaning of the inscriptions does
not offer matter for controversy. Their nature
would indicate a period of Jewish freedom from
Greek influence as well as independence, and
the use of an era dating from its commence-
ment. The old explanation of the meaning
of the types of the shekels and half-shekels,
that they represent the pot of manna and
Aaron's rod that budded, seems to us remark-
ably consistent with the inscriptions and with
what we should expect. Cavcdoni has sug-
gested, however, that the one type is simply a
vase of the Temple, and the other a lily, argu-
ing against the old explanation of the former
that the pot of manna had a cover, which this
vase has not. Upon the copper coins we have
especially to observe that they form an impor-
tant guide in judging of the age of the silver.
That they really belong to the same time is
not to be doubted. From this inquiry we may
lay down the following particulars as a basis
for the attribution of this class : — 1. The she-
kels, half-shekels, and corresponding copper
toins, may be, on the evidence of fabric and
inscriptions, of any age from Alexander's time
until the earlier period of the Maccabees. 2.
They must belong to a time of independence,
and one at which Greek influence was excluded,
3. They date from an era of Jewish independ-
ence. M. de Saulcv, struck by the ancient
appearance of the sifver coins, and disregard-
ing the difference in style of the copper, has
conjectured that the whole class was struck at
some earjv period of prosperity. He fixes upon
the pontificate of Jaddno, and supposes them
to have been first issued when Alexander
granted great privileges to the Jews ; but there
are many difficulties in the way of this supposi-
tion. The basis we have laid down is in entire
accordance with the old theory, that this
class of coins was nsed by Simon the Macca-
bee._ M. de Saulcy would, however, urge
tgainst our conclusion the cirenmstanco that be
"las attributed small copper coins all of one and
the same class to Judos the Maccabec, Jona-
than, and John Hyrcanus, and that the very
dissimilar coins hitherto attributed to Simon,
must therefore be of another period. If these
attributions be correct, his deduction is perfect-
ly sound; but the circumstance that Simon
alone is unrepresented in the series, whereas
we have most reason to look for coins of him,
is extremely suspicious. We shall, however,
show, in discussing this class, that we have dis-
covered evidence which seems to us sufficient
to induce us to abandon M. de Saulcy's classi-
fication of copper coins to Judas and Jonathan,
and to commence the series with those of John
Hyrcanus. For the present, therefore, we ad-
here to the old attribution of the shekels, half-
shekels, and similar copper coins, to Simon the
Maccabee. We now give a list of all the prin-
cipal copper coins of a later date than those of
the class described above, and anterior to Herod,
according to M. de Saulcy's arrangement : —
Copper Coins. I . Judas Maccalxrut. 2. Jona-
than. 3. Simon (wanting). 4. John Hyrcanus.
5. Judas-Aristabulus and Antigonus. 6. Alexander
Jannaau. Alexandra. Hyrcanus (no coins). Aris-
lobidus (no coins). Hyrcanus (no coins). Oli-
garchy (no coins). Aristobului and Alexander (no
coins). Hyrcanus again restored (no coins).
Antigonus. This arrangement is certainly the
most satisfactory that has been yet proposed ;
but it presents serions difficulties. The most
obvious of these is the absence of coins of
Simon, for whose money we have more reason
to look than for that of any other Jewish ruler.
A second difficulty is, that the series of small
copper coins, having the same, or essentially
the same, reverse-type, commences with Judas,
and should rather commence with Simon. A
third difficulty is, that Judas bears the title of
priest, and probably of high-priest. These ob-
jections are, however, all trifling in comparison
with one that seems never to have struck any
inquirer. These small copper coins have for
the main part of their reverse-type a Greek
symbol, the united cornua copiae, and they
therefore distinctly belong to a period of Greek
influence. Is it possible that Judas the Macca-
bee, the restorer of the Jewish worship, and the
sworn enemy of all heathen customs, could
have struck money with a type derived from
the heathen? It seems to us that this is an
impossibility, and that the use of such a type
points to the time when prosperity hod corrupt-
ed the ruling family, and Greek usages once
more were powerful in their influence. This
period may be considered to commence in the
rule of John Hyrcanus. Thus far there is high
firobability that M. de Saulcy's attributions
tefore John Hyrcanus are extremely doubtful.
On these and other grounds, we maintain
Bayer's opinion, that the Jewish coinage begins
with Simon ; we transfer the coins of Jonathan
the high-priest to Alexander Jannteus, and pro-
pose the following arrangement of the known
money of the princes of the period we hava
been just considering: — John Hyrcanus, B.C
135-106. — Copper coins, with Hebrew inscrip-
tion, "John the high-priest;" on some A.,
marking alliance with Antiochus VII., Sidctes.
— Aristobulus and Antigonus, B.C. 106-105 (prob-
able attribution). — Copper coins with Hebrew
inscription, "Judah the high (?) priest;" cop-
Eir coins with Greek inscription, " Judah the
ng,"and A. for Antigonus (?) M. de Saulcy
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supposes that Aristobulus bore the Hcb. name
Jud.ili ; and there is certainly some probability
in the conjecture, though the classification of
those coins cannot be regarded as more than
tont.itive. — Alexander J tinnitus, B.C. 105-78. —
First coinage : copper coins with bilingual in-
scriptions — Greek, " Alexander the king ; "
lljbrew, " Jonathan tha king." Second coin-
a<i: copper coins with Hebrew inscription,
" Jonathan the high-priest; " and copper coins
with Greek imcription, " Alexander the king."
( 1'lia assigning ol these latter two to the same
ruler is confirmed by the occurrence of Hebrew
coins of "Jiiilah tlie high-priest," and Greek
onjs of " Jiulis the king," which there is good
reason to attribute to one and the same person. )
— Alexandra, n.c. 78-69. — The coin assigned
to Alexandra by M. de Saulcy may lie of this
sovereign ; but those of Alexander are so fre-
quently blundered, that we arc not certain that
it was not struck bv him. — Hyrcanus, B.C.
69-66 (no coins). Aristobtdus, B.C. 66-63 (no
coins). Hyrcanus restored, B.C. 63-57 (no coins).
Oligarchy, B.C. 57-47 (no coins). Aristobulus
and Alexander, B.C. 49 (no coins). Hyramus
again, B.C. 47-40 (no coins). Antiqonus, B.C.
40-37. — Copper coins with bi-lingual inscrip-
tions. It is not necessary to describe in detail
the money of the time commencing with the
reign of Herod, and closing under Hadrian.
The money of Herod is abundant, but of in-
ferior interest to the earlier coinage, from its
generally having a thoroughly Greek character.
It is of cooper only, and seems to be of three
denominations, the smallest being apparently a
piece of brass, the next larger its double, and
the largest its triple, as M de Saulcy has in-
geniously suggested. The smallest is the com-
monest, and appears to be the farthing of tho
N. T. The coin engraved below is of the small-
est denomination of these. The money of
BPtta BACL Anchor. JR. Two curniu eopia, within
which ■ cadDCrai (drgrwled from pomegranitt). Jt. W.
Herod Archelaus, and of the similar coinage
of the Greek Imperial class, of Roman rulers
with Greek inscriptions, present no remarkable
peculiarities. There are several passages in the
Gospels which throw light upon the coinage of
the time. When the twelve were sent forth,
our Lord thus commanded them, " Provide
neither gold, nor silver, nor brass in your
purses" (lit. "girdles"), Matt. x. 9. In the
parallel passages, in St. Mark (vi. 8), copper
alone is mentioned for money, the Palestinian
currency being mainly of this metal, although
silver was coined by some cities of Phoenicia
and Syria, and gold and silver Roman money
was also in use. St. Luke, however, uses the
term " money " (ix. 3), which mav be account-
ed for by his less Hebraistic style. The coins
mentioned by the evangelists, and first those
of silver, are the following : — The ttatir is
spoken of in the account of the miracle of the
tribute-money. The receivers of cSdrachms de-
manded the tribute ; but St. Peter found in the
fish a stater, which he paid for our Lord and
himself (Matt. xvii. 24-27). This stater was
therefore a tetradrachm; and it is very note-
worthy that at this period almost the only
Greek Imperial silver coin in the East was a
tetradrachm, the didrachm being probably un-
known, or very little coined. The didrachm is
mentioned as a money of account in the pas-
sage above cited, as the equivalent of the He-
brew shekel. The denarius, or Roman penny,
as well as the Greek drachm, then of about the
same weight, are spoken of as current coins
(Matt. xxii. 15-21 ; Luke xx. 19-25). Of cop-
per coins, the farthing, and its half, the mite,
are spoken of, and theso probably formed the
chief native currency. The proper Jewish series
closes with the money of the famous Barkohab,
who headed the revolt in the time of Hadrian.
His most important coins are shekels, of which
we here engrave one.
Money-changers (Matt m 12 ; Mark
xi. 15; John ii. 15). According to Ex. xxx.
13-15, every Israelite who had reached or
passed the age of twenty must pay into the
sacred treasury, whenever the nation was num-
bered, a half-shekel as an offering; to Jehovah.
The money-changers whom Christ, for their
impiety, avarice, and fraudulent dealing, ex-
pelled from the Temple, were the dealers who
supplied half-shekels, for such a premium as
they might be able to exact, to tho Jews from
all parts of the world, who assembled at Jeru-
salem during the great festivals, and were re-
quired to pay their tribute or ransom money
in the Hebrew coin. The word tuukc^ttk, in
Matt. xxv. 27, is a general term for banker or
broker.
Month. The terms for "month" and
" moon " have the same close connection in the
Hebrew language as in our own and in the
Indo-European languages generally. Tho most
important point in connection with the month
of the Hebrews is its length, and the mode
by which it was calculated. The difficulties
attending this inquiry are considerable, in con-
sequence of the scantiness of the data. Though
it may fairly be presumed from the terms used
that the month originally corresponded to a
lunation, no reliance can be placed on the mere
verbal argument to prove the exact length of
the month in historical times. The word ap-
pears even in the earliest times to have passed
into its secondary sense, as describing a period
approaching to a lunation ; for in Gen. vii. 11,
viii. 4, where we first meet with it, eqnal
periods of thirty days are described, the in-
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MONTH
580
MOON
terval between the seventeenth days of the
second and the seventh months being equal to
150 days (Gen. vii. 11, viii. 3, 4). We have
therefore in this instance an approximation to
the solar month. From the time of the institu-
tion of the Mosaic law downwards, the month
appears to have been a lunar one. The cycle
of religious feasts, commencing with the Pass-
over, depended not simply on the month, but
on the moon ; the 14th of Abib was coincident
with the full moon ; and the new moons them-
selves were the occasions of regular festivals
(Num. x. 10, xxviii. 11-14). The commence-
ment of the month was generally decided by
observation of the new moon, which may be
detected about forty hours after the period of
its conjunction with the sun. According to
the rabbinical rule, however, there must at all
times have been a little uncertainty beforehand
as to the exact day on which the month would
begin ; for it depended not only on the appear-
ance, but on the announcement ; if the impor-
tant word Mdcuddash were not pronounced until
after dark, the following day was the first of the
month ; if before dark, then that day {Rash
hath. 3, § I ). But we can hardly suppose that
such a strict rule of observation prevailed in
early times, nor was it in any way necessary :
the recurrence of the new moon can be pre-
dicted with considerable accuracy. The length
of the month by observation would be alternate-
ly twenty-nine and thirty days, nor was it
allowed by the Talmudists that a month should
fall short of the former or exceed the latter
number, whatever might be the state of the
weather. The usual number of months in a
year was twelve, as implied in 1 K. iv. 7 ; 1
Chr. xxvii. 1-1 & ; but inasmuch as the Hebrew
months coincided, as wo shall presently show,
with the seasons, it follows as a matter of
course that an additional month must have
been inserted about every third year, which
would bring the number up to thirteen. No
notice, however, is taken of this month in the
Bible. In the modern Jewish calendar, the
intercalary month is introduced seven times in
every nineteen years, according to the Metonic
cycle, which was adopted by the Jews about
a. d. 360. The usual method of designating
the months was by their numerical order, e.g.
" the second month " (Gen. vii. 11)," the fourth
month " (2 K. xxv. 3) ; and this was generally
retained even when the names were given, tjg.
" in the month Zif, which is the second month "
(1 K. vi. 1), " in the third month, that is, the
month Sivan" (Esth. viii. 9). An exception
occurs, however, in regard to Abib in the early
Eirtion of the Bible (Ex. xiii. 4, xxiii. 15;
eat. xvi. I), which is always mentioned by
name alone. The practice of the writers of
the post-Babylonian period in this respect
varied: Ezra, Esther, and Zcchariah specify
both the names and the numerical order ; Nehe-
miah only the former ; Daniel and Haggai only
the latter. The names of the months belong to
two distinct periods : in the first place we have
those peculiar to the period of Jewish independ-
ence, of which four only, even including Aibb,
which we hardly regard as a proper name, are
mentioned : viz., Abib, in which the Passover
fell (Ex. xiii. 4, xxiii. 15, xxxiv. 18; Dent xvi.
1 ), and which was established as the first month
in commemoration of the Exodus (Ex. xii. 2):
Zif, the second month (I K. vi. 1, 37); Bui,
the eighth (I K. vi. 38) ; and Ethanim, the
seventh (1 K. viii. 2). In the second place we
have the names which prevailed subsequently
to the Babylonish captivity; of these the fol-
lowing seven appear in the Bible: — Kiaan, the
first, in which the passover was held (Neb., ii
1 ; Esth. iii. 7) ; Sivan, the third (Esth. viii. 9 ;
Bar. i. 8) ; Elul, the sixth (Neh. vi. 15 ; 1 Mace
xiv. 27) ; Chisleu, the ninth (Neh. L 1 ; Zech.
vii. 1 ; 1 Mace i. 54) ; Tebeth, the tenth (Esth.
ii. 16) ; Sebat, the eleventh (Zech. i. 7 ; 1 Mace.
xvi. 14); and Adar, the twelfth (Esth. iii. 7,
viii. 12; 2 Mace. xv. 36). The names of the
remaining five occur in the Talmud and other
works: they were Iyar, the second (Targum,
2 Chr. xxx. 2) ; Tammnz, the fourth ; Ab, the
fifth; Tisri, the seventh; and Mnrcheshran,
the eighth. The name of the intercalary month
was Veadar, i\e. the additional Adar. Subse-
quently to the establishment of the Syro-Mace-
donian Empire, the use of the Macedonian
calendar was gradually adopted for purposes
of literature or intercommunication with other
countries. The only instance in which die
Macedonian names appear in the Bible is in
2 Mace xi. 30, 33, 38, where we have notice of
Xanthicus in combination with another named
Dioscorinthius (ver. 21 ), which does not appear
in the Macedonian calendar. It is most probe,
ble that the author of 2 Mace, or a copyist was
familiar with the Cretan calendar, which con-
tained a month named Dioscnrus, holding the
same place in the calendar as the Macedonian
Dystrus, i.e. immediately before Xanthicus,
and that he substituted one for the other. The
identification of the Jewish months with our
own cannot be effected with precision on ac-
count of the variations that must inevitably
exist between the lunar and the solar month.
At present, Nisan answers to March, bat in ear-
ly times it coincided with April. Zif or Iyar
would correspond with May, Sivan with June,
Tammuz with July, Ab with August, Elul
with September, Ethanim or Tisri with Oc-
tober, Bui or Marcheshvan with November,
Chisleu with December, Tebeth with January,
Sebat with February, and Adar with March.
Moon. It is worthy of observation that
neither of the terms by which the Hebrews des-
ignated the moon contains any reference to its
office or essential character: they simply de-
scribe it by the accidental quality of color ; j/u-
reach signifying " pale," or " yellow," Itbendk,
" white. ' The moon held an important place
in the kingdom of nature as known to the He-
brews. In the history of the creation (Geo. i.
14-16), it appears simultaneously with the sun,
and is described in terms which imply its inde-
pendence of that body as far as its light is con-
cerned. Conjointly with the sun, it was ap-
pointed " for signs and for seasons, and for days
and years ; " though in this respect it exercised a
more important influence, if, by the " seasons,"
we understand the great religious festivals of
the Jews, as is particularly stated in Ps. civ. 19,
and more at length in Ecclus. xliii. 6, 7. Be-
sides this, it had its special office in the distri-
bution of light : it was appointed " to rule over
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MORDECAI
581
MOKEH
the night," as the sun over the day ; and thus
the appearance of the two founts or light served
" to divide between the day and between the
night." The inferiority of its light is occasion-
ally noticed, as in Gen. i. 16, in Cant. vi. 10,
and in Is. xxx. 26. The coldness of the night-
dews is prejudicial to the health, and particu-
larly to the eyes, of those who are exposed to it,
and the idea expressed in Ps. cxxi. 6 may have
reference to the general or the particular evil
•Sect. The worship of the moon was exten-
sively practised by the nations of the East, and
under > variety of aspects. In Egypt, it was
honored nnder the form of Isis, and was one of
the only two deities which commanded the rev-
erence of all the Egyptians. In Syria, it was
represented by that one of the Ashtaroth, sur-
named " Karnaim," from the horns of the cres-
cent moon by which she was distinguished.
There are indications of a very early introduc-
tion, into the countries adjacent to Palestine, of
a species of worship distinct from any that we
hare hitherto noticed, viz. of the direct homage
of the heavenly bodies, sun, moon, and stars,
which U the characteristic of Sahianism. The
tint notice we have of this is in Job (xxxi. 26,
17); and it is observable that the warning of
Hoses (Dent. ir. 19) is directed against this
nature-worship, rather than against the form
of moon-worship, which the Israelites most
have witnessed in Egypt. At a later period,
however, the worship of the moon in its grosser
form of idol-worship was introduced from Syria.
In the figurative language of Scripture, the
moon is frequently noticed as presaging events
of the greatest importance through the tempo-
rary or permanent withdrawal of its light (Is.
xiii. 10; Joel ii. 31; Matt. xxiv. 29; Mark
xiii. 24).
Moon, New. [New Moon.]
Hoosi'aa. Apparently the same as Maa-
iiui 4 (1 Esd. ix. 31 ; comp. Ezr. x. 30). Ap.
Mo'rasthite, the, that is, the native of a
8 see named Mobksuetb. It occurs twice
er. xx vi. 18; Mic. i. 1), each time as the de-
scription of the prophet Micah.
Mor'deoai, the deliverer, under Divine
Providence, of the Jews from the destruction
plotted against them by Haman the chief min-
ister of Xerxes ; the institutor of the Feast of
Pnrira. He was a Benjaraite, and one of the
captivity, residing in Shushan. From the time
of Esther being queen, he was one of those
"who sat in the king's gate." In this situa-
tion, he saved the king's life by discovering the
conspiracy of two of the eunuchs to kill liira.
When the decree for the massacre of all the
Jews in the empire was known, it was at his
earnest advice and exhortation that Esther un-
dertook the perilous task of interceding with
the king on their behalf. Whether, as somo
think, his refusal to bow before Haman arose
from religions scruples, as if such salutation as
was practised in Persia were akin to idolatry,
or whether, as seems far more probable, ho re-
fused from a stern unwillingness as a Jew to
how before an Amalekite, in either case the af-
front put by him upon Haman was the imme-
diate cause of the fatal decree. He, however,
md Esther, were the instruments, in the hand
of God, of averting the threatened ruin. The
incidents of his history are too well known to
need to be further dwelt upon. It will be more
useful, probably, to add such remarks as may
tend to point out Mordecai's place in sacred
and profane history respectively. The first
thing is to fix his date. This is pointed ont
with great particularity by the writer himself,
not only by the years of the king's reign, but
by his own genealogy in ch. ii. 5, 6. Three
things are predicated "of Mordecai : (I ) that he
lived in Shushan ; (2) that his name was Mor-
decai, son of Jair, son of Shimei, son of Kish
the Benjamite who was taken captive with Je-
hoiachin ; (3) that he brought up Esther. This
genealogy does then fix with great certainty the
age of Mordecai. He was great-grandson of a
contemporary of Jehoiachin. Now, four gene-
rations cover 120 years; and 120 years from
B.C. 599 bring ns to B.C. 479, i.e. to the 6th
year of the reign of Xerxes. And now it
would seem both possible and probable that the
Mordecai mentioned in the duplicate passage,
Ezr. ii. 2, Neh. vii . 7, as one of the leaders of
the captives who returned from time to time
from Babylon to Judtea, was the same as Mor-
decai of the Book of Esther.
As regards his place in profane history, the
domestic annals of the reign of Xerxes are so
scanty, that it would not surprise us to find no
mention of Mordecai. But theru is a person
named by Ctesia*. who probably saw the very
chronicles of the lungs of Media and Persia
referred to in Esth. x. 2, whose name and char-
acter present some points of resemblance with
Mordecai, viz. Matacas, or Natacas, whom he
describes as Xerxes' chief favorite, and the
most powerful of them all. He relates of him,
that when Xerxes, after his return from Greece,
had commissioned Megabyzns to go and plun-
der the temple of Apollo at Delphi, upon his
refusal, he sent Matacas the eunuch tu insult
the god, and to plunder his property, -which
Matacas did, and returned to Xerxes. The
known hatred of Xerxes to idol-worship makes
his selection of a Jew for his prime minister
very probable ; and there are strong points of
resemblance in whnt is thns related of Matacas,
and what we know from Scripture of Mordecai.
Again, that Mordecai was, what Matacas is re-
lated to have been, a eunuch, seems not im-
probable from his having neither wife nor child,
from his bringing tip his cousin Esther in his
own house, from his situation in the king's
gate, from his access to the court of the wo-
men, and from his being raised to the highest
post of power by the King, which we know
from Persian history was so often the case with
the king's eunuchs. The most plausible etymol-
ogy usually given for the name Mordecai is
that favored by Gesenius, who connects it with
Merodach the Babylonian idol, called Manlok
in the cuneiform inscriptions. But it is highly
improbable that the name of a Babylonian idol
should have been given to him under the Per-
sian dynasty. If then wo suppose the original
form of the name to have been Matacai, il
would easily in the Chaldeo orthography be-
come Mordecai.
Mo'reh. — 1. Thb Plain, or Plains (or,
as it should rather be rendered, the Oak or,
Oaks), or Mobkh. The Oak of Moreh was
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MORIAH
582
MORTAR
the first-recorded halting-place of Abram after
his entrance into the land of Canaan (lien xii.
6). It was at the "place of Shechera (xii.6),
close to the mountains of Ebal and Gerizim
(I)cut. xi. 30). There is reason for believ-
ing that this place, the scene of so important
an occurrence in Abram's early residence in
Canaan, may have been also that of one even
more important, — the crisis of his later life, the
offering of Isaac, on a mountain in " the land
of Moriah." 1 Whether the Oaks of Morch
had any connection with — 2. The Hill of
Moreh, at the foot of which the Midinuites
and Amalekites were encamped before Gideon's
attack upon them (Judg. vii. 1 ), seems, to say
the least, most uncertain. Copious as are the
details furnished of that great event of Jewish
history, those which enable us to judge of its
precise situation are very scanty. But a com-
parison of Judg. vi. 33 with vii. 1 makes it evi-
dent that it lay in the Valley of Jczrccl, rather
on the north side of the valley, and north also
of tho eminence on which Gideon's little band
of heroes was clustered. These conditions are
most accurately fulfilled if wc assume Jdiel ed-
Duhy, the " Little Hcrmon " of the modern
travellers, to be Morch, the Ain-,falood to be
the spring of llarod, and Gideon's position to
have been on the north-east slope of Jtbel
Fulcia (Mount Gilboa), between the village of
Nuris and the last-mentioned spring.
Morosh'eth-Gath, a place named by the
prophet Mieah only (Mic. i. 14), in company
with Lachish, Achzib, Mareshah, and other
towns of the lowland district of Judah. Micali
was himself the native of a place called More-
shcth. Eusebius and Jerome, in the Onomasticon,
describe Morasthi as a moderate-sized village
near Eleutheropolis, to the east. Supposing
Beil-jibrin to be Eleutheropolis, no traces of the
name of Moresheth-Gath have been yet discov-
ered in this direction.
Moriah. 1. The Land op Moriah.
On " one of the mountains " in this district
took place the sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. xxii. 2).
What the name of tho mountain was wc arc
not told ; but it was a conspicuous one, visible
from " afar off" ( ver. 4). Nor does the narra-
tive afford anr data for ascertaining its posi-
tion. After the deliverance of Isaac, Abraham,
with a play on the name of Moriah impossible
to convey in English, called the spot Jchovah-
jireh, "Jehovah sees" (i.e. provides) ; and thus
originated a proverb referring to the providen-
tial and opportune interference of God. " In
the mount of Jehovah, He will be seen." It is
most natural to take the " land of Moriah " as
the same district with that in which the " Oak
(A. V. " Plain ") of Moreh " was situated, and
not as that which contains Jerusalem, as the
modern tradition, which would identify the
Moriah of Gen. xxii. and that of 2 Chr.iii. I,
affirms." ' — 2. Mount Moriah. The name
ascribed, in 2 Chr. iii. 1 only, to the eminence
on which Solomon built the Temple ; " where
He appeared to David his father, in a place
which David prepared in the threshing-floor of
Araunah the Jebusite." From the mention
of Araunah, the inference is natural that the
1 See note on next column.
" appearance " alluded to occurred at the time
of the purchase of the threshing-floor by Dae id,
and his erection thereon of the altar"(2 >am
xxiv. ; 1 Chr. xxi.). But it will be oldened
that nothing is said in the narratives of that
event of any " appearance " of Jehovah. A
tradition which first appears in a definite shape
in Josephus, and is now almost universally
accepted, asserts that the " Mount Moriah " of
the Chronicles is identical with the " moun-
tain " in " the land of Moriah " of Genois,
and that the spot on which Jihovah a]']xaivd
to David, and on which the Temple was. built,
was the very spot of the sacrifice of Isaac. But
the single occurrence of the name in ibis one
passages of Chronicles is surely not enough to
establish a coincidence, which if wc consider it
is little short of miraculous. Except in the
case of Salem, and that is by no means ascer-
tained, the name of Abraham docs nut ajiicar
once in connection with Jerusalem or the later
roval or ecclesiastical glories of Israel. Jeru-
salem lies out of the path of the patriarchs,
and has no part in the history of Israel till the
establishment of the nionun by. But in addi-
tion to this, Jerusalem is incompatible with the
circumstances of the narrative of Gen. xxii.
To name only two instances — (I.) The Tem-
ple mount cannot be spoken of as a conspicuous
eminence. It is not visible till the traveller U
close upon it at the southern edge of the Valley
of Hinnom, from whence he looks down uiam
it as on a lower eminence. (2.) If Salem was
Jerusalem, then the trial of Abraham's Inith,
instead of taking place in the lonely and deso-
late spot implied uy the narrative, whcie not
even fire was to be obtained, and where no help
but that of the Almighty was nij:ii. actually
took place under the very walls of the city of
Mclchizcdek. But while there is no trace,
except in the single passage quoted, of Moriah
being attached to any part of Jerusalem; on
the other hand, in the sh^htlv different form of
Moreh, it did exist attached to the town and
the neighborhood of Shechcm, the spot of
Abram's first residence in Palestine. 1
Mortar. The simplest and probably most
ancient method of preparing corn for food was
by pounding it between two stones. Conve-
nience suggested that the lower of the two
1 This reasoning is not quit* conclusive. To tlM
objection that tin Temple mount Is noi a conspicu-
ous eminence, it Is eufneieut lo reply. tu«t Get . xxii.
does not require It to be such. TV theo'ject lout hat
Abraham's trial must liavr taken place " under the
very walls or MclcliizeoVk's city,*' the answer (a,
Mefchizedck's rity was thin nieiiiloned Heb. xi. 10,
" whose builder and maker la God."
Jerusalem was not in existence till after Abra-
ham'aday.anrtwearcexpre'sslj told (Kirk xvi. j-4)
that, when first founded, I. wa» an uuc.cuu «j.u idol-
atrous city. Itaname was Jcbus. Thv name Jeru-
salem was not given till the aged Oaviriand Solo-
mon. Wherever It appears in I lie texi prior io Oct
time, it has tx-cn substituted for Jebus in cru.vi>ts
since the days of Solomon.
The design of God in commanding the sacrifice
of Isaac was to Insiltu'e n most vivid type ol the
one great sarrlHce of Christ. How approptlatc,
then, that Abraham "Mould t* di reefed lo the v<tt
spot on which the Temple afterward' atoort, and
in the vicinity of which the cross was erected I The
aeeldental similarity, of the names Moreh and Mo-
riih is of little weight. The tradition of the Jew-
ish Church, and the universal belief of Christrudom,
on such a point as this, are likely to be right. — Co
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MOSES
583
MOSES
•tones should be hollowed, that the corn might
not escape, and that the upper should be shaped
so as to be convenient for holding. The pestle
and mortar must have existed from a very
early period. The Israelites in the desert
appear to have possessed mortars and hand-
mills among their necessary domestic utensils.
When the manna fell, they gathered it, and
either ground it in the mill, or pounded it in
the mortar (Hcb. mtdocah), till it was fit for
use (Num. xi. 8). So in the present day, stone
mortars are used by the Arabs to pound wheat
for their national dish lobby. Another word
mactesh (Prov. xxvii. 22), probably denotes a
mortar of a larger kind in which corn was
pounded. " Though thou bray the fool in the
mortar among the bruised corn with the pestle,
yet will not his folly depart from him." Corn
may be reparated from its husk, and all its good
pro|>erties preserved, by such an operation ; but
the fool's folly is so essential a part of himself,
that no analogous process can remove it from
him Such seems the natural interpretation
of this remarkable proverb. The language is
intentionally exaggerated, and there is no ne-
cessity for supposing an allusion to a mode of
Sunishraent by which criminals were put to
cath, by being pounded in a mortar. A cus-
tom of this kind existed among the Turks, but
there is no distinct trace of it among the He-
brews. Such, however, is supposed to be the
reference in the proverb by Mr. Roberts, who
illustrates it from his Indian experience.
Morter (Gen. xi. 3; Ex. i. 14; Lev. xiv.
42, 45 ; Is. xli. 25 ; Ez. xiii. 10, 11, 14, 15, xxii.
23; Nah. iii. 14). The various compacting
substances used in Oriental buildings appear
to be — 1 . bitumen, as in the Babylonian struc-
tures ; 2. common mud or moistened clay ; 3. a
very firm cement compounded of sand, ashes,
and lime, in the proportions respectively of 1,
9., 3, well pounded, sometimes mixed and some-
times coated with oil, so as to form a surface
almost impenetrable to wet or the weather. In
Assyrian and also Egyptian brick buildings
stubble or straw, as hair or wool among our-
selves, was added to increase the tenacity.
Mo'serah, Deut. x. 6, apparently the same
as Moserotn, Num. xxxiii. 30, its plural
form, the name of a place near Mount Hor.
Hcngstenberg thinks it lay in the Arabah,
where that mountain overhangs it. Burck-
hardt suggests that possibly Waay Mouta, near
Petra and Mount Hor, may contain a corrup-
tion of Mosera. This does not seem likely.
Moses (Heb. Motheh = " drawn "), the
legislator of the Jewish people, and in a cer-
tain sense the founder of the Jewish religion.
His birth and education. The immediate pedi-
gree of Moses is as follows : —
KoLth
I .
)Um\
Bur— MrUro Am.BlibiU Mo.n — Zippormh
, ! ! I
«•*•» llL Bnnr Khuur Omhoni
The fact that he was of the tribe of Levi no
doubt contributed to the selection of that tribe
as the sacred caste. The story of his birth is
thoroughly Egyptian in its scene. The beauty
of the new-born babe induced the mother to
make extraordinary efforts for its preservation
from the general destruction of the male chil-
dren of Israel. For three months, the child
was concealed in the house. Then his mother
placed him in a small bout or basket of papy-
rus, closed against the water by bitumen. This
was placed among the aquatic vegetation by
the side of one of the canals of the Nile. The
mother departed as if unable to bear the sight.
The sister lingered to watch her brother's fate.
The Egyptian princess came down, after the
Homeric simplicity of the age, to bathe in the
sacred river. Her attendant slaves followed
her. She saw the basket in the flags, and de-
spatched divers after it. The divers, or one of
the female slaves, brought it. It was opened,
and the cry of the child moved tho princess to
compassion. She determined to rear it as her
own. The sister was at hand to recommend a
Hebrew nurse. The child was brought up as
the princess's son, and the memory ot the inci-
dent was long cherished in the name given to
the foundling of the water's side — whether
according to its Hebrew or Egyptian form.
Its Hebrew form is Mosheh, from ifdshah, " to
draw out " — " because I have drawn him out
of the water." But this is probably the He-
brew form given to a foreign word. In Coptic,
mo = water, and ushe = saved. This is the
explanation given by Josephus. The child was
adopted by the princess.
From this time for many years, Moses must
be considered as an Egyptian. In tho Penta-
teuch, this period is a blank ; but in tho N. ' T he
is represented as " educated in all the wisdom
of the Egyptians," and as " mighty in words
and deeds (Acts vii. 22). But the time at
last arrived when he was resolved to reclaim
his nationality (Hcb. xi. 24-26). Seeing an
Israelite suffering the bastinado from an Egyp-
tian, and thinking that they were alone, he slew
the Egyptian, and buried the corpse in the sand.
The fire of patriotism which thus turned him
into a deliverer from the oppressors turns him
into the peace-maker of the oppressed. It is
characteristic of the faithfulness of the Jew-
ish records that his flight is there occasioned
rather by the malignity of his countrymen than
by the enmity of the Egyptians. He fled into
Midian. Beyond the fact that it was in or
near the Peninsula of Sinai, its precise situation
is unknown. There was a .Xmous well ("the
well," Ex. ii. 15) surrounded bv tanks for the
watering of the flocks of the Bedouin herds-
men. By this well, the fugitive seated himself,
and watched the gathering of the sheep. There
were the Arabian shepherds, and there were
also seven maidens, whom the shepherds rudely
drove away from the water. The chivalrous
spirit which bad already broken forth in behalf
of his oppressed countrymen broke forth again
in behalf of tho distressed maidens. They re-
turned unusually soon to their father, and told
him of their adventure. Moses, who up to this
time had been "an Egyptian" (Ex. ii. 19),
now became for forty years (Acts vii. 80) an
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Arabian. He married Zipporah, daughter of
his boat, to whom he also became the slave and
shepherd (Ex. ii. SI, iii. 1).
But the chief effect of this stay in Arabia is
on Moses himself. It was in the seclusion and
simplicity of his sbepberd-life that he received
his call as a prophet. The traditional scene of
this great event is in the Valley of Shoayb, or
Hobab, on the N. side of Jtba Muta. The
original indications are too slight to enable ns
to fix the spot with any certainty. It was at
"the bock of the wilderness" at Horeb (Ex.
iii. 1), "the mountain of God." Upon the
mountain was a well-known acacia, the thorn-
tree of the desert, spreading out its tangled
branches thick set with white thorn, over the
rocky ground. It was this tree which became
the symbol of the Divine Presence : a flame of
fire in the midst of it, in which the dry branches
would naturally have crackled and burnt in a
moment, but which played around it without
consuming it. The rocky ground at once be-
came " holy," and the shepherd's sandal was to
be token off no less than on the threshold of a
palace or a temple. The call or revelation was
twofold — 1. The declaration of the Sacred
Name expresses the eternal self-existence of the
One God. 2. The mission was given to Moses
to deliver his people. The two signs are char-
acteristic, the one of his past Egyptian life, the
other of his active shepherd life. In the rush
of leprosy into his hand is the link between
him and the people whom the Egyptians called
a nation of lepers. In the transformation of
his shepherd's staff is the glorification of the
simple pastoral life, of which that staff was the
symbol, into the great career which lay be-
fore it.
He returns to Egypt from his exile. His
Arabian wife and her two infant sons are with
him. She is seated with them on the ass. He
apparently walks by their side with his shep-
herd's staff. On the journey back to Egypt, a
mysterious incident occurred in the family.
The most probable explanation seems to be,
that, at the caravanserai, cither Moses or Ger-
shom was struck with what seemed to be a
mortal illness. In some way, this illness was
connected by Zipporah with the fact that her
son had not been circumcised. She instantly
performed the rite, and threw the sharp instru-
ment, stained with the fresh blood, at the feet
of her husband, exclaiming, in the agony of a
mother's anxiety for the life of her child, " A
bloody husband thou art, to cause the death of
my son." Then, when the recovery from the
illness took place, she exclaims again, " A
bloody husband still thou art, but not so as
to cause the child's death, but only to bring
about his circumcision." It would seem to
have been in consequence of this event, what-
ever it was, that the wife and her children were
sent back to Jethro.and remained with him till
Moses joined them at Rephidim (Ex. xviii.
2-6).
After this parting he advanced into the des-
ert, and, at the same spot where he had had his
vision, encountered Aaron (Ex. iv. 27). From
that meeting and co-operation we have the first
distinct indication of his personal appearance
and character. But beyond the slight glance
at bis infantine beauty, no hint of this grantl
personality is given in the Bible. What is de-
scribed is rather the reverse. The only point
there brought out U a singular and unlooked-for
infirmity. " I am slow of speech and of a slow
tongue. In the solution of this difficulty which
Moses offers, we read both the disinterestedness,
which is the most distinct trait of his personal
character, and the future relation of the two
brothers. Aaron spoke and acted for Moses,
and was the permanent inheritor of the sacred
staff of power. But Moses was the inspiring
soul behind. The history of Moses hence-
forth is the history of Israel for forty years. It
is important to trace his relation to his imme-
diate circle of followers. In the Exodus, he
takes the decisive lead on the night of the
flight. Up to that point, he aud Aaron ap-
pear almost on an equality. Bat after that,
Moses is usually mentioned alone. Aaron still
held the second place. Another, nearly canal
to Aaron, is Hua, of the tribe of Judah. Mi«~
iam always held the independent position to
which her age entitled her. Her part was to
supply the voice and song to her brother's pro-
phetic power. But Moses is incontestably the
chief personage of the history, in a sense in
which no one else is described before or since.
He was led into a closer communion with the
invisible world than was vouchsafed to any
other in the O. T. There are two main char-
acters in which he appears, as a leader, and as
a prophet, (a.) As a leader, his life divide*
itself into the three epochs, — of the inarch to
Sinai, the march from Sinai to Kadesh, and
the conquest of the trans-Jordonic kingdoms.
Of bis natural gifts in this capacity, we have
but few means of judging. The two main diffi-
culties which he encountered were the reluctance
of the people to submit to his guidance, and
the impracticable nature of the country which
they had to traverse. The incidents with
which his name was especially connected
both in the sacred narrative, and in the Jew-
ish, Arabian, and heathen traditions, were
those of supplying water when most wanted.
In the Pentateuch, these supplies of water take
place at Marah, at Horeb, at Kadesh, and in
the land of Moab. Of the three first of these
incidents, traditional sites, bearing his name,
are shown in the desert at the present day,
though most of them are rejected by modern
travellers. The route through the wilderness
is described as having been made under hi*
guidance. The particular spot of the encamp-
ment is fixed by the cloudy pillar. But the di-
rection of the people first to the Red Sea, and
then to Mount Sinai, is communicated through
Moses, or given by him.
On approaching Palestine, the office of the
leader becomes blended with that of the general
or the conqueror. By Moses, the spies were
sent to explore the country. Against his ad-
vice took place the first disastrous battle at
Hormah. To his guidance is ascribed the cir-
, cuitous route by which the nation approached
j Palestine from the east, and to his generalship
the two successful campaigns in which Siaos
and Oo were defeated. The narrative is told
so shortly, that we are in danger of forgetting
I that, at this last stage of his life, Mote* must
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bave been as much a conqueror and victori-
ous soldier as Joshua. (6.) His character as a
prophet is, from the nature of the case, more
distinctly brought out He is the first as he is
the greatest example of a prophet in the O. T.
In a certain sense, he appears as the centre of
a prophetic circle, now for the first time named.
His brother and sister were both endowed with
prophetic gifts. The seventy elders, and Eldad
and Medad also, all "prophesied" (Num. xi.
25-27). But Moses rose high above all these.
With him the divine revelations were made,
" mouth to mouth, even apparently, and not in
-dark speeches, and the similitude of Jehovah
shall he behold " (Num. xii. 8). Of the espe-
cial modes of this more direct communication,
four great examples are given, corresponding
to four critical epochs in his historical career.
(1.) The appearance of the Divine Presence in
the flaming acacia-tree has been already noticed.
No form is described. " The Angel," or " Mes-
senger," is spoken of as being "in the flame"
(Ex. iii. 2-6). (2.) In the giving of the Law
from Mount Sinai, the outward form of the
revelation was a thick darkness as of a thun-
der-cloud, out of which proceeded a voice (Ex.
xix. 19, xx. 21 ). The revelation on this occa-
sion was especially of the name of Jehovah.
On two occasions he is described as having
penetrated within the darkness, and remained
there successively, for two periods of forty
days, of which the second was spent in ab-
solute seclusion and fasting (Ex. xxiv. 18,
xxxiv. 28). (3.) It was nearly at the close
of those communications in the mountains
-of Sinai that an especial revelation was made
to him personally. In the despondency pro-
duced by the apostasy of the molten calf,
he besought Jehovah to show him '' His
glory." The divine answer announced that
an actual vision of God was impossible.
" Thon canst not see my face ; for there shall
no man see my face and live." He was com-
manded to hew two blocks of stone, like those
which he had destroyed. He was to come ab-
solutely alone. He took his place on a well-
known or prominent rock (" the rock") (xxxiii.
21). The cloud passed by (xxxiii. 22, xxxiv.
5). A voice proclaimed the two immutable
attributes of God, — Justice and Love, — in
words which became part of the religious creed
jf Israel and of the world (xxxiv. 6, 7). (4.)
The fourth mode of divine manifestation was
lhat which is described as commencing at this
juncture, and which continued with more or less
;ontinuity through the rest of his career.
Immediately after the catastrophe of the wor-
ship of the calf, and apparently in consequence
of it, Moses removed the chief tent outside the
camp, and invested it with a sacred character
under the name of " the Tent or Tabernacle of
the congregation " (xxxiii. 7). This tent became
henceforth the chief scene of his communica-
tions with God. It was during these communi-
cations that a peculiarity is mentioned which ap-
parently had not been seen before. It was on his
final descent from Mount Sinai, after his sec-
ond long seclusion, that a splendor shone on his
face, as if from the glory of the Divine Pres-
ence. There is another form of the prophetic
fift, in which Moses more nearly resembles the
74
later prophets. It is clear that the prophetical
office, as represented in the history of Moses,
included the poetical form of composition which
characterizes the Jewish prophecy generally.
These poetical utterances, whether connected
with Moses by ascription or by actual author-
ship, enter so largely into the full biblical con-
ception of his character, that they must be here
mentioned. I. " The song which Moses and
the children of Israel sung (after the passage
of the Red Sea, Ex. xv. 1-19). 2. A fragment
of a war-song against Amalek (Ex. xvii. 16).
3. A fragment of a lyrical burst of indignation
(Ex. xxxii. 18). 4. Probably, either from him
or his immediate prophetic followers, the frag-
ments of war-songs in Num. xxi. 14, 15, 27-30,
S reserved in the " Dook of the wars of Jehovah/'
[am, xxi. 14 ; and the address to the well, xxi.
16,17,18. 5. The Song of Moses ( Deut. xxxii.
1-43), setting forth the greatness and the fail-
ings of Israel. 6. The blessing of Moses on the
tribes (Deut. xxxiii. 1-29). 7. The 90th Psalm,
" A prayer of Mosek, the man of God." The
title, like all the titles of the psalms, is of
doubtful authority, and the psalm has often
been referred to a later author. How far the
gradual development of these revelations or
prophetic utterances had any connection with
his own character and history, the materials
are not such as to justify any decisive judg-
ment His Egyptian education must, on the
one hand, have supplied him with much of the
ritual of the Israelite worship. The coinci-
dences between the arrangements of the priest-
hood, the dress, the sacrifices, the ark 'n the
two countries, are decisive. On the other hand,
the proclamation of the Unity of God implies
distinct antagonism, almost a conscious recoil
against the Egyptian system. And the absence
of the doctrine of a future state proves at least
a remarkable independence of the Egyptian
theology, in which that great doctrine held so
prominent a place.
The prophetic office of Moses can only bo
fully considered in connection with his whole
character and appearance (Hos. xii. 13). Ho
was in a sense peculiar to himself the founder
and representative of his peoplt . And in ac-
cordance with this complete identification of
himself with his nation is the only strong per-
sonal trait which we are able to gather from his
history (Num. xii. 3). The word " meek " is
hardly an adequate reading ol' the Hebrew
terra, which should be rather " much enduring."
It represents what we should now designate Dy
the word " disinterested." All that is told of
him indicates a withdrawal of himself, a pref-
erence of the cause of his nation to his own
interests, which makes him the most complete
example of Jewish patriotism. In exact con-
formity with his life is the acconnt of his end.
The Book of Deuteronomy describes and is
the long last farewell of the prophet to his
people. It takes place on the first day of the
eleventh month of the fortieth year of the wan-
derings, in the plains of Moab (Deut i. 3, 5).
He is described as 120 years of age, bnt with
his sight and his freshness of strength un-
abated (Deut. xxxiv. 7). The address from ch.
i. to ch. xxx. contains the recapitulation of the
Law. Joshua is then appointed his successor.
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MOUNT
The Law is written out, and ordered to be de-
posited in the Ark (ch. xxxi.). The song and
the blessing of the tribes conclude the farewell
(ch. xxxii., xxxiii.)- And then conies the mys-
terious close. As if to carry out to the last the
idea that the prophet was to lire not for himself,
but for his people, he is told that he is to see
the good land beyond the Jordan, but not to
possess it himself. The sin for which this pen-
alty was imposed on the prophet is difficult to
ascertain clearly. He ascends a mountain in
the range which rises above the Jordan Val-
ley. The mountain tract was known by the
general name of the Pisoah. Its summits
apparently were dedicated to different divinities
(Num. xxiii. 14). On one of these, consecrated
to Nebo, Moses took his stand, and surveyed
the four great masses of Palestine west of the
Jordan — so far as it could be discerned from
that height. The view has passed into a prov-
erb for all nations. " So Moses the servant of
Jehovah died there in the land of Moab, accord-
ing to the word of Jehovah, and he buried him
in a ' ravine ' in the land of Moab, ' before '
Bcth-pcor — but no man knoweth of his sepul-
chre unto this day. . . . And the children of
Israel wept for Moses in the plains of Moab
thirty days " (Dcut. xxxiv. 5, 8).
This is all that is said in the sacred record.
Jewish, Arabian, and Christian traditions have
labored to fill up the detail. His grave, though
studiously concealed in the sacred narrative, is
shown by the Mussulmans on the west (and
therefore the wrong) side of the Jordan, be-
tween the Dead Sea and St. Saba. In the
O. T. the name of Moses does not occur so fre-
quently, after the close of the Pentateuch, as
might be expected. In the Psalms and the
Prophets, however, he is frequently named as
the chief of the prophets. In the'N. T. he is
referred to partly as the representative of the
Law — as in the numerous passages cited above
— and in the vision of the Transfiguration,
where he appears side by side with Elijah. As !
the author of the Law, he is contrasted with
Christ, the Author of the Gospel : " The Law
was given by Moses " (John 1. 17). The am-
biguity and transitory nature of his glory is set
against the permanence and clearness of Chris-
tianity (2 Cor. iii. 13-18), and his mediatorial
character against the unbroken communication
of God in Christ (Gal. iii. 19). His " service "
of God is contrasted with Christ's sonship
(Heb. iii. 5, 6). But he is also spoken of as a
likeness of Christ ; and as this is a point of
riew which has been almost lost in the Church,
compared with the more familiar comparisons
of Christ to Adam, David, Joshua, and yet
has as firm a basis in fact as anv of them, it
may be well to draw it out in detail. 1 . Moses
is, at it would seem, the only character of the
O. T. to whom Christ expressly likens Himself
— "Moses wrote of me" (John v. 46). It
suggests three main points of likeness: — (a.)
Christ was, like Moses, the great Prophet of
the people — the last, as Moses was tlie first.
(6.) Christ, like Moses, is a Lawgiver: " Him
shall ye hear." (c.) Christ, like Moses, was a
prophet out of the midst of the nation —
'from their brethren." As Moses was the en-
tire representative of his people, feeling for
them more than for himself, absorbed in theh
interests, hopes, and fears, so, with reverence
lie it said, was Christ. 2. In Heb. iii. 1-1 9, xu.
24-29, Acts vii. 37, Christ is described, though
more obscurely, as the Moses of the new dis-
pensation — as the Apostle, or Messenger, or
Mediator, of God to the people — as the Con-
troller and Leader of the flock or household of
God. 3. The details of their lives are some-
times, though not often, compared (Acts vii.
24-28, 35). In Jude 9 is an allusion to an
altercation between Michael and Satan over
the body of Moses. It probably refers to
a lost apocryphal book, mentioned by Ori-
gen, called the " Ascension, or Assumption
of Moses." — Respecting the books of Moses,
see Pentateuch.
Mosollam = Meshullam II (1 Esd. ix.
14 ; comp. Ezr. x. 15). Ap.
Mosollamon = Meshullam 10 (1 Esd.
viii. 44 ; comp. Ezr. viii. 16). Ap.
Moth (Heb. 'ash). By the Hebrew word
we are certainly to understand some species of
clothes-moth [tinea). Reference to the destruc-
tive habits of the clothes-moth is made in Job
iv. 19, xiii. 28; Ps. xxxix. 11, Ac. In Job
xxvii. 18, " He buildeth his bouse as a moth,"
it is clear that allusion is made either to ths
well-known case of the 77nea jieUhaeOa, or some
allied species, or else to the leaf-building larva
of some other member of the Lepidoptera. The
clothes-moths belong to the group Traetaa,
order Lepidoptera.
Mother. The superiority of the Hebrew
over all contemporaneous systems of legislation
and of morals is strongly shown in the higher
estimation of the mother in the Jewish family,
as contrasted with modern Oriental, as well »M
ancient Oriental and classical usage. The king's
mother, as appears in the case of Bathshebs,
was treated with especial honor (I K. ii. 19;
Ex. xx. 12; Lev. xix. 3; Dcut. v. 16, xxi. 18,
21 ; Prov. x. 1, xv. 20, xvii. 25, xxix. 15,
xxxi. 1, 30).
Mount, Mountain. In the O. T., our
translators have employed this word to represent
the following terms only of the original : ( 1 )
the Heb. har, with its 'derivative or kindred
larar or herer; and (2) the Chaldce tier.- this last
occurs only in Dan. ii. 35, 45. In the New Tes-
tament, it is confined almost exclusively to rep-
resenting bpoc. The Hebrew word har, like the
English " mountain," is employed both for single
eminences more or less isolated, snch as Sinai,
Gerizira, Ebal, Zion, and Olivet, and for ranges,
such as Lebanon. It is also applied to a moun-
tainous country or district. The rariou^ emi-
nences or mountain-districts to which the won]
liar is applied in the O. T. are as follows :
Ababim ; Amana ; op the Amalkkites ; or
the Amobitbs; Ababat; Baalah ; Baal-
Hermov ; Bashax ; Bethel ; Betreb ; Car-
mel; Ebal; Ephraim; Ephron; Esad;
Gaash ; Gerizim; Gilboa; Gilead; Ha-
lak ; Heres ; Hkrmon ; Hob (2) ; Horeb ; op
Israel; Jearim; Judaii; Olivet, or or
Olives; Mizar; Mori ah; Napiitali; Ns>
iio; Paean; Perazim; Samaria; Seir;
Sephab ; Sinai ; Sion, Sirion, or Shenib
(all names for Hermon); Siiapher ; Tabor ;
Zalmon; Zkmaraim; Zion. The Mount op
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tub Valley was a district on the east of Jor-
dan, within the territory allotted to Reuben
(Josh. xiii. 19), containing a number of towns.
The frequent occurrence throughout the Scrip-
tures of personification of the natural features
of the country is very remarkable. The follow-
ing are, it is believed, all the words used with
this object in relation to mountains or hills : —
1 . Head, liusk, Gen. viii. 5 ; Ex. xix. 20 ; Dent,
xxxiv. I; IK. xviii. 42 (A. V. "top"). 2.
Ears, Azndth. Aznoth-Tabor, Josh. xix. 34 :
possibly in allusion to some projection on the
top of the mountain. 3. Shoulder, Catliiph.
D<iut. xxxiii. 12; Josh. xv. 8, and xviii. 16
("sido"). 4. Side, Tmd. Used in reference
to a mountain in 1 Sam. xxiii. 26 ; 2 Sain. xiii.
31. 5. Loins or Flanks, Cisldth. Chisloth-
Tabor, Josh. xix. 12. It occurs also in the
name of a villa^u, probably situated on this part
of the mountain, Ha-Cesulloth, i'.e. the "loins"
(Josh. xix. 18). 6. Rib, TkIA. Only used
once, in speaking of the Mount of Olives, 2
S tin. xvi. 13, anil there translated " side." 7.
Back, Sliecem. Possibly the root of the name
of thu town SltecAem, which may be derived from
its situation, as it were on the back of Gerizim.
8. Thigh, Jarcah. Applied to Mount Ephraim,
Judg. xix. 1,18; and to Lebanon, 2 K. xix. 23 ;
Is. xxxvii. 24. Used also for the " sides " of a
cave, 1 Sam. xxiv. 3. 9. The word translated
"covert" in 1 Sam. xxv. 20 is Sel/ter, from
tdthar " to hide," and probably refers to the
shrubbery or thicket through which Abigail's
path lay. In this passage, "hill" should be
" mountain." The Chaldee tur is the name
still given to the Mount of Olives, the Jtbd
et-Tir.
MDUnt (Is. xxix. 3; Jer. vi. 6, &c.).
[SlEOI3.|
Mountain of the Amorites, specifically
mentioned Deut. i. 19, 20 (comp. 44). It seems
to be the range which rises abruptly from the
plateau of et-Tih, running from a little S. of W.
to the N. of E., and of which the extremities
are the Jebet Araif ai-Nakah westward, and
Jebd d:\iukrah eastward, and from which line
the country continues mountainous all the way
to Hebron.
Mourning. The numerous lists of words
employed in Scripture to express the various
actions which are characteristic ot mourning
shows in a great degree the nature of the Jewish
customs in this respect. They appear to have
consisted ehieflv in the following particulars :
— 1. B.;atiug the breast or other parts of the
body. 2. Weeping and screaming in an exces-
sive decree. 3. Wearing sad-colored garments.
4. Son^s of lamentation. 5. Funeral feasts.
6. Employment of persons, especially women,
tolamjru. (1.) One marked feature of Oriental
mourning is what may be called its studied
publicity, and the careful observance of the pre-
scribed ceremonies (Oen. xxiii. 2 ; Job i. 20, ii.
8; Is. xv. 3, &c.). (2.) Among the particular
forms observed, the following may be mentioned :
— a. Rending the clothes (Gen. xxxvii. 29,34,
zliv. 13, Sx.). b. Dressing in sackcloth (Gen.
xxxvii. 34; 2 Sam. Hi. 31, xxi. 10, &c.). c.
Ashes, dust, or earth sprinkled on the person
(2 Sara. xiii. 19, xv. 32, &c.). d. Black or sad-
colored garments (2 Sam. xiv. 2 ; Jer. viii. 21,
&c.). e. Removal of ornaments or neglect of
person (Deut. xxi. 12, 13, &c.). f. Shaving the
head, plucking out the hair of the head or beard
(Lev. x. 6; 2 Sara. xix. 24, Sua.), g. Laving
bare some part of the body (Is. xx. 2, xlvii. 2,
&c.). h. Fasting or abstinence in meat and drink
(2 Sam. i. 12, iii. 35, xii. 16, 22, &c.). i. In the
same direction may be mentioned diminution
in offerings to God, and prohibition to partake
in sacrificial food (Lev. vii. 20 ; Deut. xxvi. 14).
k. Covering the " upper lip," I'.e. the lower part
of the face, and sometimes the head, in token
of silence (Lev. xiii. 45 ; 2 Sam. xv. 30, xix. 4).
/. Cutting the flesh (Jer. xvi. 6, 7, xli. 5).
Beating the body (Ez. xxi. 12; Jer. xxxi. 19).
m. Employment of persons hired for the pur-
pose of mourning (Eccl. xii. 5 ; Jer. ix. 17 ; Am.
v. 16; Matt. ix. 23). n. Akin to this usa^o
the custom for friends or passers-by to join in
the lamentations of bereaved or afflicted persons
(Gen. 1. 3 ; Judg. xi. 40 ; Job ii. 11, xxx. 25,
&c. ). o. The sitting or lying posture in silence
indicative of grief (Gen. xxiii. 3 ; Judg. xx. 26,
&c.). p. Mourning feast and cup of consola-
tion ,Jcr. xvi. 7, 8).
T) e period of mourning varied. In the case
of Jtcob, it was seventy days (Gen. 1. 3) ; of
Aaron (Num. xx. 29) and Mosos (Deut. xxxiv.
8), thirty. A further period of seven days in
Jacob's case, Gen. 1. 10. Seven days for Saul,
which .nay have been an abridged period in
time of national danger, 1 Sara. xxxi. 13. (3.)
Similar practices are noticed in the apocryphal
books. (4.) In Jewish writings not scriptural,
these notices are in the main continued, and in
some cases enlarged. (5.) In the last place we
may mention — a. the idolatrous " mourning foi
Taramuz," Ez. \ iii. 14, as indicating identity of
practice in certain cases among Jews and hea-
thens ; and the custom in later days of offerings
of food at graves, Ecclus. xxx. 18. 6. The pro-
hibition, both to the high-priest and to Naza-
rites, against going into mourning even for a
father or mother, Lev. xiti. 10, 11 ; Num. vi. 7.
The inferior priests were li.nited to the cases of
their near relatives, Lev. xxi. 1, 2, 4. c. The
food eaten during the time of mourning was
regarded as impure, Deut. xxvi 14 ; Jer. xvi.
5, 7 ; Ez. xxiv. 17 ; Hos. ix. 4. »'«.) When we
turn to heathen writers, we find similar usages
prevailing among various nations of antiquity.
(7.) With the practices above mentioned, Ori-
ental and other customs, ancient and modern,
in great measure agree. D'Arvieux says, Arab
men are silent in grief, but the women sci earn,
tear their hair, hands, and face, and throw earth
or sand on their heads. The older women wear
a blue veil and an old abba by way of mourning
garments. They also sing the praises of the
deceased. Niebuhr says both Mahometans nnd
Christians in Egypt hire wailing women, nnd
wail at stated times. Burckhardt says the wo-
men of Atbara in Nubia shave their heads on
the death of their nearest relatives — a custom
prevalent also among several of the peasant
tribes of Upper Egypt. He also mentions wail-
ing women, and a man in distress besmearing
his face with dirt and dnst in token of grief.
In the Arabian Nights are frequent allusions to
similar practices. They also mention ten days
and forty days as period* of mourning. Lane,
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MULBERRY-TREES
588
MUPPIM
■peaking of the modem Egyptians, says, " After
death, the women of the family raise cries of
lamentation called welweleli or wilwil, ottering
the most piercing shrieks, and calling upon the
name of the deceased, ' O, my master ! O, my
resource I O, my misfortune f O, my glory 1 '
(see Jer. xxii. 18.) The females of the neigh-
borhood come to join with them in this con-
clumution : generally, also, the family send for
two or more neddabehs, or public wailing women.
Each brings a tambourine, and, beating them,
they exclaim, ' Alas for him ! ' The female
relatives, domestics, and friends, with their hair
dishevelled, and sometimes with rent clothes,
beating their faces, cry in like manner, ' Alas
for him 1 ' These make no alteration in dress ;
but women, in some cases, dye their shirts,
head-veils, and handkerchiefs, of a dark-bine
color. They visit the tombs at stated periods "
{Mod. Eg. iii. 152, 171, 195).
Mouse (Heb. 'acbar) occurs in Lev. xi. 39 ;
1 Sam. vi. 4, 5 ; Is. lxvi. 17. The Hebrew
word is in all probability generic, and is not in-
tended to denote any particular species of mouse.
The original word denotes a field-ravagcr, and
may therefore comprehend any destructive ro-
dent. It is probable, however, that, in 1 Sam.
vi. 5, " the mice that mar the land " may include
and more particularly refer to the short-tailed
tield-mice (Arvicola agrestti, Flem.), which Dr.
Kitto says cause great destruction to the corn-
lands of Syria.
Mowing. As the great heat of the climate
in Palestine and other similarly situated coun-
tries soon dries up the herbage itself, hay-mak-
ing in our sense of the term is not in use. The
term " hay," therefore, in P. B. version of Ps.
cvi. 20, is incorrect So also Prov. xxvii. 25,
and Is. xv. 6. The " king's mowings " (Am.
vii. 1 ), i'.e. mown grass (Ps. lxxi. 6), may per-
haps refer to some royal right of early pasturage
for the use of the cavalry.
Moza. 1. Son of Caleb the son of Hezron
(1 Chr. ii. 46). 2. Son of Zimri, and descend-
ant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 36, 37, ix. 42, 43).
Mo'zah, one of the cities in the allotment
of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 26 only), named be-
tween hac-Cephirah and Bekem. No trace of
any name resembling Mozah has hitherto been
discovered. Interpreting the name according
to its Hebrew derivation, it may signify " the
spring-head" — the place at which the water
of a spring gushes out. A place of this name
is mentioned in the Mishna as follows : —
" There was a place below Jerusalem named
Mot.-sa ; thither they descended, and gathered
willow-branches, m, for the " Feast or Taber-
nacles " so called. To this the Gemara adds,
" The place was a Colonia, that is, exempt from
the king's tribute." Schwarz (127) would iden-
tify Mozah with the present Kulonieh, a village
about four miles west of Jerusalem on the Jaffa
Road, at the entrance of the great Wady Beit
Haninah.
Mulberry-trees (Heb. becalm) occurs
only in 2 Sam. v. 23 and 24, and 1 Chr. xiv.
14. We are quite unable to determine what
kind of tree is denoted by the Hebrew had. I
The Jewish rabbis, with several modern ver- i
•ions, understand the mullierry-tree ; others re- 1
tain the Hebrew word. Celsius (Hierob. i. 335)
believes the Hebrew bad is identical with a tret
of similar name mentioned in a MS. work of
the Arabic botanical writer Abu'l Fadli, name-
ly, some species of Amurit or BaUamodadnm.
Dr. Boyle refers the Hebrew bad to the Arabic
ShaJTtil-al-bak, " the gnat-tree," which he iden-
tifies with some species of poplar. Roseo-
miiller follows the LXX. of 1 Chr. xiv. 14, and
believes " pear-trees " are signified. As to the
claim of the mulberry-tree to represent the be-
dim of Scripture, it is difficult to see any foun-
dation for such an interpretation. As to the
tree of which Abul Fadli speaks, and which
Sprengel identifies with Amyru Giieadatng, Lin.,
it is impossible that it can denote the bid of
the Hebrew Bible ; for the Amyridaceae are trop-
ical shrubs, and never could have grown in tna
Valley of Rephaim. The explanation given by
Royle, that some poplar is signified, is untena-
ble ; for the Hebrew bad and the Arabic baka
are clearly distinct both in form and significa-
tion, as is evident from the difference of the
second radical letter in each word. Though
there is no evidence to show that the mulberry-
tree occurs in the Hebrew Bible, yet the fruit
of this tree is mentioned in 1 Mace. vi. 34.
Mule, the representative in the A. V. of
the following Hebrew words : — I . Pertd, Pir-
dah, the common and feminine Hebrew nouns
to express the " mule ; " the first of which oc-
curs in numerous passages of the Bible, the lat-
ter only in 1 K. i. 33, 38, 44. It is an interest-
ing fact that we do not read of mules till the
time of David, just at the time when the Israel-
ites were becoming well acquainted with horses.
After this time, horses and mules are in Scrip-
ture often mentioned together. Michaclis con-
jectures that the Israelites first became ac-
quainted with mules in the war which David
carried on with the king of Nisibis (Zobah)
(2 Sam. viii. 3, 4). In Solomon's time, it ii
possible that mules from Egypt occasionally
accompanied the horses which we know the
king of Israel obtained from that country ; for
though the mule is not of frequent occurrence
in the monuments of Egypt, yet it is not easy
to believe that the Egyptians were not well ac-
quainted with this animal. It would appear
that kings and great men only rode on mules.
We do not read of mules at all in the N. T. :
perhaps, therefore, they had ceased to be im-
ported. 2. Itnah [Dromedary J. 3. Ycmim
is found only in Gen. xxxvi. 24, where the
A. V. has " mules " as the rendering of the
word. The passage where the Hebrew name
occurs is one concerning which various expla-
nations have been attempted. Whatever may
be the proper translation of the passage, it is
quite certain that the A.V. is incorrect in its
rendering : — " This was that Anah that fonnd
the mules in the wilderness as he fed the asses
of JCibeon his father." The most probable ex-
planation is that which interprets ffmtm to
mean " warm springs," as the Vulg. has it
Mup'pim, a Bcnjamite, and one of the
fourteen descendants of Rachel who belonged
to the original colony of the sons of Jacob in
Egypt (Gen. xlvi. 21). In Num. xxvi. 39, the
name is written Shupham. In 1 Chr. vii. 12,
15, it is Shuppim (the same as xxvi. 16), and
viii. 5, Shephuphan. Hence it is probable that
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MUSIC
589
MUSIC
Mnppim is a corruption of the text, and that
Shapbam U the true form.
Murder. The principle on which the act
of taking the life of a human being was regard-
ed by the Almighty as a capital offence is stated
on its highest ground as an outrage on the like-
ness of God in man, to be punished even when
caused by an animal (Gen. ix. 5, 6; see also
John viii. 44 ; I John iii. 12, 15). Its second-
ary or social ground appears to be implied in
the direction to replenish the earth, which im-
mediately follows (Gen. ix. 7). The postdilu-
vian command was limited by the Law of Mo-
ses, which, while it protected the accidental
homicide, defined with additional strictness the
crime of murder. It prohibited compensation
or reprieve of the murderer, or his protection if
he took refuge in the refuge-city, or even at the
altar of Jehovah (Ex. xxi. 12, 14; Lev. xxiv.
17, 81 ; 1 K. ii. 5, 6, 31). Bloodshed even in
wai fare was held to involve pollution (Num.
xxxv. 33,34; Dent. xxi. 1,9; 1 Chr. xxviii.
3). It is not certain whether a master who
killed his slave was punished with death (Ex.
xxi. 20). 1 No punishment is mentioned for
suicide attempted, nor does any special restric-
tion appear to have attached to the property of
the suicide (2 Sam. xvii. 23). Striking a preg-
nant woman so as to cause her death was pun-
ishable with death (Ex. xxi. 23). If an ani-
mal known to be vicious caused the death of
any one, not only was the animal destroyed,
but the owner also, if he had taken no steps to
restrain it, was held guilty of murder ( Ex. xxi.
29,31). The duty of executing punishment
on the murderer is in the Law expressly laid
on the " revenger of blood ; " but the question
of guilt was to be previously decided by the Le-
vincal tribunal. In regal times, the duty of ex-
ecution of justice on a murderer seems to have
been assumed to some extent by the sovereign,
as well as the privilege of pardon (2 Sam. xiii.
39, xiv. 7, 11 ; 1 K. ii. 34). It was lawful to
kill a burglar taken at night in the act, but un-
lawful to do so after sunrise (Ex. xxii. 2, 3).
Mu'shi, the son of Merari the son of Ko-
hath (Ex. vi. 19; Num. iii. 20; 1 Chr. vi. 19,
47, xxiii. 21, 23, xxiv. 26, 30).
Music. The inventor of musical instru-
ments, like the first poet and the first forger of
metals, was a Cainite. According to the narra-
tive ot Gen. iv., Jubal the son of Lantech was
" the father of all such as handle the harp and
organ," that is of all players upon stringed and
wind instruments. The first mention of music
in the times after the Deluge is in the narrative
■ The passage refe r red to (Ex. xxt. 20, 21) was
formerly one of the main bulwarks of Amerloan
slavery, and 1) as follows: " If a «*<m smite his
s ervt m tf orhiem>tidvUharod,nndhedleunJerhis
hand, he shall surety bepimithed. ffotioi'kstnniUng,
if me continue a ttaf or two, he shall not be punished t
for he is hi* money."
The word alfclm here rendered punished oeours
thirty-five times In the O. T., and is everywhere but
here rendered " avenge," " take vengeance," or " to
revenge. " The meaning of the statute Is this : If a
master beat his servant to death with a rod, there
Is evidence of intentional mnnler; and the death of
the servant shall certainly be avenged by the death
of the master. If the «enrant lived some rtnys, the
•videoeeof Intent tokiil was wanting, and the niroe
was manslaughter, and to be punished as such,
though not by the death of the master. —Eo.
of Laban's interview with Jacob (Gen. xxxl
27). So that, in whatever way it was pre-
served, the practice of music existed in the up
land country of Syria; and of the three possible
kinds of musical instruments, two were known
and employed to accompany the song. The
three kinds are alluded to in Job xxi. 12. On
the banks of the Red Sea sang Moses and the
children of Israel their triumphal song of deliv-
erance from the hosts of Egypt ; ana Miriam,
in celebration of the same event, exercised one
of her functions as a prophetess by leading a
procession of the women of the camp, chanting
in chorus the burden to the song of Moses,
" Sing ye to Jehovah, for He hath triumphed
gloriously; the horse and his rider hath He
thrown into the sea." The triumphal hymn
of Moses had unquestionably a religious char-
acter about it ; but the employment of music in
religious service, though idolatrous, is more
distinctly marked in the festivities which at-
tended the erection of the golden calf. The
silver trumpets mode by the metal workers of
the tabernacle, which were used to direct the
movements of the camp, point to music of a
very simple kind (Num. x. 1-10). The song
of Deborah and Barak is cast in a distinctly
metrica.' f orm, and was probably intended to be
snng with % mus.'cal accompaniment as one of
the people's songi'. The simpler impromptu
with which the women from the cities of Israel
greeted David after the slaughter of the Philis-
tine was apparently struck off on xhe spur of
the moment, under the influence of the wild
joy with which they welcomed their national
champion, " the darling of the songs of Israel "
(1 Sam. xviii. 6, 7). Up to this time we meet
with nothing like a systematic cultivation of
music among the Hebrews ; but the establish-
ment of the schools of the prophets appears to
have supplied this want. Whatever the stu-
dents of these schools may have been tanght,
music was an essential part of their practice.
Professional musicians soon became attaciiod
to the court. David seems to have gathered
round him " singing men and singing women "
12 Sam. xix. 35). Solomon did the same
Eccl. ii. 8), adding to the luxury of his court
by his patronage of art, and obtaining a repu-
tation himself as no mean composer (1 K. iv.
32).
But the Temple was the great school of
music, and it was consccrateu to its highest
service in the worship of Jehovah. Before,
however, the elaborate arrangements had been
made by David for the temple choir, there must
have been a considerable body of musicians
throughout the conntry (2 Sam. vi. 5) ; and in
the procession which accompanied the ark from
the house of Ohed-cdom, the Lcvites, with Che-
naniah at their head, who had acquired skill
from previous training, played on psalteries,
harps, and cvmbals, to the words of the psalm
of thanksgiving which David had composed for
the occasion (1 Chr. xv., xvi.). It is not im-
probable that the Levites all along had prac-
tised music, and that some musical service was
part of the worship of the tabernacle. The
position which they occupied among the other
tribes naturally favored the cultivation of an
art which is essentially characteristic of a
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MUSIC
690
MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
leisurely and peaceful life. The three great
divisions of the tribe had each a representative
family in the choir. Asaph himself appears to
have played on the cymbals (1 Chr. xvi. 5),
and this was die case with the other leaders
( 1 Chr. xv. 19), perhaps to mark the time more
distinctly, while the rest of the band played on
psalteries and harps. The singers were dis-
tinct from both, as is evident in Ps. lxviii. 25,
" the singers went before, the players on instru-
ments followed after, in the midst of the
damsels playing with timbrels." The "play-
ers on instruments " were the performers upon
stringed instruments, like the psaltery and harp.
The " players on instruments," in Ps. lxxxvii.
7, were different from these last, and were
properly pipers or performers on perforated
wind-instruments (see 1 K. i. 40). " The dam-
sels playing with timbrels " (comp. 1 Chr. xiii.
8) seem to indicate that women took part in
the temple choir. The trumpets, which arc
mentioned among the instruments played before
the ark (1 Chr. xiii. 8), appear to have been
reserved for the priests alone (1 Chr. xv. 24,
xvi. 6). As they were also used in royal proc-
lamations (2 K. xi. 14), they were probably
intended to set forth by way of symbol the
royalty of Jehovah, the theocratic lung of His
people, as well as to sound the alarm against
His enemies (2 Chr. xiii. 12. The altar was
the table of Jehovah (Mai. i. 7), and the sacri-
fices were His feasts (Ex. xxiii. 18) ; so the
solemn music of the Lovitcs corresponded to
the melody by which the banquets of earthly
monarchs were accompanied. The Temple
was His palace, and as the Lerite sentries
watched tne gates by night they chanted the
songs of Zion ; one of these it has been con-
jectured with probability is Ps. exxxiv. In
the private as well as in the religious life of the
Hebrews, music held a prominent place. The
kings had their court musicians (Eccl. ii. 8),
who bewailed their death (2 Chr. xxxv. 25);
and in the luxurious times of the later monarchy
the effeminate gallants of Israel, reeking with
perfumes, and stretched upon their couches of
ivory, were wont at their banquets to ac-
company the song with the tinkling of the
psalterv or guitar (Am. vi. 4-6), and amused
themselves with devising musical instruments
while their nation was perishing. But while
music was thus made to minister to debauchery
and excess, it was the legitimate expression of
mirth and gladness, and the indication of peace
and prosperity. It was only when a curse was
upon the land that the prophet could say, " The
mirth of tabrets ceasctn, the noise of them that
rejoice endeth, the joy of the harp ecaseth, they
shall not drink wine with a song " (Is. xxiv.
8, 9). The bridal processions as they passed
through the streets were accompanied with
music and song (Jer. vii. 34), and these ceased
only when the land was desolate (Ez. xxvi. 13).
The music of the banquets was accompanied
with songs and dancing (Luke xv. 25). The
triumphal processions which celebrated a vic-
tory were enlivened by minstrels and singers
(Ex. xv. 1, 20; Jndg. v. 1, xi. 34; 1 Sam.
xviii. 6, xxi. 11 ; 2 Chr. xx. 28; Jud. xv. 12,
13), and on extraordinary occasions they even
racompanied armies to battle.
Besides songs of triumph, there were also
religious songs (Is. xxx. 29 ; Am. v. 23; Jam.
v. 13), " songs of the temple " (Am. viii. 3), and
songs which were sung in idolatrous worship
(Ex. xxxii. 18). Love-songs arc alluded to in
Ps. xlv. title, and Is. v. 1. There were also
the doleful songs of the funeral-procession, and
the wailing chant of the mourners who went
about the streets, the professional "keening"
of those who were skilful in lamentation (I
Chr. xxxv. 25; Eccl. xii. 5; Jer. ix. 17-20;
Am. v. 16). The grape-gatherers sang as they
gathered in the vintage, and the wine-presses
were trodden with the shout of a song (Is. xvi.
10; Jer. xlviii. 33); the women sang as they
toiled at the mill, and on every occasion the
land of the Hebrews during their national pros-
perity was a land of music and melody. There
is one class of musicians to which allusion is
casually made (Ecclus. ix. 4), and who were
probably foreigners, the harlots who frequented
the streets of great cities, and attracted notice
by singing, and playing the guitar (Is. xxiii. 15,
16). There are two aspects in which music
appears, and about which little satisfactory can
be said : the mysterious influence which it had
in driving out the evil spirit from Saul, and its
intimate connection with prophecy and prophet-
ical inspiration. From the instances in which
it occurs, it is evident that the same Hebrew
root is used to denote the inspiration under
which the prophets spoke and the minstrels
sang. All that can be safely concluded is, that,
in their external manifestations, the effect of
music in exciting the emotions of the sensitive
Hebrews, the frenzy of Saul's madness (I Sam.
xviii. 10), and the religious enthusiasm of ths
prophets, whether of Baal or Jehovah, were so
nearly alike as to be described by the same
word. The case of Saul is more difficult still.
We cannot be admitted to the secret of his dark
malady. Two turning-points in his history are
the two interviews with Samuel, the first (I
Sam. x. 5) and the last, if we except that dread
encounter which the despairing monarch chal-
lenged before the fatal day of Griboa. The last
occasion of their meeting was the disobedience
of Saul in sparing the Amalekites, for which he
was rejected from being king (1 Sam. xv. 26).
Immediately after this, we are told the Spirit of
Jehovah departed from Saul, and an " evil spirit
from Jehovah troubled him" (1 Sam. xvi. 14) ;
and his attendants, who had perhaps witnessed
the strange transformation wrought upon him
bv the music of the prophets, suggested that
trie same means should be employed for his
restoration (1 Sam. xvi. 16, 23). But on two
occasions, when anger and jealousy supervened,
the remedy which had soothed the frenzy of
insanity had lost its charm (1 Sam. xviii. 10,
ll.xix. 9, 10).
Musical Instruments. In addition to
the instruments of music which have been rep-
resented in our version bv some modern word,
and are treated under their respective titles,
there are other terms which are vaguely or
generally rendered. These are — I. DocAivia,
Chald., rendered " instruments of music " in
Dan. vi. 18. The margin gives " or tobie, per-
haps lit. omcn6i'iiet." The last-mentioned ren-
dering is that approved by Gesenius, and seems
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MUSTARD
591
MUTH-LABBEN
moat probable. — 3. Mimtm, rendered with
great probability " stringed-instrument* " in
Fs. cl. 4. It appears to be a general term, but
beyond this nothing is known of it. — 3. 'At&r,
"an instrnment of ten strings," Ps. xcii. 3.
The roll phrase is nebel 'asir, " a ten-stringed
psaltery, as in Ps. xxxiii. 2, cxliv. 9 ; and the
true rendering of the first-mentioned passage
would be " upon an instrument of ten strings,
eveo upon the psaltery." — 4. Shiddah, in Eccl.
ii. 8 only, " I gat me men-singers and women-
singers, and the delights of the sons of men,
musical instruments, and that of all torts." The
words thus rendered hare received a great va-
riety of meanings. But the most probable in-
terpretation to be put upon them is that sug-
gested by a usage of the Talmud, where shidah
denotes a " palanquin " or " litter" for women.
— 5. Shalismm, rendered " instruments of mu-
sic " in the A. V. of 1 Sam. xviii. 6, and
in the margin " three-stringed instruments."
Rcedigcr translates " triangles," which are said
to have been invented in Syria, from the same
root. We have no means of deciding which is
the more correct
Mustard occurs in Matt xiii. 31, xvii. 20 ;
Mark iv. 31 ; Luke xiii. 19, xvii. 6. The sub-
ject of the mustard-tree of Scripture has of
lite years been a matter of considerable con-
troversy, the common mustard-plant being sup-
posed unable to fulfil the demands of the
biblical allusion. In a paper by the late Dr.
Royle, read before the Royal Asiatic Society,
ana published in No. xv. of their Journal
(1844), entitled "On the Identification of the
Mustard-tree of Scripture," the author con-
cludes that the Salcadora Persica is the tree in
question. He supposes the Salvadora Penica
to be the same as the true called Khardal (the
Arabic for mustard), seeds of which are em-
ployed throughout Syria as a substitute for
mustard, of which they have the taste and prop-
erties. This tree, according to the statement
of Mr. Ameuny, a Syrian, quoted by Dr.
Royle, is found all along the banks of the Jor-
dan, near the Lake of Tiberias, and near Da-
mascus, and is said to be generally recognized
in Syria as the mustard-tree of Scripture.
Notwithstanding all that has been adduced by
Dr. Royle in support of bis argument, we con-
fess ourselves unable to believe that the subject
of the mustard-tree of Scripture is thus finally
settled. But, before the claims of the Salvadom
Persica are discussed, it will be well to consid-
er whether some mustard-plant (Sinapis) may
not after all be the mustard-tree of the parable.
The objection commonly made against any
Sinapis being the plant of the parable is, that
the seed grew into " a tree," or, as St. Luke
has it, " a great tree," in the branches of which
the fowls of the air are said to come and lodge.
Now, in answer to the above objection, it is
urged with great truth, that the expression is
figurative and Oriental, and that, in a prover-
bial simile, no literal accuracy is to be expected.
It is an error, for which the language of Scrip-
ture is not accountable, to assert, as Dr. Roylo
and some others have done, that the passage
implies that birds "built their nests in the
tree : the Greek word has no such meaning, the
word merely means " to settle or rest npon "
any thing for a longer or shorter time ; nor Is
there any occasion to suppose that the expres-
sion " fowls of the air " denotes any other than
the smaller insasorial kinds, — linnets, finches,
&c. Hitler's explanation is probably the cor-
rect one, — that the birds came and settled on
the mustard-plant for the sake of the seed, of
whieh they ore very fond. Again, whatever
the Sinapis may be, it is expressly said to be an
herb, or more properly " a garden herb." Irby
and Mangles mention the large size which the
mustard-plant attains in Palestine. In their
journey from Bysan to Adjcloitn, in the Jor-
dan Valley, they crossed a small plain very
thickly covered with herbage, particularly the
mustard-plant, which reached as high as their
horses' beads. Dr. Thomson also says he has
seen the wild mustard on the rich plain of
Akkar as tall as the horse and the rider. If,
then, the wild plant on the rich plain of Akkar
grows as high as a man on horseback, it might
attain to the same or a greater height when in
a cultivated garden. The expression, " which
is indeed the least of all seeds, is in all proba-
bility hyperbolical, to denote a very small seed
indeed, as there are ninny seeds which are
smaller than mustard. '• Vnc Lord in his popu-
lar teaching," says Trenc\ (Notes on Parables.
108), " adhered to the popular language ; " and
the mustard-seed was used proverbially to de-
note any thing very minute.
Mutn-lab"ben. " To the chief musician
upon Muth-labben " is the title of Ps. ix.,
which has given rise to infinite conjecture.
Two difficulties in connection with it have to
be resolved ; fit s to determine the true rtiding
of the Hebrew, «. id then to ascertain it mean-
ing. Neither of these points has beeii satis-
factorily explained. If the reading of Vulgate
and LXX. be correct with regard to the conso-
nants, the words might be 'tu Sldmith, " upon
Alamoth," as in the title of Ps. xlvi ; and loo-
ben is possibly a fragment of libnt Korach,
" for the sons of Koran," which appears in the
same title. But if the Masorctic reading be
the true one, it is hard to attach any meaning
to it The Targum renders the title of the
psalm, — "on tho death of the man who jame
forth from between the camps," alluding to
Goliath, tho Philistine champion (1 Sum. xvii.
4). Others render it "on the death of the
son," and apply it tc Absnlom. Rashi's words
are — " But I say that this song is of the future
to como, when the childhood and youth of Israel
shall be made white, and their righteousness
be revealed, and their salvation draw nh; fi, when
Esau and his seed shall be blotted "*«t." Do-
ncsh supposes that lalJmt was the na.no of a
man who warred with David in those days, and
to whom reference is made as " the wicked " in
verse 5. Arama (quoted bv Dr. Gill in his
Ex/nsition) identifies him with Snnl. As a last
resource, Kimchi suggests that tho title was in-
tended to convev instructions to the Levite
minstrel Ben (1 Chr. xv. 18). There is reason,
however, to suspect that the reading in this
verse is corrupt, as the name is not repented
with the others in verse 20. There still remain
to be noticed the conjectures of Dclittsch, that
Muth-labben denotes tne tone or melody with
the words of the song associated with it ; of
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MYRRH
592
MYRTLE
others, that it was a musical instrument ; and
of Hupfeld, that it was the commencement of
an old song, either signifying " die for the son,"
or "death to the son. On all accounts, it
seems extremely probable that the title in its
present form is only a fragment of the original,
which may have been in full what has been
suggested above.
Myn'dus, a town on the coast of Cabia,
between Miletus and Halicarnabscs. We
find in 1 Mace. xv. 23 that it was the residence
of a Jewish population. The name still lingers
in the modern MenUsche, though the remains
of the city are probably at Gumuhlu. Ap.
My'ra, an important town in Ltcia, and
interesting to us as the place where St Paul,
on his voyage to Rome (Acts xxvii. 5), was
removed from the Adramyttian ship which had
brr.ught him from Ctesarea, and entered the
Alexandrian ship in which he was wrecked on
the coast of Malta. Myra (called Dembra by
the Greeks) is remarkable still for its remains
of various periods of history. The tombs,
enriched with ornament, and many of them
having inscriptions in the ancient Lycian char-
acter, show that it must have been wealthy in
early times. Its enormous theatre attests its
considerable population in what may he called
its Greek age. In the deep gorge which leads
into the mountains is a large Byzantine church,
a relic of the Christianity which may have
Iwgnn with St Paul's visit
Saltamottendrtm myrrka.
Myrrh, the representative in the A. V. of
theHebrew words mdr and Ut. — I. M&r is
mentioned, in Ex. xxx. 23, as one of the
ingredients of the " oil of holv ointment ; " in
Esth. ii. 12, as one of the substances used in
the purification of women ; in Ps. xlv. 8, Prov.
vii. 17, and in several passages in Canticles, as
a perfume. The Greek occurs in Matt. ii. 11
amongst the gifts brought by the wise men to
the infant Jesus ; and in Mark xv. 23, it is said
that " wine mingled with myrrh " was offered
to, bat refused by, our Lord on the cross.
Myrrh was also used for embalming (see John
xix. 39, and Herod, ii. 86). Various conjec-
tures have been made as to the real nature of
the substance denoted by the Hebrew mSr (see
Celsius, Hienb. i. 522), and much doubt ha*
existed as to the countries in which it is pro-
duced. According to the testimony of Herod-
otus (iii. 107), Dioscorides (i. 77), Theopbras-
tus (ix. 4, §1), Diodorus Siculus (ii. 49),
Strabo, Pliny, &c., the tree which produces
myrrh grows in Arabia. Forskil mentions
two myrrh-producing trees, Amgru Kataf and
Amyris Kajid, as occurring near Haes in Ara-
bia Felix. The myrrh-tree which Ehrenberg
and Hcmprich found in the borders of Arabia
Felix, and that which Mr. Johnson saw in
Abyssinia, are believed to be identical ; the tree
is the Balaamodendrm myrrha, " a low, thorny,
ragged - looking tree, with bright trifoliate
leaves : " it is probably the ifurr of AbuT Fadli,
of which he says " mnrr is the Arabic name of
a thorny tree like an acacia, from which flow?
a white liquid, which thickens, and becomes a
gum." The Balsamodendron myrrha, which
produces the myrrh of commerce, has a wood
and bark which emit a strong odor ; the gum
which exudes from the bark is at first oily,
but becomes hard by exposure to the air: it
belongs to the natural order Tertbinthaceve. For
the " wine mingled with myrrh," see Gall. —
2. Lot, erroneously translated " myrrh " in the
A. V. in Gen. xxxvii. 25, xliii. 11, the only
two passages where the word is found, is gener-
ally considered to denote the odorous resin
which exudes from the branches of the CUUa
creticus, known bv the name of ladcmvm or
labdanum. It is clear that Ut cannot signify
" myrrh," which is not produced in Palestine,
yet the scriptural passages in Genesis speak of
this substance as being exported from Gilead
into Egypt. There are several species of Cistus,
all of winch are believed to yield the gum lada-
num ; but the species mentioned by Dioscorides
is in all probability identical with the one
which is found in Palestine, viz., the Cistas
creticus. There can be no doubt that the He-
brew lot, the Arabic ladan, the Greek Aijoavcv,
the Latin and English laiiamim, are identical.
The Cistus belongs to the natural order Cis-
taceat, the rock-rose family.
Myrtle (Hcb. hadat). There is no donbt
that the A. V. is correct in its translation of
the Hebrew word, for all the old versions are
agreed upon the point, and the identical noun
occurs in Arabic as the name of the " ramie."
Mention of the myrtle is made in Neh. viii. 15;
Is. xli. 19, Iv. 13; Zech. i. 8, 10, II. The
modern Jews still adorn with myrtle the booths
and sheds at the Feast of Tabernacles. Form-
erly, as we learn from Nehcmiah (viii. 15),
myrtles grew on the hills about Jerusalem.
" On Olivet," says Dean Stanley, " nothing is
now to be seen but the olive and the fig tree : "
on some of the hills, however, near Jerusalem,
Hasselquist observed the myrtle. Dr. Hooker
says it is not uncommon in "Samaria and Gali-
lee. There are several of the species of the
genus Myrtns; but the Myrtnt communit is the
only kind denoted by the Hebrew Hadat: H
belongs to the natural order Myrtacece, and b
too well known to need description.
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NAAMAN
693
NAARATH
My'sia. If we were required to fix the
exact limits of this north-western district of
Asia Minor, a long discussion might be neces-
sary. But it is mentioned only once in the
N.T. (Acts xvi. 7, 8), and that cursorily, and
in reference to a passing journey. The best
description that can be given of Mysia at this
time is that it was the region about the frontier
of the provinces of Asia and Bithynia. The
term is evidently used in an ethnological, not
• political sense.
N.
Ma'am. One of the sons of Caleb the son
of Jcphunneh (1 Chr. iv. 15).
Na'amah. 1. One of the fonr women
whose names are preserved in the records of
the world before the Flood; all except Ere
being Cainites. She was daughter of Lamech
by his wife Zillah, and sister, as is expressly
mentioned, to Tubal-Cain (Gen. iv. 22 only).
— 2. Mother of King Rehoboam (1 K. xiv. 21,
31 ; 2 Chr. xii. 13). On each occasion she is
distinguished by the title " the (not ' an/ as in
A. V.) Ammonite." She was therefore one of
the foreign women whom Solomon took into
his establishment (1 K. xi. 1). In the LXX.
il K. xii. 24, answering to xiv. 31 of the
lebrew text), she is stated to have been the
"daughter of Ana (i.«. Hanun) the son of
Nahash."
Na'amah, one of the towns of Judah in
the district of the lowland or Shefelah (Josh,
xv. 41 ). Nothing more is known of it.
Na'amail — or, to give him the title con-
ferred on him by our Lord, "Naaman the
Syrian." An Aramite warrior, a remarkable
incident in whose life is preserved to us through
his connection with the prophet Elisha. The
narrative is given in 2 K. v. Of Naaman the
Syrian there is no mention in the Bible except
74
in this connection. But a Jewish tradition, at
least as old as the time of Josephus {^4 jjf. viii.
15, § 5), and which may very well be a genuine
one, identifies him with the archer whose iirrow,
whether at random or not, struck Ahab with
his mortal wound, and thus "gave deliverance
to Syria." The expression is remarkable —
" because that by him Jehovah had given de-
liverance to Syria." The most natural ex-
planation perhaps is that Naaman, in delivering
his country, had killed one who was the enemy
of Jehovah not less than he was of Syria.
Whatever the particular exploit referred to was,
it had given Naaman a great position at the
court of Bcnhadad. He was commander-in-
chief of the army, and was nearest to the per-
son of the king, whom he accompanied offi-
cially, and supported, when he went to worship
in the temple of Rimmon (ver. 18). He was
afflicted with a leprosy of the white kind (ver.
27), which had hitherto defied cure. The cir-
cumstances of his visit to Elisha have been
drawn out under the latter head, and need not
be repeated here. His request to bo allowed
to take away two mules' burthen of earth is
not easy to understand. The natural explana-
tion is, that, with a feeling akin to that which
prompted the Pisan invaders to take away the
earth of Aceldama for the Campo Santo at
Pisa, the grateful convert to Jehovah wished to
take away some of the earth of His country, to
form an altar. But in the narrative there is
no mention of an altar. How long Naaman
lived to continue a worshipper of Jehovah
while assisting officially at the worship of Rim-
mon, we ore not told.
Na'aman. One of the family of Benjamin
who came down to Egypt with Jacob, as read
in Gen. xlvi. 21 . According to the LXX. ver-
sion of that passage he was the son of Bela, which
is the parentage assigned to him in Num.
xxvi. 40, where, in the enumeration of the sons
of Benjamin, he is said to be the son of Bela,
and head of the family of the Naomites. He is
also reckoned among the sons of Bela in 1 Chr.
viii. 3, 4.
Na&m'athite, the Gentile name of one of
Job's friends, Zophar the Naamathite (Job. ii.
11, xi. 1, xx. 1, xlii. 9). There is no other
trace of this name in the Bible, and the town
whence it is derived is unknown. If we may
judge from modern usage, several places so
called probably existed on the Arabian borders
of Syria.
Na'amites, the. the famil v descended from
Naaman, the grandson of Benjamin (Nnm.
xxvi. 40 only).
Na'arah, the second wife of Ashiir, a
descendant of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 5, 6).
Maara'i. One of the valiant men of Da-
vid's armies (1 Chr. xi. 37). In 1 Chr. ho is
called the son of Exbai ; but in 2 Sam. xxiii.
35 he appears as " Paarai the Arbitc." Kenni-
cott decides that the former is correct.
Na'aran, a city of Ephraim, which in a
very ancient record (1 Chr. vii. 28) is mentioned
as the eastern limit of the trilie. It is very
probably identical with Naarath, or more
accurately Naarah.
Naarath (the Hcb. is = to Naarah, which
is therefore the real form of the name), a place
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NABAL
594
MACHOS
named (Josh. xri. 7 only) as one of the land-
marks on the (southern) boundary of Ephraim.
It appears to have lain between Ataroth and
Jericho. If Ataroth be the present Atara, then
Naitrah was probably somewhere lower down
the wady. Euscbius and Jerome speak of it as
if well known to them — " Naorath, a small vil-
lage of the Jews, five miles from Jericho."
Scliwarz (147) fixes it at " Neama," also "five
miles from Jericho," meaning perhaps Na'imeh,
the name of the lower part of the great Wady
JUiduah or el- Asm.
Naash'on. [Nahshon.I
Naas'son. The Greek form of the name
Nahshon (Matt t. 4; Lake iii. 32 only).
Na'athUS. One of the family of Addi
(1 Esd. ix. 31). Ap.
NaTsalj one of the characters introduced to
as in David's wanderings, apparently to give
one detailed glimpse of his whole 'state of
life at that time (1 Sam. zxv.). He was
a sheep-master on the confines of Judaea
and the desert, in that part of the country
which bore from its great conqueror the name
of Caleb (1 Sam. xxx. 14, xxv. 3). He was
himself, according to Josephus, a Ziphite, and
his residence Eminuus, a place of that name
not otherwise known, on the southern Carmel,
in the pasture-lands of Maon. His wealth, as
might be expected from his abode, consisted
chiefly of sheep and goats, which, as in Pales-
tine nt the time of the Christian era (Matt.
xxv. ), and at the present day, fed together. The
tradition preserved in this case the exact num-
ber of each — 3,000 of the former, 1,000 of the
latter. It was the custom of the shepherds to
drive them into the wild downs on the slopes of
Carmel ; and il was whilst they were on one of
these pastoral excursions that they met a band
of outlaws, who showed them unexpected kind-
ness, protecting them by day and night, and
never themselves committing any depreda-
tions (xxv. 7, 15, 16). Once a year there
was a grand banquet on Carmel, "like the
feast of a king" (xxv. 2, 4, 36). It was
on one of these occasions that Nabal come
across the path of the man to whom he owes
his place in history. Ten youths from the
chief of the freobooters approached him with a
triple salutation, enumerated the services of
their master, and ended . by claiming, with a
mixture of courtesy and defiance characteristic
of the East, " whatsoever comcth into thy hand
for thy servants and for thy ton David. The
great sheep-master was not disposed to recog-
nize this unexpected parental relation. On
hearing the demand or the ten petitioners, he
sprang up (LXX.), and broke out into fury,
" Who is David 1 and who is the son of Jesse ? "
— " What runaway slaves are these to interfere
with my own domestic arrangements ! " (xxv.
10, 11.) The moment that the messengers
were gone, the shepherds that stood by perceived
the danger that their master and themselves
would incur. To Nabal himself they durst not
speak (xxv. 17). To his wife, as to the good
anirel of the household, one of the shepherds
told the state of affairs. She, with the offerings
usual on such occasions (xxv. 18,comp. xxx. 1 1 ;
2 Sam. xri. 1 ; 1 Chr. xii. 40), loaded the asses
of Nabal 's large establishment — herself mount-
ed one of them, and, with her attendants mi-
ning before her, rode down the hill towards
David's encampment. David had already
made the fatal vow of extermination (xxv. 22).
At this moment, as it would seem, Abigail ap-
peared, threw herself on her face before him.
and poured forth her petition in language which
both in form and expression almost assumes the
tone of poetry. She returns with the news of
David's recantation of his vow. Nalml is then
at the height of his orgies, and his wife dared
not communicate to him either his danger or
his escape (xxv. 36). At break of day she told
him both. The stupid reveller was suddenly
roused to a sense of that which impended over
him. " His heart died within him, and he became
as a stone." It was as if a stroke of apoplexy
or paralysis had fallen upon him. Ten days hie
lingered, " and the lord smote Nabal, and he
died" (xxv. 37, 38).
Nabari'aa. Apparently a corruption of
Zechariah (1 Esd. x. 44; comp. fceh. viii.
4). Ap.
Na'bathitea, the, l Mace. v. 25, ix. ss.
[Nebaioth.J Ap.
NatfOth, victim of Ahab and Jezebel. He
was a Jczreelite, and the owner of a small por-
tion of ground (2 K. ix. 25, 26) that lav on the
eastern slope of the hill of Jczreel. He had
also a vineyard, of which the situation is not
quite certain. According to the Hebrew text
(1 K. xxi. 1 ) it was in Jezreel, but the LXX,
render the whole clause differently. The royal
palace of Ahab was close upon the city wall sit
Jczreel. According to both texts, it* immedi-
ately adjoined the vinevard ( 1 K. xxi. 1 , 2, Heb. ;
1 K. xxi. 2, LXX. ; 2 ft. ix. 30, 36), and it thus
became an object of desire to the king, who
offered an equivalent in monev, or another
vineyard in exchange for this. Naboth, in the
independent spirit of a Jewish landholder, re-
fused. " Jehovah forbid it to me that I should
give the inheritance of my fathers unto thee."
Ahab was cowed by this rcplv ; bnt the proud
spirit of Jezebel was roused. She toot the
matter into her own hands. A solemn fast
was proclaimed, as on the announcement of
some great calamity. Naboth was " set on high "
in the public place of Samaria; two men of
worthless character accused him of having
"cursed God and the king." He and his chil-
dren (2 K. ix. 26) were dragged out of the city
and despatched the same night. The place of
execution there was by the large tank or res-
ervoir which still remains on the slope of
the hill of Samaria, immediately outside the
walls. The usual punishment for blasphemy
was enforced. Naboth and his sons were
stoned ; and the blood from their wounds ran
down into the waters of the tank below.
Nabuchodono'sor. Nebuchadnezzar,
king of Babylon (I Esd. i. 40, 41, 45, 48;
Tob. xiv. 13; Jud. i. 1, 5, 7, 11, 12, ii. I, 4, 19,
iii. 2, 8, iv. 1, vi. 2, 4, xi. 7, 23, xii. 13, xiii.
18). Ap.
Na'chon's Threshing-floor, the place
at which the ark had arrived in its progress
from Kiriath-jearim to Jerusalem, when Uzxaa
lost his life in his too hasty seal for its safety
(2 Sam. vi.6).
Na'chor. L The brother of Abraham
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NAHAM
595
NAHOR
(Josh, xxiv. 2). [Nabob 1.] —2. The grand-
father of Abraham ( Luke ui. 34). [Nahob 2.1
Na'dab. L Tlie eldest son of Aaron and
ElUhcba (Ex. ri. 23 ; Num. Ui. 2). He, his
father and brother, and seventy old men of
Israel, were led out from the midst of the assem-
bled people (Ex. xxir. 1 ), and were commanded
to stay and worship God " afar off," below the
lofty summit of Sinai, where Moses alone was
to come near to the Lord. Subsequently (Lev.
x. 1 ), Nadab and his brother were struck dead
before the sanctuary by fire from the Lord.
Their offence was kindling the incense in their
censers with " strange " fire, i-e, not taken from
that which burned perpetually (Lev. vi. 13) on
the altar. — 2. King Jeroboam's son, who suc-
ceeded to the throne of Israel b.c. 954, and
reigned two years ( 1 K. xr. 25-31 ). At the
siege of Gibbethon, a conspiracy broke out in
the midst of the army, and the King was slain
by Baasha, a man of Issachar. — 3. A son of
Shammai (1 Chr. ii. 28), of the tribe of Judah.
— 4. A son of Gibson (1 Chr. viii. 30, ix. 36)
of the tribe of Benjamin.
Nadab'atha, a place from which the bride
was being conducted by the children of Jambri,
when Jonathan and Simon attacked them
(I Mace ix. 37). That Nadabatha was on
the east of Jordan is most probable. On the
east of Jordan, the only two names that occur
as possible are Nebo and Nabathssa. Ap.
NaKKe, one of the ancestors of Christ
(Luke lit. 25). It represents the Heb. Nogah
(1 Chr. iii. 7). Nagge must have lived about
the time of Onias I. and the commencement of
the Macedonian dynasty.
Nah'alal, one of the cities of Zebulun,
given with its " suburbs " to the Merarite Le-
vites (Josh. xxi. 35). It is the same which, in
the list of the allotment of Zebulun (Josh. xix.
15), is inaccurately given in the A. V. as Na-
ballal, the Hebrew being in both cases iden-
tical. Elsewhere it is called Nahalol. The
Jerusalem Talmud assert* that Nahalal was in
post-biblical times called Mahlul ; and this
Schwarz identifies with the modern Malid,
a village in the plain of Esdraelon under the
mountains which enclose the plain on the
north, four miles west of Nazareth, and two
of Japhio.
Nah'allal, an inaccurate mode of spelling,
in Josh. xix. IS, the name which, in Josh. xxi.
35. is accurately given as Nahalal.
Nahaliel, ono of the halting-places of Is-
rael in the latter part of their progress to
Canaan (Num. xxi. 19). It lay " beyond,"
that is, north of, the Amon (ver. 13), and
between Mattanah and Bamoth ; the next after
Bamoth being Pisgah. Its name seems to im-
ply that it was a stream or wady, and it is not
impossibly preserved in that of the Wady
EacJtryle, which runs into the •Wo/'efc, the an-
cient Amon, a short distance to the east of the
place at which the rood between Rabba and
Arocr crosses the ravine of the latter river.
Nahalol, a variation in the mode of giv-
ing the name (both in Hebrew and A. V.) of
thj place elsewhere named Nahalal (Judg. i.
30).
NVham. The brother of Hodiah, or Je-
hudijah, wife of Exra (1 Chr. iv. 19).
Nahama'ni. A chief man among those
who returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel
and Jcshua (Neh. vii. 7).
Nahara'i. The armor-bearer of Joab,
called, in the A. V. of 2 Sam. xxiii. 37, Na-
habi. He was a native of Beeroth (1 Chr.
xi. 39).
NaTiari. The same as Nahakai (2 Sam.
xxiii. 37). In the A. V. of 1611, the name is
printed " Naiiarai the Berothite."
Naliaah. 1. "Nahash the Ammonite,"
king of the Bene-Ammon at the foundation
of the monarchy in Israel, who dictated to the
inhabitants of Jabesh-Gtlead that cruel alterna-
tive of the loss of their right eyes, or slavery,
which roused the swift wrath of Saul, and
caused the destruction of the Ammonite force
( 1 Sam. xi. 1-1 1 ). " Nahash " would seem to
have been the title of the king of the Ammon-
ites rather than the name of an individual.
Nahash the father of Hanun had rendered Da-
vid some special and valuable service, which
David was anxious for an opportunity of re-
quiting (2 Sam. x. 2). The Jewish traditions
affirm that it consisted in his having afforded
protection to one of David's brothers, who es-
caped alone when his family were massacred by
the treacherous king of Moab, to whose care
they had been intrusted by David (1 Sam.
xxii. 3, 4), and who found an asylum with
Nahash. The retribution exacted by David
for the annoying insults of Hanun is related
elsewhere. — 2. A person mentioned once only
(2 Sam. xvii. 25) in stating the parentage of
Amasa, the commander-in-chief of Absalom's
army. Amasa is there said to have been the
son of a certain Ithra, by Abigail, " daughter
of Nahash, and sister to Zeruiah." By the
genealogy of 1 Chr. ii. 16, it appears that Ze-
ruiah and Abigail were sisters of David and
the other children of Jesse. The question then
arises, How could Abigail have been at the
same time daughter of Nahash and sister to
the children of Jesse 1 To this, three answers
may be given : — 1. The universal tradition of
the rabbis that Nahash and Jesse were identi-
cal. 2. The explanation first put forth by Dr.
Stanley in this work, that Nahash was the king
of the Ammonites, and that the same woman
had first been his wife or concubine — in which
capacity she had given birth to Abigail and
Zeruiah — and afterwards wife to Jesse, and
the mother of his children. 3. A third possi-
ble explanation is, that Nahash was the name,
not of Jesse, nor of a former husband of his
wife, but of his wife herself.
NaTiath. 1. One of the " dukes " or phy-
larchs in the land of Edom, eldest son of Reuel
the son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 13, 17 ; 1 Chr. i.
37). — 2. A Kohathite Levite, son of Zophai
(1 Chr. vi. 26). — 3. A Levite in the reign of
Hczckiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 13).
Nahtri. The son of Vophsi, a Naphtalite,
and one of the twelve spies (Num. xiii. 14).
NaTlor. The name of two persons in the
family of Abraham. — 1. His grandfather:
the son of Serug, and father of Tcrah (Gen. xi.
22-25). — 2. Grandson of the preceding, son
of Terah, and brother of Abraham and Haran
(Gen. xi. 26, 27). The order of the ages of
the family of Terah is not improbably inverted
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NAHUM
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NAHUM
in the narrative ; in which case, Nahor, instead
of being younger than Abraham, was really
older. He married Milcah, the daughter of
his brother Haran ; and when Abraham and
Lot migrated to Canaan, Nahor remained be-
hind in the land of his birth, on the eastern
side of the Euphrates — the boundary between
the Old and the New World of that early age —
and gathered his family around him at the
sepulchre of his father (cornp. 2 Sam. xix. 37).
Like Jacob, and also like Islimuel, Nahor was
the father of twelve sons ; and further, as in the
case of Jacob, eight of them were the children
of his wife, and four of a concubine (Gen.
xxii. 21-24). Special care is taken, in speaking
of the legitimate branch, to specify its descent
from Milcah — " the son of Milcah, which she-
bare unto Nahor." It was to this pure and
unsullied race that Abraham and Rebckoh in
turn had recourse for wives for their sons. But
with Jacob's flight from Haran the intercourse
Nah'shon, or Naash'on, son of Am-
minadab, and prince of the children of Judoh
(as he is styled in the genealogy of Judah, 1
Cbr. ii. 10) at the time of the first numbering
in the wilderness (Exod. vi. 23 ; Num. i. 7, &c.).
His sister, Elisheba, was wife to Aaron ; and his
son, Salmon, was husband to Rahab after the
taking of Jericho. In the encampment, in the
offerings of the princes, and in the order of
march, the first place is assigned to Nabshon
the son of Amminadab as captain of the host
of Judah. He died in the wilderness according
to Num. xxvi. 64, 65 ; but no further particu-
lars of his life are given.
NaTium. "The book of the vision of
Nahum the Elkoshite " stands seventh in order
among the writings of the minor prophets in
the present arrangement of the canon. Of the
author himself, we have no more knowledge
than is afforded us by the scanty title of his
book, which gives no indication whatever of
his date, and leaves his origin obscure. The
site of Elkosh, his native place, is disputed,
some placing it in Galilee, others in Assyria.
Those who maintain the latter view assume
that the prophet's parents were carried into
captivity by Tiglath-pileser, and that the proph-
et was born at the village of Alknsh, on the
east bank of the Tigris, two miles north of
Mosul. _ Ewald is of opinion that the prophecy
was written there at a time when Nineveh was
threatened from without The arguments in
favor of an Assyrian locality for the prophet
are supported by the occurrence of what are
presumed to be Assyrian words. Bnt there is
nothing in the prophecy of Nahum to indicate
that it was written in the immediate neighbor-
hood of Nineveh, and in full view of the scenes
which are depicted ; nor is the language that of
mi exile in an enemy's country. No allusion
is made to the captivity ; while, on the other
hand, the imagery is such as wonld be natural
to an inhabitant of Palestine (i. 4), to whom
the rich pastures of Bashan, the vineyards of
Carmel, and the blossom of Lebanon, were
emblems of all that was luxuriant and fertile.
The language employed in i. IS, ii. 2, is appro-
priate to one who wrote for his countrymen in
their native land. In fact, the sole origin of
the theory that Nabam flourished in Assyria t»
the name of the village Alkusb, which con-
tains his supposed tomb, and, from its similarity
to Elkosh, was apparently selected by mediorrat
tradition as a shnne tor pilgrims. According
to Pseudo-Epiphanius, Nahum was of the triic
of Simeon. The date of Nahum 's prophecy
can be determined with as little precision as
his birthplace. In the Seder Olam Rabha, he is
made contemporary with Joel and Ilaliakkiik
in the reign of Manassch. Synccllus places
him with Hosca, Amos, and Jonah in the rci^n
of Joash king of Israel, more than a century
earlier ; while, according to Eutychius, he was
contemporary with Hoggai, Zcchariuh, and
Malachi, and prophesied in the fifth year after
the destruction of Jerusalem. Joscphus men-
tions him as living in the latter part of the
reign of Jotham. Carpzor concluded that Na-
hum prophesied in the beginning of the reign
of Ahaz, about B.C. 742. Modern writer* are
divided in their suffrages. Bertboldt thinks it
probable that the prophet escaped into Judah
when the ten tribes were earned captive, and
wrote in the reign of Hczckiah. Kcil places
him in the latter naif of Hczekiah's reign, after
the invasion of Sennacherib. Vitringa was of
the like opinion, and the same view is taken by
De Wcttc and Knobel. Junius and Tremellius
select the last years of Josiah as the period at
which Nahum prophesied. The arguments by
which Strauss endeavors to prove that the
prophecy belongs to the time at which Ma-
nassch was in captivity at Babylon, that is be-
tween the years 680 and 667 b'c, are not con-
vincing. That the prophecy was written before
the final downfall of Nineveh, and its capture
by the Medes and Chaldeans (cir. b.c. 6i5),
will be admitted. The allusions to the Assyrian
power imply that it was still unbroken (i. 12,
ii. 13, 14, iii. 15-17). That Palestine was suf-
fering from the effects of Assyrian invasion at
the time of Nahum's writing seems probable
from the allusions in i. 11, 12, 13, ii. 2; and
the vivid description of the Assyrian arma-
ment in ii. 3, 4. At such a time, the prophecy
would be appropriate; and if i. 14 refers to the
death of Sennacherib in the house of Nisroch,
it must have been written before that event.
These circumstances seem to determine the 14th
year of Hezckiah (B.C. 712) as the period before
which the prophecy of Nahum could not have
been written. The condition of Assyria in the
reign of Sennacherib would correspond with
the state of things implied in the prophecy;
and it is on all accounts most probable that
Nahum flourished in the latter half of the rcipn
of Hezekiah, and wrote his prophecy soon after
the date above mentioned, either in Jerusalem
or its neighborhood. The subject of the proph-
ecy is, in accordance with the superscription,
" the burden of Nineveh." The three chapters
into which it is divided form a consecutive
whole. The first chapter is introductory. It
commences with a declaration of the character
of Jehovah, " a God jealous and avenging," as
exhibited in His dealings with His enemies, and
the swift and terrible vengeance with which He
pursues them (i. 2-6), while to those that trust
in Him He is " good, a stronghold in the day
of trouble" (i. 7), in contrast with the over-
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NAHUM
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NANEA
whelrainjj flood which shall sweep away His
foes (i. 8). The language of the prophet now
becomes more special, and points to the de-
struction which awaited the hosts of Assyria
who had just gone up out of Judah (i. 9-11).
lu tho verses th.it follow, the intention of Je-
hovah in still more fully declared, and addressed
first to Judah (i. 12, 13), and then to the mon-
arch of Assyria (i. 14). And now the vision
grow* more distinct. Tho messenger of glad
tiding, the news of Nineveh's downfall, trod
the m»untains that wcro round about Jeru-
salem (i. 15), and proclaimed to Judah the ac-
com;ias!i.nent of her vows. But round the
doomed city gathered the destroying armies ;
" tlu breaker in pieces " had gone up, and
Jehovah mustered His hosts to the kattlo to
avenge His people (ii. 1, 2). The prophet's
min.l iu vision sees the burnished bronze shields
or - the scarlet-clail warriors of tho besieging
army, tho fl.ish.ing steel scythes of the war-
chariots as they are drawn up in battle array,
and the quivering cypress-shafts of their spears
(ii. 3). Tlu Assyrians hasten to the defence :
their chariots rush madly through the streets,
an J run to an.l fro like the lightning in the
broul ways, which glare with their bright
armor like torches. But a panic has seized
their mighty ones ; their ranks are broken as
they march, and they hurry to the wall only to
soothe covered battering-rams of the besiegers
ready for the attack (ii. 4, 5). The crisis
hastens on with terrible rapidity. The river-
gates ait broken in, and the royal palace is in
the hands of the victors (ii. 6). And then
comes the end ; the city is taken and carried
captive, and her maidens " moan as with the
voice of doves," beating their breasts with
sorrow (ii. 7). The flight becomes general, and
the leaders in vain endeavor to stem tho torrent
of fugitives (ii. 8). The wealth of the city
and its accumulated treasures become the spoil
of the captors, and the conquered suffer all the
horrors that follow the assault and storm (ii.
U, 10). Over the charred and blackened ruins,
the prophet, as tho mouthpiece of Jehovah,
«xclaiins in triumph, " Where is the lair of the
lions, the feeding-place of tho young lions,
-where walked lion, lioness, lion's whelp, and
none made (them) afraid?" (ii. 11, 12.) But
for all this the downfall of Nineveh was cer-
tain, for " behold I I am against thee, saith Je-
hovah of hosts" (ii. 13). The vision ends;
and the prophet, recalled from the scenes of the
future to the realities of the present, collects
himself, as it were, for one final outburst of
withering denunciation against the Assyrian
city, not now threatened bv her Median and
ChalJasan conquerors, lint in the full tide of
prosperity, the oppressor and corrupter of na-
tions. Mingled with this woe there is no touch
of sadness or compassion for her fate ; she will
fall anpiticd and unlamented, and with terrible
calmness the prophet pronounces her Anal
doom : " all that near the bruit of thee shall
clap the hands over thee ; for upon whom has
not thy wickedness passed continually?" (iii.
19.) As a poet, Nahum occupies a high place
in the first rank of Hebrew literature. In proof
of this, it is only necessary to refer to the open-
ing verses of bis prophecy (i. 2-6), and to the
magnificent description of the siege and de-
struction of Nineveh in eh. ii. His style U
clear and nninvolved, though pregnant and
forcible ; his diction sonorous and rhythmical,
the words re-echoing to the sense (comp. ii. 4,
iii. 3). For illustrations of Nahum s prophecy,
see the article Nineveh.
Na'idufl = Bbkai ah of the sons of Pahath-
Moab ( 1 Esd. ix. 31 ; comp. Ezr. x. 30). Ap.
Nail. I. (of finger. ) — 1 . A nail or claw of
man or animal. 2. A point or style, e.g. for
writing: see Jer. xvii. 1. Tsippdren occurs in
Deut. xxi. 12, in connection with the verb
'aaah, " to make " (A .V. "pare," but in raarg.
" dress," " suffer to grow "). Much controversy
has arisen on the meaning of this passage ; one
set of interpreters regarding the action as
indicative of mourning, while others refer it
to the laying aside of mourning. Some, who
would thus helong to the latter class, refer it
to the practice of staining the nails with henneh.
Tho word 'atak, " make, is used both of " dress,
ing," i.e. making clean, the feet, and also of
" trimming," i.e. combing and making neat, the
beard, in the case of Mopnibosheth (2 Sam. xix.
24). The captive's he J was probably shaved at
the commencement ol the month, and during
that period her nails were to be allowed to grow
in token of natural sorrow and consequent per-
sonal neglect II. — 1. A nail (Is. xli. 7), a
stake (Is. xxxiii. 20), also a tent-peg. Tent-
pegs are usually of wood and of largo size, but
sometimes, as was the case w "th those used to
fasten the curtains of the Tabernacle, of metal
(Ex. xxvii. 19, xxxviii. 20). 2. A nail, prima-
rily a point. We are told that David prepared
iron for the nails to be used in tho Temple ; and
as the Holy of Holies was plated with gold, the
nails also for fastening the plates were probably
of cold.
Na'in. There are no materials for a long
history or a detailed description of this village
of Galilee, the gate of which is made illustriour
by the raising of the widow's son (Lnkcvii. 12).
The site of the village is certainly known ; and
there can be no doubt as to the apptoach by
which our Saviour was coining when He met
the funeral. The modem A'ein is situated on
the north-western edge of the " Little Herraon,"
or Jebti ed-Duhy, where the ground falls into
the Plain of Esdraelon. Again, the entrance to
the place mnst probably always have bera up the
steep ascent from the plain, and here, on iho west
side of the village, the rock is full of sepulchral
caves.
Na'ioth. or more fully, "Naioth In Ba-
mah ; " a place in which Samuel and David
took refuge together, after the latter had made
his escape from the jealous fury of Saul ( I Sam.
xix. 18, 19, 22, 23, xx. 1). It is evident from
vcr. 18 that Naioth was not actually in Raniah,
Samuel's habitual residence. In its corrected
form the name signifies " habitations," ami from
an early date has been interpreted to meun the
huts or dwellings of a school or college of
prophets over which Samuel presided, as Elisha
did over those at Gilgal and Jericho. This in-
terpretation of Naioth is now generally accepted
by the lexicographers and commentators.
Nane'a, The last act of Antiochus Epiph*
anes was his attempt to plunder the temple
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NAPHTALI
598
NAPHTHAR
of Nanea at Elymais, which had been enriched
by the gifts and trophies of Alexander the Great
(I Mace. vi. 1-4; 2 Mace. i. 13-16). The
Persian goddess Nanea is apparently the moon-
goddess, of whom the Greek Artemis was the
nearest representative in Polybius. Klphinstono
in 181 1 found coins of the Sassanians with the
inscription NANAIA, and on the reverse a fig-
ore with nimbus and lotus-flower. In conse-
quence of a confusion between the Greek and
Eastern mythologies, Nanea has been identified
with Artemis and Aphrodite, the probability
being that she corresponds with the Tauric or
Ephesian Artemis, who was invested with the
attributes of Aphrodite, and represented the
productive power of nature.
Na'omi, the wife of Elimelech, and mother-
in-law of Ruth (Ruth i. 2, &c., ii. 1, &c., iii. I,
iv. 3, &c). The name is derived from a root
signifying sweetness or pleasantness, and this
significance contributes to the point of the par-
onomasia in i. 20, 21, though tho passage con-
tains also a play on tho mere sound of the name :
— " Coll me not Naomi (pleasant), call me Mara
(bitter) . . . why call yc me Naomi when Je-
hovah hath testified against me ? "
Na'phish, the last but oneof the sons of Ish-
mael (Gen. xxv. 15; 1 Chr. i. 31). The tribe
descended from Nodab was subdued by the
Keubenites, tho Gadites, and the half of the tribe
of Manassch, when " they mode war with tho
Hagaritcs, with Jctur, ana Nephish, and Nodab "
( I Chr. r. 1 9). The tribe is not again found in
the sacred records, nor is it mentioned by later
writers. It has not been identified with any
Arabian tribe.
Naph'isi, 1 Esd.v. 31. [Nephcsim.1 Ap.
NaphtaU. The fifth son of Jacob; the
second child borne to him by Bilhah, Rachel's
slave. His birth and the bestowal of his name
are recorded in Gen. xxx. 8 : — " And Rachel
said 'wrestlings (or contortions — raphtule) of
God have I wrestled (niphtalti) with my sister
and have prevailed.' And she called his name
Naphtali. At the migration to Egypt, four sons
are attributed to Naphtali (Gen. xlvi. 24; Ex.
i. 4; 1 Chr. vii. 13). When the census was
taken at Mount Sinai, the tribe numbered no
less than 53,400 fighting men (Num. i. 43, ii.
30). It thus held exactly the middle position
in the nation, having five above it in numbers,
and six below. But when the borders of the
Promised Land were reached, its numbers were
reduced to 45,400, with four only below it in the
scale, one of the four being Ephraira (Num.
xxvi. 48-50; comp. 37). During the march
through the wilderness, Naphtali occupied n po-
sition on the north of the Sacred Tent with Dan
and Asher (Num. ii. 25-31 ). In the apportion-
ment of the land, the lot of Naphtali was not
drawn till the last but one. The territory thus
appropriated was enclosed on three sides by
those of other tribes. On the west lay Asher ;
on the south Zebulun, and on the east the trans-
Jordanic Manasseh. The north terminated with
the ravine of the IMany or Leon tes, and opened
into the splendid vallev which separates the two
ranees of Lebanon. The south boundary was
probably very much the same as that which at
a later time separated Upper from Lower Gali-
lee, and which ran from or about the town of
Alclca to the upper part of the Sea of Gennesaret
Thus Naphtali was cut off from the great Plain
of Esdraelon by the mass of the mountains of
Nazareth ; while on the east it had a communi-
cation with the Sea of Galilee, the rich district
of the Ardet-Huleh and the Merj Afwt, and all
the splendidly watered country about Banka
and Hasbeya, the springs of Jordan. But the
capabilities of these plains and of the access to
the lake were not destined to be developed
while they were in the keeping of the tribe of
Naphtali. It was the mountainous country
(Josh. xx. 7) which formed the chief part of
their inheritance, that impressed or brought out
the qualities for which Naphtali was remarkable
at the one remarkable period of its history.
This district, the modern Bdad-Baharak, or
" land of good tidings," comprises some of toe
most beautiful scenery and some of the most
fertile soil in Palestine, forests surpassing those
of the renowned Carmel itself; as rich in noble
and ever-varying prospects as any country in
the world. Naphtali had its share in those in-
cursions and molestations by the surrounding
heathen, which were the common lot of all the
tribes (Judoh perhaps alone excepted) during
the first centuries after the conquest. One of
these, apparently the severest struggle of all,
fell with special violence on the north of the
country ; and the leader by whom the invasion
was repelled — Barak or Kcdesh-Naphtali —
was the one great hero whom Naphtali is re-
corded to have produced. Gilead and Reuben
lingered beyond the Jordan amongst their flocks:
Dan and Asher preferred the luxurious calm
of their hot lowlands to the free air and fierce
strife of the mountains ; Issachar with char-
acteristic sluggishness seems to have moved
slowly if he moved at all ; but Zebulun and
Naphtali on the summits of their native high-
lands devoted themselves to death, even to an
extravagant pitch of heroism and self-devotion
(Judg. v. 18). After this burst of heroism, tfae
Naphtalites appear to have resigned themselves
to the intercourse with the heathen, which was
the bane of the northern tribes in general, and
of which there ore already indications in Judg.
i. 33. At length, in the reign of Pckah king of
Israel (cir. B.C. 730), Tiglath-Pileser overran
the whole of the north of Israel, swept off tb*
population, and bore them away to Assvria.
But though the history of the tribe of Naphtali
ends here, yet under the title of Galilee the
district which they had formerly occupied waa
destined to become in every way far more im
portant than it had ever before been.
Naph'tali, Mount. The mountainous
district which formed the main part of the in-
heritance of Naphtali (Josh. xx. 7), answering
to " Mount Ephraim " in thecentre and " Mount
Jndah " in the south of Palestine.
Naph'thar. The name given by Ncbemiah
to the substance, which, after the return front
Babylon, was discovered in the dry pit in which,
at the destruction of the Temple, the sacred fire
of the altar had been hidden (2 Mace i. 36 ;
comp. 19). It was either the same aa or closely
allied to the naphtha of modern commerce
(Petroleum). The place from which this com-
bustible wnter was taken was enclosed by the
" King of Persia" (Artaxerxes Longimaous).
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NATHAN
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NAUM
and converted into a sanctuary. In modern
times, it has been identified with the large well
called by the Arabs Bir-ei/ub, situated beneath
Jerusalem, at the confluence of the Valleys of
Kidron and Hinnom with the Wady en-Nar
(or " valley of the fire "). At present it would
bo an equally unsuitable spot either to store fire
or to seek for naphtha. Ap.
Naphtuhim, a Mizraite nation or tribe,
mentioned only in the account of the descend-
ants of Noah (Gen x. 13; 1 Chr. i. 111. If
we may judge from their position in the list of
the Mizraitcs, the Naphtuhim were probably
settled at first, or at the time when Gen. v. was
written, either in Egypt, or immediately to the
west of it. In Coptic, the city Marea and
the neighboring territory is called niphaiat or
ni/ihaiaa. In hieroglyphics, mention is made
of a nation or confederacy of tribes conquered
by the Egyptians, called " the Nine Bows," a
name which Champollion read Naphit, or, as
we should write it, NA-PETU, " the bows,"
though he called them " the Nine Bows." But
it is not certain that either of these names can
safely be compared with Naphtuhim.
Narcis'sus. A dweller at Rome (Rom.
xvi. II), some members of whose household
were known as Christians to St. Paul. Some
persona have assumed the identity of this Nar-
cissus with the secretary of the Eimperor Clau-
dius. His name, however, was at that time too
common in Rome to give any probability to the
guess that he was the Narcissus mentioned by
St. Paul.
Nard. [Spikenard.]
Nas'bas. The nephew of Tobit who came
with Achiacharus to the wedding of Tobias
(Tob. xi. 18). Ap.
Na'sith = Neziah (1 Esd. v. 32; comp.
Ezr. ii. 51). Ap.
Na'sor, the Plain of, the scene of an
action between Jonathan the Maccabee and
the forces of Demetrius (1 Mace. xi. 67, comp.
63). It may be safely identified with Hazor.
xTa'than, an eminent Hebrew prophet in
the reigns of David and Solomon. If the ex-
pression " first and last," in 2 Chr. ix. 29, is to
be taken literally, he must have lived late into
the life of Solomon, in which case he must have
been considerably younger than David. He
first appears in the consultation with David
about the building of the Temple (2 Sam. vii.
2, 3, 17). He next comes forward as the re-
prover of David for the sin with Bathshuba ;
and his famous apologue on the rich man and
the ewe lamb, which is the only direct example
of his prophetic power, shows it to have been
of a very high order (2 Sam. xii. 1-12). On
the birth of Solomon, he was either specially
charged with giving him his name, Jbdidiah,
or else with his education (2 Sam. xii. 25).
At any rate, in the last years of David, it is
Nathan who, by taking the side of Solomon,
turned the scale in his favor. He advised
Bathsheba ; he himself ventured to enter the
royal presence with a remonstrance against the
king's apathy ; and at David's request he as-
sisted in the inauguration of Solomon (1 K. i.
8, 10, 11, 22, 23, 24, 32, 34, 38, 45). This is
the last time that we hear directly of his in-
tervention in the history. He left two works
behind him — a Life of David (I Chr. xxix.
29), and a Life of Solomon (2 Chr. ix. 29).
The last of these may have been incomplete, as
we cannot be sure that he outlived Solomon.
But the biography of David by Nathan is, of
all the losses which antiquity, sacred or profane,
has sustained, the most deplorable. His grave
is shown at Halliul near Hebron. — 2. A son
of David ; one of the four who were born to
him by Bathsheba ( 1 Chr. iii. 5 ; comp. xiv. 4,
and 2 Sam. v. 14). Nathan appears to have
taken no part in the events of his father's or his
brother's reigns. He is interesting to us from
his appearing as one of the forefathers of Joseph
in the genealogy of St Luke (iii. 31 ). — 3. Son,
or brother, of one of the members of David's
guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 36; 1 Chr. xi. 38). — 4.
One of the head men who returned from Baby-
lon with Ezra on his second expedition (Ezr.
viii. 16 ; 1 Esd. viii. 44). It is not impossible
that he may be the same with the "son of
Bani " (Ezr. x. 39).
Nathanael, a disciple of Jesus Christ con-
cerning whom, under that name at least, we
learn from Scripture little more than his birth-
place, Cana of Galilee (John xxi. 2), and his
simple truthful character (John i. 47). The
name does not occur in the first three Gospels.
St John (i. 46-51 ), however, tells us of his first
interview with Jesus, in company with his
brother Philip, on the only occasion on which
he appears prominently in the history. On his
approach to Jesus, he is saluted by Him as " an
Israelite indeed, in whom is no guile " — a true
child of Abraham, and not simply according to
the flesh. The name of Nathanael occurs but
once again in the gospel narrative, and then
simply as one of the small company of dis-
ciples to whom Jesus showed Himself at the
Sea of Tiberias after His resurrection. It is
very commonly believed that Nathanael and
Bartholomew are the same person. The evi-
dence for that belief is as follows : — St. John,
who twice mentions Nathanael, never in-
troduces the name of Bartholomew at all. St.
Matt. x. 3, St. Mark iii. 18, and St. Luke vi.
14, all speak of Bartholomew, but never of
Nathanael. It may be, however, that Nathan-
ael was the proper name, and Bartholomew
(son of Tholmai) the surname of the same dis-
ciple, just as Simon was called Bar-Jona ; and
Joses, Barnabas. It was Philip who first
brought Nathanael to Jesus, just as Andrew
had brought his brother Simon ; and Barthol-
omew is named by each of the first three evan-
gelists immediately after Philip, while by St.
Luke he is coupled with Philip precisely in the
same way as Simon with his brother Andrew,
and James with his brother John. — 2. 1 Esd.
i. 9. [Nethakeel.] — 8. 1 Esd. ix. 22. [Ne-
thaneel.] — 4. Son of Samael ; one of the
ancestors of Judith ( Jud. viii. 1 ), and therefore
a Simeonite (ix. 2).
Nathani'as = Nathan of the sons of Banl
(1 Esd. ix. 34 ; comp. Ezr. x. 39). An.
Na'than-Mel'ech, a eunuch (A. V.
"chamberlain") in the court of Josiah (2 K.
xxiii. II).
Ma'am, son of Esli, and father of Amos, in
the genealogy of Christ (Luke iii. 25), about
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NAZARETH
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contemporary with the high-priesthood of Jason
and the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes.
Nave. The Heb. gov conveys the notion
of convexity or protuberance. It is rendered
in A. V. boss of a shield, Job xv. 26 ; the eye-
brow, Lev. xiv. 9 ; an eminent place, Ez. xvi.
31 ; once only in plur. naves, 1 K. vii. 33 ;
bnt in Ez. i. 18 twice, "rings," and marg.
" strokes."
Wa've. Joshua the son of Nun is always
called in the LXX. " the son of Nave," and this
form is retained in Ecclus. xlvi. 1. Ap.
Naz'wene, an inhabitant of Nazareth.
This appellative is found in the N. T. applied
to Jesus in many passages. Its application to
Jesus, in consequence of the providential ar-
rangements by which His parents were led to
take up their abode in Nazareth, was the filling-
out of the predictions in which the promised
Messiah is described as a Nelter, i.e. a ihoot,
tprout, of Jesse, a humble and despised de-
scendant of the decayed royal family. When-
ever men spoke of Jesus as* the Nazarene, they
either consciously or unconsciously pronounced
one of the names of the predicted Messiah, a
name indicative both of His royal descent and
His humble condition. Once (Acts xxiv. 5)
the terra Nazarene* is applied to the followers
of Jesus by way of contempt. The name still
exists in Arabic as the ordinary designation of
Christians.
Naz'areth is not mentioned in the Old
Testament or in Josephus, but occurs first in
Matt. ii. S3. It derives its celebrity almost
entirely from its connection with the history of
Christ, and in that respect has a bold on the
imagination and feelings of men which it shares
only with Jerusalem and Bethlehem. It is
situated among the hills which constitute the
south ridges of Lebanon, just before they sink
down into the Plain of Esdraelon. Of the
identification of the ancient site there can be
no doubt. The name of the present village is
en-Nazirah, the same, therefore, as of old ; it is
formed on a hill or mountain (Luke iv. 29) ; it
is within the limits of the province of Galilee
(Mark i. 9) ; it is near Cana, according to the
implication in John ii. 1, 2, 11; a precipice
exists in the neighborhood (Luke iv. 29) ; and,
finally, a series of testimonies reach back to
Eusebius, the father of Church history, which
represent the place as having occupied an in-
variable position. The modern Nazareth be-
longs to the better class of Eastern villages. It
has a population of 3,000 or 4,000 ; a few are
Mohammedans, the rest Latin and Greek Chris-
tians. Most of the houses arc well built of stone,
and have a neat and comfortable appearance.
The streets or lanes are narrow and crooked,
and after rain are so full of mud and mire as to
be almost impassable. The origin of the dis-
repute in which Nazareth stood (John i. 47) is
not certainly known. All the inhabitants of
Galilee were looked upon with contempt by the
people of Judssa because they spoke a ruder
dialect, were less cultivated, and were more ex-
posed by their position to contact with the
heathen. But Nazareth labored under a special
opprobrium, for it was a Galilean, and not a
southern Jew, who asked the reproachful ques-
tion whether " any good thing " could come
from that source. It has been suggested that
the inhabitants of Nazareth may have had a bad
name among their neighbors for irreligkm or
some laxity of morals. We pass over, as
foreign to the proper object of this notice, any
particular account of the " holy places " which
the legends have sought to connect with events
in the life of Christ. Two localities, however,
form an exception to this statement, inasmuch
as they possess, though in different ways, a
certain interest which no one will fail to
recognize. One of these is the " Fountain of
the Virgin," situated at the north-eastern ex-
tremity of the town, where, according to one
tradition, the mother of Jesus received the
angel's salutation (Luke i. 28). The other
place is that of the attempted Precipitation.
A prevalent opinion of the country has trans-
ferred the event to a hill about two miles south-
east of the town, but this is improbable. Above
the bulk of the town are several rocky ledges,
over which a person could not be thrown with-
out almost certain destruction. But there is
one very remarkable precipice, almost perpen-
dicular, and forty or fifty feet high, near the
Maronite church, wl.'ch may well be supposed
to be the identical one over which His infuriat-
ed townsmen attempted to hurl Jesus.
Naz'arite, more properly Nae'irito
(Heb. nazir, and nezir eld/km), one of either sex
who was bound by a vow of a peculiar kind to
be set apart from others for the service of God.
The obligation was either for life or for a de-
fined time. I. There is no notice in the Pen-
tateuch of Nazarites for life; but the regula-
tions for the vow of a Nazarite of days are giv-
en Num. vi. 1-21. The Nazarite, during the
term of his consecration, was bound to abstain
from wine, grapes, with every production of
the vine, and from every kind of intoxicating
drink. He was forbidden to cut the hair of his
head, or to approach any dead body, even that
of his nearest relation. When the period of
his vow was fulfilled, he was brought to the
door of the tabernacle, and was required to offer
a he-lamb for a burnt-offering, a ewe-lamb for
a sin-offering, and a ram for a peace-offering,
with the usual accompaniments of peace-offer-
ings (Lev. vii. 12, 13) and of the offering made
at the consecration of priests (Ex. xxix. 2),
" a basket of unleavened bread, cakes of fine
flour mingled with oil, and wafers of unleav-
ened bread anointed with oil" (Num. vi. 15).
He brought also a meatoffering and a drink-
offering, which appear to have oeen presented
by themselves as a distinct act of service (ver.
17). He was to cut off the hair of "the head
of his separation " (that is, the hair which had
grown during the period of his consecration)
at the door of the tabernacle, and to put it into
the fire under the sacrifice on the altar. The
firiest then placed upon his hands the sodden
eft shoulder of the ram, with one of the un-
leavened cakes and one of the wafers, and then
took them again, and waved them for a wave.
offering. These, as well as the breast and the
heave, or right shoulder (to which he was en-
titled in the case of ordinary peace-offerings,
Lev. vii. 32-34), were the perquisite of the
priest The Nazarite also gave him a present
proportioned to his circumstances (ver. II).
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NAZARITB
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NAZARITE
If a Nazarite incurred defilement by acciden-
tally touching a dead body, he had to undergo
certain rites of purification, and to recommence
the full period of his consecration. There is
nothing whatever said in the Old Testament
of the duration of the period of the vow of the
Nazarite of days. According to the Mishna,
the usual time was thirty days; but double
tows for sixty days, and treble tows for a hun-
dred days, were sometimes made. There aro
some other particulars given in the Mishna,
which are curious as showing how the institu-
tion was regarded in later times.
II. Uf the Nazarites for life three are men-
tioned in the Scriptures : Samson, Samuel, and
St- John the Baptist. The only one of these ac-
tually called a Nazarite is Samson. We are but
imperfectly informed of the difference between
the observances of the Nazarite for life and
those of the Nazarite for days. The later rab-
bis slightly notice this point. We do not
know whether the vow for life was ever volun-
tarily taken by the individual. In all the coses
mentioned in the sacred history, it was made
bv the parents before the birth of the Nazarite
hinuelfT The Mishna makes a distinction be-
tween the ordinary Nazarite for life and the
Sum9on-Nozarite.
Ill The consecration of the Nazarite bore a
striking resemblance to that of the high-priest
(Lev. xxi. 10-12). In one particular, this is
brought out more plainly in the Hebrew text
than it is in our version, in the LXX., or in the
Vulgatn. One word (nezer), derived from the
same root as Nazarite, is used for the long hair
of the Nazarite (Nora. vi. 19), where the A. V.
has " h.iir of his separation ; " and for the anoint-
ed head of the high-priest ( Lev. xxi. 12), where
it is rendered " crown." Perhaps it would not
be unreasonable to suppose tbut the half sacer-
dotal character of Samjel might have been
connected with his prerogative as a Nazarite.
IV. Of the two vows recorded of St. Haul,
that in Acts xviii. 18 certainly cannot be re-
garded as a regular Nazarite vow. All that
we are told of it is, that, on his way from Cor
inth to Jerusalem, he "shaved his head in
Ccnchrea, for he had a vow." It is most likely
that it was a sort of tow, modified from the
proper Nazarite vow, which had come into use
at this time amongst the religious Jews who
bad been visited by sickness, or any other ca-
lamity. The other reference to a vow taken
by St. Paul is in Acts xxi. 24, where we find
the brethren at Jerusalem exhorting him to
take part with four Christians who had a tow
on them, to sanctify (not purify, as in A. V.)
himself with them, 'and to be at charges with
them, that they might shave their heads. It can-
not be doubted that this was a strictly legal Naz-
arite vow. — V. That the institution of Naz-
aritism existed, and had become a matter of
course amongst the Hebrews before the time of
Moses, is beyond a doubt. The legislator ap-
pears to have done no more than ordain such
regulations for the vow of the Nazarite of
days as brought it nnder the cognizance of
the priest, and into harmony with the general
system of religious observance. It litis been
assumed, not unreasonably, that the consecni-
tion of the Nazarite for life was of at least equal
78
antiquity. Bnt it is doubted in regard to Nat
aritism in general, whether it was of native or
foreign origin. Ewald supposes that Nazarites
for lite were numerous in very early times, and
that they multiplied in periods of great politi-
cal and 'religious excitement. The only ones,
however, expressly named in the Old Testa-
ment are Samson and Samuel. When Amos
wrote, the Nazurites, as well as the prophets,
suffered from the persecution and contempt of
the ungodly (Am. ii. 11, 12). In the time of
Judas Maccabeus, we find the devout Jews,
when thepr were bringing their gifts to the
priests, stirring up the Nazarites of days who
had completed the time of their consecration to
make the accustomed offerings (1 Maac. iii. 49).
From this incident, we may infer that the num-
ber of Nazarites must hove been very consider-
able during the two centuries and a naif which
preceded the destruction of Jerusalem.
VI. The word ndar occurs in three passages
of the Old Testament, in which it appears to
mean one separated from others as a prince.
Two of the passages refer to Joseph : one is in
Jacob's benediction of his sons (Gen. xlix. 26),
the other in Moses' benediction of the tribe*
(Deut. xxxiii. 16). The third passage is that
in which the prophet is mourning over the de-
parted prosperity and beauty of Sion (Lam. vi.
7, 8). In the A. V. the words are, " Her Naz-
arites were purer than snow," &c But Gese-
nius, De Wette, and other modern critics, think
that it refers to the young princes of Israel
— VII. The vow of the Nazarite of days must
have been a self-imposed discipline, undertaken
with a specific purpose. The Jewish writers
mostly regarded it as a kind of penance. The
Nazarite of days might have fulfilled his tow
without attracting much notice ; but «.V» Naza-
rite for life, on the thcr hand, must ha>e been,
with his flowing hair and persistent ret isal of
strong drink, a marked man. Whcthet In anj
other particular his daily life was peculiar is
uncertain. Bnt without our resting on any
thing that may be called in question, lo must
have been a public witness for the idea ot' legal
strictness and of whatever else Nazaritisra was
intended to express. The meaning of the Naz-
arite vow has been regarded in different lights.
Some consider it as a symbolical expression of
the divine nature working in man, and deny
that it involved any thing of a strictly ascetic
character; others see in it the principle of stoi-
cism, and imagine that it was intended to culti-
vate, and bear witness for, the sovereignty of
the will over the lower tendencies of human na-
ture ; while some regard it wholly in the light
of a sacrifice of the person to God. Several of
the Jewish writers have taken the first view
more or loss completely. But the philosophi-
cal Jewish doctors, for the most part, seem to
have preferred the second. Philo has taken the
deeper view of the sulijcct. Ewald, following
in the same line of thought, has treated the
vow of the Nazarite as an act of self-sacrifice.
That it was essentially a sacrifice of the person
to the Lord is obviously in accordance with the
terms of the Law (Num. vi. 2). As tho Naza-
rite was a witness for the stmitness of the Law,
as distinguished from the freedom of the Gos-
pel, bis sacrifice of himself was a submission lo
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NEAPOLIS
602
NEBAIOTH
the letter or a rule. Its outward man i testations
were restraints and eccentricities. The roan
was separated from his brethren that he might
be peculiarly devoted to the Lord. This was
consistent with the purpose of divine wisdom
for the time for which it was ordained.
We'ah, a place which was one of the land-
marks on the boundary of Zebulun (Josh xix.
13 only). By Euscbius and Jerome it is men-
tioned merely with a caution that there is a
place of the same name, 10 miles S. of Neapo-
lis. It has not yet been identified.
Neap olis is the place in Northern Greece
where Paul and his associates first landed in
Europe (Acts xvi. 11); where, no doubt, he
landed also on his second visit to Macedonia
(Acts xx. 1 ), and whence certainly he embarked
on his last journey through that province to
Troas and Jerusalem (Acts xx. 6). Philippi
being an ia'aid town, Neapolis was evidently
the port It has been made a question whether
this harbor occupied the site of the present
Kavalla, a Turkish town on the coast of Rou-
melia, or should be sought at some other place.
Cousincry and Tafel maintain, against the
common opinion, that Luke's Neapolis was not
at Kavalla, the inhabited town of that name,
but at a deserted harbor ten or twelve miles
farther west, known as Eski or Old Kavalla.
It may be well, therefore, to mention the rea-
sons which support the claim of Kavalla to be
regarded as the ancient Neapolis, in opposition
to those which are urged in favor of the other
harbor. First, the Roman and Greek ruins at
Kavalla prove that a port existed there in an-
cient times. Neapolis, wherever it was, formed
the point of contact between Northern Greece
and Asia Minor, at a period of great commer-
cial activity, and would be expected to have
left vestiges of its former importance. The
antiquities found still at Kavalla fulfil entirely
that presumption. On the contrary, no ruins
have been found at Eski Kavalla, or Palcoroli,
as it is also called, which can be pronounced
unmistakably ancient. No remains of walls,
no inscriptions, and no indications of any thor-
oughfare lending thence to Philippi, are re-
ported to exist there.
Secondly, the advantages of the position ren-
der Kavalla the probable site of Neapolis. It
is the first convenient harbor south of the
Hellespont, on coming from the east. It lies
open somewhat to the south and south-west,
but is otherwise well sheltered. Thirdly, the
facility of intercourse between this port and
Philippi shows that Kavalla and Neapolis must
be the same. The distance is ten miles, and
hence not greater than Corinth was from
Ccnchrea, and Ostia from Rome. The dis-
tance between Philippi and Eski Kavalla must
be nearly twice as great. Fourthly, the notices
of the ancient writers lead us to adopt the
same view. Thus Dio Cassius says that Neap-
olis was opposite Thasos, and that is the situa-
tion of Kavalla. Finally, the ancient Itinera-
ries support entirely the identification in ques-
tion. Both the Antonine and the Jerusalem
Itineraries show that the Egnatian Way passed
through Philippi. They mention Philippi and
Neapolis as next to each other in the order of
•^cession; and since the line of travel which
these Itineraries sketch was the one which let
from the west to Byzantium, or Constantino-
ple, it is reasonable to suppose that the road,
after leaving Philippi, would pursue the most
convenient and direct course to the east which
the nature of the country allows. If the road,
therefore, was constructed on this obvious prin-
ciple, it would follow the track of the present
Turkish road, and the next station, consequently,
would be Neapolis, or Kavalla, on the coast, at
the termination of the only natural defile across
the intervening mountains. Neapolis, there-
fore, like the present Kavalla, was on a high
rocky promonotory which juts out into the
JEgean. The harbor, a mile and a half wide
at the entrance, and half a mile broad, lies on
the west side.
Neari'ah. 1. One of the six sons of
Shemaiah in the line of the royal family of
Judah after the captivity (1 Chr. iii. 22, 23).
— 2. A son of Isht, and one of the captains
of the 500 Simeonites who, in the days of Hez-
ekiah, drove out the Amalekites from Mount
Seir (1 Chr. iv. 42).
Neba'i, a family of the heads of the people
who signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Nch.
x. 19). The LXX. followed the written text,
while the Vulgate adopted the reading of the
margin.
Nebai'oth, Nebaj'oth, the " first-born
of Ishmael " (Gen. xxv. 13 ; 1 Chr. i. 29), and
father of a pastoral tribe, named after him the
" rams of Nebaioth " being mentioned by the
prophet Isaiah (lx. 7) with the flocks of Kedar.
From the days of Jerome, this people had been
identified with the Nabathenns, until M. Qua-
tremere first investigated the origin of the lat-
ter, their language, religion, and history. It
will be convenient to recapitulate, briefly, the
results of M. Quatreroere's labors, with those
of the later works of M. Chwolson and others
on the same subject, before we consider the
grounds for identifying the Nabathssans with
Nebaioth. From the works of Arab authors,
M. Quntremere proved the existence of a nation
called Nabat, or Nabeet, pi. Anbat, reputed to
be of ancient origin, of whom scattered rem-
nants existed in Arab times, after the era of the
Flight. The Nabat, in the days of their early-
prosperity, inhabited the country chiefly between
the Euphrates and the Tigris, Bcyn en Nahreyn
and El-Irak (the Mesopotamia' and Cbaldsaa
of the classics). That this was their chief seat,
and that they were Aramaeans, or more accu-
rately Syro-Chaldseans, seems, in the present
state of the inquiry, to be a safe conclusion.
The Arabs loosely apply the name Nabat to
the Syrians, or especially the eastern Syrians,
to the Syro-ChaldaeanB, &c. Quatremlre in-
troduced to the notice of the learned world the
most important relic of that people's literature,
a treatise on Nabat agriculture. A study of an
imperfect copy of that work, which unfortu-
nately was all he could gain access to, induced
him to date it about the time of Nebuchadnes-
zar, or etr. B.C. 600. M. Chwolson, professor
of Oriental languages at St. Petersburg, has
since made that book a subject of special studr ;
and in his Remain* of Ancient Babylonian Lite-
rature, in Arabic Translation*, he has published
the results of his inquiry. Those results, while
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NEBAIOTH
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Ihey establish all M. Quatremere had advanced
respecting the existence of the Nabat, go far
beyond him both in the antiquity and the im-
portance M. Chwolson claims for that people.
The remains of the literature of the Nabat con-
sist of four works, one of them a fragment :
the "Book of Nabat Agriculture" (already
mentioned ) ; the " Book of Poisons ; " the " Book
of Tenkeloosha, the Babylonian ; " and the
" Book of the Secrets of the Sun and Moon."
They purport to have been translated, in the
year 904, by Aboo-Bekr Ahmad Ibn-'Alee the
Chaldean of Kissen, better known as Ibn-
WaUahetyeh. The " Book of Nabat Agriculture "
was, according to the Arab translator, com-
menced by Daghreetb, continued by Yanbus-
hadh, andcompleted by Kuthamee. Chwolson,
disregarding the dates assigned to these au-
thors by the translator, thinks that the earliest
lived some 2,500 years B.C., the second some 300
or 400 years later, and Kuthamee, to whom he
ascribes the chief authorship (Ibn-Wahsheeyeh
says he was little more than editor), at the ear-
liest, under the 6th king of a Canaanite dynasty
mentioned in the book, which dynasty Chwol-
son — with Bunscn- -makes the same as the
Sth (or Arabian) dynsMy of Berosus, or of the
13th century B.C. But in examining the work,
we encounter formidable intrinsic difficulties.
It contains mentions of personages bearing
names closely resembling those of Adam, Seth,
Enoch, Noah, Shem, Nimrod, and Abraham;
and M. Chwolson himself is forced to confess
that the particulars related of them are in some
respects similar to those recorded of the bibli-
cal patriarchs. If this difficulty proves insur-
mountable, it shows that the author borrowed
from the Bible, or from late Jews, and destroys
the claim of an extreme antiquity.
Other apparent evidences of the same kind
are not wanting. It is even a question whether
the work should not be dated several centuries
after the commencement of our era. Thus, if
M. Chwolson's results are accepted, the Book
of Nabat Agriculture exhibits to ns an ancient
civilization, before that of the Greeks, and at
least as old as that of tin Egyptians, of a great
and powerful nation of remote antiquity. But
until the original text of Kuthamee 'a treatise
is published, we must withhold our acceptance
of facts so startling, and regard the antiquity
ascribed to it even by Quatremere as extreme-
ly doubtful. It remains for us to state the
grounds for connecting the Nabat with the
Nahathseans. As the Arabs speak of the Nabat
as Syrians, so conversely the Greeks and Ro-
mans knew the Nalmthteans as Arabs. The
Nabatrusans bordered the well-known Egyptian
and Syrian provinces. The nation was famous
for its wealth and commerce. Even when, by
the decline of its trade, diverted through Egypt,
its prosperity waned, Petra is still mentioned as
a centre of the trade both of the Sabseans of
Southern Arabia and the Gcrrhasans on the
Persian Gulf. Josephus speaks of Nabatasa as
embracing the country from the Euphrates to
the Red Sea — •'.«. Petraja and all the desert
east of it. The Nabat of the Arabs, however,
are described as famed for agriculture and sci-
ence; in these respects offering a contrast to
the Nabathssans of Petra. We agree with M.
Quatremere that the civilization of the Naba-
thseans of Petra is not easily explained, ex-
cept by supposing them to be a different
people from those Arabs. A remarkable con-
firmation of this supposition is found in
the character of the buddings of Petra, which
are unlike any thing constructed by a purely
Shemitic race. Further, the subjects of the
literature of the Nabat, which are scientific
and industrial, are not such as are found in the
writings of pure Shemites or Aryans. From
most of these and other considerations, we
think there is no reasonable doubt that the Na-
bathssans of Arabia Petrsea were the same
people as the Nabat of Chaldssa, though at
what ancient epoch the western settlement was
formed remains unknown. The Nabathseuns
were allies of the Jews after the captivity ; and
Judas the Maccabee, with Jonathan, while at
war with the Edomites, came on them three
days south of Jordan ( 1 Mace. v. 3, 24, &c. ),
and afterwards " Jonathan had sent his brother
John, a captain of the people, to pray his
friends the Nabathites that they might leave
with them their carriage, which was much "
(ix. 35, 36). Diod. Sic. gives much informa-
tion regarding them. Lastly, did the Naba-
thssans, or Nabat, derive their name, and
were they in part descended, from Nebaioth,
son of Ishmael ? Josephus says that Nabatosa
was inhabited by the twelve sons of Ishmael.
The Arabs call Nebaioth Nabit, and do not con-
nect him with the Nabat, to whom they give
a different descent. But we hesitate to deny
a relationship between peoples whose names
are strikingly similar dwelling in the same
tract It is possible that Nebaioth went to the
far East, to the country of his grandfather Abra-
ham, intermarried with the Chaldamns, and
gave birth to a mixed race, the Nabat. It is,
however, safest to leave unsettled the identifi-
cation of Nebaioth and Nabat until another
link be added to the chain that at present
seems to connect them.
Neballat, a town of Benjamin, one of
those which the Benjamites re-occupied after
the captivity (Neh. xi. 34). It is here named
with Zeboi'h, Lob, and Oxo. Lod is Lydda,
the modern Ladd, and Ono possibly Ktfr Auna,
four miles to the north of it. East of these,
and forming nearly an equilateral triangle with
them, is Beit Nebdla, which may be the locum
tenens of the ancient village. Another place of
very nearly the same name, Bir Nebula, lies to
the east of e/-./ift (Gibeon), and within half a
mile of it. This would also be within the terri-
tory of Benjamin.
tTe'bat. The father of Jeroboam, whose
name is only preserved in connection with that
of his distinguished son (1 K. xi. 26, xii. 2, 15,
&c.). He is described as an Ephrathite, or
Ephrnimitc, of Zereda.
NeTjO, Mount. The mountain from which
Moses took his first and last view of the Prom-
ised Land (Dent, xxxii. 49, xxxiv. 1). It is so
minutely described, that it would seem impossi-
ble not to recognize it : — in the land of Moab ;
facing Jericho ; the head or summit of a moun-
tain called the Pisgah, which again seems to
have formed a portion of the general range of
the "mountains of Abarim." Its position is
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NEBUCHADNEZZAR
further denoted by the mention of the valley
(or perhaps more correctly the ravine) in which
Moses was buried, and which was apparently
one of the clefts of the mount itself ( xxxii. 50)
— " the ravine in the land of Moab facing Beth-
Peor" (xxxiv. 6). And yet, notwithstanding
the minuteness of this description, no one has
yet succeeded in pointing out any spot which
answers to Nebo. Seetzen seems to have been
the first to suggest the Jebtl Attarus (between
the Wady Zerlca-main and the Anion, three
miles below the former, and ten or twelve south
of Heshbon) as the Nebo of Moses. The other
elevation above the general summit level of
these highlands is the J Ad 'Osha, or Ausha',
or Jebd ct-JU'ad, the highest point in all the
eastern mountains. But these eminences are
alike wanting in one main essential of the Nebo
of the Scripture, which is stated to have been
"facing Jericho." Another requisite for the
identification is, that a view should be obtain-
able from the summit, corresponding to that
prospect over the whole land which Moses is
said to have had from Mount Nebo.
Nebo. L A town on the eastern side of
Jordan, situated in the pastoral country (Num.
xxxii. 3), one of those which were taken pos-
session of and rebuilt by the tribe of Reuben
(ver. 38). In these lists it is associated with
Kirjathoim and Baal-meon or Beon ; and in
another record ( 1 Chr. v. 8) with Aroer. In
the remarkable prophecy adopted by Isaiah ( xv.
2) and Jeremiah (xlviii. 1, 22) concerning Mo-
ab, Nebo is mentioned in the same connection as
before, but in the hands of Moab. The notices of
Euscbius and Jerome arc confused, but they at
least denote that Mount Nebo and the town
were distinct, and distant from each other. The
town they identify with Nobah or Kenuth, and
place it eight miles south of Heshbon, where
the ruins of el-Habit appear to stand at present.
— 2. The children of Nebo returned from
Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 29; Neh.
vii. 33). Seven of them had foreign wives,
whom they were compelled to discard (Ezr. x.
43). The name occurs between Bethel and Ai,
and Lydda, which implies that it was situated
in the territory of Benjamin to the N. W.
of Jerusalem. This is possibly the modern
Beit-Nibah, about twelve miles N. W. by W.
of Jerusalem, eight from Lydda.
Ne'bo, which occurs both in Isaiah (xlvi. 1 )
and Jeremiah (xlviii. 1 ) as the name of a Clial-
dosan god, is a well-known deity of the Baby-
lonians and Assyrians. The original native
name was, in Hamitic Babylonian, Nabiu ,- in
Shemitic Babylonian and Assyrian, Nairn.
Nebo was the god who presided over learning
and letters. His general character corresponds
to that of the Egyptian Tboth, the Greek
Hermes, and the Latin Mercury. Astronomi-
cally he is identified with the planet nearest the
sun, called Nebo also by the Mendicans, and
Tir by the ancient Persians. Nebo was of
Babylonian rather than of Assyrian origin. In
the early Assyrian Pantheon, he occupies a
very inferior position. The king supposed to
be rul first brings him prominently forward in
Assyria, A statue of Nebo was set up by this
monarch at Calah (Nimrud), which is now in
the British Museum. In Babylonia, Nebo held
a prominent place from an early time. Tht
ancient town of Borsippa was especially undo
bis protection, and the great temple there (the
modern Bin-Nimrvd) was dedicated to him
from a very remote age. Ho was the tutelar
god of the most important Babylonian kings,
in whose names the word Nabu, or Nebo, ap-
pears as an element.
Nebuchadnezzar, or Nebuchadrez-
zar, was the greatest and most powerful of the
Babylonian kings. His name, according to
the native orthography, is read as Xabu-l-udtrri-
uttur, and is explained to mean " Nebo is the
protector against misfortune." Nebuchadnez-
zar was the son and successor of Nabopolassar,
the founder of the Babylonian Empire. He
appears to have been of marriageable age at
the time of his father's rebellion against As-
syria, b.c. 625. It is suspected, rather than
proved, that he was the leader of a Babylonian
contingent which accompanied Cyaxorcs in his
Lydian war, by whose interposition, on the oc-
casion of an eclipse, that war was brought to a
close, B.C. 610. At any rate, a few years later,
he was placed at the head of a Babylonian
army, and sent by his father, who was now old
and infirm, to chastise the insolence of Pliaraob-
Necho, king of Egypt. Nebuchadnezzar (b.c.
605) led an army against him, defeated him at
Carchemish in a great battle (Jer. xlvi. 2-12),
recovered Ccele-Svria, Phoenicia, and Palestine,
took Jerusalem (l)an. i. 1, 2), pressed forward
to Egypt, and was engaged in that country or
upon its borders when intelligence arrived
which recalled him hastily to Babylon. Nabo-
polassar, after reigning 21 years, had died, and
the throne was vacant. In some alarm about
the succession, he hurried back to the capital,
accompanied only by his light troops ; and
crossing the desert, probably by way of
Tadmor or Palmyra, reached Babylon before
any disturbance had arisen, and entered peace-
ably on his kingdom (b.c. 604). Within three
years of Nebuchadnezzar's first expedition into
Syria and Palestine, disaffection again showed
itself in those countries. Jehoiakim, who,
although threatened at first with captivity (2
Chr. xxxvi. 6) had been finally maintained on
the throne as a Babylonian vassal, after three
years of service " turned and rebelled " against
his suzerain, probably trusting to be supported
by Egypt (2 K. xxiv. 1).
Not long afterwards, Phoenicia seems to have
broken into revolt; and the Chaldssan mon-
arch, who had previously endeavored to subdue
the disaffected by his generals (ib. ver. 2), once
more took the field in person, and man lied
first of all against Tyre. Having invested that
city in the seventh year of bis reign (Joseph,
c. Ap. i. 21 ), and left a portion of his army there
to continue the siege, he proceeded against
Jerusalem, which submitted without a strug-
gle. According to Josephus, who is here our
chief authority, Nebuchadnezzar punished Je-
hoiakim with death (Ant. x. 6, § 3 ; comp. Jcr.
xxii. 18, 19, and xxxvi. 30), but placed his
sou Jehoiachin upon the throne. Jchoiacliin
reigned only three months ; for, on his showing
symptoms of disaffection, Nebuchadnezzar came
up against Jerusalem for the third time, deposed
the young prince (whom he carried to Babylon,
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NEBUZAR-ADAN
together with a large portion of the population
of the city, and the chief of the Temple treas-
ures), and made his uncle, Zedekiuh, king in
his room. Tyre still held out ; and it was not
till the thirteenth year from the time of its first
investment that the city of merchants fell (n.c.
535). Ere this happened, Jerusalem hod been
totally destroyed. This consummation was
owing to the folly of Zedekiah, who, despite
the warnings of Jeremiah, made a treaty with
Apries (Hophrn), king of Egypt (Ez. xni. 15),
and on the strength of this alliance renounced
his allegiance to the king of Babylon. Nebu-
chadnezzar commenced the final siege of Jeru-
salem in the ninth year of Zedekiah, — his own
seventeenth year (n.c. 588), and took it two
years later (b.o. 586).
One effort to carry out the treaty seems to
have been made by Apries. An Egyptian army
crossed the frontier, and began its march to-
wards Jerusalem ; upon which Nebuchadnezzar
raised the siege, and set off to meet the new
foe. According to Josephns (Ant. x. 7, § 3), a
battle was fought, in which Apries was com-
pletely defeated ; but the scriptural account
seems rather to imply that the Egyptians
retired on the advance of Nebuchadnezzar,
and rccrossed the frontier without risking an
engagement (Jcr. xxxvii. 5-8). After an
cigii teen-months' siege, Jerusalem fell. Zede-
kiah escaped from the city, but was captured
near Jericho (ib. xxxix. 5), and brought to
Nebuchadnezzar at Riblah in the territory of
Hamath, where his eyes were pot out by the
king's order, while his sons and his chief no-
bles were slain. Nebuchadnezzar then returned
to Babylon with Zedekiah, whom lie imprisoned
for the remainder of his life ; leaving Nebuznr-
adan, the captain of his guard, to complete the
destruction of the city and the pacification of
Judiea. Gedaliah, a Jew, was appointed gov-
ernor ; but he was shortly murdered, and the
rest of the Jews either fled to Egypt, or were
tarried by Nebuzar-adan to Babylon. The
military successes of Nebuchadnezzar cannot
be traced minutely beyond this point. It
may be gathered from the prophetical Scrip-
tures and from Josephus. that the conquest of
Jerusalem was rapidly followed by the fall of
Tyre and the complete submission of Phoenicia
(hz. xxvi.-xxriii. ; Joseph, c. Ap. i. 21 ) ; after
which the Babylonians carried their arms into
Egypt, and inflicted severe injuries on that
fertile country (Jor. xlvi. 13-26 ; Ez. xxix.
2-20; Joseph. Ant. x. 9, § 7). But we have
no account, on which we can depend, of these
campaigns. We are told by Bcrosus that the
first care of Nebuchadnezzar, on obtaining
quiet possession of his kingdom after the first
Syrian expedition, was to rebuild the temple
of Bel (Bd-Merodach) at Babylon out of tho
spoils of the Syrian war (ap. Joseph. Ant. x.
1 1, $ 1 ). He next proceeded to strengthen and
beautify the city, which he renovated through-
out, and surrounded with several lines of forti-
fication, himself adding one entirely new quar-
ter. Having finished the walls and adorned
the gates magnificently, he constructed a new
palace. In the grounds of this palace he formed
the celebrated " hanging garden." This com-
plete renovation of Babylon by Nebuchadnez-
zar, which Berosus asserts, is confirmed to u»
in every possible way. But Nebuchadnezzar
did not confine his efforts to the ornamentation
and improvement of his capital. Throughout
the empire, at Borsippa, Sippara, Cutha, Chil-
mad, Duraba, Teredon, and a multitude of
other places, he built or rebuilt cities, repaired
temples, constructed quays, reservoirs, canals,
and aqueducts, on a scale of grandeur and
magnificence surpassing every thing of the
kind recorded in history, unless it be the con-
structions of one or two of the greatest Egyp-
tian monarchs.
The wealth, greatness, and general prosperity
of Nebuchadnezzar are strikingly placed before
us in tho Book of Daniel. Towards the close
of his reign, the glory of Nebuchadnezzar suf-
fered a temporary eclipse. As a punishment
for his pride and vanity, that strange form of
madness was sent upon him which the Greeks
called lycanthropy, wherein the sufferer im-
agines himself a beast, and, quitting the haunts
of men, insists on leading the litb of a beast
(Dan. iv. 33). Nebuchadnezzar himself in
his great inscription appears to allude to it,
although in a studied ambiguity of phrase
which renders the passage very difficult of
translation. It has often been remarked that
Herodotus ascribes to a queen, Nitocris, several
of the important works which other writers
(Berosus, Abydenus) assign to Nebuchadnez-
zar. The conjecture naturally arises that Ni-
tocris was Nebuchadnezzar's queen, and that,
as she carried on his constructions during his
incapacity, they were by some considered to be
hers. After an interval of four, or perhaps
seven years (Dan. iv. 16), Nebuchadnezzar's
malady left him. As we are told in Scripture
that "his reason returned, and for the glory
of his kingdom his honor and brightness re-
turned," and he "was established in his king-
dom, and excellent majesty was added to bim "
(Dan. iv. 36), so we find in the Standard Inscrip-
tion that he resumed his great works after a
Seriod of suspension, and added fresh " won-
crs " in his old age to the marvellous construc-
tions of his manhood. He died in the year B.C.
561, at an advanced age (eighty-three or eighty-
four), having reigned forty-three years. A son,
Evil-Mebodach, succeeded him.
Nebushas'ban, one of the officers of
Nebuchadnezzar at the time of the capture of
Jerusalem. He was Rab-saris, i.e. chief of the
eunuchs (Jcr. xxxix. 13), as Nebnzar-adan was
Rab-tabbachim (chief of the body-guard), and
Nergal-sharczer, Rab-mag (chief of the magi-
cians) ; the three being the most important
officers then present, probably tho highest dig-
nitaries of the Babylonian court. Nebushas-
ban's office and title were the same as those
of Ashpenaz (Dan. i. 3), whom he probably
succeeded.
Nebuzar'-adail, the Rab-tabbachim, i.e.
chief of the slaughterers (A. V. " captain of
the guard") a high officer in the court of
Nebuchadnezzar, apparently the next to the
person of the monarch. He appears not to
nave been present during the siege of Jerusa-
lem ; probably he was occupied at the more
important operations at Tyre : but as soon a*
the city was actually in the hands of the Baby-
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NEHEMIAH
Icnians he arrived, and from that moment
every thing was completely directed by him.
One act only is referred directly to Nebuchad-
nezzar, — the appointment of the governor or
superintendent of the conquered district. All
this Ncbuzar-adan seems to have carried out
with wisdom and moderation. He seems to
have left Judasa for this time when he took
down the chief people of Jerusalem to his mas-
ter at Riblah (2 K. xxv. 18-20). In four years,
be again appeared (Jer. lii. SO). Nebuchadnez-
nar in his twenty-third year made a descent on
the regions east of Jordan, including the Am-
monites and Moabites, who escaped when Jeru-
salem was destroyed. Thence he proceeded to
Egypt, and, either on the way thither or on the
return, Nebuzar-adan again passed through
the country, and carried off seven hundred and
fbrtv-five more captives (Jer. lii. 30).
tfe'chO, 2 Chr. xxxv. 20, 22, xxxvi. 4.
II'iiaraoh-Necho.]
Nec'odan = Nekoda (l Esd. v. 37 ;
coinp. Ezr. ii. 60). Ap.
Nedabi'ah. Apparently one of the sons
of Jeconiah, or Jenoiachin, king of Judah
(1 Chr. iii. 18). Lord A. Hervey, however,
contends that this list contains the order of
succession, and not of lineal descent, and that
Nedabiah and his brothers were sons of Neri.
Neemi'as = Neuemiab the son of Hacha-
liah (Ecclus. xlix. 13; 2 Mace. i. 18, 20, 21,
H3, 31,36, ii. 13). Ap.
Neg'inah, properly Neginoth, as the text
now stands, occurs in the title of Ps. lxi., " to
the chief musician upon Neginath." The LXX.
and Vulg. evidently read " Neginoth " in the
plural, wliich occurs in the titles of five psalms,
and is perhaps the true reading. Whether the
word be singular or plural, it is the general
term by which all stringed instruments arc
described. In the singular it has the derived
sense of " a song sung to the accompaniment
of a stringed instrument," and generally of a
taunting character (Job xxx. 9; Ps. lxix. 12;
Lam. iii. 14). [Neginoth. 1
Neg'inoth. This word is fonnd in the
titles of Ps. iv., vi., liv., lv., lxvii., Ixxvi., and the
margin of Hab. iii. 19 ; and there seems but lit-
tle doubt that it is the general term denoting
all stringed instruments whatsoever, whether
played with the hand, like the harp and
guitar, or with a plectrum. " The chief mu-
sician on Neginoth was therefore the conduct-
or of that portion of the Temple-choir who
played U|ion the stringed instruments, and
who are mentioned in Ps. Ixviii. 25.
Nahelamite, the. The designation of a
man named Shcmaiah, a false prophet, who
went with the captivity to Babylon (Jer. xxix.
24, 31, 32). The name is no doubt formed
from that either of Shcmaiah 's native place, or
the progenitor of his family ; which of the two
is uncertain.
Nehemi'ah. 1. Son of Huehaliah, and
apparently of the tribe of Judah, since his
fathers were buried at Jerusalem, and Hanani
his kinsman seems to have been of that tribe
(i. 2, ii. 3, vii. 2). All that we know certain-
ly concerning this eminent man is contained
in the hook which bears his name. His auto-
biography first finds him at Shushan, the win-
ter residence of the kings of Persia, m high
office as the cupbearer of King Artaxerxes
Longimanus. In the 20th year of the king's
reign, i.e. b.c. 445, certain Jews, one of whom
was a near kinsman of Nehcmiah's, arrived
from Judssa, and gave Neliemlah a deplorable
account of the state of Jerusalem, and of the
residents in Judssa. He immediately conceived
the idea of going to Jerusalem to endeavor to
lietter their state. After three or four months
(from Chislcn to Nisan), an opportunity pre-
sented itself of obtaining the king's consent to
his mission. Having received his appointment
as governor of Judssa, a troop of cavalry, and
letters from the king to the different satraps
through whose provinces lie was to pass, as
well as to Asaph the keeper of the king's forests,
to supply him with timber, he started upon his
journey ; being under promise to return to
Persia within a given time. Nehcmiah's great
work was rebuilding, for the first time since
their destruction by Nebuzar-adan, the walls of
Jerusalem, and restoring that city to its former
state and dignity, as a fortified town. It is im-
possible to overestimate the importance to the
future political and ecclesiastical prosperity of
the Jewish nation of this great achievement
of their patriotic governor. How low the com-
munity of the Palestine Jews had fallen is appar-
ent from the fact, that, from the Cth of Ih.rius
to the 7th of Artaxcrxcs, there is no history of
them whatever. The one step which could
resuscitate the nation, preserve the Mosaic
institutions, and lay the foundation of future
independence, was the restoration of the city
walls. To this great object, therefore, Neho-
miah directed his whole energies without an
hour's unnecessary delay. In a wonderfully
short time, the walls seemed to emerge from
the heaps of burnt rubbish, and to encircle the
city as in the days of old. The gateways also
were rebuilt, and ready for the doors to lii- hung
upon them. But it soon Ik came ap] arcm how
wisely Nchemiah had acted in hastening on the
work. On his very first arrival, as governor,
Sanballat and Tobiali had given iim<|iiivucal
proof of their mortification at his »y\ ointment.
But when the restoration was seen lo I e rap-
idly progressing, their indignation knew no
Lounds. They made a great conspiracy to full
upon the builders with an armed force, and put
a stop to the undertaking. The project was
defeated by the vigilance and prudence of Ne-
hemiah. This armed attitude was ton tinned
from that day forward. Various stratagems
were then resorted to to pet Nchemiah away
from Jerusalem, and if possible to take his life.
But that which most nearly succeeded was the
attempt to bring him into suspicion with the
king of Persia, as if he intended to set himself
n p as an independent king, as soon as the walls
were completed. The artful letter of Sanballat
so far wrought upon Artaxcrxcs, that he issued a
decree stopping the work till further orders. It
is probable that at the same time be recalled
Nchemiah, or perhaps Nchemiah 's leave of
absence had previously expired ; in cither case,
had the Tirshatha been less upright and less
wise, and had he fallen into the trap laid for
him, his life might have been in great danger.
The sequel, however, shows that his perfect
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NEHEMIAH, BOOK OF
integrity was apparent to the king. For after
a delay, perhaps of several years, he was per-
mitted to return to Jerusalem, and to crown
his work by repairing the Temple, and dedicat-
ing the walls. Nehemiah does not indeed men-
tion this adverse decree, which may have arrived
during his absence, or give us any clew to the
time of his return ; nor should we have sus-
pected his absence at all from Jerusalem, but
for the incidental allusion in ch. ii. 6, xiii. 6,
coupled with the long interval of years between
the earlier and later chapters of the book. But
the interval between the close of ch. vi. and the
beginning of ch. vii. is the only place where we
can suppose a considerable gap in time, either
from the appearance of the text, or the nature
of the events narrated.
It secm.i to suit both well to suppose that
Nehemiah returned to Persia, and the work
stopped immediately after the events narrated
in vi. 16-19, and that chapter vii. goes on to
relate the measures adopted by him upon his
return with fresh powers. It may have been
after another considerable interval of time, and
not improbably after another absence of the
Tirshatha from his government, that the next
event of interest in Nehemiah's life occurred,
viz., the dedication of the walls of Jerusalem,
including, if we may believe the author of
2 Mace, supported by several indications in the
Book of Nehemiah, that of the Temple, after
its repair by means of the funds collected from
the whole population. Returning to the sure
ground of the sacred narrative, the other prin-
cipal achievements of this great and good gov-
ernor may be thus signalized. He firmly re-
pressed tSe exactions of the nobles, and the
usury of the rich, and rescued the poor Jews
from spoliation and slavery. He refused to
receive his lawful allowance as governor from
the people, in consideration of their poverty,
during the whole twelve years that he was in
ofH ze, but kept at his own charge a table for 150
Jews, at which any who returned from captivity
were welcome. He made most careful provision
for the maintenance of the ministering priests
and Levites, and for the due and constant cele-
bration of divine worship. He insisted upon the
sanctity of the precincts of the Temple being
preserved inviolable, and peremptorily ejected
the powerful Tobiah from one or the chambers
which Elioshib had assigned to him. He then
replaced the stores and vessels which had been
removed to make room for him, and appointed
proper Levities! officers to superintend and dis-
tribute them. With no less firmness and im-
partiality he expelled from all sacred functions
those of the high-priest's family who had con-
tracted heathen marriages, and rebuked and
furnished those of the common people who had
ikewise intermarried with foreigners; and
lastly, he provided for keeping holy the Sab-
bath day, which was shamefully profaned by
many, both Jews and foreign merchants, and
by his resolute conduct succeeded in repressing
the lawless traffic on the day of rest. Beyond
the 32d year of Artaxerxes, to which Nehe-
miah's own narrative leads us, we have no ac-
count of him whatever. — 2. One of the lead-
ers of the first expedition from Babylon to
Jerusalem under Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 2; Neh.
vii. 7). — 8. Son of Azbuk, and ruler of the
half part of Beth-zur, who helped to repair
the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 16).
Nehemiah, Book of. The latest of all
the historical books of Scripture. This book,
like the preceding one of Ezra, is clearly and
certainly not all by the same hand. By far the
principal portion, indeed, is the work of Nehe-
miah ; but other portions are either extracts
from various chronicles and registers, or sup-
plementary narratives and reflections, some ap-
parently by Ezra, others, perhaps, the work of
the same person who inserted the latest genea-
logical extracts from the public chronicles. —
1. The main history contained in the Book of
Nehemiah covers about 12 years, viz., from the
20th to the 32d year of Artaxerxes Longimanus,
i.e. from B.C. 445 to 433. The whole narrative
gives us a graphic and interesting account of
the state of Jerusalem and the returned cap-
tives in the writer's times, and, incidentally,
of the nature of the Persian government and
the condition of its remote provinces. The
documents appended to it also give some fur-
ther information as to the times of Zerubbabel
on the one hand, and as to the continuation
of the genealogical registers and the succession
of the high-priesthood to the close of the Per-
sian Empire on the other. The view given of
the rise of two factions among the Jews, the
one the strict religious party, the other the
gentilizing party, sets before us the germ of
much that we meet with in a more developed
state in later Jewish history. Again, in this
history as well as in the Book of Ezra, we see
the bitter enmity between the Jews and Samari-
tans acquiring strength and definitive form on
both religious mid pol ;, ical grounds. The
book also throws much li»ht upon the domes-
tic institutions of the Jew*. Some of its de-
tails give us incidentally information of great
historical importance, (a.) The account of the
building and dedication of the wall, iii., xii.,
contains the most valuable materials for settling
the topography of Jerusalem to be found in
Scripture. (6.) The list of returned captives
who came under different leaders from the time
of Zerubbabel to that of Nehemiah (amounting
in all to only 42,360 adult males, and 7,337 ser-
vants), which is given in ch. vii., conveys a
faithful picture of the political weakness of the
Jewish nation as compared with the times when
Judah alone numbered 470,000 fighting men
(1 Chr. xxi. 5). (c.) The lists of leaders,
priests, Levites, and of those who signed the
covenant, reveal incidentally much of the na-
tional spirit as well as of the social habits of
the captives, derived from older times. Thus
the fact that twelve leaders are named in Neh.
vii. 7 indicates the feeling of the captives that
they represented the twelve tribes, a feeling fur-
ther evidenced in the expression " the men of
the people of Israel." The enumeration of
twenty-one and twenty-two, or, if Zidkijah
stands for the head of the house of Zadok,
twenty-three chief priests in x. 1-8, xii. 1-7,
of whom nine bear the names of those who
were heads of courses in David's time (1 Chr.
xxiv.) [Jbroiabib], shows how, even in their
wasted and reduced numbers, they struggled to
preserve these ancient institutions, and also
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•applies the reason of the mention of ihese
particular twenty-two or twenty-three names.
Bat it does more than this. Taken in con-
junction with the list of those who sealed (x.
1-27), it proves the existence of a social cus-
tom, the knowledge of which is of absolute
necessity to keep us from gross chronological
error, that, viz., of calling chiefs by the name
of the clan or house of which they were chiefs.
(d.) Other miscellaneous information contained
in this book embraces the hereditary crafts
practised by certain priestly families, e.g., the
apothecaries, or makers of the sacred ointments
and incense (iii. 8), and the goldsmiths, whose
business it probably was to repair the sacred
ressels (iii. 8), and who may have been the
ancestors, so to speak, of the money-changers
in the Temple (John ii. 14, 15) ; the situation
of the garden of the kings of Judah by which
Zedekiah escaped (2 K. xxv. 4), as seen iii. 15 ;
and statistics, reminding one of Domesday-
Book.
The chief, indeed the only real historical dif-
ficulty in the narrative is to determine the
time of the dedication of the wall, whether in
the 32d year of Artaxerxes or before. The
expression in Neh. xiii. 1, "On that day,"
seems to fix the reading of the law to the same
day as the dedication (see xii. 43). But if so,
the dedication must have been after Nehcmiah's
return from Babylon (mentioned xiii. 7).
Then, if the wall only took fifty-two days to
complete (Neh. vi. 15), and wns begun imme-
diately Nehemiah entered upon his government,
how came the dedication to be deferred till
twelve years afterwards? The answer to this
probably is, that, in the first place, the fifty-two
days are to be reckoned from the resumption
of the work after iv. 15, and a time exceeding
two years mav have elapsed from the commence-
ment of the building. But even then it would
not be ready for dedication. There were the
gates to be hung, perhaps much rubbish to be
removed, and the ruined houses in the immedi-
ate vicinity of the walls to be repaired. Still
even these causes would not be adequate to
account for a delay of twelve years. One cause
immediately presents itself, — viz., that Nche-
miah's leave of absence from the Persian court,
mentioned ii. 6, may have drawn to a close
shortly after the completion of the wall, and
before the other above-named works were com-
plete. And this is rendered yet more probable
by the circumstance, incidentally brought to
light, that, in the 32d year of Artaxerxes, we
know he was with the king (xiii. 6). Other
circumstances, too, may have concurred to
make it imperative for him to return to Persia
without delay. The last words of ch. vi. point
to some new effort of Tobiah to interrupt his
work, and the expression used seems to indicate
that it was the threat of being considered as a
rebel by the king. If he could make it appear
that Artaxerxes was suspicious of his fidelity,
then Nehemiah might feel it matter of necessity
to go to the Persian court to clear himself of
the charge. And this view both receives a re-
markable confirmation from, and throws quite
a new light upon, the obscure passage in Ezr. iv.
7-23. Now, if we compare Neh. vi. 6, 7, with
the letter of the heathen nations mentioned in
Ezr. ir., and also recollect that the only mj__
when, as far as we know, the walls of Jerussv-
lem were attempted to be rebuilt was when
Nehemiah was governor, it is difficult to resist
the conclusion that Ezr. iv. 7-23 relates to the
rime of Nehemiab's government, and explains
the otherwise unaccountable circumstance that
twelve years elapsed before the dedication of
the walls was completed. Nehemiah may
have started on his journey on receiving the
letters from Persia (if such they were) sent him
by Tobiah, leaving his lieutenants to cam- on
the works, and after his departure Rchnm and
Shimshai and their companions may have come
up to Jerusalem with the king's det-rce, and
obliged them to desist. It shonld swra, how-
ever, that, at Nchemiah's arrival in Persia, be
was able to satisfy the king of his perfect in-
tegrity, and that he was permitted to return to
his government in Judauu His leave of absence
may again have been of limited duration, and
the business of the census, of repeopling Je-
rusalem, setting up the city gates, rebuilding
the ruined houses, and repairing the Temple,
may have occupied his whole time till his
second return to the king. During this second
absence, another evil arose — the gcntilizing
party recovered strength, and the intrigues
with' Tobiah (vi. 17), which had already begun
before his first departure, were more actively
carried on, and led so far that Eliashib the
high-priest actually assigned one of the store-
chambers in the Temple to Tobiah's use. This
we arc not told of till xiii. 4-7, when Nehemiah
relates the steps he took on his return. But
this very circumstance suggests that Nehemiah
docs not relate the events which happened in
his absence, and would account for his silence
in regard to Rchum and Shimshai.
We may thus, then, account for ten or eleven
years having elapsed before the dedication of
the walls took place. In fact it did not take
place till the last year of his government ; and
this leads to the right interpretation of ch. xiii.
6, and brings it into perfect harmony with ▼.
14, a passage which obviously imports that
Nehcmiah's government of Judaea lusted only
twelve years, viz. from the 20th to the 32d of
Artaxerxes. The dedication of the walls, and
the other reforms named in ch. xiii, were the
closing acts of his administration. It has been
already mentioned that Josephus does not fol-
low the authority of the Book of Nehemiah.
He detaches Neh. viii. from its context, and
appends the narratives contained in it to the
times of Ezra. He makes Ezra die before
Nehemiah came to Jerusalem as governor, and
consequently ignores any part taken by him in
conjunction* with Nehemiah. He makes no
mention either whatever of Sanballat in the
events of Nehemioh's government, but places
him in the time of Jaddua and Alexander the
Great. All attempts to reconcile Josephus with
Nehemiah must be lost labor. The only ques-
tion therefore is, what was the cause of Jose-
phus's variations * Now, as regards the append-
ing the history in Neh. viii. to the times of
Ezra, we know that he was guided by the
authority of the apocryphal 1 Esd. as he had
been in the whole storv of Zernbhahel and
Darius. From the florid additions to his nar-
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ratrve of Nehemiah's first application to Arta-
xerxes, as well as from the passage below
referred to in 2 Mace. i. 23, we mar be sure
that there were apocryphal versions of the story
of Nehemiah. 2. As regards the authorship
of the book, it is admitted by all critics that it
is, as to its main parts, the genuine work of
Nehemiah. But it is no less certain that in-
terpolations and additions hare been made in it
since his time ; and there is considerable diver-
sity of opinion as to what are the portions which
hare been so added. From i. 1 to vii. 6, no
doubt or difficulty occurs. Again, from xii. 31
to the end of the book (except xii. 44-17), the
narrative is continuous, and the use of the first
person singular constant (xii. 30, 38, 40, xiii.
6, 7, 4c). It is therefore only in the interme-
diate chapters (vii. 6 to xii. 36, and xii. 44—17)
that we have to inquire into the question of
authorship, and this we will do by sections : —
(a.) The first section begins at Neh. vii. 6, and
ends in the first half of viii. 1, at the words
"one man." It has already been asserted that
this section is identical with the paragraph
beginning Ear. ii. 1, and ending iii. 1 ; and it
was there also asserted that the paragraph
originally belonged to the book of Nehemiah,
and was afterwards inserted in the place it
occupies in Ezra. Both these assertions must
now be made good ; and first as to the identity
of the two passages. They ore actually identi-
cal word for word, and letter for letter, except
in two points, — one, that the numbers repeated-
ly vary ; the other, that there is a difference in
the account of the offerings made by the gov-
ernor, the nobles, and the people. But it can
be proved that these are merely variations of
the same text. In the first place, the two pas-
sages are one and the same. The heading, the
contents, the narrative about the sons of Bar-
zuiai, the fact of the offerings, the dwelling in
their cities, the coming of the seventh month,
the gathering of all the people to Jerusalem as
one man, are in words and in sense the very
self-same passage. The idea that the very same
words, extending to seventy verses, describe
different events, is simply absurd and irrational.
The numbers, therefore, must originally hare
been the same in both books.
But next, when we examine the varying num-
bers, we see the following particular proofs that
the variations are corruptions of the original
text. Though the items vary, the sum total,
42,360, is the same (Ezr. ii. 64; Neh. vii. 66).
In like manner, the totals of the servants, the
singing men and women, the horses, mules,
and asses, are all the same, except that Ezra has
two hundred, instead of two hundred and forty-
five, singing men and women. The numbers of
the priests and the Levites are the same in both,
except that the singers, the sons of Asaph, are
128 in Ezra against 148 in Nehemiah, and the
porters 139 against 138. Then in each partic-
ular case, when the numbers differ, we see plain-
ly how the difference might arise. To turn
next to the offerings. The Book of Ezra (ii. 68,
69) merely gives the sum total, as follows:
61,000 drachms of gold, 5,000 pounds of silver,
and 100 priests' garments. The Book of Nehe-
miah gives no sum total, but gives the following
items (vii. 72): The Tirshatha gave 1,200
T7
drachms of gold, 50 basins, 510 priests' gs>
ments. The chief of the fathers gave 20,000
drachms of gold, and 2,200 pounds of silver.
The rest of the people gave 20,000 drachms of
gold, 2,000 pounds of silver, and 67 priests' gar-
ments. Here, then, we learn that these offeri ngs
were made in three shares, by three distinct
parties : the governor, the chief fathers, the peo-
f>le. The sum total of drachms of gold we
earn from Ezra was 61,000. The shares, we
learn from Nehemiah, were 20,000 in two out
of the three donors, but 1 ,000 in the case of the
third and chief donor ! Is it not quite evident
that in the case of Nehemiah the 20 has slipped
out of the text (as, in 1 Esd. v. 45, 60,000 has),
and that his real contribution was 21,000? his
generosity prompting him to give in excess of
his fair third. Next, as regards the pounds
of silver. The sum total was, according to
Ezra, 5,000. The shares were, according to
Nehemiah, 2,200 pounds from the chiefs, and
2,000 from the people. But the LXX. give
2,300 for the chiefs, and 2,200 for the people,
making 4,500 in all, and so leaving a deficiency
of 500 pounds as compared with Ezra's total
of 5,000, and ascribing no silver offering to the
Tirshatha. As regards the priests' garments.
The sum total as given in both the Hebrew and
Greek text of Ezra, and in 1 Esd., is 100. The
items, as given in Neh. vii. 70, are 530 x 67
= 597. But the LXX. give 30 + 67 = 97, and
that this is nearly correct is apparent from the
numbers themselves. For, the total being 100,
33 is the nearest whole number to ™, and 67
is the nearest whole number to ) X 100. So
that we cannot doubt that the Tirshatha gavo
33 priests' garments, and the rest of the pcoplo
gave 67, probably in two gifts of 34 and 33,
making in all 100. But how came the 500 to
be added on to the Tirshatha's tale of garments 1
Clearly it is a fragment of the missing 500
pounds of silver, which, with the 50 bowls,
made no the Tirshatha's donation of silver. So
that Neh. vii. 70 ought to be read thus, " The
Tirshatha gavo to the treasure 21 ,000 drachms
of gold, 50 basins, 500 pounds of silver, and
33 priests' garments." The offerings, then,
as well as the numbers in the lists, were once
identical in both books; and we learn from
Ezr. ii. 68 what was the purpose of this liberal
contribution, viz. " to set up the House of God
in his place." From this phrase occurring in
Ezr. ii. just before the account of the building
of the Temple by Zerubbabel, it has usually
been understood as referring to the rebuilding.
But it really means no such thing. The phrase
properly implies restoration and preservation. It
already follows, from what has been said, that
the section under consideration is in its right
place in the Book of Nehemiah, and was insert-
ed subsequently in the Book of Ezra ont of its
chronological order.
But one or two additional proofs of this mnst
be mentioned. The most convincing and pal-
pable of these is perhaps the mention of the
Tirshatha in Ezr. ii. 63, Neh. vii. 65. Another
proof is the mention of Ezra as taking part in
that assembly of the people of Jerusalem which
is described in Ezr. iii. 1, Neh. viii. 1 ; for Ezra
did not come to Jerusalem till the reign of
Artaxerxcs (Ezr. vii.). Another is the mention
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NEHEMIAH, BOOK OF
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NEHEMIAH, BOOK OF
of Nehemiah as one of the leaders under whom
the captives enumerated in the census came up
(Ezr. li. 2 ; Neh. vii. 7) ; in both which passages
the juxtaposition of Nehemiah with Seraiah,
when compared with Neh. x. 1, 2, greatly
strengthens the conclusion that Nehemiah the
Tirshatha is meant. Then, again, that Nehe-
miah should summon all the families of Israel
to Jerusalem to take their census, and that,
having done so at great cost of time and trouble,
he, or whoever was employed by him, should
merely transcribe an old census taken nearly
100 veurs before, instead of recording the result
of hfs own labors, is so improbable that nothing
but the plainest necessity could make one be-
lieve it. From all which' it is abundantly clear
that the section under consideration belongs
properlv to the Book of Nehemiah. It docs
not follow, however, that it was written in its
present form by Nehemiah himself. It seems
probable that en. vii., from ver. 7, contains tho
substance of what was found in this part of Nehc-
miali's narrative, but abridged, and in the form
of an abstract, which may account for the diffi-
culty of separating Nchemiah's register from
Zerubbabel s, and also for the very abrupt men-
tion of the gifts of the Tirshatha and tho people
at the end of the chapter. (6.) The next sec-
tion commences Neh. viii., latter part of ver. 1,
and ends Neh. xi. 3. There is great probability
in the opinion advocated by Havemick and
Klcinert, that this section is the work of Ezra.
It is not necessary to suppose that Ezra himself
inserted this or any other part of the present
Book of Nehemiah in the midst of the Tirsha-
tha' s history. Bnt if there were extant an ac-
count of these transactions by Ezra, it may have
been thus incorporated with Nehemiah's History
by the last editor of Scripture, (c.) The third
section consists of cb. xi. 3-36. It contains a
list of the families of Judah, Benjamin, and
Levi (priests and Lcvites), who took up their
abode at Jerusalem, in accordance with the
resolution of the volunteers, and the decision of
the lot, mentioned in xi. 1, 2. This list forms
a kind of supplement to that in vii. 8-60, as
appears by the allusion in xi. 3 to that previous
doenment. This list is an extract from the
official roll preserved in the national archives,
only somewhat abbreviated, as appears by a
comparison withl Chr. ix., where an abstract of
the came roll is also preserved in a fuller form.
Ine nature of the information in this section,
and the parallel passage in 1 Chr., would rather
indicate a Levitical hand. It might or might
not have been the same which inserted the pre-
ceding section. If written later, it is perhaps
the work of the same person who inserted xii.
1-30, 44-47.
(rf.) From xii. 1 to 26 is clearly and certainly
an abstract from the official lists made and in-
serted here long after Nehemiah's time, and
after the destruction of the Persian dvnasty by
Alexander the Great, as is plainly indicated by
the expression Darius the Persian, as well as
by the mention of Jaddua. The allusion to
Jeshua, and to Nehemiah and Ezra, in ver. 26,
is also snch as would he made long posterior
to their lifetime, (e.) xii. 44-47 is an explan-
atory interpolation, made in later times, proba-
bly by the last reviser of the book, whoever he
was. That it is so is evident not only from
the sudden change from the first person to the
third, and the dropping of the personal narra-
tive (though the matter is one in which Nehe-
miah necessarily took the lead), but from the
fact that it describes the identical transaction
described in xiii. 10-13 by Nehemiah himself
Though, however, it is not difficult thus to
point out those passages of the book which
were not part of Nehemiah's own work, it is
not easy, by cutting them out, to restore that
work to its integrity. For Neh. xii. 31 does
not fit on well to any part of ch. vii., or, in other
words, the latter portion of Nehemiah's work
docs not join on to the former. It should seem
that wc nave only the first and last parts of
Nehemiah's work, and that for some reason the
intermediate portion has been displaced tc
make room for the narrative and documents
from Neh. vii. 7 to xii. 27. And we are greatly
confirmed in this supposition by observing that
at the close of chap. vii. we have an account of
the offerings made by the governor, the chiefs,
and the people; but we are not even told for
what purpose these offerings were made. Obvi-
ously, therefore, the original work must have
contained an account of some transactions con-
nected with repairing or beautifying the Temple,
which led to these contributions being made.
The passage in 2 Mace. ii. 13 lends considerable
support to the theory that the middle portion of
Nehemiah's work was cut oat, and that there
was substituted for it partly an abridged ab-
stract, and partly Ezra s narrative, ana other
appended documents. We may then affirm
with tolerable certainty that all the middle part
of the Book of Nehemiah has been supplied by
other hands, and that the first six chapters and
port of the seventh, and the last chapter and
half, were alone written by him, the intermedi-
ate portion being inserted by those who bad
authority to do so, in order* to complete the
history of the transactions of those times.
As regards the time when the Book of Nehe-
miah was put into its present form, we have
onlv the following data to guide us. The latest
hifrh-priest mentioned, Jaddua, was doubtless
still alive when his name was added. The de-
scriptive addition to the name of Darius (xii.
22) " the Persian " indicates that the Persian
rule had ceased, and the Greek rule bad be-
gun. Jaddua's name, therefore, and the clause
at the end of ver. 22, were inserted each in
the reign of Alexander the Great But it ap-
pears that the registers of the Levites, entered
into the Chronicles, did not come down low-
er than the time of Johanan (ver. 23). So
that the close of the Persian dominion, and the
beginning of the Greek, is the time clearly in-
dicated when the latest additions were made.
3. In respect to language and style, this hook
is very similar to the Chronicles and Ezra.
Nehemiah has, it is true, quite his own manner,
and certain phrases and modes of expression
peculiar to himself. He has also some few
words and forms not found elsewhere in Scrip-
ture; bnt the general Hebrew style is exactly
that of the books purporting to be of the same
age. Some words occur in Chron., Ezr., and
Neh., but nowhere else. The text of Nehemiah
is generally pure and free from corruption, ex-
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NEIEL
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NEPHTOAH
cent in the proper names, in which there is con-
siderable fluctuation in the orthography, both
as compared with other parts of the same book,
and with the same names in other parts of
Scripture ; and also in numerals. Many various
readings are also indicated by the LXX. ver-
sion. 4. The Book of Nehemiah has always
h.td an undisputed place in the Canon, being
included by the Hebrews under the general
bead of the Book of Ezra, and as Jerome tells
us in the Proloj. Gal. by the Greeks and Latins
noibr the nama of the second Book of Ezra.
Tli. -re is no question from it in the N. T, and
it has been comparatively neglected by both the
Gre :k and L uin fathers.
Nehaotti'as. 1. Nehemiah, the contempo-
rary ot Zeruhbabol ami Jeshua (1 Esd. v. 8).
— 2. Nelieraiah the Tirshatha, son of Hacha-
liah (1 Esd. v. 40). Ap.
Na"hiloth. The ti tic of Ps. v. in the A. V.
is rcn lured " to the chief musician upon Nehi-
loth." It is most likely, as Gesenius and others
explain, that it is derived from the root chalal,
to bore, perforate, whence chdlil, a flute or pipe
(I Sam. x. 5 ; 1 K. i. 40), so that Nchiloth is
the general term for perforated wind-instru-
ments of all kinds, as Neginoth denotes all
manner of stringed instruments. The title of
Ps. v. is therefore addressed to the conductor
of that portion of the Temple-choir who played
upon flutes and the like, and are directly al-
luded to in Ps. Ixxxvii. 7, where chSUHim, " the
players upon instruments" who are associated
with the singers, are properly "pipers" or
" flute-players."
Ne'hum. One of those who returned
from B.ibylon with Zcrubbabcl (Neh. vii. 7).
NehUSh'tO. The daughter of Elnathan
of Jerusalem, wife of Johoiakim, and mother of
Jehuiachin, kings of Judith (2 K. xxiv. 8).
Nehuah'tan. One of the first acts of
Hezckiah, upon v-oming to the throne of Juduh,
was to destroy all traces of the idolatrous rites
which had gained such a fast hold upon the
people during tho reign of his father Ahaz.
Among other objects of superstitious reverence
and worship was* the brazen serpent, made by
Hoses in the wilderness (Num. xxi. 9), which
was preserved throughout the wanderings of
the Israelites, probably as a memorial of their
deliverance, and according to a late tradition
was placed in the Temple. The name by which
the brazen serpent was known at this time, and
by which it had been worshipped, was Nehush-
tan (2 K. xviii. 4). It is evident that our
translators by their rendering, " and he called
it Nehushtan," understood with many commen-
tators that the subject of the sentence is Heze-
kiah, and that when he destroyed the brazen
serpent he gave it the name Nehushtan, "a
braxen thing?' in token of his utter contempt,
and to impress upon the people the idea of
its worthlcssness. But it is better to under-
stand the Hebrew as referring to the name by
which the serpent was generally known, the
subject of the verb being indefinite — " and one
called it ' Nehushtan.' ,r
Ne'iel, a place which formed one of the
landmarks of the boundary of tho tribe of
Ashcr (Josh. xix. 27 only). It occurs between
Jiphthah-el and Cabul. If the former of |
these be identified with Jejat, and the latter
with Kabil, eight or nine miles E. S. E. of
AUca, then Neiel may possibly be represented
by Mi 'or, a village conspicuously placed on a
lofty mountain brow, just half way between
the two.
Nek'eb, one of the towns on the boundary
of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 33). It lay between
Adaju and Jabneel. A great number of
commentators have taken this name as being
connected with the preceding. In the Talmud,
the post-biblical name of Nckeb is Ttiadatltah.
Of this more modem name, Schwarz suggests
that a trace is to be found in " Handhi" three
English miles N. from al Chatti.
Nekoda. 1. The descendants of Nekoda
returned among the Nethiniin after the captivi-
ty (Ezr. ii. 48; Neh. vii. 50). — 2. The sons
of Nekoda were among those who went up
after the captivity from Tel-melah, Tel-harsa,
and other places, but were unable to prove
their descent from Israel (Ezr. ii. 60; Neh. vii.
62).
jNTem'uel. L A fteubenito, son of Eliab,
and eldest brother of Dathun and Abiram
(Num. xxvi. 9). — 2. The eldest son of Sime-
on (Num. xxvi. 12; I Chr. iv. 24), from whom
were descended the family of the Nemuelites.
In Gen. xlvi. 10, he is called Jemubl.
Nemuelites, the. The descendants of
Nemuel the first-born of Simoon (Num. xxvi.
Ne'pheg. 1. One of the sons of Izhar the
son of Koiiath (Ex. vi. 21). — 2. One of
David's sons born to him in Jerusalem (2 Sam.
v. 15 ; 1 Chr. iii. 7, xiv. 6).
Ne'phi. The name by which the Naph-
thas of Nehemiah was usually called (2 Mace,
i. 36). The A V. has here followed the Vul-
gate. Ap.
Ne'phis. In the corrupt list of 1 Esd. v.
21, "the sons of Nephis apparently corre-
spond with " the children of Nebo " in Ezr. ii.
29, or else the name is a corruption of Mao-
bish. Ap.
Ne'phish. An inaccurate variation (found
in 1 Chr. v. 19 only) of the name Naphish.
Nephiah'esim. The children of Ne-
phishesim were among the Ncthinim who re-
turned with Zernbbabel (Neh. vii. 52).
Neph'thali. The Vulgate form of the
name Naphtali (Tob. i. 1, 2, 4, 5). Ap.
XTeph'thalim. Another form of the same
name as the preceding (Tob. vii. 3; Matt. iv.
13, 15; Rev. vii. 6).
Nephto'ah, the water of. The spring
or source of the water or (inaccurately) waters
of Ncphtoah, was one of the landmarks in the
boundary-line which separated Judah from Ben-
jamin (Josh. xv. 9. xviii. 15). It lay N. W. of
Jerusalem, in which direction it seems to have
been satisfactorily identified in Ain Ufl<\, a
spring situated a little distance above the village
of the same name. Nephtoah was formerly
identified with various springs — the spring
of St. Philip \Ain Haniyeh) in the Wady 3-
Werd ; the Am Yolo in the same valley, but
nearer Jerusalem ; tho Ain Karim, or Fountain
of the Virgin of raedistval times, and even the
so-called Well of Job at th* western end of <*<a
Wadg Al).
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NERGAL-SHAREZER
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NETHAXIAH
Neph'Uflim. The same as Nephishesim,
of which name, according to Gcsenius, it is the
proper form (Kzr. ii. 50).
Ner, son of Jchiel, according to 1 Chr. viii.
33, father of Kish and Abncr, and grandfather
of King Saul. Abner was, therefore, uncle to
Saul, as is expressly stated 1 Sam. xir. 50.
Ne'rous. A Christian at Rome, sainted
by St. Paul, Rom. xvi. 15. Origen conjec-
tures that he belonged to the household of
Philologus and Julia. A legendary account
of him is given in Ada Sanctorum, from which
may be gathered the tradition that he was
beheaded at Terracina, probably in the reign
of Nerva.
Ner'gal, one of the chief Assyrian and
Babylonian deities, seems to have corresponded
closely to the classical Mars. He was of Baby-
lonian origin, and his name signifies, in the
early Cushite dialect of that country, "the
great man," or " the great hero." His monu-
mental titles are — "the storm-ruler," "the
king of battle," " the champion of the gods,"
" the male principle " (or " the strong oeget-
ter"), "the tutelar god of Babylonia," and
" the god of the chase." It is conjectured that
he may represent the deified Nimrod. The only
express) mention of Nergal contained in sacred
Scripture is in 2 K. xvii. 30. He appears to
have oten worshipped under the symbol of the
" Man-Lion."
Ner gal-Share'zer occurs only in Jere-
miah xxxix. 3 and 13. There appear to have
been two persons of the name among the
" princes of the king of Babvlon," who accom-
panied Nebuchadnezzar on his last expedition
against Jerusalem. One of these is not marked
by any additional title ; but the other has the
honorable distinction of Rab-mag, and it is to
him alone that any particular interest attaches.
In sacred Scripture, he appears among the per-
sons, who, by command of Nebuchadnezzar,
released Jeremiah from prison : profane history
gives us reason to believe that he was a person-
age of great importance, who not long after-
wards mounted the Babylonian throne. This
identification depends in part upon the exact
resemblance of name, which is found on Baby-
lonian bricks in the form of Nergal-shar-uzur ;
but mainly it rests upon the title of Ruhu-emaa,
or Rab-mag, which this king bears in his in-
scriptions. Assuming on these grounds the
identity of the scriptural " Nergal - sharezer,
Rab-mag," with the monumental " N<rqal-*har-
uzur, Rubu-emga," we may learn something of
the history of the prince in question from pro-
fane authors. There cannot be a doubt that
he was the monarch called Ncriglissar or Neri-
glissoor by Berosus (Joseph, c. Ap. i. 20), who
murdered Evil-Mcrodach, the son of Nebuchad-
nezzar, and succeeded him upon the throne.
This prince was married to a daughter of Neb-
uchadnezzar, and was thus the brother-in-law
of his predecessor, whom he put to death. His
reign lasted between three and four years. He
appears to have died a natural death, and cer-
tainly left his crown to a young son, Laboro-
soarchod, who was murdered after a reign of
nine months. There is abundant reason to
believe from his name and his office that he
•fas a native Babylonian — a grandee of high
rank nnder Nebuchadnezzar, who regarded him
as a fitting match for one of his daughter*.
His reign preceded that of the Median Darius
by seventeen years. It lasted from B.C. 559 to
B.C. 556.
Ne'ri, son of Melchi, and father of Salathiel,
in the genealogy of Christ, Luke iii. 27. Noth-
ing is known of him, bnt his name is very im-
portant as indicating the principle on which
the genealogies of our Lord are framed. He
was of the line of Nathan ; bnt his son Salathiel
became Solomon's heir on the failure of Solo-
mon's line in King Jeconiah, and was therefore
reckoned in the royal genealogy among the
sons of Jeconiah.
Neri'ah. The son of Maaseiah, and father
of Baruch (Jer. xxxii. 12, xxxvi. 4, ziiii 3)
and Seraiah (Jer. Ii. 59).
Meri'as. The father of Baruch and Seraiah
(Bar. i. 1). Ap.
Met. The various terms applied by the
Hebrews to nets had reference either to the con-
struction of the article, or to its use and ob-
jects. What distinction there may have been
between the various nets described' by the He-
brew terms we are unable to decide. The net
was used for the purposes of fishing and hunt-
ing. The Egyptians constructed their nets
of flax-string: the netting-needle was made
of wood, and in shape closely resembled our
own (Wilkinson, ii. 95). Their nets varied
in form according to their use. As the nets
of Egypt were well known to the early Jews
(Is. xuc. 8), it is not improbable that the ma-
terial and form was the same in each country.
The nets used for birds in Egypt were of two
kinds, clap-nets and traps. The latter consisted
of network strained over a frame of wood,
which was so constructed, that the sides would
collapse by pulling n string, and catch any birds
that may have alighted on them while open.
The former was made on the same principle,
consisting of a double frame with the network
strained over it, which might be caused to col-
lapse bv pulling a string.
Heth aneel. L The son of Zuar, and
prince of the tribe of Issachar at the time of
the Exodus (Num. i. 8, ii- 5, vii. 18, 23, x. 15)
— 2. The fourth son of Jesse, and brother of
David (1 Chr. ii. 14). — 3. A priest in the
reign of David (1 Chr. xv. 24). — 4. A Levite,
father of Shcmaiah the scribe (1 Cbr. xxiv. 6).
—5. The fifth son of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxri.
4). — 6. One of the princes of Judah in the
reign of Jehoshnphat (2 Chr. xvii. 7). — 7. A
chief of the Levites in the reign of Josiah
(2 Chr. xxxv. 9). — 8. A priest of the family
of Pashur in the time of Ezra who had mar-
ried a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 22). — 9. The rep-
resentative of the priestly family of Jedaiah
in the time of Joiakim the son of Jeshua (Neh.
xii. 21 ). — 10. A Levite, of the sons of Asaph,
who took part in the dedication of the wall of
Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 36).
Nethaili'ah. L The son of Elishama,
and father of Ishmael who murdered Gedaliah
(2 K. xxv. 23, 25 ; Jer. xl. 8, 14, 15, xii. 1, 2,
6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 15, 16, 18). He was of the
royal family of Judah. — 3. One of the four
sons of Asaph the ministrel (1 Chr. xxv. 2, 12).
— 3. A Levite in the reign of Jeboahaphat
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NETTLE
(2 Chr jrvii. 8). —4. The father of Jehudi
(Jer. xxx vi. 14 J.
Heth'inim. As applied specifically to a
distinct body of men connected with the ser-
vices of the Temple, this name first meets us
in the later books of the 0. T. ; in 1 Chron.,
Ezra, and Nehemiah. The word, and the ideas
embodied in it, may, however, be traced to a
much earlier period. As derived from the verb
nation ( = give, set apart, dedicate), it was ap-
plied to those who were specially appointed to
the liturgical offices of the Tabernacle. We
most not forget that the Levites were given to
Aaron and his sons, i\e. to the priests as an
order, and were accordingly the first Nethinim
(Num. iii. 9, viii. 19). At first they were the
only attendants, and their work must have been
laborious enough. The first conquests, bow-
ever, brought them their share of the captive
slaves of the Midianites, and three hundred and
twenty were given to them as having charge of
the Tabernacle (Num. xxxi. 47), while thirty-
two only were assigned specially to the priests.
This disposition to devolvo the more laborious
offices of their ritual upon slaves of another
race showed itself again in the treatment of the
Gibeonite*. No addition to the number thus
employed appears to have been made during
the period of the Judges, and they continued
to be known by their old name as the Gibeon-
ites. Either the massacre at Nob had involved
the Gibeonites as well as the priests ( 1 Sam.
xxii. 19), or else they had fallen victims to
some other outburst of Saul's fury; and,
though there were survivors (2 Sam. xxi.
2), the number was likely to be quite inade-
quate for the greater stateliness of the new
worship at Jerusalem. It is to this period
accordingly that the origin of the class bear-
ing this name may be traced. The Nethinim
were those " whom David and the princes
appointed (Heb. gave) for the service of the
Levites " (Ear. viii. 20). Analogy would
lead us to conclude that, in this as in the
former instances, these were either prisoners
taken in war, or else some of the remnant of
the Caaaanites. From this time, the Nethinim
probably lived within the precincts of the Tem-
ple, doing its rougher work, and so enabling
the Levites to take a higher position as the re-
ligious representatives and instructors of the
Cple. The example set by David was fol-
ed by his successor. Assuming, as is prob-
able, that the later rabbinic teaching represents
the traditions of an earlier period, the Nethinim
appear never to have lost the stigma of their
Canaan ite origin. They were all along a servile
and subject caste. The only period at which
they rise into any thing like prominence is that
of the return from the captivity. In that re-
turn, the priests were conspicuous and numer-
ous ; but the Levites, for some reason unknown
to us, hung back. The services of the Nethi-
nim were consequently of more importance
(Ezr. viii 17); but in their case also, the
small number of those that joined (three hun-
dred and ninety-two under Zerubbabcl, two
hundred and twenty under Ezra, including
" Solomon's servants ") indicates that many
pr e fer red remaining in the land of their exile
r» returning to their old service. Those that ,
did come were consequently thought worthy of
special mention. Neither in the Apocrypha,
nor in the N. T., nor yet in the works of the
Jewish historian, do we find any additional
information about the Nethinim.
Neto'phah, a town, the name of which
occurs only in the catalogue of those who re-
turned with Zerubbabcl from the captivity
(Ezr. ii. 22 ; Neh. vii. 26 ; 1 Esd. v. 18). But,
though not directly mentioned till so late a
period, Netophah was really a much older
filace. Two of David's guard, Maharai and
Ieleb or Held a i (1 Chr. xxvii. 13, 15), were
Netophathites, and it was the native place of
at least one of the captains who remained under
arms near Jerusalem after its destruction by
Nebuchadnezzar. The "villages of the Ne-
tophathites " were the residence of the Levites
(1 Chr. ix. 16). From another notice we learn
that the particular Levites who inhabited these
villages were singers (Neh. xii. 28). That
Netophah belonged to Judah appears from the
fact that the two heroes above mentioned be-
longed, the one to the Zarhitcs, and the other
to Othniel, the son-in-law of Caleb. To judge
from Neh. vii. 26, it was in the neighborhood
of, or closely connected with, Bethlehem. It
is not mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome, and
although in the Mishna reference is made to
the " oil of Netophah," and to the " Valley of
Beth Netophah, nothing is said as to the situ-
ation of the place. The latter may well be the
present village of Beit NeUif, which stands on
the edge of the great valley of the Wadu
et-Sumt, but can hardly be the Netophah
of the Bible, since it is not near Bethlehem.
The only name in the neighborhood of Bethle-
hem suggestive of Netophah is that which ap-
pears invan de Velde's map as Antibeh, and
in Toblcr as Om Tuba, attached to a village
about two miles N. E. of Bethlehem, and a
wadr which falls therefrom into the Wady
en-lfar, or Kidron.
Netoph'athi, Neh. xii. 28. The same word
which in other passages is rendered " the Ne-
tophathitc."
Netoph'athite, the, 2 Sam. xxiii. 28, 29 ;
2 K. xxv. 23 ; 1 Chr. xi. 30, xxvii. 13, 15; Jer.
xl. 8. The plural form, the Netophathites
(the Hebrew word being the same as above),
occurs in 1 Chr. ii. 54, ix. 16.
Nettle. The representative in the A . V. of
the Hebrew words charid and lammosh or Icimdsh.
1. Charid occurs in Job xxx. 7; Prov. xxiv.
31. There is very great uncertainty as to the
meaning of the word charid, and numerous are
the plants which commentators have sought
to identify with it: brambles, sea-orach, butch-
ers' broom, thistles, have all been proposed.
The generality of critics and some modem
versions arc in favor of the nettle. Celsius be-
lieves the charid is identical with the Christ-
thorn (Zizyphus Palittrm) — the Paliunu aeu-
leatxa of modern botanists — but his opinion is
by no means well founded. Dr. Royle has
argued in favor of some species of wild mus-
tard. The scriptural passnp?s would suit this
interpretation, and it is quite possible that wild
mustard may be intended by charid. Wc are
inclined to adopt Dr. Roylc's opinion, as the
following won! probably denotes the nettle.
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S. KimmAsh or Idm&Jt occurs in Is. xxxiv. 13,
and in Hos. ix. 6. Another form of the same
word, kimm&Mnlm (" thoms," A. V.), occurs
in Prov. xxiv. 31. Modem commentators are
generally agreed upon the signification of this
term, which may well be understood to denote
some species of nettle ( Urtica).
New Moon. The first day of the lunar
month was observed as a holy day. In addi-
tion to the daily sacrifice, there were offered two
young bullocks, a ram and seven lambs of the
first yiar as a burnt-offering, with the proper
meat-offurings and drink-offerings, and a kid as
a sin-offering (Num. xxviii. 11-15). As on
the Sabbath, trade and handicraft-work were
stopped (Am. viii. 5), the Temple was opened
for public worship (Ez. xlvi. 3; Is. lxvi. 23).
The trumpets were blown at the offering of the
special sacrifices for the day, as on the solemn
festivals (Num. x. 10; Ps. lxxxi. 3). It was
an occasion for state-banquets (I Sara. xx.
5-24). In later, if not in earlier times, fasting
was intermitted at the new moons (Jud. viii.
6). The new moons are generally mentioned
so as to show that they were regarded as a
peculiar class of holy davs, distinguished from
the solemn feasts and the Sabbaths (Ez. xlr.
17 ; 1 Chr. xxiii. 31 ; 2 Chr. ii. 4, viii. 13,
xxxi. 3; Ezr. iii. 5; Neh. x. 33). The seventh
new moon of the religious year, being that of
Tisri, commenced the civil year, and had a sig-
nificance and rites of its own. It was a day of
holy convocation. By what method the com-
mencement of the month was ascertained in the
time of Moses is uncertain. The Mishna de-
scribes the manner in which it was determined
seven times in the year by observing the first
appearance of the moon, which, according to
Maimonides, derived its origin, by tradition,
from Moses, and continued in use as long as
the Sanhedrim existed. On the 30th day of the
month, watchmen were placed on commanding
heights round Jerusalem to watch the sky. As
soon as each of them detected the moon, he
hastened to a house in the city, which was kept
for the purpose, and was there examined by the
S resident of the Sanhedrim. When the evi-
ence of the appearance was deemed satisfac-
tory, the president rose up, and formally an-
nounced it, uttering the words, " It is conse-
crated." The information was immediately
sent throughout the land from the Mount of
Olives, by beacon-fires on the tops of the hills.
The religious observance of the day of the new
moon may plainly be regarded as the consecra-
tion of a natural division of time.
New Testament. The origin, history,
and characteristics of the constituent books
and of the great versions of the N. T., the
mutual relations of the Gospels, and the
formation of the Canon, are discussed in
other articles. It is proposed now to con-
sider the Text of the N. T. The subject na-
turally divides itself into the following heads,
which will be examined in succession : —
I. —Tea Histort or the Wbittbv Tixt.
St 1-11. The earliest history or the Text. Auto-
graph*. Corruption*. The text of Clement and
Ortran.
iS 12-Tft. Theories of recensions of the Text
JSIS-JS. External characteristic! of 1138.
HM-M. Enumeration of MSS. in Uncial, lis.
Cursive.
H<MM0. CUsslllcatloo of various reedlruu.
II. —The Histoxt or tbe Pbibteb Tixt.
1 1. The greet periods.
Siil-5. it. the Comalutenslan Polvflott- it. The
editions of Envunos. M. The editions of Ste-
phens. (5. Bcz.i and Klzcrlr (Ein ll'h ver*tonl
IS6-10. So. Walton; Curcclueus: Mill. »J. Iknt.
lejr. 5«. O. r. Maastricht: Wetslein. is. Cr.es-
bach; Matthel. « 10. Scholr.
iill-13. ill. Lachmann. ill. TUchendort ill.
Treitelles; Alford.
III. — PxiacirLtn or Textual Cuticiul
ii 1-9. External evidence.
Si 10-13. Internal evidence.
IV.— The L*»orio« or the New Teetavxst.
I. The Histort op tiie Wbittek Text.
1. The early history of the apostolic writings
offers no points of distinguishing literary in-
terest. Externally, as far as it can be traced,
it is the same as that of other contemporary
books. St. Paul, like Cicero or Pliny, often
employed the services of an amanuensis, to
whom he dictated his letters, affixing the salu-
tation "with his own hand" (1 Cor. xvi. 21 ;
2 Thess. iii. 17 ; Col. iv. 18). In one ease the
scribe has added a clause in his own name
(Rom. xvi. 22). Once, in writing to the (jala-
tinns, the apostle appears to apologize for the
rudeness of the autograph which he addressed
to them, as if from defective sight (Gal. vi. II).
If we pass onwards one step, it does not appear
that any special care was taken in the first age
to preserve the books of the N. T. from the
various injuries of time, or to insure perfect ac-
curacy of transcription. They were given as a
heritage to man, and it was some time before
men felt the full value of the gift. The original
copies seem to have soon perished. It is cer-
tainly remarkable that in the controversies at
the close of the second century, which often
turned upon disputed readings of Scripture, no
appeal was mode to the apostolic originals.
2. In the natural course of things, the apostolic
autographs would be likely to perish soon.
The material which was commonly used for
letters, the papyrus-paper to which St. John
incidentally alludes (2 John IS ; comp. 3 John
13), was singularly fragile; and even the stouter
kinds, likely to be used for the historical book?,
were not fitted to bear constant use. The pa-
pyrus fragments which have come down to the
present time have been preserved under peculiar
circumstances, as at Herculancum or in Egyp-
tian tombs. Parchment (2 Tim. iv. 13), which
was more durable, was proportionately rarer
and more costly. On all accounts, it seems
reasonable to conclude that the autographs
perished during that solemn pause which fol-
lowed the apostolic age, in which the idea of a
Christian Canon, parallel and snpplemenwrv
to the Jewish Canon, was first distinctly real-
ized. 3. In the time of the Diocletian persecu-
tion (a.d. 303), copies of the Christian *v-rij>-
turcs were sufficiently numerous to furnish a
special object for persecutors, and a characteris-
tic name to renegades who saved themselves by
surrendering the sacred books. Partly, per-
haps, owing to the destruction thus caused, but
still more from the natural effects of time, no
MS. of the N. T. of the first three centuries
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NEW TESTAMENT
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remains. Some of the oldest extant were cer-
tainly copied from others which dated from
within this period; but as yet no one can be
placed farther back than the time of Constan-
tine.
Bat though no fragment of the N. T. of the
first century still remains, the Italian and Egyp-
tian papyri, which are of that date, give a clear
notion of the calligraphy of the period. In these
the text is written in columns, rudely divided,
in somewhat awkward capital letters {uncials),
without any punctuation or division of words.
The iota, which was afterwards tubtcribed, is
commonly, but not always, adxribed; and there
is no trace of accents or breathings. 4. In ad-
dition to the latter MSS., the earliest versions
and patristic quotations give very important
testimony to the character and history of the
ante-Niccne text. Express statements of read-
ings which are found in some of the most an-
cient Christian writers are, indeed, the first
direct evidence which we have, and are con-
sequently of the highest importance. But till
the last quarter of the second century this
source of information fails us. Not only are
the remains of Christian literature up to that
time extremely scanty ; but the practice of ver-
bal quotation from the N. T. was not yet preva-
lent. The evangelic citations in the apostolic
Fathers and in Justin Martyr show that the
oral tradition was still as widely current as the
written Gospels, and there is not in those wri-
ters one express verbal citation from the other
npostolic books. This latter phenomenon is
in a great measure to be explained by the nature
of their writings. As soon as definite contro-
versies arose among Christians, the text of the
N. T. assumed its true importance. The
earliest monuments of these remain in the
works of Irenajus, Hippolytus (Pseudo-Origen),
and Tertnllian, who quote many of the argu-
ments of the leading adversaries of the Church.
Charges of corrupting the sacred text are urged
on both sides with great acrimony. Wilful in-
terpolations or changes are extremely rare, if
they exist at all, except in the case of Marcion.
His mode of dealing with the writings of the
N. T., in which he was followed by his school,
was, as Tertullian says, to use the knife rather
than subtlety of interpretation. But after mak-
ing some fundamental changes, he seems to
have adhered scrupulously to the text which he
found. In the isolated readings which he is
said to have altered, it happens not unfrequent-
Iv that he has retained the right reading, and
that his opponents are in error.
5. Several very important conclusions follow
from this earliest appearance of textual criti-
cism. It is in the first place evident that va-
rious readings existed in the books of the
N. T. at a time prior to all extant authorities.
History affords no trace of the pure apostolic
originals. Again, from the preservation of tho
first variations noticed, which are often ex-
tremely minute, in one or more of the primary
documents still left, we mav be certain that
no important changes have been made in the
sacred text, which we cannot now detect. 6.
Passing from these isolated quotations, we find
the first great witnesses to the apostolic text
in the early Syriac and Latin versions, and in
the rich quotations of Clement of Alexandria
(tcir. a.d. 220) and Origen (a.D. 184-254).
From the extant works of Origen alone, no
inconsiderable portion of the whole N. T.
might be transcribed. 7. The evangelic text of
Clement is far from pure. Two chief causes
contributed especially to corrupt the text of
the Gospels, the attempts to harmonize parallel
narratives, and the influence of tradition. The
former assumed a special importance from the
Diateitsaron of Tatian (cir. a.d. 170), and the
latter, which was very great in the time of
Justin Martyr, still lingered. 8. But Origen
stands as far first of all the ante-Niccne fathers
in critical authority as he does in commanding
genius; and his writings are an almost inex-
haustible storehouse for the history of the text.
9. In thirteen cases, Origen has expressly no-
ticed varieties of reading in the Gospels (Matt.
viii. 28, xvi. 20, xviii. 1, xxi. 5, xxi. 9, 15,
xxvii. 17; Mark iii. 18; Luke i. 46, ix. 48,
xiv. 19, xxiii. 45 ; John i. 3, 4, 28). In three
of these passages, the variations which he no-
tices are no longer found in our Greek copies,
Matt. xxi. 9 or 15, Mark iii. 18 (ii. 14), Luke
i. 46 ; in seven, our copies are still divided ;
in two (Matt. viii. 28, John i. 28), the reading
which was only found in a few MSS. is now
widely spread : in the remaining place (Matt.
xxvii. 17), a few copies of no great age retain
the interpolation which was found in his time
"in very ancient copies." 10. The evangelic
quotations of Origen are not wholly free from
the admixture of traditional glosses which have
been noticed in Clement, and often present
a confusion of parallel passages. II. In the
Epistles, Origen once notices a striking vuria
tion in Hcb. ii. 9, X"Pk 9cov for *apm Grow,
which is still attested ; but, apart from the
specific reference to variations, it is evident
that he himself used MSS. at different times
which varied in many details. There can be
no doubt that in Origen's time the variations
in the N. T. MSS. were beginning to lead to
the formation of specific groups of copies.
12. The most ancient MSS. and versions now
extant exhibit the characteristic differences
which have been found to exist in different
parts of the works of Origen. These cannot
have had their source later than the begin-
ning of the third century, and probably were
much earlier. Bengel was the first (1734) who
pointed out the affinity of certain groups of
MSS., which, as he remarks, must have arisen
before tho first versions were made. Originally
he distinguished three families, of which the
Cod. Ales. (A.) the Grseco-Latin MSS., and
the mass of the more recent MSS. were re-
spectively the types. At a later time (1737),
he adopted the" simpler division of " two na-
tions," the Asiatic and the African. In the
latter, he included Cod. Alex., the Gneco-Latin
MSS., the vT.thiopic, Coptic [Memphitic], and
Latin versions : the mass of the remaining
I authorities formed the Asiatic class. Tho
j honor of carefully determining the relations of
; critical authorities for the N. T. text belongs
1 to Griesbach. According to him, two distinct
recensions of the Gospels existed at the be-
' ginning of the third century : the Alexandrine,
! represented by B C L, I, 13, 33, 69, 106, the
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Coptic, .ASthiop., Arm., and later* Syrian ver-
sions, and the quotations of Clem. Alex., Ori-
gcn, Eusebius, Cyril. Alex., Isid. Felus. ; and
the Western, represented by D, and in part by
1, IS, 69, the ancient Latin version and Fa-
thers, and sometimes by the Syriac and Arabic
versions. Cod. Alex, was to be regarded as
giving a more recent (Constantinopolitan) text
in the Gospels. 13. The chief object of Gries-
oach in propounding his theory of recensions
was to destroy the weight of mere numbers.
Others carried on the investigation from the
point where he left it. Hug endeavored, with
much ingenuity, to place the theory on an his-
torical basis. According to him, the text of
the N. T. fell into a state of considerable cor-
ruption during the second century. To this
form he applied the term koiv!) indootc {common
edition). In the course of the third century,
this text, he supposed, underwent a threefold
revision, by Hesychius in Egypt, by Lucian
at Antioch, and by Origen in Palestine. So
that our existing documents represent four
classes : (!) The unrevised, D 1, 13, 69, in the
Gospels ; I) E, in the Acts ; D 3 F t G t in
the Pauline Epistles : the old Latin and The-
baic, and in part the Peshito Syriac ; and the
quotations of Clement and Origen. (2) The
Egyptian recension of Hesychius ; B C L in Gos-
pels; A B C 17 in the Pauline Epistles; ABC
Acts and Catholic Epistles ; A C in the Apoca-
lypse : the Memphitic version ; and the quota-
tions of Cyril. Alex, and Athanasius. (3) The
Asiatic (Antioch-Constnntinople) recension of
Lucian ; E F G H S V and the recent MSS.
generally; the Gothic and Slavonic versions
and the quotations of Thcophylact. (4) The
Palestinian recension of Origen (of the Gos-
pels) ; A K M ; the Philoxenian Syriac ; the
quotations of Theodoret and Chrysostom. Hug
snowed that the line of demarcation between the
Alexandrine and Western families of Griesbach
was practically an imaginary one. 14. Little
remains to be said of later theories. Eichhorn
accepted the classification of Hug. Scholz, re-
turning to a simpler arrangement, divided the
authorities into two classes, Alexandrine and
Constantinopolitan. Lachmann, who accepted
only ancient authorities, simply divided them
into Eastern (Alexandrine) and Western.
Tischendorf, with some reserve, proposes two
great classes, each consisting of two pairs, the
Alexandrine and Latin, the Asiatic and Byzan-
tine. Tregclles, discarding all theories of recen-
sion as historic facts, insists on the general
accordance of ancient authorities as giving an
ancient text in contrast with the recent text
of the more modern copies. At the same time,
he points out what we may suppose to be the
" genealogy of the text." This he exhibits in
the following form : —
n K B Z
" CLsin
P Q T R A
X (A) W K M H
E F G S U, fcc
15. The fundamental error of the recension
theories is the assumption either of an actual
recension or of a pure text of one type, which
was variously modified in later times, while the
fact seems to be exactly the converse. Groups
of copies spring not from the imperfect repro-
duction of the character of one typical exemplar,
but from the multiplication of characteristic
variations. A pure Alexandrine or Western
text is simply a fiction. The tendency at Alex-
andria or Carthage was in a certain direction,
and necessarily influenced the character of the
current text with accumulative force as far as
it was unchecked by other influences. This is
a general law, and the history of the apostolic
books is no exception to it. All experience
shows that certain types of variation propagate
and perpetuate themselves, and existing docu-
ments prove that it was so with the copies of the
N. T. Many of the links in the genealogical
table of our MSS. may be wanting ; but the
specific relations between the groups, and their
comparative antiquity of origin, are clear. This
antiquity is determined, not by the demonstra-
tion of the immediate dependence of particular
copies upon one another, but by reference to
a common standard. The secondary uncials
(E S U, &c.) are not derived from the earlier
(B C A) by direct descent, but rather both are
derived by different processes from one original.
1 6. From the consideration of the earliest his-
tory of the N. T. text we now pass to the en
of MSS. The quotations of Dionvsi us Alex.
(tx.D. 264), Pbtrus Alex, (tc a.d. 312),
Methodius (tA.D. 311), and Eusebius (tA.D.
340), confirm the prevalence of the ancient type
of text ; but the public establishment of Chris-
tianity in the Roman Empire necessarily led
to important changes. The nominal or real
adherence of the higher ranks to the Christian
faith must have largely increased the demand
for costly MSS. As a natural consequence, the
rude Hellenistic forms gave way before the cur-
rent Greek, and at the same time it is reasonable
to believe that smoother and fuller constructions
were substituted for the rougher turns of the
apostolic language. In this way, the foundation
of the Byzantine text was laid. Meanwhile the
multiplication of copies in Africa and Syria was
checked by Mohammedan conquests. The Greek
language ceased to be current in the West
The progress of the Alexandrine and Occidental
families of MSS. was thus checked ; and the
moss of recent copies necessarily represent
the accumulated results of one tendency. 17.
The appearance of the oldest MSS. has been
already described (§3). The MSS. of the 4th
century, of which Cod. Vatican. (B) may be taken
as a type, present a close resemblance to these.
The writing is in elegant continuous (capitals)
uncials, in three columns, without initial letters
or iota subscript, or ascript. A small interval
serves as a simple punctuation ; and there are
no accents or breathings by the hand of the first
writer, though these have been added subse-
quently. Uncial writing continued in general
use till the middle of the 10th century. From
the 11th century downwards, cursive writing
prevailed. The earliest cursive biblical MS. is
dated 964 a.d. The MSS. of the 14th and 15th
centuries abound in the contractions which
afterwards passed into the early printed books.
The oldest MSS. are written on the thinnest and
finest vellum : in later copies, the parchment is
thick and coarse. Papyrus was very rarely used
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after the 9th century. In the 10th century,
cotton paper was generally employed in Europe ;
and one example at least occurs of its use in the
9th century. In the 12th century, the common
linen or rag paper came into use.
One other kind of material requires notice,
re-dressed parchment. Even at a very early
period, the original text of a parchment MS.
was often erased, that the material might be
used afresh. In lapse of time, the original writ-
ing frequently re-appears in faint lines below
the later text, and in this way many precious
fragments of biblical MSS. which had been once
obliterated for the transcription of other works
hare been recovered. 18. In uncial MSS., the
contractions are usually limited to a few very
common forms. A few more occur in later
uncial copies, in which there are also some ex-
amples of the ascript iota. Accents are not found
in MSS. older than the 8th century. Breath-
ings and the apostrophus occur somewhat ear-
lier. The oldest punctuation, after the simple
interval, is a stop like the modern Greek colon.
The present note of interrogation (;) came into
use in the 9th century. 19. A very ingenious
attempt was made to supply an effectual system
of punctuation for public reading, by Euthalios,
who published an arrangement of St. Paul's
Epistles in clauses (ori^oil in 458, and another
of the Acts and Catholic Epistles in 490. The
same arrangement was applied to the Gospels
by some unknown hand, and probably at an
earlier date. SO. The earliest extant division
of the N. T. into sections occurs in Cod. B.
This division is elsewhere found only in the
palimpsest fragment of St. Luke, 3. In the
Acts and the Epistles there il a double division
in B, one of which is by a later hand. The
Epistles of St. Paul are treated as one unbroken
book divided into 93 sections, in which the Epis-
tle to the Hebrews originally stood between the
Epistles to the Galatians and the Ephcsians.
SI. Two other divisions of the Gospels must be
noticed. The first of these was a division into
" chapters " (lufi&aia rirXoi, breves), which cor-
respond with distinct sections of the narrative,
ana are on an average a little more than twice
as long as the sections in B. This division is
found in A, C, R, Z, and must therefore have
come into general use some time before the 5th
century. The other division was constructed
with a view to a harmony of the Gospels. It
owes its origin to Ammonins of Alexandria,
a scholar of the 3d century, who constructed a
Harmony of the Evangelists, taking St. Mat-
thew as the basis round which he grouped
the parallel passages from the other Gospels.
Eusebius of Cassarea completed his labor with
great ingenuity, and constructed a notation and
a series of tables, which indicate at a glance the
parallels which exist to any passage in one or
more of the other Gospels, and the passages
which are peculiar to each.
23. Toe division of the Acts and Epistles
into chapters came into use at a later time. It
is commonly referred to Euthalius, who, how-
ever, says that be borrowed the divisions of the
Pauline Epistles from an earlier father ; and
there is reason to believe that the division of
the Acta and Catholic Epistles which he pub-
lished was originally the work of Pamphilus j
the Martyr. The Apocalypse was divided into
sections oy Andreas of Cassarea about a.d.
500. 23. The titles of the sacred books are
from their nature additions to the original text
The distinct uames of the Gospels imply a col-
lection, and the titles of the Epistles are notes
by the possessors, and not addresses by the wri-
ters. In their earliest form, they are quite sim-
ple, According to Matthew, &c. ; To the Romans,
Ac ; First of Peter, 4c. ; Acts of Apostles ; Apoc-
alypse. These headings were gradually am-
plified. In the same way, the original sub-
scriptions, which were merely repetitions of the
titles, gave way to vague traditions as to
the dates, &c., of the books. 24. Very few
MSS. contain the whole N. T., twenty-seven
in all out of the vast mass of extant docu-
ments. Besides the MSS. of the N. T., or of
parts of it, there are also Lecrionaries, which
contain extracts arranged for the Church-ser-
vices. 25. When a MS. was completed, it was
commonly submitted, at least in early times, to
a careful revision. Two terms occur in de-
scribing this process, 6 uvripiMuni and SiopOur^c.
It has Been suggested that the work of the for-
mer answered to that of the " corrector of the
press," while that of the latter was more criti-
cal. 26. The number of uncial MSS. remain-
ing, though great when compared with the
ancient MSS. extant of other writings is in-
considerable. Tischendorf reckons tony in
the Gospels. To these must be added g ( Cod.
Sinait.), which is entire ; £ (?) a new MS. of
Tischendorf, which is nearly entire ; and 3
(Cod. Zacynth.), which contains considerable
fragments of St. Luke. In the Acts, there are
nine (ten with r). In the Catholic Epistles,
five. In the Pauline Epistles, there are four-
teen. In the Apocalypse, three. To these
three last classes must be added r, which is
entire. 27. According to date, these MSS.
are classed as follows : — Fourth century, r
B. Fifth century. A C, and some fragments
including Q T. Sixth century. DPBZ,Ej
Dt, IL, and four smaller fragments. Seventh
century. Some fragments including 0. Eighth
century. E L A H, Bj, and some fragments.
Ninth century. F K M X T A, H, G,=L,,
F, G, K t Mi and fragments. Tenth century.
GHSU (Ea). 28. A complete description
of these MSS. is given in the great critical edi-
tions of the N. T. : here those only can be
briefly noticed which are of primary importance,
the first place being given to the latest discov-
ered and most complete Codex Sinaiticus.
A (i-) Primary Uncials of the Gospels, r
(Codex Sinaiticus = Cod. Frid. Aug. of LXX.).
At St. Petersburg, obtained by Tischendorf
from the Convent of St. Catherine, Mount
Sinai, in 1859. The N. T. is entire, and the
Epistle of Barnabas and parts of the Shepherd
of Herman are added. It is probably the oldest
of the MSS. of the N. T. and of the 4th cen-
tury. A (Codex Alexandrinus, Brit. Mus.), a
MS. of the entire Greek Bible, with the Epistles
of Clement added. It was given by Cyril Lu-
car, patriarch of Constantinople, to Charles I.
in 1628, and is now in the British Museum.
It contains the whole of the N. T. with some
chasms. It was probably written in the first
half of the 5th century. B ( Codex Vaticamu,
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1209), a MS. of the entire Greek Bible, which
seems to have been in the Vatican Library
almost from its commencement (c. a.d 1450).
It contains the N. T. entire to Heb. ix. 14,
naSa : the rest of the Epistle to the Hebrews,
the Pastoral Epistles, and the Apocalypse, were
added in the 15th century. Ihe MS. is as-
signed to the 4th century. C (Coder Epltraemi
rescrijitus. Paris, Bibl. Imp. 9), a palimpsest
MS. which contains fragments of the LXX.
and of every part of the N. T. In the 12th
century, the original writing was effaced, and
some Greek writings of Ephracm Syrus were
written over it. The MS. was brought to Flo-
rence from the East at the beginning of the 1 6th
century, and came thence to Paris with Cathe-
rine de Medici. The only entire books which
have perished are 2 Tliess. and 2 John ; but
lacunae of greater or less extent occur constant-
ly. It is of about the same date as Cod. Alex.
D (Codex Be&j. Univ. Libr. Cambridge), a
Grasco- Latin MS. of the Gospels and Acts, with
a small fragment of 3 John, presented to the
University of Cambridge by Beza in 1581.
The text is very remarkable, and, especially in
the Acts, abounds in singular interpolations.
The MS. is referred to the 6th century.
L (Paris. Cod. Imp. 62), one of the most
important of the late uncial MSS. It contains
the four Gospels, with the exception of Matt,
iv. 22-v. 14, xxviii. 17-20; Mark X. 16-20,
xv. 2-20; John xxi. 15-25. The text agrees
in a remarkable manner with B and Ongen.
It is of the 8th century. K (Brit. Mus. Add.
17,211), a very valuable palimpsest, brought to
England in 1847 from the Convent of St. Mary
Deipara in the Nitrian Desert. The original
text is covered by Syrian writing of the 9th or
10th century. It is assigned to the 6th century.
X (Codex Monacensis), in the University Li-
brary at Munich. Of the 10th century. Z
(Cod. Dublinauis rescriptus, in the Library of
Trin. Coll. Dublin), a palimpsest containing
large portions of St. Matthew. It is assigned
to the 6th century. A ( Codex Snngattmsis), a
MS. of the Gospels, with an interlinear Latin
translation, in the Library of St. Gall, a (Co-
dex Zaciinthius), a palimpsest in possession of
the Bible Society, London, containing impor-
tant fragments of St. Luke. It is probably of
the 8th century, and is accompanied by a Ca-
tena. The following arc important fragments :
* (Tischendorf), various fragments of the
Gospcis (Acts, Pauline Epistles). N (Cod.
Cotton.), (formerly J N), twelve leaves of pur-
ple vellum, the writing being in silver, (our
leaves are in Brit. Mus. (Cotton. C. xv.) Saec.
vi. N* (Brit. Mus. Add. 17,136), a palimp-
sest. Sffic. iv., v. P Q (Codd. Gudpherbytani .
Wolfenbiittel), two palimpsests, r^cnectively of
the 6th and 5th centuries. T ( Cod'. tZorgiamu :
Propaganda at Borne), of the 5th century. T
(Cod. Barberini, 225, Rome). Saec. viii. 6
( Cod. Tischendorf, i., Leipsic). Saec. vii. — (ii.)
The Secondary Uncials are in the Gospels :
— E ( Basilecnsis, K. iv. 35, Basle). Saec. viii.
F (Rheno-trajectinus. Utrecht, formerly Bor-
recli). Saec. ix. G (Brit. Mus. Harl. 5,684).
Saec. ix., x. H (Hamburgensis. Seidelii). Saec.
ix. K (Cod. Cyprius. Paris, Bibl. Imp. 63).
Saec. ix. M (Cod. Campiunus. Paris, Bibl.
Imp. 48). Stec. x. S (Vaticanus, 354). tee
x. U (Cod. Navianus. Venice). Saec. x. V
(Mosqucnsis). Saec. ix. T (Bodleianus). Sasc.
ix. A (Bodleianus). Saec viii. (?). Cod.
Tischendorf iii. (Bodleian.) Saec. viii., ix. £
(St. Petersburg). Saec. viii., ix. (?). — B (i.)
Primary Uncials of the Acts and Catholic Epis-
tles, k, A B C D. Ei ( Codex Laudiama, 35),
a Graeco-Latin MS. of the Acts, probably
brought to England by Theodore of Tarsus,
668, and used by Bede. It was given to the
University of Oxford by Archbishop Laud in
1636. Saec. vi., vii. — (ii.) The Secondary
Uncials are — Gi = I, (Cod. Angelicus (Pas-
sionei) Rome). Saec. ix. Hi ( Cod. ifutinntsis,
Modena), of the Acts. Saec. ix. K, (Mos-
quensis), of the Catholic Epistles. Saec. ix.
— C (i.) Primary Uncials of the Pauline Epis-
tles : r A B C. Di (Codex Claromontanus,
i.e. from Clermont, near Beauvais, Paris, Bibl.
Imp. 107), a Graeco-Latin MS. of the Pauline
Epistles, once (like D) in the possession of
Beza. It passed to the Royal Library at Paris
in 1707, where it has since remained. The
MS. is entire except Rom. i. 1-7. The pas-
sages Rom. i. 27-30 (in Latin, i. 24-27) were
added at the close of the 6th century, and
1 Cor. xiv. 13-32 by another ancient band.
The MS. is of the 'middle of the 6th cen-
tury.
F ( (Codex Augiensis, Coll. SS. Trin. Cant.
B, 17, 1), a Graeco-Latin MS. of St. Paul's
Epistles, brought by Bentley from the Monas-
tery of Rcichenau ( Augia Major) in 1718, and
left to Trin. Coll. by his nephew in 1786. It
is assigned to the 9th century. G» (Coda
Barnenanus. Dresden), a Graeco-Latin MS.,
which originally formed a part of the same vol-
ume with A. The following fragments are of
great value : — Hj (Codex Coislinianus. Paris,
Bibl. Imp. 202), part of a stichomctrical MS.
of the 6th century, consisting of twelve leaves :
two more are at St. Petersburg. M» (Ham-
burg; London), containing Heb. i. 1-iv. 3,
xii. 20-end, and 1 Cor. xv. 52-2 Cor. i. 15; 2
Cor. x. 13-xii. 5, written in bright red ink in
the 10th century. — (ii.) The Secondary Unci-
als arc : — Kj, L>. E, ( Cod. Sanpermanams,
St. Petersburg), a Graeco-Latin MS., of which
the Greek text was badly copied from Dt afro
it had been thrice corrected, and is of no value.
The Latin text is of some slight value, but has
not been well examined. — D (i.) The Pri-
mary Uncials of the Apocalypse. jAC. (ii.)
The Secondary Uncial is — B, ( Codex V'atka-
nus (Basilianus), 2,066). 29. The number of
the cursive MSS. (minuscules) in existence can-
not be accurately calculated. Tischendorf cat-
alogues about 500 of the Gospels, 200 of tlie
Acts and Catholic Epistles, 250 of the Pauline
Epistles, and a little less than 100 of the Apoc-
alypse (exclusive of lectionaries) ; but this enu-
meration can only be accepted as a rough ap-
proximation.
30. Having surveyed in outline the history
of the transmission of the written text, and the
chief characteristics of the MSS. in which it is
preserved, we are in a position to consider the
extent and nature of the variations which exist
indifferent copies. It is impossible to estimate
the number of these exactly ; but they cannot
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be less than 120,000 in all, though of these a
very large proportion consist of differences of
spelling and isolated aberrations of scribes, and
of the remainder comparatively few alterations
are sufficiently well supported to create reason-
able doubt as to the final judgment. Probably
there are not more than 1,600-2,000 places in
which the true reading is a matter of uncertain-
ty. 31. Various readings are due to different
causes : some arose from accidental, others
from intentional alterations of the original text,
(i.) Accidental variations or errata are by far
the most numerous class, and admit of being
referred to several obvious sources, (a) Somo
are errors of sound. The most frequent form
of this error is called Ilacitm, a confusion of
different varieties of the I-sound, by which (ex,
v) 9, t, a, e, &c., arc constantly interchanged.
Other vowel-changes, as of o and o, ov and u,
Ate., occur, but less frequently. Very few
MSS. are wholly free from mistakes of this
kind, bnt some abound in them. 32. (/?) Oth-
er variations are due to errors of sight. These
arise commonly from the confusion of similar
letters, or from the repetition or omission of
the same letters, or from the recurrence of a
similar ending in consecutive clauses, which
often causes one to be passed over when the
eye mechanically returns to the copy. To these
may be added the false division of words in tran-
scribing the text from the continuous uncial
writing.
33. Other variations may be described as err-
ors of impression or memory. The copyist after
reading a sentence from the text before him
often failed to reproduce it exactly. He trans-
posed the words, or substituted a synonyme for
somo very common term, or gave a direct per-
sonal turn to what was objective before. Vari-
ations of order are the most frequent, and very
commonly the most puzzling questions of text-
ual criticism. Examples occur in every page,
almost in every verse, of the N. T. 34. (ii.)
Of intentional changes, some affect the expres-
sion, others the substance, of the passage, (a)
The intentional changes in language are partly
changes of Hellenistic ':rms for those in com-
mon use, and partly modifications of harsh con-
structions. Imperfect constructions are com-
pleted in different ways. Apparent solecisms
are corrected. Variations in the orthography
of proper names ought probably to be placed
under this head. 35. (,3) The changes intro-
duced into the substance of the text are gene-
rally additions, borrowed either from parallel
passages or from marginal glosses. Tno first
kind of addition is particularly frequent in the
Gospels. Glosses are of more partial occur-
rence. Of all Greek MSS. Cod. hem (D) is
th-j most remarkable for the variety and singu-
larity of the glosses which it contains. 36. (y)
Many of the glosses which were introduced into
the text spring from the ecclesiastical use of
the N. T., just as, in the Gospels of our own
Prayer-book, introductory clauses have been
inserted here and there. These additions are
commonly notes of person or place. Some-
times an emphatic clause is added. But the
most remarkable liturgical insertion is the dox-
ology in the Lord's Prayer, Matt. vi. 13; and
it is probable that the interpolated verse, Acts i
viii. 37, is due to a similar cause. 37. (<J)
Sometimes, though rarely, various readings
noted on the margin are incorporated in the
text. 38. (e) The number of readings which
seem to have been altered for distinctly dog-
matic reasons is extremely small. In spite of
the great revolutions in thought, feeling, and
practice through which the Christian Church
passed in fifteen centuries, the copyists of the
N. T. faithfully preserved, according to their
ability, the sacred trust committed to them.
There is not any trace of intentional revision
designed to give support to current opinions
(Matt. xvii. 21, Mark ix. 29, 1 Cor. vii. 5,
need scarcely be noticed). The utmost that
can be urged is that internal considerations
may have decided the choice of readings. But
the general effect of these variations is scarcely
appreciable, nor are the corrections of assumed
historical and geographical errors much more
numerous. 39. The great mass of various
readings are simply variations in form. There
are, however, one or two greater variations of
a different character. The most important of
these are John viii. 1-12; Mark xvi. 9-end;
Rom. xvi. 25-27. The first stands quite by
itself; and there seems to be little doubt that
it contains an authentic narrative, but not by
the hand of St. John. The two others, taken
in connection with the last chapter of St John's
Gospel, suggest the possibility that the apostol-
ic writings may have undergone in some cases
authoritative revision. 40. Manuscripts, it
must be remembered, ore but one of the three
sources of textual criticism. The versions and
patristic quotations are scarcely less important
tn doubtful coses.
II. Tub History op the Printed Text.
— 1. The history of the printed text of the
N. T. may be divided into three periods. The
first of these extends from the labors of the
Complutensian editors to those of Mill ; the
second from Mill to Scholz; the third from
Lachmann to the present time. The criticism
of the first period was necessarily tentative and
partial : the materials available for the con-
struction of the text were few, and imperfectly
known. The second period marks a jjreat
projiress : the evidence of MSS., of versions,
of Fathers, was collected with the greatest dili-
gence and success : authorities were compared
and classified : principles of observation and
judgment were laid down. Bnt the influence
of the former period still lingered. The third
period was introduced by the declaration of a
new and sounder law. It was laid down that
no right of possession could be pleaded against
evidence. The " received " text, as such, was
allowed no weight whatever. Its authority,
on this view, must depend solely on critical
worth. From first to last, in minute details
of order and orthography, as well as in graver
questions of substantial alteration, the text
must be formed by a free and unfettered judg-
ment Each of these periods will now require
to be noticed more in detail.
i. From the Complutensian Polmlott to Mitt.
2. The Complutensian Polmlott. The Latin Vul-
gate and the Hebrew text of the O. T. had been
published some time before anv part of the
original Greek of the N. T. The Hymns of
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Zacharias and the Virgin (Luke i. 42-56, 68-
80) were appended to a Venetian edition of a
Psalter of 1486. This was the first part of
the N. T. which was printed in Greek. Eigh-
teen years afterwards (1504), the first six chap-
ters of St. John's Gospel were added to an
edition of the Poems of Gregory of Nozianzus,
published by Aldus. But the glory of printing
the first Greek Testament is due to the prince-
ly Cardinal Ximbnes. This great prelate as
early as 1502 engaged the services of a number
of scholars to superintend an edition of the
whole Bible in the original Hebrew and Greek,
with the addition of the Cbaldee Targum of
Onkelos, the LXX. version, and the V ulgate.
The work was executed at Alcala (Complu-
tum), where he had founded a university. The
volume containing the N. T. was printed first,
■and was completed on Jan. 10, 1514. Thcwhole
work was not finished till July 10, 1517, about
four months before the death of the cardinal.
The most celebrated men who were engaged on
the N. T., which forms the fifth volume of the
entire work, were Lebrixa (Ncbrisscnsis) and
Stunica. Considerable discussion has been
raised as to the MSS. which they used. The
editors describe these generally as " copies of the
greatest accuracy and antiquity," sent from the
Papal Library at Rome ; and in the dedication
to Leo, acknowledgment is made of his gene-
rosity in sending MSS. of both " the O. T. and
N. 1." The whole question, however, is now
rather of bibliographical than of critical inter-
est. There can be no doubt that the copies,
from whatever source they came, were of late
date, and of the common type. The chief edi-
tions which follow the Complutensian, in the
main, are those of (Plantinf Antwerp, 1564-
1612; Geneva, 1609-1632; Mainz, 1753.
3. The editions of Erasmus. — The history of
the edition of Erasmus, which was the first tmb-
ttshed edition of the N. T., is happily free from
all obscurity. Erasmus hnd paid considerable
attention to the study of the N. T. when he re-
ceived an application from Froben, a printer of
Basle with whom he was acquainted, to prepare
a Greek text for the press. Froben was anxious
to anticipate the publication of the Compluten-
sian edition, and the haste with which the work
of Erasmus was completed shows that little
consideration was paid to the exigencies of text-
ual criticism. The request was made on April
17, 1515, while Erasmuswasin England. The
details of the printing were not settled in Sep-
tember in the same year, and the whole work
was finished in February, 1516. The work, as
Erasmus afterwards confessed, was done in reck-
less haste, and that too in the midst of other
heav v literary labors. The MSS. which formed
the basis of his edition are still, with one ex-
ception, preserved at Basle ; and two which he
used for the press contain the corrections of
Erasmus and the printer's marks. The one is
a MS. of the Gospels of the 16th century of
the ordinary late type (marked 2 Gosp.) : the
other a MS. of the Acts and the Epistles (2
Acts. Epp.), somewhat older, but of the same
general character. Erasmus also made some
use of two other Basle MSS. (1 Gosp. ; 4 Acts.
Epp.) ; the former of these is of great value,
hut the important variations from the common
text which it offers made him suspect that It
had been altered from the Latin. For the Apoc-
alypse he had only an imperfect MS. which
belonged to Reuchim. The last six verses were
wanting, and these he translated from the Latin,
a process which he adopted in other places
where it was less excusable. The received text
contains two memorable instances of this bold
interpolation. But he did not insert the testi-
mony of the heavenly witnesses (1 John v. 7),
an act of critical faithfulness which exposed
him to the attacks of enemies.
After his first edition was published, Erasmus
continued his labors on the N. T. ; and in
March, 1519, a second edition appeared which
was altered in about 400 places, of which Mill
reckons that 330 were improvements. But his
chief labor seems to have been spent upon tbt
Latin version, and in exposing the " solecisms "
of the common Vulgate, the value of which be
completely misunderstood. A third edition was
required in 1522, when the Complutensian
Polyglott also came into circulation. In this
edition, 1 John v. 7 was inserted for the first
time on the authority of the " Codex Briunni-
ens " (i.e. Cod. Montfortianus), in a form which
obviously betrays its origin as a clumsy trans-
lation from the Vulgate. The text was altered
in about 118 places. This edition is further
remarkable as giving a few (19) various read-
ings. Three other early editions give a text
formed from the second edition of Erasmus and
the Aldine, those of Hagenau, 1521, of Cepha-
laeus at Strasburg, 1524, of Bebclius at Basle,
1531. Erasmus at length obtained a copy of
the Complutensian text, and in his fourth edi-
tion, in 1527, gave some various readings from
it in addition to those which he had already
noted, and used it to correct his own text in
the Apocalypse in ninety places, while elsewhere
he introduced only sixteen changes. His fifth
and last edition (1535) differs only in four places
from the fourth, and the fourth edition after-
wards became the basis of the received text.
4. The editions of Stephens. — The scene of
our historv now changes from Basle to Paris.
In 1543, Simon dc Colines (Colin-eus) pub-
lished a Greek text of the N. T., corrected in
about 150 places on fresh MS. authority. Not
longafter it appeared, B. Esticnne (Stephanos)
Eublished his first edition (1546), which was
ased on a collation of MSS. in the Royal Li-
brary with the Comjilutcnsian text. He gives
no detailed description of the MSS. which he
used; and their character can only be discovered
by the quotation of their readings, which is
given in the third edition. A second edition
very closely resembling the first both in form
nnd' text, having the same preface and the same
number of pages and lines, was published in
1 549 ; but the great edition of Stephens is that
known as the liepia, published in 1550. Of
the authorities which he quoted, most have been
since identified. They were the Complutensian
text, ten MSS. of the Gospels, eight of the
Acts, seven of the Catholic Epistles, eight of
the Pauline Epistles, two of the Ajiocalypse, in
all fifteen distinct MSS. One of these was
the Codex Bear (D). Two have not yet been
recognized. The collations were made bv his
son Henry Stephens. Less than thirty changes
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were made on MS. authority; and except in
the Apocalypse, which follows the Compluten-
sian text most closely, " it hardly ever deserts
the last edition of Erasmus" (Tregelles). Nu-
merous instances occurred in which Stephens
deserts his former text and all his MSS. to
restore an Erasmian reading. Stephens pub-
lished a fourth edition in 1957 (Geneva), which
is only remarkable as giving for the first time
the present division into verses. — S. The edi-
tions of Bern and EUevir. — Nothing can illus-
trate more clearly the deficiency among schol-
ars of the first elements of the textual criticism
of the N. T. than the annotations of Beza
(1506). This great divine obtained from H.
Stephens a copy of the N. T. in which he had
noted down various readings from about twenty-
five MSS. and from the early editions ; bnt he
used the collection rather for exegetical than
for critical purposes. The Greek text of Bcza
(dedicated to Queen Elizabeth) was printed by
II. Stephens in 1565, and again in 1576 ; but
his chief edition was the third, printed in 1 582,
which contained readings from the Codices Bezos
and Claroir.ontania. Uther editions by Beza
appeared in 1588-9, 1598; and his (third) text
found a wide currency.
Among other editions which were wholly
or in part based upon it, those of the Elzevirs
alone require to be noticed. The first of these
editions, famous for the beauty of their execu-
tion, was published at Leyden in 1 624. It is
not known who acted as editor ; but the test is
mainly that of the third edition of Stephens.
Including every minute variation in orthog-
raphy, it differs from this in 278 places. In
these cases, it generally agrees with Beza ; more
rarely it differs from both, either by typographi-
cal errors, or perhaps by manuscript authority.
In the second edition (Leyden, 1633), it was
announced that the text was that which was
universally received. From this time, the Elze-
virian text was generally reprinted on the Con-
tinent, and that of the third edition of Stephens
in England, till quite recent times. — ii. From
Mill to Scholz. — 6. The second period of the
history of the printed text may be treated with
less detail. The first important collection of
various readings was given by Walton in the
6th volume of his rolyglott. The Syriac,
Arabic, ^Ethiopic, and Persian versions of the
N. T., together with the readings of Cod. Alex.,
were printed in the 5th volume together with
the text of Stephens. To these were added in
the 6th the readings collected by Stephens,
others from an edition by Wechel at Frankfort
(1597), the readings of the Codices Beza and
Claromont., and of fourteen other MSS. which
had been collated under the care of Archbp.
Ussher. A few more MS. readings were given
by CuBCELLiECS (de Courcelles) in an edition
published at Amsterdam, 1658, &c. ; but the
great names of this period continue to be those
of Englishmen. The readings of the Coptic
and Gothic versions were first given in the
edition of (Bp. Fell) Oxford, 1675 ; ed. Greg-
ory, 1703 ; but the greatest service which Fell
rendered to the criticism of the N. T. was the
liberal encouragement which he gave to Mill.
The work of Mill (cf. Oxon. 1707 ; Amstelod.
ed. Koster, 1710; other copies have on the
titlepage 1723, 1746, &c.) marks an epoch lis
the history of the N. T. text. There ts much
in it which will not bear the test of historical
inquiry, much that is imperfect in the materials,
much that is crude and capricious in criticism ;
but, when every drawback has been made, the
edition remains a splendid monument of the
labors of a life. The work occupied Mill about
thirty years, and was finished only a fortnight
before his death. One great merit of Mill was
that be recognized the importance of each cle-
ment of critical evidence, the testimony of MSS.
versions, and citations, as well as internal evi-
dence. In particular, he asserted the claims of
the Latin version, and maintained, against much
opposition, even from his patron Bp. Fell, the
great value of patristic quotations. He had
also a clear view of the necessity of forming a
general estimate of the character of each au-
thority, and described in detail those of which
he made use. — 7. Among those who had
known and valued Mill was B. Bentley, the
greatest of English scholars. In his earliest
work, in 1691, Bentley had expressed generous
admiration of the labors of Mill, and after-
wards, in 1713, in bis Remarks, triumphantly
refuted the charges of impiety with which they
were assailed. But Mill had only " accumulated
various readings as a promptuary to the judi-
cious and critical reader ; " Bentley would
" make use of that promptuary, . . . and not
leave the reader in doubt and suspense " (An-
swer to Remarks, iii. 503). With this view, he
announced, in 1716, his intention of publishing
an edition of the Greek Testament on the au-
thority of the oldest Greek and Latin MSS.,
" exactly as it was in the best examples at the
time of the Council of Nice, so that there shall
not be twenty words' nor even particles' differ-
ence " (iii. 477 to Archbp. Wake). Bentley
continued his labors till 1729. After that time,
they seem to ho** ceased. The troubles in
which he was involved render it unnecessary w»
seek for any other explanation of the suspen-
sion of his work.
8. The conception of Bentley was in ad-
vance both of the spirit of his age and of the
materials at his command. Textual criticism
was forced to undergo a long discipline before
it was prepared to follow out his principles.
During this time, German scholars held the
first place. Foremost among these was Behgbl
(1687-1752), who was led to study the varia-
tions of the N. T. from a devout sense of the
infinite value of every divine word. His merit
in discerning the existence of families of docu-
ments has been already noticed (i. § 12); but
the evidence before him was not sufficient to
show the paramount authority of the most
ancient witnesses. The labors of Wetsteih
(1693-1754) formed an important epoch in the
history of the N. T. His Greek Testament did
not appear till 1751-2 at Amsterdam. The
great service which Wetstein rendered to sacred
criticism was by the collection of materials.
Ho made nearly as great an advance on Mill as
Mill had made on those who preceded him. But
in the use of his materials he showed little
critical tact. — 9. It was the work of Gkier-
bach (1745-1812) to place the comparative
value of existing documents in a clearer light
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His first editions were based for the most part
on the critical collections of Wetstein. Not
long afterwards, Matth/ei published an edition
based on the accurate collation of Moscow
MSS. These new materials were further in-
creased by the collections of Alter (1786-7),
Birch. Adler, and Moldenhawer (1788-1601),
as well as by the labors of Griesbach himself.
And when Griesbach published his second edi-
tion (1796-1806, 2ded. of vol. i. byD.Schulz,
1827) he made a noble use of the materials
thus placed in his hands. His chief error was,
that lie altered the received text instead of con-
structing the text afresh ; but in acuteness,
vigor, and candor, he stands below no editor
of the N. T., and his judgment will always
retain a peculiar value. — 10. The edition of
Scholz contributed more in appearance than
reality to the furtherance of criticism (1830-
1 836). This laborious scholar collected a great-
er mass of various readings than bad been
brought together before ; but his work is very
inaccurate, and his own collations singularly
superficial. — iii. From Lachmann to the promt
time. — 11. In the year after the publication of
the first volume of Scholz's N. T., a small
edition appeared in a series of classical texts
prepared by Lachmann (t 1851). In this, the
admitted principles of scholarship were for the
first time applied throughout to the construc-
tion of the text of the N. T. The prescriptive
right of the tortus receptus was wholly set aside,
and the text in every part was regulated by
ancient authority. Lachmann delighted to
quote Bentiey as his great precursor (§7);
but there was an important difference in their
immediate aims. Bentlcy believed that it would
be possible to obtain the true text directly by
a comparison of the oldest Greek authorities
with the oldest MSS. of the Vulgate. After-
wards very important remains of the earlier
Latin versions wore discovered, and the whole
question was complicated by the collection of
fresh documents. Lachmann therefore wished
in the first instance only to give the current
text of the fourth century, which might then
become the basis of further criticism. This at
least was a great step towards the truth, though
it must not be accepted as a final one. But
Laclimann's edition, great as its merits are as
a first appeal to ancient evidence, is not with-
out serious faults. The materials on which it
was based were imperfect. The range of pa-
tristic citations was limited arbitrarily. The
exclusion of the Oriental versions, however
necessary at the time, left a wide margin for
later change. The neglect of primary cursives
often necessitated absolute confidence on slen-
der MS. authority.
12. The chief defects of Lachmann's edition
arise from deficiency of authorities. Another
German scholar, Tischendorf, has devoted
twenty years to enlarging onr accurate knowl-
edge of ancient MSS. The first edition of
Tischendorf (1841) has now no special claims
for notice. In his second (Leipsic) edition
(1849), he fully accepted the great principle of
Lachmann, that the text "must be songht
solely from ancient authorities, and not from
the so-called received edition," and gave many
•f the results of his own laborious and valuable
collations. During the next few years, Tischen.
dorf prosecuted his labors on MSS. with un-
wearied diligence ; and in 1 855-9 he published
his third (seventh) critical edition. The text,
except in details of orthography, exhibits gen-
erally a retrograde movement from the most
ancient testimony. The Prolegomena are co-
pious, and full of interest. — 13. Meanwhile
the sound study of sacred criticism had revived
in England. In 1844, Tregelles published
an edition of the Apocalypse in Greek and
English, and announced an edition of the
N. T. The first part, containing St. Matthew
and St. Mark, appeared in 1857; the second,
completing the Gospels, in 1861. This edition
of Tregelles differs from that of Lachmann by
the greater width of its critical foundation ; and
from that of Tischendorf by a more constant
adherence to ancient evidence. The editions
of Knapp (1797, &c.), Vater (1824), Tittmann
(1820, &c.), and Hahn (1840, &c.), have no pe-
culiar critical value. Meyer (1829, &c.) paid
greater attention to the revision of the text which
accompanies his great commentary ; but his crit-
ical notes are often arbitrary and unsatisfactory.
In the Greek Testament of Alfbrd, as in that of
Meyer, the text is subsidiary to the commentary ;
but it is impossible not to notice the important
advance which has been made by the editor in
true principles of criticism during the course of
its publication. — 14. Besides the critical edi-
tions of the text of the N. T., various collections
of readings have been published separately,
which cannot be wholly omitted. In addition
to those already mentioned (§9), the most im-
portant arc by Rinck, Lucubratio Critica, 1830 ;
Seiche, Codiatm MSS. iV. T. Gr. aliquot iiaig-
niorum inSilil. Reg. . . . collatio 1847; Scrivener,
A Collation of about Twenty Greek MSS. of the
Holy Gospels ... 1 853 ; A Transcript of the
Cod. Aug. with a full Collation of Fifty MSS.
1859; and E. de Muralt, of Russian MSS.
(N. T. 1848.)
III. Principles op Textual Criticism.
— The work of the critic can never be shaped
by definite rules. The formal enunciation of
principles is but the first step in the process of
revision. Canons of criticism arc more fre-
quently corollaries than laws of procedure.
Yet such canons are not without use in mark-
ing the course to be followed ; but they are in-
tended only to guide, and not to dispense with
the exercise of tact and scholurship. What ap-
pears to be the only sound system of criticism
will be seen from the rules which follow. — 1 .
Tlie text must throughout be determined by evidence
witliout allowing any prescriptive rigid to printed
editions. The received text may or may not be
correct in any particular case, but this must be
determined solely by an appeal to the original
authorities. Nor is it right even to assume the
received text as onr basis. The question before
us is not, What is to be changed t but, What is
toberead? — 2. Every element of evidence must be
taken into account before a decision is made. Some
uncertainty must necessarily remain ; for, when
it is said that the text must rest upon evidence,
it is implied that it must rest on an examina-
tion of the whole evidence. But it can never
be said that the mines of criticism are exhaust-
ed. To exclnde remote chances of error, U it
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necessary to take account of every testimony.
The true text must (as a rule) explain all vari-
ations, and the most recent fonns may illus-
trate the original one. — 3. The relative weight of
the several classes of evidence is modified by their
generic character. Manuscripts, versions, and
citations, the three great classes of external
authorities for the text, are obviously open to
characteristic errors. The first are peculiarly
liable to errors from transcription. The two
last are liable to this cause of corruption, and
also to others. The genius of the language
into which the translation is made may require
the introduction of connecting particles or words
of reference, as can be seen from the Italicized
words in the A. V. Glossesor marginal additions
are more likely to pass into the text in the pro-
cess of translation than in that of transcripfon.
Quotations, on the other hand, are often partial,
or from memory, and long use may give a tra-
ditional fixity to a slight confusion or adapta-
tion of passages of Scripture. These grounds
of inaccuracy, are, however, easily determined,
and there is generally little difficulty in deciding
whether the rendering of a version or the testi-
mony of a Father can be fairly quoted. It is a
far more serious obstacle to the critical use of
these authorities that the texts of the versions
and Fathers generally are in a very imperfect
state. As a general rule, the evidence of both
may be trusted where they differ from the late
text of the N. T. ; but where they agree with
this against other early authorities, there is rea-
son to entertain a suspicion of corruption. The
evidence of versions may show at once that a
MS. reading is a transcriptural error ; and the
absence of their support throws doubt upon
readings otherwise oi the highest probability.
The testimony of an early Father is again suf-
ficient to give preponderating w.ight to slight
MS. authority ; and since versiow* and Fathers
go back to a time anterior to any existing MSS.,
they furnish a standard by which wc may meas-
ure the conformity of any MS. with the most an-
cient text. — 4. The mere preponderance of numbers
is in itself of no weight. If the multiplication
of copies of the N. T. had been uniform, it is
evident that the number of later copies preserved
from the accidents of time would have far ex-
ceeded that of the earlier, yet no one would
have preferred the fuller testimony of the 13th
to the scantier documents of the 4th century.
— 5. The more ancient reading is generally prefera-
ble. This principle seems to be almost a tru-
ism. — 6. The more ancient reading is generally the
reading of the more ancient MSS. This propo-
sition is fully established by a comparison of
explicit early testimony with the text of the
oldest copies. It would be strange, indeed,
if it were otherwise. — 7. The ancient text is
often preserved substantially in recent copies. But
while the most ancient copies, as a whole, give
the most ancient text, yet it is by no means con-
fined exclusively to them. The text of D in
the Gospels, however much it has been interpo-
lated, preserves in several cases almost alone
the true reading. Other MSS. exist of almost
every date, which contain in the main the
oldest text.
8. The agreement of ancient MSS., or of MSS.
"mtaining an ancient text, with all the earliest ver-
sions and citations, marks a certain reaohng. The
final argument in favor of the text of the most
ancient copies lies in the combined support
which they receive in characteristic passages
from the most ancient versions and patristic cita-
tions. The reading of the oldest MSS. is, as -
general rule, upheld by the true reading ot
versions and the certain testimony of the Fa-
thers, where this can be ascertained. — 9. The
disagreement of the most ancient authorities often
marks the existence of a corruption anterior to them.
But it happens by no means rarely that the
most ancient authorities are divided. In this
case, it is necessary to recognize an alternative
reading. — 10. The argument from internal evi-
dence is always precarious. If a reading is in ac-
cordance with the general style of the writer, it
may be said on the one side that this fact is in
its favor, and on the other that an acute copyist
probably changed the exceptional expression for
the more usual one : e.g. Matt. i. 24, ii. 14, vii.
21, &c. If a reading is more emphatic, it may
be urged that the sense is improved by its adop-
tion : if less emphatic, that scribes were habit-
ually inclined to prefer stronger terms: e.g.
Matt. v. 13, vi. 4, &C. — U. The more difficult
reading is preferable to the simpler. Except in
cases of obvious corruption, this canon probably
holds good, without exception, in questions of
language, construction, and sense. — 12. The
shorter reading is generally preferable to the longer.
This canon is very often coincident with the
former one ; but it admits also of a wider appli-
cation. Except in very rare cases, copyists never
omitted intentionally, while they constantly in-
troduced into the text marginal glosses and even
various readings. — 13. That reading is prefer-
able which explains the origin of tlie others. This
rule is chiefly of use in eases of gieat complica-
tion, and it would be impossible to And a betur
example thnn one (Mark ii. 22) whi-h has been
brought forward by Tischendorf for a different
purpose (N. T. Prof. pp. xxxiii.-iv.).
I v. The Language of the New Test* •
mext. — 1. The eastern conquests of Alexan-
der opened a new field for the development ot
the Greek language. It may be reasonably
doubted whether a specific Macedonian dialeot
is not a mere fiction of grammarians ; but in
creased freedom, both in form and construction,
was a necessary consequence of the wide diffu-
sion of Greek. Even in Aristotle there is »
great declension from the classical standard of
fmrity, though the Attic formed the basis of his
anguage ; and the rise of the common or Grecian
dialect is dated from his time. — 2. At no place
could the corruption have been greater or more
rapid than at Alexandria, where a motlev pop-
ulation, engaged in active commerce, adopted
Greek as their common medium of communica-
tion. And it is in Alexandria that we must
look for the origin of the language of the New
Testament. Two distinct elements were com-
bined in this marvellous dialect, which was des-
tined to preserve forever the fullest tidings of
the gospel. On the one side there was Hebrew
conception, on the other Greek expression. The
thoughts of the East were wedded to the words
of the West. This was accomplished by the
gradual translation of the Hebrew Scriptures
into the vernacular Greek.
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3. The Greek of the LXX., like the English of
the A. V. or the German of Luther, naturally
determined the Greek dialect of the mass of the
Jews. It is more correct to call the N. T. dia-
lect Hellenistic than Alexandrine, though the
form by which it is characterized may have been
peculiarly Alexandrine at first. — 4. The posi-
tion of Palestine was peculiar. The Aramaic
(Syro-Chaldaic), which was the national dialect
after the Return, existed side by side with the
Greek. Both languages seem to have been gen-
erally understood, though, if we may judge from
other instances of bilingual countries, the Ara-
maic would be the chosen language for the com-
mon intercourse of Jews (2 Mace. vii. 8, 21, 27).
It was in this language, we may believe, that
our Lord was accustomed to teach the people ;
and it appears that He used the same in the
more private acts of His life (Mark iii. 17, v. 4 1,
vii. 34 ; Matt xxvii. 46 ; John i. 43 ; cf. John
xx. 16). But the habitual use of the LXX. is
a sufficient proof of the familiarity of the Pales-
tinian Jews with the Greek dialect ; and the ju-
dicial proceedings before Pilate must have been
conducted in Greek. — 5. The Roman occupa-
tion o* Syria was not altogether without influ-
ence upon the language. A considerable num-
ber of Latin words, chiefly referring to acts of
government, occur in the N. T., and they are
probably onlj* a sample of larger innovations.
Other words in common use were of Shemitic,
Persian, or Egyptian origin.
6. The language which was moulded under
these various influences presents many peculiari-
ties, both philological and exegetical, which have
not yet been placed in a clear light. For a long
time it has been most strangely assumed that
the linguistic forms preserved in the oldest MSS.
are Alexandrine, and not in the widest sense
Hellenistic, and on the other hand that the Ara-
maic modifications of the N. T. phraseology
remove it from the sphere of strict grammatical
analysis. These errors are necessarily fatal to
all real advance in the accurate study of the
words or sense of the apostolic writings. In
detail, comparatively little remains to be done ;
but a philosophical view of the N. T. language
as a whole is yet to be desired. — 7. The for-
mal differences of the Greek of the N. T. from
classical Greek are partly differences of vocab-
ulary and partly differences of construction.
Old words are changed in orthography or in
inflection, new words and rare or novel con-
structions are introduced. — 8. The peculiarities
of the N. T. language which have been hitherto
mentioned have only a rare and remote con-
nection with interpretation. They illustrate
more or less the general history of the decay of
a language. Other peculiarities have a more
important bearing on the sense. These are in
part Hebraisms (Aranwisms) in (1) expression
or (2) construction, and in part (3) modifica-
tions of language resulting from the substance
of the Christian revelation. (1) The general
characteristic of Hebraic expression is vividness,
at simplicity is of Hebraic syntax. Hence there
is found constantly in the N. T. a personality
of language (if the phrase may be used) which
is foreign to classical Greek. At one time, this
occurs in the substitution of a pregnant meta-
phor for a simple word ; at another time in the
nse of prepositions in place of cases; at another
in the use of a vivid phrase for a preposition ;
and sometimes the one personal act is used to
describe the whole spirit and temper.
(2) The chief peculiarities of the syntax of
the N. T. lie in the reproduction of Hebrew
forms. Two great features by which it is dis-
tinguished from classical syntax may be spe-
cially singled out. It is markedly deficient in
the use of particles and of oblique end particip-
ial constructions. Sentences are more frequent-
ly co-ordinated than subordinated. One clause
follows another rather in the way of constructive
parallelism than by distinct logical sequence.
Onlv the simplest words of connection are used
in place of the subtle varieties of expression by
which Attic writers exhibit the interdependence
of numerous ideas. Constructions which are
most distinctly Hebraic are not those which
give the deepest Hebrew coloring to the N. T.
diction, but rather that pervading monotony
of form, which, though correct in individual
clauses, is wholly foreign to the vigor and elas-
ticity of classical Greek. The character of the
style lies in its total effect, and not in separable
elements. (3) The purely Christian element
in the N. T. requires the most careful handling.
Words and phrases already partially current
were transfigured by embodying new truths,
and forever consecrated to their service. To
trace the history of these is a delicate question
of lexicography which has not yet been thor-
oughly examined. There is a danger of con-
founding the apostolic usage on the one side
with earlier Jewish nsage, and on the other
with later ecclesiastical terminology. — 9. For
the language of the N. T. calls for the exercise
of the most rigorous criticism. The complexi-
ty of the elements which it involves makes the
inquiry wider and deeper, but does not set it
aside. The overwhelming importance, the
manifold expression, the gradual development
of the message which it conveys, call for more
intense devotion in the nse of every faculty
trained in other schools, but do not suppress
inquiry. The literal sense of the apostolic
writings must be gained in the same way as the
literal sense of any other writings, by the full-
est use of every appliance of scholarship, and
the most complete confidence in the necessary
and absolute connection of words and thoughts.
No .variation of phrase, no peculiarity of idiom,
no change of tense, no change of order, can be
neglected. The truth lies in the whole expres-
sion, and no one can presume to set aside any
part as trivial or indifferent. — 10. The impor-
tance of investigating most patiently and most
faithfully the literal meaning of the sacred text
must be felt with tenfold force, when it is re-
membered that the literal sense is the outward
embodiment of a spiritual Bense, which lie* be-
neath and quickens every part of Holy Scrip-
ture.
New Year. [Trumpets, Fbast of.]
Nezi'ah. The descendants of Neziah were
among the Ncthinim who returned with Zernb-
babel (Ezr. ii. 54 ; Neh. vii. 56).
Ne sib, a city of Judah (Josh. xr. 43 only),
in the district of the Shefblah or Lowland, one
of the same group with Keilah and Mareshah.
To Eusebius ana Jerome it was evidently
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known. They place it on the road between
Eleutheropolis and Hebron, seven or nine
(Euscb.) miles from the former, and there it
■till stands under the almost identical name of
Beit Siiib, or Chirbeh Nasib, two and one-fourth
hours from Bat Jibrin, on a rising ground at
the southern end of the Wady a-Sur, and with
Keilali and Mareshah within easy distance.
Nib'has, a deity of the Avites, introduced
bjr them into Sninaria in the time of Shalma-
ncscr (2 K. xvii. 31). There is no certain in-
formation as to the character of the deity, or
the form of the idol so named. The rabbins
derived the name from a Hebrew root nabach,
" to bark," and hence assigned to it the figure
of a dog, or a dog-headed man. There is no
o priori improbability in this : the Egyptians
worshipped the dog. Some indications of the
worship of the dog have been found in Syria, a
colossal figure of a dog having formerly existed
between Burytus and Tripolis. It is still more
to the point to observe that on one of the slabs
(bund at Klioraabad, and represented by Botta
(pi. 141), we have the front of a temple depicted
with an animal near the entrance, which can be
nothing else than a bitch suckling a puppy,
the bead of the animal having, however, dis-
appeared. According to another equally unsat-
isfactory theory, Nibhaz is identified with the
god of the nether world of the Sabian worship.
Nib ahan, one of the six cities of Judah
(Joih. xv. 62) which were in the district of the
Midbar (A. V. "wilderness"). Under the
wme of Nempsan or Nebsan, it is mentioned
by Eosebius and Jerome, but with no attempt
to fix its position.
Nica'nor, the son of Patroclus (2 Mace,
viii. 9), a general who was engaged in the Jew-
ish wars under Antiochus Epiphanes and De-
avstriu* L He took part in the first expedition
of Lysias, B.C. 166 (1 Mace. iii. 38), and was
defeated with his fellow-commander at Emmaus
(1 Mace. iv. ; cf. 2 Mace. viii. 9 ff.). After the
death of Antiochus Eupator and Lysias, he
itood high in the favor of Demetrius ( 1 Mace
vii. 26), who appointed him governor of Judasa
(2 Mace. xiv. 12), a command which he readi-
ly undertook as one " who bare deadly hate
unto Israel" (1 Mace. vii. 26). At first ho
seems to have endeavored to win the confidence
of Judas ; but when his treacherous designs
were discovered he had recourse to violence.
A battle took place at Capharsalama, which
was indecisive in its results ; but shortly after
Judas met him at Adasa (b.c. 161 ), and he fell
" first in the battle." A general rout followed ;
and the 13th of Adar, on which the engagement
took place, " the day before Mardochcus day,"
was ordained to be kept forever as a festival
(I Mace. vii. 49 ; 2 Mace. xv. 36). There are
some discrepancies between the narratives in
the two books of Maccabees as to Nicanor. In-
ternal evidence is decidedly in favor of 1 Mace.
—2. One of the first seven deacons (Acts
Ti-5). Ap.
Nicode'mUB, a Pharisee, a ruler of the
«ws, and teacher of Israel (John iii. 1, 10),
whose secret visit to our Lord was the occasion
*f the discourse recorded only by St. John.
The high station of Kicodemus as a member
of the Jewish Sanhedrim, and the avowed
79
scorn under which the rulers concealed theii
inward conviction (John iii. 2) that Jesus was
a teacher sent from God, are sufficient to ac-
count for the secrecy of the interview. ' A con-
stitutional timidity is discernible in the charac-
ter of the inquiring Pharisee. Thus the few
words which he interposed against the rash
injustice of his colleagues are cautiously rested
on a general principle (John vii. 50), and be-
tray no indication of his faith in the Galilean
whom his sect despised. And even when the
power of Christ's love, manifested on the cross,
liad made the most timid disciples bold, Nico-
demns does not come forward with his splendid
gifts of affection until the example had been
set by one of his own rank, and wealth, and
station in society (xix. 39). In these three
notices of Nicodemus, a noble candor and a
simple love of truth shine out in the midst of
hesitation, and fear of man. We can therefore
easily believe the tradition, that after the resur-
rection he became a professed disciple of Christ,
and received baptism at the hands of Peter and
John. All the rest that is recorded of him is
highly uncertain. If the Nicodemus of St.
John s Gospel be identical with the Nicodemus
Bon Gorion of the Talmud, he must have lived
till the fall of Jerusalem, which is not impossi-
ble, since the term yipuv, in John iii. 4,
may not be intended to apply to Nicodemus
himself.
Nicola'itailS. The question how far tha
sect that is mentioned by this name in Rev. ii.
6, 15, was connected with the Nicolas of Acts
vi. 5, and the traditions that have gathered
round his name, will be discussed below. It
will here be considered how far we can get at
any distinct notion of what the sect itself was,
and in what relation it stood to the life of the
apostolic age. It has been suggested as one
step towards this result that the name before
us was symbolic rather than historical. The
Greek Nunftoor is, it has been said, an approxi-
mate equivalent to the Hebrew Balaam, the
lord, or, according to another derivation, the
devourer, of the people. If we accept this
explanation, we have to deal with one sect in-
stead of two. We are now in a position to
form a clearer judgment of the characteristics
of the sect. It comes before us as presenting
the ultimate phase of a great controversy which
threatened at one time to destroy the unity of
the Church, and afterwards to taint its purity.
The controversy itself was inevitable as soon
as the Gentiles were admitted in any large
numbers into the Church of Christ. Were
the new converts to be brought into subjection
to the whole Mosaic law? The apostles and
ciders at Jerusalem met the question calmly
and wisely. The burden of the Law was not
to be imposed on the Gentile disciples. They
were to abstain, among other things, from
" meats offered to idols " and from " fornica-
tion " (Acts xv. 20, 29) ; and this decree was
welcomed as the great charter of the Church's
freedom. Strange as the close union of the
moral and the positive commands may seem
to us, it did not scum so to the synod at Jeru-
salem. The two sins were very closely allied,
often even in the closest proximity of time and
place. The messages to the Churches of Asia,
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NICOLAS
626
NIGHT-HAWK
and the later apostolic epistles (2 Peter and
Jude), indicate that the two evils appeared at
that period also in close alliance. The teachers
of the Church branded them with a name which
expressed their true character. The men who
did and taught such things were followers of
Balaam (2 Pet. ii. 15; Jude 11). They, like
the false prophet of Pethor, united brave words
with evil deeds. In a time of persecution,
when the eating or not eating of things sacri-
ficed to idols was more than ever a crucial test
of faithfulness, they persuaded men more than
ever that it was a thing indifferent (Rev. ii. 13,
14). This was bad enough ; but there was a
yet worse evil. Mingling themselves in the
orgies of idolatrous feasts, they brought the
impurities of those feasts into the meetings of
the Christian Church. And all this was done,
it must be remembered, not simply as an indul-
gence of appetite, but as part of a system, sup-
ported by a "doctrine," accompanied by the
boast of a prophetic illumination (2 Pet. ii. 1).
These were the characteristics of the followers
of Balaam, and, worthless as most of the tra-
ditions about Nicolas may be, they point to the
same distinctive evils. It confirms the view
which has been taken of their character to find
that stress is laid in the first instance on the
" deeds " of the Nicolaitans. To hate those
deeds is a sign of life in a Church that other-
wise is weak and faithless (Rev. ii. 6). To
tolerate them is well-nigh to forfeit the glory
of having been faithful under persecution (Rev.
ii. 14, 15).
Nic'olas (Acts vi. 5), a native of Antioch,
and a proselyte to the Jewish faith. When
the Church was still confined to Jerusalem, he
became a convert ; and being a man of honest
report, full of the Holy Ghost and of wisdom,
he was chosen by the whole multitude of the
disciples to be one of the first seven deacons,
and he was ordained by the apostles, a.d. 33.
A sect of Nicolaitans is mentioned in Rev. ii.
S, 1 5 ; and it has been questioned whether this
Nicolas was connected with them, and if so,
how closely. The Nicolaitans themselves, at
least as early as the time of Irenasus, claimed
him as their founder. Kpiphanius an inaccu-
rate writer, relates some details of the life of
Nicolas the deacon, and describes him as gradu-
ally sinking into the grossest impurity, and
becoming the originator of the Nicolaitans and
other immoral sects. The same account is
believed, at least to some extent, by Jerome
and other writers in the 4th century ; but it is
irreconcilable with the traditionary account of
the character of Nicolas given by Clement of
Alexandria, an earlier and more discriminating
writer than Epiphanius. He states that Nicolas
led a chaste life, and brought up his children in
purity ; that on a certain occasion, having been
sharply reproved by the apostles as a jealous
husband, he repelled the charge by offering to
allow his wife to become the wife of any other
person ; and that he was in the habit of re-
peating a saying which is ascribed to the
apostle Matthias also, — that it is our duty to
fight against the flesh and to abuse it. His
words were perversely interpreted by the Nico-
laitans as authority for their immoral practices.
Theodoret, in his account of the sect, repeats the
foregoing statement of Clement, and changes
the Nicolaitans with false dealing in borrowing
the name of the deacon. Tillemont conclude*
that, if not the actual founder, he was so un-
fortunate as to give occasion to the formation
of the sect. Ncander held that some other
Nicolas was the founder.
Nicop'olis is mentioned in Tit iii. 12, a*
the place where, at the time of writing the
Epistle, St Paul was intending to pass the
coming winter, and where he wished Titos to
meet him. Nothing is to be found in the Epis-
tle itself to determine which Nicopolis is here
intended. There were cities of this name in
Asia, Africa, and Europe. One Nicopolis was
in Thrace, near the borders of Macedonia.
The subscription (which, however, is of do
authority) fixes on this place, calling it the
Macedonian Nicopolis. Another Nicopolis was
in Cilicia ; and Schrader pronounces for this ;
but this opinion is connected with a peculiar
theory regarding the apostle's journeys. We
have little doubt that Jerome's view is correct,
and that the Pauline Nicopolis was the cele-
brated city of Epirus. This city (the " City of
Victory ") was built by Augustus in memory
of the battle of Actium. Nicopolis was on a
peninsula to the west of the Bay of Actium, in
a low and unhealthy situation, and it is now a
very desolate place.
Ni'ger is the additional or distinctive name
given to the Sy meon who was one of the teach-
ers and prophets in the Church at Antioch
(Acts xui. 1). He is not known except in
that passage.
Night. The period of darkness, from sun-
set to sunrise, including the morning and even-
ing twilight, was known to the Hebrews by
the term layil, or lauttah. It is opposed to
" day," the period of light (Gen. i. 5). Follow-
ing the Oriental sunset is the brief evening twi-
light [nesheph. Job xxiv. 15, rendered "night"
in Is. v. 11, xxi. 4, lix. 10), when the stars ap-
peared (Job iii. 9). This is also called " even-
ing" ( ertb, Prov. vii. 9, rendered "night"
in Gen. xlix. 27, Job vii. 4); but the term
which especially denotes the evening twilight
is ilatah (Gen. xv. 17, A. V. "dark ; " Ex. xii.
6, 7, 12). This period of the day must also be
tnat which is described as " night " when Boas
winnoweo liis barley in the evening breeze
(Ruth iii. 2). The unK of midnight (Ruth iii.
7 ; Ex. xi. 4) or greatest dancness is called in
Prov. vii. 9 "the pupil of night" \A- V.
" black night "). The morning twilight is
denoted by the same term, nesfieph, as the even-
ing twilight, and is unmistakably intended in
1 Sam. xxxi. 12; Job vii. 4; Ps. cxix. 147;
possiblv also in Is. v. 11.
Night-Hawk (Heb. tachmat). Bochart
h»s endeavored to prove that the Hebrew word,
which occurs only (Lev. xi. 16; Deut xiv. 15)
amongst the list of unclean birds, denotes the
" male ostrich." The etymology of the word
points to some bird of prey, though there is
great uncertainty as to the particular species
indicated. The LXX., Vulg., and perhaps On-
kelos, understand some kind of "owl; most
of the Jewish doctors indefinitely render the
word " a rapacious bird." Michaelis believe*
some kind of swallow {Hirmdo) is intended
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NILE
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NILE
The rendering of the A. V. rests on no author-
ity. As the LXX. and Vnlg. are agreed that
tachmat denotes some kind of owl, we believe it
is safer to follow these versions than modern
commentators. The Greek yAovf is used by
Aristotle for some common species of owl, in
all probability for the Strixjlammea (white owl)
or the Syrnium stridula (tawny owl). It is
probable that tachmat may denote the Srrix
JUtmmea or the Athene meridionalis, which is
extremely common in Palestine and Egypt
Nile. 1. Names of the Nile. — The Hebrew
names of the Nile, excepting one that is of
ancient Egyptian origin, all distinguish it from
other rivers. They are Shichor, " the black,"
a name jierhaps of the same sense as Nile;
Year, " the river," a word originally Egyptian ;
" the river of Egypt ; " " the Nachal of
Egypt ; " and " the rivers of Cush," or
"Ethiopia." It must be observed that the
word Nile nowhere occurs in the A. V. (a.)
S/achor, " the black." The idea of blackness
conveyed by this word has, as we should expect
in Hebrew, a wide sense. It seems, however,
to be indicative of a very dark color. That the
Nile is meant by Shihor is evident from its
mention as equivalent to Ye6r, " the river," and
as a great river (Is. xxiii. 3) ; from its being
put as the western boundary of the Promised
Land (Josh. xiii. 3 ; 1 Chr. xiii. 5), instead of
"the river of Egypt" (Gen. xv. 18); and
from its being spoken of as the great stream
of Egypt, just as the Euphrates was of Assyria
(Jer. ii. 18). If, but this is by no means cer-
tain, the name Nile be really indicative of the
color of the river, it must be compared with
the Sanskrit Nilah, " blue " especially, proba-
bly " dark blue," also even " black," and must
be considered to be the Indo-European equiva-
lent of Shihor. (A.) Ye6r is the same as the
ancient Egyptian ATUR, AUR, and the Cop-
tic eiero or tan. Yedr, in the singular, is used
of the Nile alone, excepting in a passage in
Daniel (xii. 5, 6, 7), where another river, per-
haps the Tigris (comp. x. 4), is intended by it.
In the plural, this name is applied to the
branches and canals of the Nile (Ps. lxxviii.
44 ; Ezek. xxix. 3, seqq., xxx. 12) ; but it is
also used of streams or channels, in a general
sense, when no particular ones are indicated
(see Is. xxxiii. 21 ; Job xxviii. 10). It is thus
evident that this name specially designates the
Nile, (c.) "The river of Egypt" (Gen. xv.
18). (d.) "The Nachal of Egypt" has gen-
erally been understood to mean " the torrent "
or "brook of Egypt," and to designate a des-
ert stream at Rhinocorura, now El-'Arecsh,
on the eastern border. This name must sig-
nify the Nile, for it occurs in cases parallel to
those where Shihor is employed (Num. xxxiv.
5 ; Josh. xv. 4, 47 ; 1 K. viii. 65 ; 2 K. xxiv. 7 ;
Is. xxvii. 12), both designating the easternmost
or Pelasiac branch of the river as the border of
the Philistine territory, where the Egyptians
equally put the border of their country towards
Kanaan or Kanana (Canaan). It remains for
ns to decide whether the name signify the
" brook of Egvpt," or whether Nachal be a
Hebrew form of Nile. The Hebrew word na-
chal might have been adopted as very similar in
sound to an orurval proper name, (e.) " The
rivers of Cush " are alone mentioned in the
extremely difficult prophecy contained in Is.
xviii. From the use of the plural, wo must
suppose them to be the confluents or tributaries
of the Nile. With the ancient Egyptians, the
river was sacred, and had, besides its ordinary
name already given, a sacred name, under which
it was worshipped, hapee, or h apee-mo, " the
abyss," or " the abyss of waters," or " the hid-
den." Corresponding to the two regions of
Egypt, the Upper Country and the Lower,
the Nile was called hapek-rks, " the Southern
Nile," and hapee - mehket, " the Northern
Nile," the former name applviag to the river
in Nubia as well as in Upper Egypt. The god
Nilus was one of the lesser divinities. — 2.
Description of the Nile. — We cannot as yet
determine the length of the Nile, although
recent discoveries have narrowed the question.
There is scarcely a doubt that its largest con-
fluent is fed by the great lakes on and south
of the equator. It has been traced upwards for
about twenty-seven hundred miles, measured
by its course, not in a direct line, and its extent
is probably upwards of a thousand miles more,
making it longer than even the Mississippi, and
the longest of rivers. To trace it downwards,
we must first go to equatorial Africa, the mys-
terious half - explored home of the negroes,
where animal and vegetable life flourishes
around and in the vast swamp-land that
waters the chief part of the continent. Here
are two great shallow lakes, one nearer to the
coast than the other. From the more eastern
(the Ukerewe, which is on the equator), a chief
tributary of the White Nile probably takes its
rise, and the more western (the Ujeejee) may
feed another tributary. Captain Speke {Jour-
nal, p. 610) concludes that " the White River,
which issues from the N'yanza at the Ripon
Falls, is the true or parent Nile."
Great, however, as is the body of water of
this the longer of the two chief confluents, it is
the shorter (the Bahr el-Azrak, or Blue River)
which brings down the alluvial soil that makes
the Nile the great fertilizer of Egypt and Nubia.
The Bahr el-Azrak rises in the mountains of
Abyssinia. The two streams form a junction
at Khartoom, now the seat of government of
Soodah, or the Black Country nndcr Egyptian
rule. Farther to the north, another great river,
the Athara, rising, like the Bahr el-Azrak, in
Abyssinia, falls into the main stream, which,
for the remainder of its course, does not receive
one tributary more. Throughout the rest of
the valley, the Nile does not greatly vary, ex-
cepting that, in Lower Nubia, through the fall
of its level by the giving way of a barrier in
ancient times, it does not inundate the valley
on either hand. From time to time, its course
is impeded by cataracts or rapids, sometimes
extending many miles, until, at the First Cata-
ract, the boundary of Egypt, it surmounts the
last obstacle. Af^r a course of about 550 miles,
at a short distance below Cairo and the Pyra-
mids, the river parts into two great branches,
which water the Delta, nearly forming its
boundaries to the east and west, and flowing
into the shallow Mediterranean. The great
annual phenomenon of the Nile is the inunda-
tion, the failure of which produces a famine ;
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KILE
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NIMKAH
for Egypt is virtually without rain (see Zech.
xiv. 17, 18). At Khartoom, the increase of the
river is observed early in April ; bat in Egypt
the first signs of rising occur about the sum-
mer solstice, and generally the regular increase
does not begin until some days after, the inun-
dation commencing about two months after the
solstice. The river then pours, through canals
and cuttings in the bank, which are a little
higher than the rest of the soil, over the valley,
which it covers with sheets of water. It attains
to its greatest height about, or not long after,
the autumnal equinox, and then, falling more
slowly than it had risen, sinks to its lowest
point at the end of nine months, there remain-
ing stationary for a few days before it again
begins to rise. The inundations are very vari-
ous, and, when they are but a few feet deficient
or excessive, cause great damage and distress.
The Nile in Egypt is always charged with allu-
vium, especially during the inundation ; but
the annual deposit, excepting under extraordi-
nary circumstances, is very small in comparison
with what would be conjectured by any one
unacquainted with subjects of this nature. In-
quirers have come to different results as to the
rate; but the discrepancy does not generally
exceed an inch in a century. The ordinary
average increase of the soil in Egypt is about
four inches and a half in a century. The cul-
tivable soil of Egypt is wholly the deposit of
the Nile; but it is obviously impossible to cal-
culate, from its present depth, when the river
first began to flow in the rocky bed now so
deeply covered with the rich alluvium. In
Upper Egypt, the Nile is a very broad stream,
flowing rapidly between high, steep mud-banks ;
scarped by the constant rush of the water,
which from time to time washes portions away ;
and stratified by the regular deposit. On either
side rise the bare yellow mountains, usually a
few hundred feet high, rarely a thousand, look-
ing from the river like clifls. Frequently the
mountain on either side approaches the river
in a rounded promontory. Rarely both moun-
tains confine the river in a narrow bed, rising
steeply on either side from a deep rock-cut
channel through which the water pours with a
rapid current. In Lower Egypt, tne chief dif-
ferences are, that the view is spread out in one
rich plain, only bounded on the east and west
by the desert, of which the edge is . low and
sandy, unlike the mountains above, though
essentially the same, and that the two branches
of the river are narrower than the undivided
stream. On either bank, during Low Nile,
extend fields of corn and barley, and near the
river-side stretch long groves of palm-trees.
The villages rise from the level plain, standing
upon mounds, often ancient sites, and sur-
rounded by palm-groves ; and yet higher dark-
brown mounds mark where of old stood towns,
with which often " their memorial is perished "
(Ps. ix. 6).
The banks of the river are enlivened by the
women who come down to draw water, and, like
Pharaoh's daughter, to bathe, and the herds of
kine and buffaloes which are driven down to
drink and wash, or to graze on the grass of the
swamps, like the good kine that Pharaoh saw
in his dream as " he stood by the river," which
were " coming op out of the river," and " fed
in the marsh-grass" (Gen. xli. 1, 2). The river
itself abounds in fish, which anciently formed
a chief means of sustenance to the inhabitants
of the country. The Israelites in the desert
looked back with regret to the fish of Egypt :
" We remember the fish, which we .lid eat in
Egypt freely " (Num. xi. 5). In the Thetais,
crocodiles are found, and during Low Nile thev
may be seen basking in the sun upon the sand-
banks. The crocodile is constantly spoken of
in the Bible as the emblem of Pharaoh, espe-
cially in the prophecies of Ezekiel. The gtvst
difference between the Nile of Egypt in the
present day and in ancient times is* caused by
the failure of some of its branches, and the
ceasing of some of its chief vegetable products ;
and the chief change in the aspect of the cul-
tivable land, as dependent on the Nile, is the
result of the ruin of the fish-pools and tbeir
conduits, and the consequent decline of the
fisheries. The river was famous for its seven
branches ; and, nndcr the Roman dominion,
eleven were counted, of which, however, there
were but seven principal ones. Herodotus
notices that there were seven, of which he says
that two, the present Damietta and Rosetta
branches, were originally artificial, and he there-
fore speaks of "the five mouths" (ii. 10).
Now, as for a long period past, there are no
navigable and unobstructed branches but these
two that Herodotus distinguishes as in origin
works of man. The monuments and the nar-
ratives of ancient writers show us in the Nile
of Egypt in old times a stream bordered by
flags and reeds, the covert of abundant wild-
fowl, and bearing on its waters the fragrant
flowers of the various-colored lotus. Now in
Egypt scarcely any reeds or water-plants —
the famous papyrus being nearly if not quite
extinct, and the lotus almost unknown — are to
be seen, excepting in the marshes near the
Mediterranean. Of old, the great river must
have shown a more fair and busy scene than
now. Boats of many kinds were ever passing
along it, by the painted walls of temples, and
the gardens that extended around the light sum-
mer pavilions, from the pleasure-galley, with
one great square sail, white, or with variegated
pattern, and many oars, to the little papyrus
skiff, dancing on the water, and carrying the
seekers of pleasure where they could shoot with
arrows, or knock down with the throw-stick,
the wild-fowl that abounded among the reeds,
or engage in the dangerous chase of the hip-
popotamus or the crocodile. The Nile is con-
stantly before ns in the history of Israel in
Egypt. Into it the male children were cast ;
in it, or rather in some canal or pool, was the
ark of Moses put, and found by Pharaoh's
daughter when she went down to bathe. When
the plagues were sent, the sacred river, — a
main support of the people, — and its waters
everywhere, were turned into blood.
itfim'rall, a place mentioned by this name
in Num. xxxii. 3 only, among those which
formed the districts of the " land of Jazer and
the land of Gilead." If it is the same as Beth
Nimbah (ver. 86), it belonged to the tribe
of Gad. By Eusebius, however, it is cited at
a " city of Reuben in Gilead." A wady and a
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NIMROD
6-jy
NINEVEH
town, both called Nimrth, have been met with
in Bstheniytih, east of the Lcjah, and five miles
north-west of Kunawat. On the other hand, the
name of Nimrin is said to be attached to a water-
course and a site of ruins in the Jordan Valley,
a couple of miles east of the river, at the em-
bouchure of the Wady Sluaib. It must be left
to future explorers to ascertain which (if either)
of the places so named is the Nimrah in ques-
tion.
XTim'rim, the Waters of, a stream or
brook within the country of Hoab, which is
mentioned in the denunciations of that nation
uttered, or quoted, by Isaiah (xv. 6) and Jere-
miah (xlviii. 34). We should perhaps look for
the site of Nimrira in Moab proper, i.e. on the
south-eastern shoulder of the Dead Sea. A
name resembling Nimrim still exists in the
Wadjen-Nemeirah and Bwrj en-Nemeirah, which
are situated on the beach, about halfway be-
tween the southern extremity and the prom-
ontory of d-Lisaan. Eusebius places it north
o r Soora, i.«. Zoar. How far the situation of
e.» Nemeirak corresponds with the statement
of Eusubius cannot be known until that of Zoar
is ascertained.
Xf im'rod, a son of Cosh and grandson of
Ham. The events of his life are recorded in a
passage ( Gen. x. 8 ff. ) which, from the concise-
ness of its language, is involved in considerable
uncertainty. We may notice, in die first place,
the terms in vcr. 8, 9, rendered in the A. V.
"mighty" and "mighty hunter before the
Lord." The idea of any moral qualities being
conveyed by these expressions may be at once
rejected. They may be regarded as betoken-
in/ personal prowess with the accessory notion
of gigantic stature. It is somewhat doubtful
whether the prowess of Nimrod rested on his
achievements as a hunter or as a conqueror.
The literal rendering *' the Hebrew words
would undoubtedly apply to the former; but
thev may be regarded as a translation of a pro-
verbial expression originally current in the
land of Nimrod, where the terms significant of
" hunter " and " hunting " appear to have been
applied to the forays of the sovereigns against
the surrounding nations. But the context cer-
tainly favors the special application of the term
to the case of conquest The next point to be no-
ticed is the expression in ver. 10, " The begin-
ning of his kingdom," taken in connection with
the commencement of ver. 11, which admits of
the double sense : " Out of that land went forth
Asshur," as in the text of tho A. V. ; and "out
•of that land he went forth to Assyria," as in
the margin. These two passages mutually re-
act on each other; for if the words " beginning
of his kingdom " mean, as we believe to be the
case, " his Ant kingdom," or, as Qesenius ren-
tiers it, " the territory of which it was at first
composed," then the expression implies a sub-
sequent extension of his kingdom ; in other
words, that " be went forth to Assyria." If,
however, the sense of ver. 11 be, "out of that
land went forth Asshur," then no other sense
can be given to ver. 10 than that "the capital
of his kingdom was Babylon," though the ex-
pression most be equally applied to the towns
subsequently mentioned. This rendering ap-
pears untenable in all respects, and the expres-
sion may therefore be cited iu support of the
marginal rendering of ver. 11. With regard to
the latter passage, either sense is permissible in
point of grammatical construction. Authori-
ties, both ancient and modern, are divided on
the subject ; but the most weighty names of
modern times support the marginal rendering,
as it seems best to accord with historical truth.
The chief events in the life of Nimrod, then,
are (1) that he was a Cushite; (2) that he es-
tablished an empire in Shinar (the classical
Babylonia), the chief towns being Babel, Ercch,
Accad, and Calneh; and (3) that he extended
this empire northwards along the course of the
Tigris over Assyria, where he founded a sec-
ond group of capitals, Nineveh, Rrhoboth, Ca-
lah, and Resen. These events or. (respond to
and may be held to represent the s Uient histor-
ical facts connected with the earliest stages of
the great Babylonian Empire. 1 . In the first
place, there is abundant evidence that the race
that first held sway in the lower Babylonian
plain was of Cushite or Hamitic extraction.
The name Cush itself was preserved in Baby-
lonia and the adjacent countries nnder the
forms of Cossssi, Cissia, Cnthah, and Susiana
or Chuziatan. The earliest written language
of Babylonia, as known to us from existing in-
scriptions, bears a strong resemblance to that
of Egypt and Ethiopia. Even the name Nim-
rod appears in the list of the Egyptian kings
of the 22d dynasty ; but there are reasons for
thinking that dynasty to have been of Assyrian
extraction. — 2. In the second place, the ear-
liest seat of empire was in the south part of the
Babylonian plain. The large mounds, which
for a vast number of centuries have covered the
ruins of ancient cities, have already yielded
some evidences of the dates and names of thr-ir
founders, and we can assign the highest anti-
quity to the towns represented by the mound*
of Niffir (perhaps the early Babel, though also
identified with Calneh), Warka (the biblical
Ercch), Mugheir (Ur), and Senhrth (Ellasar) ;
while the name of Accad is preserved in the
title Kinxi-Akkad, by which the founder or
embellisher of those towns was distinguished
(Kawlinson, i. 435). The date of their founda-
tion may be placed at about b.c. 2200. — 3. In
the third place, the Babylonian Empire extend-
ed its sway northwards along the course of the
Tigris at a period long anterior to the rise of
the Assyrian Empire in the 13th century b.o
The existence of Nineveh itself can be traced
up by the aid of Egyptian monuments to about
the middle of the 15th century B.C. Our pres-
ent information does not permit us to identify
Nimrod with any personage known to us either
from inscriptions or from classical writers.
Nim'shi. The grandfather of Jehu, who is
generally called "the son of Nimshi" (1 K.
xix. 16 ; 2 K. ix. 2, 14, 20 ; 2 Chr. xxii. 7).
Nin'eveh, the capital of the ancient king*
dom and empire of Assyria. The name appears
to be compounded from that of an Assyrian
deity, " Nin," corresponding, it is conjectured,
with the Greek Hercules, and occurring in the
names of several Assyrian kings, as in "Ninns,"
the mythic founder, according to Greek tradi-
tion, of the city. In the Assyrian Inscriptions,
Nineveh is also supposed to be called " the city
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NINEVEH
630
NINEVEH
of Bel." Nineveh is first mentioned in the
O. T. in connection with the primitive disperse-
ment and migrations of the human race. Ashur,
or, according to the marginal reading which is
generally preferred, Nimrod, is there described
(Gen. x. 1 1 ) as extending his kingdom from the
land of Shinar, or Babylonia, in the south, to
Assyria in the north, and founding four cities,
of which the most famous was Nineveh. Hence
Assyria was subsequently known to the Jews
as " the land of Nimrod" (cf. Mic. v. 6), and
was believed to have been first peopled by a
colony from Babylon. The kingdom of Assyria
and of the Assyrians is referred to in the O. T.
as connected with the Jews at a very ei».«ly pe-
riod ; as in Num. xxiv. 22, 24, and Ps. lxxxiii.
8 : but after the notice of the foundation of Nin-
eveh in Genesis, no further mention is made of
the city until the time of the Book of Jonah,
or the 8th century B.C., supposing we accept
the earliest date for that narrative, which, how-
ever, according to some rritics, must be brought
down 300 years later, or to the 5th century
B.C. In this book, neither Assyria nor the
Assyrians are mentioned, the king to whom
the prophet was sent being termed the " king
of Nineveh," and his subjects " the people of
Nineveh." Assyria is first called a kingdom
in the time of Menahem, about B.C. 770. Nahum
(B.C. 645) directs his prophecies against Nine-
veh ; only once against the king of Assyria,
ch. iii. 18. In 2 Kings (xix. 36) and Isaiah
(xxxvii. 37), the city is first distinctly men-
tioned as the residence of the monarch. Senna-
cherib was slain there when worshipping in the
temple of Nisroch his god. In 2 Chr. (xxxii.
21), where the same event is described, the
name of the place where it occurred is omitted.
Zcphaniah, about B.C. 630, couples the capital
and the kingdom together (ii. 13) ; and this is
the last mention of Nineveh as an existing city.
It has been generally assumed that the destruc-
tion of Nineveh and the extinction of the empire
took place between the time of Zephaniah and
that of Ezekiel and Jeremiah. The exact
period of these events has consequently been
fixed, with a certain amount of concurrent evi-
dence derived from classical history, at B.C. 606.
It may have occurred 20 years earlier. The city
was then laid waste, its monuments destroyed,
and its inhabitants scattered, or carried away
into captivity. It never rose again from its
ruins. This total disappearance of Nineveh is
fully confirmed by the records of profane his-
tory. Herodotus (i. 193) speaks of the Tigris
as " the river upon which the town of Nineveh
formerly stood." The historians of Alexander,
with the exception of Arrian, do not even allude
to the city, over the ruins of which the con-
queror must have actually marched. It is evi-
dent that the later Greek and Roman writers,
such as Strabo, Ptolemy, and Pliny, could only
have derived any independent knowledge they
possessed of Nineveh from traditions of no
authority. They concur, however, in placing it
on the eastern bank of the Tigris. During the
Roman period, a small castle, or fortified town,
appears to have stood on some part of the site
of the ancient city. It appears to have borne
the ancient traditional name of Nineve, as well
w its corrupted form of Ninos and Ninus. The
Roman settlement appears to have been in iu
turn abandoned, for there is no mention of it
when Heraclius gained the great victory over
the Persians in the battle of Nineveh, fought
on the very site of the ancient city, a.d. 627.
After the Arab conquest, a fort on the east
bank of the Tigris bore the name of" Ninawi."
Benjamin of Tudela, in the 12th century, men-
tions the site of Nineveh as occupied by numer-
ous inhabited villages and small townships.
The name remained attached to the ruins dur-
ing the middle ages. After the Arab conquest
of the west of Asia, Mosul, at one time the nour-
ishing capital of an independent kingdom, rose
on the opposite or western bank of the Tigris.
Traditions of the unrivalled size and magnifi-
cence of Nineveh were equally familiar to the
Greek and Roman writers, and to the Arab
geographers. Dndonis Siculus asserts (ii. 3)
that the city formed a quadrangle of 1 50 stadia
by 90, or altogether of 480 stadia (no less than
60 miles), and was surrounded by walls 100 feet
high, broad enough for three chariots to drive
abreast upon them, and defended by 1,500 tow-
ers, each 200 feet in height According to
Strabo (xvi. 737), it was larger than Babylon,
which was 385 stadia in circuit. In the O. T.,
we only find vague allusions to the splendor
and wealth of the city. It is obvious that the
accounts of Diodoms are for the most part ab-
surd exaggerations, founded upon fabulous tra-
ditions, for which existing remains afford no
warrant. The political history of Nineveh is
that of Assyria, of which a sketch has already
been given. It has been observed that the ter-
ritory included within the boundaries of the
kingdom of Assyria Proper was comparatively
limited in extent, and that, almost within the
immediate neighborhood of the capital, pettr
kings appear to have ruled over semi-independ-
ent states, owning allegiance and paying tribute
to the great Lord of the Empire, "the King
of Kings," according to his Oriental title, who
dwelt at Nineveh. The fall of the capital was
the signal for universal disruption.
Tht Ruins. — Previous to recent excavations
and researches, tho ruins which occupied the
presumed site of Nineveh seemed to consist of
mere shapeless heaps or mounds of earth and
rubbish. Unlike the vast masses of brick ma-
sonry which mark the site of Babylon, they
showed externally no signs of artificial con-
struction, except perhaps here And there the
traces of a rude wall of sun-drieu bricks. Some
of these mounds were of enormous dimensions
— looking in the distance rather like natural
elevations than the work of men's hands.
They differ greatly in form, size, and height.
Some are mere conical heaps, varying from 50
to 150 feet high ; others have a broad flat sum-
mit, and very precipitous cliff-like sides, far-
rowed by deep ravines worn by the winter rains.
Such mounds are especially numerous in the
region to the east of the Tigris, in which Nine-
veh stood, and some of them must mark the
ruins of the Assyrian capital. The only diffi-
culty is to determine which rains are "to be
comprised within the actual limits of the an-
cient city. The northern extremity of the
principal collection of mounds on the eastern
bank of the Tigris may be fixed at the Shereef
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NINEVEH
631
NINEVEH
Khan, and the southern at Nimroud, about 6}
miles from the junction of that river with the
great Zab, the ancient Lycus. Eastward they
extend to Khorsabad, about ten miles N. by L.
of Shercef Khan, and to Karamlcss, about fif-
teen miles N. E. of Nimroud. Within the area
of this irregular quadrangle are to be found, in
every direction, traces of ancient edifices and
of former population. It comprises various
separate and distinct groups of ruins, four of
which, if not more, are the remains of fortified
enclosures or strongholds, defended by walls
•nd ditches, towers and ramparts. The prin-
cipal are — ' , the group immediately opposite
Mosul, including the great mounds of Kou-
yunjik ( also called by the Arabs, Armousheey ah)
and Nebbi Yunus; 2, that near the junction of
the Tigris and Zab, comprising the mounds of
Nimroud and Athur ; 3, Khorsabad, about ton
miles to the east of the former river ; 4, She-
reef Khan, about five and a half miles to the
north of Kouyunjik ; and 5, Selamiyah, three
miles to the north of Nimroud. We will de-
scribe che most important. The ruins opposite
Mosul consist of an enclosure formed by a con-
tinuous line of mounds, resembling a vast em-
bankment of earth, but marking the remains
of a wall, the western face of which is inter-
rupted by the two great mounds of Kouyunjik
and !N.>bbi Yunus. To the east of this enclos-
ure an the remains of an extensive line of
defences, consisting of moats and ramparts.
The inner wall forms an irregular quadrangle
with very unequal sides — the northern being
2,333 yards, the western, or the river face, 4,533,
the eastern (where the wall is almost the seg-
ment of a circle) 5,300 yards, and the southern
but little more than 1,000; altogether 13,200
yards, or seven English miles four furlongs.
The present height of ttis earthen wall is be-
tween forty and fifty fwt. The mound of
Kouyunjik is of irregular form, being nearly
square nt the S. W. comer, and ending almost
in a point at the N. E. It is about 1,300 yards
in length by 500 in its greatest width ; its
greatest height is 96 feet, and its sides are pre-
cipitous, with occasional deep ravines or water-
courses. The summit is nearly flat, but falls
from the W. to the E. Nebbi Yunus is con-
siderably smaller than Kouyunjik, being about
530 yards by 430, and occupying an area of
about forty acres. In height, it is about the
same. Upon it is a Turcoman village contain-
ing the apocryphal tomb of Jonah. It is re-
markable that within the enclosure, with the
exception of Kouyunjik and Nebbi Yunus, no
mounds or irregularities in the surface of the
soil denote ruins of any size. Nimroud con-
sists of a similar enclosure of consecutive
mounds — the remains of ancient walls. The
system of defences is, however, very inferior in
importance and completeness to that of Kou-
yunjik. The indications of towers occur at regu-
lar intervals ; 108 may still be traced on the N.
and E. sides. The area forms an irregular
square, about 2,331 yards by 2,095, containing
•Bout 1,000 acres. The N.' and E. sides were
defended by moats, the W. and S. walls by the
river, which once flowed immediately beneath
them. On the S. W. face is a great monnd,
'00 yards by 400, and covering about 60 acres,
with a cone or pyramid of earth, about 140
feet high, rising in the N. W. comer of it. At
the 8. E. angle of the enclosure is a group of
lofty mounds, called by the Arabs, after Nim-
roud's lieutenant, Athur (cf. (Jen. x. 11). The
enclosure-walls of Khorsabad form a square of
about 2,000 yards. They show the remains of
towers and gateways. There are apparently
no traces of moats or ditches. The mound
which gives its name to this group of rains rises
on the N. W. face. It may be divided into two
parts or stages, the upper about 650 feet square,
and 30 feet high, and the lower adjoining it,
about 1,350 by 300. Shercef Khan, so called
from a small village in the neighborhood, con-
sists of a group of mounds of no great size
when compared with other Assyrian ruins, and
without traces of an outer wall. Selamiyah is
an enclosure of irregular form, situated upon a
high bank overlooking the Tigris, about 5,000
yards in circuit, and containing an area of
about 410 acres, apparently once surrounded
by a ditch or moat. The greater part of the
discoveries which, of late years, have thrown so
much light upon the history and condition of
the ancient inhabitants of Nineveh were made
in the ruins of Nimroud, Kouyunjik, and Khor-
sabad.
The first traveller who carefully examined
the supposed site of the city was Mr. Rich, for-
merly political agent for the East India Com-
pany at Bagdad ; but his investigations were
almost entirely confined to Kouyunjik and
the surrounding mounds, of which he made a
survey in 1S20. He subsequently visited the
mound of Nimroud, of which, however, he was
unable to make more than a hasty examination.
Several travellers described the ruins after Mr.
Rich ; but no attempt was made to explore them
systematically until M. Botta was appointed
trench consul at Mosul in 1843. The French
Government having given the necessary funds,
the ruins were fully explored. They consisted
of the lower part of a number of halls, rooms,
and passages, for the most part wainscoted with
slabs of coarse gray alabaster, sculptui ed with
figures in relief, the principal entrance being
formed by colossal human-headed winged bulls.
No remains of exterior architecture of any great
importance were discovered. The calcined
limestone and the great accumulation of charred
wood and charcoal showed that the building
hod been destroyed by fire. Its upper part had
entirely disappeared, and its general plan could
only be restored by the remains of the lower
story. The collection of Assyrian sculptures
in the Louvre came from these ruins. M. Bot-
ta's discoveries at Khorsabad were followed by
those of Mr. Layard at Nimroud and Kouyun-
jik, made between the years 1845 and 1850.
The mound of Nimroud was found to contain
the ruins of several distinct edifices, erected at
different periods. The most ancient stood at
the N. W. comer of the platform, the most re-
cent at the S. E. In general plan and in con-
struction, they resembled the ruins at Khorsa-
bad — consisting of a number of halls, cham-
bers, and galleries, panelled with sculptured
and inscribed alabaster slabs, and opening one
into the other by doorways generally formed
by pairs of colossal human-headed winged bulls
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NINEVEH
NINEVEH
or lions. The exterior architecture could not
be traced The lofty cone or pyramid of earth
adjoining this edifice covered the ruins of a
building, the basement of which was a square
of 165 feet, and consisted, to the height of 20
feet, of a solid mass of sun-dried bricks, faced
on the four sides by blocks of stone carefully
squared, bevelled, and adjusted.
Upon this solid substructure, there probably
rose, as in the Babylonian temples, a succession
of platforms or stages, diminishing in size, the
highest having a shrine or altar upon it. It
had evidently been broken into and rifled of its
contents at some remote period, and may have
been a royal sepulchre — the tomb of Ninas, or
Sardanapalus, which stood at the entrance of
Nineveh. It appears to have been raised by the
son of the king who built the N. W. palace, and
whose name in the cuneiform inscriptions is
supposed to be identified with that of Sardana-
palus. Shalmanubar or Shalmaneser, the
builder of this tomb or tower, also erected in
the centre of the great mound a second palace,
which appears to have been destroyed to fur-
nish materials for later buildings. On the W.
face of the mound, and adjoining the centre
palace, are the remains of a third edifice, built
by the grandson of Shalmanubar, whose name
is read Iva-Lush, and v. ho is believed to be the
Pnl of the Hebrew Scriptures. Esarhaddon
raised (about B.C. 680) at the S. W. corner of
the platform another royal abode of considera-
ble extent, but constructed principally with ma-
terials brought from his predecessors palaces.
In the opposite or S. E. corner are the ruins of
a still later palace built by his grandson Ashur-
emit-ili, very inferior in size and in splendor
to other Assyrian edifices. At the S. W. cor-
ner of the mound of Konyunjik stood a palace
built by Sennacherib (about B.C. 700), exceed-
ing in size and in magnificence of decoration
all others hitherto explored. It occupied near-
ly 100 acres. The entrances to the edifice and
to the principal chambers were flanked by
groups of winged human-headed lions and bulls
of colossal proportions — some nearly twenty
feet in height ; twenty-seven portals thus formed
were excavated by Mr. Layard. A second pal-
ace was erected on the same platform by the
son of Esarhaddon, the third king of the name
of Sardanapalus. No propylsea or detached
buildings have as yet been discovered within
the enclosure.
At Shereef Khan are the ruins of a temple,
but no sculptured slabs have been dug up there.
It was founded by Sennacherib, and added to
by bis grandson. At Selamiyah, no remains
of buildings nor any fragments of sculpture or
inscriptions have been discovered. The Assyr-
ian edifices were so nearly alike in general
plan, construction, and decoration, that one de-
scription will suffice for all. They were built
upon artificial mounds or platforms, varying in
height, but generally from thirty to fifty feet
above the level of the surrounding country, and
solidly constructed of regular layers of sun-
dried bricks, as at Nimroud, or consisting mere-
ly of earth and rubbish heaped up, as at Kon-
yunjik. This platform was probably faced with
■tone masonry, remains of which were discov-
ered at Nimroud, and broad flights of steps or
inclined way* led np to its summit. Although
only the general plan of the ground-floor can
now be traced, it is evident that the palaces hsd
several stories built of wood and sun-dried
bricks, which, when the building was deserted,
and allowed to fall to decay, gradually buried
the lower chambers with their ruins, and pro-
tected the sculptured slabs from the cficcts of
the weather. The depth of soil and rubbish
above the alabaster stabs varied from a few
inches to about twenty feet. It is to this accu-
mulation of rubbish above them that the bass-
reliefs owe their extraordinary preservation.
The portions of the edifices still remaining con-
sist of halls, chambers, and galleries, opening
for the most part into large uncovered courts.
The partition walls vary from six to fifteen feet
in thickness, and are solidly built of sun-dried
bricks, against which are placed the panelling
or skirting of alabaster slabs. No windows
have hitherto been discovered, and it is proba-
ble, that, in most of the smaller chambers, light
was only admitted through the doors. 1 he
wall, above the wainscoting of alabaster, was
plastered, and painted with figures and orna-
ments. The pavenv nt was formed cither of
inscribed slabs of alabaster, or large flat kiln-
burnt bricks. It rested upon layers of bitumen
and fine sand. Of nearly similar construction
are the modern houses of Mosul.
The upper part and the external architecture
of the Assyrian palaces, both of which have en-
tirely disappeared, can only be restored conjes-
turally, from a comparison of monuments rep-
resented in the bass-reliefs, and of edifices built
by nations, such as the Persians, who took their
arts from the Assyrians. By such means, Mr.
Fergusson has, with much ingenuity, attempted
to reconstruct a palace of Nineveh. The sculp-
tures, with the exception of the human bended
lions and bulls, were for the most part in km
relief. The colossal figures utoally represent
the king, his attendants, and the gods ; the
smaller sculptures, which either cover the whole
face of the slab, or are divided into two com-
partments by bands of inscriptions, represent
battles, sieges, the chase, single combats with
wild beasts, religious ceremonies, &c., &c All
refer to public or national events ; the hunting-
scenes evidently recording the prowess and per-
sonal valor of the king as the bead of the peo-
ple — "the mighty hunter before the Lord."
The sculptures appear to have been painted —
remains of color having been found on most
of them. Thus decorated, without and within,
the Assyrian palaces must have displayed a bar-
baric magnificence, not however devoid of a cer-
tain grandeur and beauty, which no ancient or
modern edifice has probably exceeded. These
great edifices, the depositories of the national
records, appear to have been at the same time
the abode of the king and the temple of the
gods. No building has yet been discovered
which possesses any distinguishing features to
mark it specially as a temple. They are all
precisely similar in general plan and construc-
tion. Most probably a part of the palace was
set apart for religious worship and ceremonies.
Site of the Citg. — Much diversity of opinion
exists as to the identification of the ruins which
may be properly included within the site of an-
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NINEVEH
633
NINEVEH
tient Nineveh. According to Sir H. Rawlin-
son and those who concur in his interpretation
of the cuneiform characters, each group of
mounds we have described represents a separate
and distinct city. The name applied in the in-
scriptions to Nimroud is supposed to read
" Kalkhu," and the ruins are consequently iden-
tified with those of the Calah of Genesis (x.
11) ; Khorsabad is Sargina, as founded by Sar-
f^n, the narao having been retained in that of
arghun, or Saraoun, by which the ruins were
known to the Arab geographers ; Shcreef Khan
is Tarbisi. Selamiyah has not yet been identi-
fied, no inscription having been found in the
ruins. The name of Nineveh is limited to the
mounds opposite Mosul, including Kouyunjik
and Nebbi Yunus. Furthermore, the ancient
and primitive capital of Assyria is supposed to
have been, not Nineveh, but a city named As-
shur, whose ruins have been discovered at Ka-
lah Sherghat, a mound on the right or W. bank
of the Tigris, about sixty miles S. of Mosul. It
need scarcely be observed that this theory rests
entirely upon the presumed accuracy of the in-
terpretation of the cuneiform inscriptions, and
that it is totally at variance with the accounts
and traditions preserved by sacred and classical
history of the antiquity, size, and importance
of Nineveh. On the other hand, it has been
conjectured that these groups of mounds are
not ruins of separate cities, but of fortified roy-
al residences, each combining palaces, temples,
propylaea, gardens, and parks, and having its
peculiar name ; and that they all formed part
of one great city built and added to at different
periods, and consisting of distinct quarters scat-
tered over a very large area, and frequently very
jistant one from the other. Nineveh might
thus he compared with Damascus, Ispahan, or
perhaps more appropriately with Delhi. It is
thus Alone that the ancient descriptions of Nin-
eveh, if any value whatever is to bo attached to
them, can be reconciled with existing remains.
As at Babylon, no great consecutive wall of en-
closure comprising all the ruins, such as that
described by Duxloros, has been discovered at
Nineveh, and no such wall ever existed. The
River Gomel, the modern Ghazir-Su, may hare
formed the eastern boundary or defence of the
city. As to the claims of the mound of Kalah
Sherghat to represent the site of the primitive
capital of Assyria called Asshur, they must rest
entirely on the interpretation of the inscriptions.
This city was founded, or added to, they arc
supposed to declare, by one Shamas-Ira, the
son and viceroy, or s:itrap, of Ismi-Dagon, king
of Babylon, who reigned, it is conjectured, about
B.C. 1840. Assyria and its capital remained
subject to Babylonia until B.C. 1273, when an
independent Assyrian dynasty was founded, of
which fourteen kings, or more, reigned at Ka-
lah Sherghat About B.C. 930, the seat of gov-
ernment, it is asserted, was transferred by Sar-
danapalus (the second of the name, and the
SarJanapalus of the Greeks) to the city of
Kalkhu or Calah (Nimroud), which had been
founded bv an earlier monarch named Shalma-
nnbar. There it continued about 250 years,
when Sennacherib made Nineveh the capital of
the empire.
Pwphtrut relating to Nineveh, and Illuttration*
80
of the O. T. — These are exclusively contained
in the Books of Nahum and Zeplianiuh ; for
although Isaiah foretells the downfall of the
Assyrian Empire (Is. ch. x. and xiv.), he makes
no mention of its capital. Nahum threatens
the entire destruction of the city, so that it
shall not rise again from its ruins : " With an
overrunning flood he will make an utter end
of the place thereof." " He will make an utter
end; affliction shall not rise up the second
time " (Nah. i. 8, 9). " Thy people is scattered
upon the mountains, and no one gathereth
them. There is no healing of thy bruise"
(Nah. iii. 18, 19). The manner in which the
city should be taken seems to be indicated.
" The defence shall be prepared " (Nah. ii. 5)
is rendered in the marginal reading " the cover-
ing or coverer shall be prepared, and bv Mr.
Vance Smith, " the covering machine, the
covered battering-ram or tower supposed to be
represented in the 1 ass-reliefs as being used in
sieges. Some commentators believe that " the
overrunning flood" refers to the agency of
water in the destruction of the walls by
an extraordinary overflow of the Tigris, and
the consequent exposure of the city to assault
through a breach ; others, that it applies to
a large and devastating army. An allu-
sion to the overflow of the river may be con-
tained in Nah. ii. 6, " the gates of the riven
shall be opened, and the palace shall bo dis-
solved," a prophecy supposed to have been ful-
filled when the Mcdo-Bahylonian army cap-
tured the city. Most of the edifices discovered
had been destroyed by fire ; but no port of the
walls of either Nimroud or Kouyunjik appears
to have been washed away by the river. The
likening of Nineveh to " a pool of water "
(Nah. ii. 8) has been conjectured to refer to the
moats and dams by which a portion of the
country around Nineveh could be flooded. The
city was to be partly destroyed by fire, ' The
fire shall devour thy bars," " then shall the fire
devour thee " (Nah. iii. 13, 15). The gateway
in the northern wall of the Kouyunjik enclosure
had been destroyed by fire as well as the pal-
aces. The population was to be surprised
when unprepared, "while they are drunk as
drunkards they shall be devoured as stubble
fully dry " (Nah. i. 10). Diodorns states that
the last and fatal assault was made when they
were overcome with wine. The captivity of
the inhabitants, and their removal to distant
provinces, are predicted (Nah. iii. 18). The
palace-temples were to be plundered of their
idols, " out of the house of thy gods will I cut
off the graven image and the molten image"
(Nah. i. 14), and the city sacked of its wealth :
" Take ve the spoil of silver, take the spoil of
gold" (Nah. ii. 9). For ages, the Assyrian edi-
fices have been despoiled of their sacred im-
ages. Only one or two fragments of the precious
metals were fonnd in the ruins. Nineveh, after
its fall, was to be "empty, and void, and
waste " (Nah. ii. 10) ; " it shall come to pass,
that all they that look upon thee shall flee from
thco, and say, Nineveh is laid wasto " (Nah. iii. 7).
Thcso epithets describe the present state of the
sitcof thority. But the fiilleRtnnd the most vivid
and poetical picture of its ruined and deserted
condition is that given by Zephaniah, who prob
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ably lived to see its fall (Zeph. ii. 13, 14, IS).
The canals which once fertilized the soil are
now dry. Except when the earth is green,
after the periodical rains, the site of the city,
as well as the surrounding country, is an and
yellow waste. Many allusions in the O. T. to
the dress, arms, modes of warfare, and customs
of the people of Nineveh, as well as of the Jews,
are explained by the Nineveh monuments.
Thus (Nan. ii. 3), " the shield of his mighty
men is made red, the valiant men ure in scar-
let." The shields and the dresses of the warri-
ors are generally pointed red in the sculptures.
The magnificent description of the assault upon
the city (Nah. iii. 1, 2, 3) is illustrated in almost
every particular. The mounds built up against
the walls of a besieged town (Is. xxxvii. 33;
8 K. xix. 32 ; Jer. xxxii. 24, Sec.), the battering-
ram (Ez. iv. 2), the various kinds of armor,
helmets, shields, spears, and swords, used in
battle during a siege i the chariots and horses
(Nab. iii. 3), are all seen in various bass-reliefs.
The interior decoration of the Assyrian pal-
aces is described by Ezekiel, himself a captive
in Assyria and an eye-witness of their magnifi-
cence (Ez. xxiii. 14, 15) ; a description strik-
ingly illustrated by the sculptured likenesses of
the Assyrian kings and warriors. The mystic
figures seen by the prophet in his vision ( Ez.
ch. i.), uniting the man, the lion, the ox, and
the eagle, mav have been suggested 1 by the
eagle-headed idols and man-headed bulls and
lions, and tho sacred emblem of the " wheel
within wheel " by the winged circle or globe
frequently represented in the bass-reliefs.
Arts. — The origin of Assyrian art is a sub-
ject at present involved in mystery, and one
which offers a wide field for speculation and
research. Those who derive the civilization
and political system of the Assyrians from
Babylonia would trace their arts to the same
source. One of the principal features of their
architecture, the artificial platform serving as a
substructure for their national edifices, may
have been taken from a people inhabiting
plains perfectly flat, such as those of Shinnr,
rather than an undulating country in which
natural elevations are not uncommon, such as
Assyria Proper. But it still remains to bo
proved that there are artificial mounds in
Babylonia of an earlier date than monnds on
or near the site of Nineveh. Whether other
leading features and the details of Assyrian
architecture came from the same source, is
much more open to doubt In none of tho
arts of the Assyrians have any traces hitherto
been found of progressive change. In the
architecture of the most ancient known edifice,
all the characteristics of the style are already
fully developed ; no new features of any im-
portance seem to have been introduced at a
later period. In sculpture, as probably in
painting also, if wo possessed the means of
comparison, the same thing is observable as in
the remains of ancient Egypt. The earliest
works hitherto discovered show the result of a
lengthened period of gradual development,
1 It ii much more probable that there complex
Images were derived from the cherubim mentioned
Gen. iii. 24 u placed on the east of the garden of
which, judging from the slow progress mac*
by untutored man in the arts, must have ex-
tended over a vast number of years. Tbey
exhibit the arts of the Assyrians at the high-
est stage of excellence they probably ever
attained. The only change we ran trace, as
in Egypt, is one of decline or "decadence."
The latest monuments, such as those from the
palaces of Esarhaddon and his son, show per-
haps a closer imitation of nature, and a more
careful and minute execution of details- , than
those from the earlier edifices; but they are
wanting in tlus simplicity yet grandeur of* con-
ception, in the imagination, and in the variety
of treatment displayed in the most until nt
sculptures. This will nt once be perceived by
a comparison of the ornamental details of the
two periods. The lions of the earlier period
arc a grand, ideal, and, to a certain extent, con-
ventional representation of the least. In the
later bass-reliefs, the lions arc more closely imi-
tated from nature without any conventional
elevation ; but what is gained in truth is lost
in dignity. The same may he observed in the
treatment of the human form, though in its
representation, the Assyrians, like the Egyp-
tians, would seem to have been, at all times,
more or less shackled by religious prejudices
or laws. No new forms or combinations appear
to have been introduced into Assyrian art dur-
ing the four or five centuries, if not longer pe-
riod, in which we are acquainted with it. The
art of the Ninevdi monuments must, in the
present state of our knowledge, be accepted as
an original and national art, peculiar, if not to
the Assyrians alone, to the races who at various
periods possessed the country watered by the
Tigris and Euphrates. As it was undoubt-
edly brought to its highest perfection by the
Assyrians, tnd is especially characteristic of
them, it may well and conveniently bear their
name. From whence it was originally derived,
there is nothing as yet to show. If from Baby-
lon, as some have conjectured, there are no
remains to prove the fact. Analogies may
perhaps be found between it and that of Egypt,
but they are not sufficient to convince us that
the one was the offspring of the other. The
two may have been offshoots from some com-
mon trunk which perished ages before either
Nineveh or Thebes was founded ; or the I'Ike-
nicians, as it has been suggested, may have
introduced into the two countries, between
which they were placed, and between which
they may have formed a commercial link, the
arts peculiar to each of them.
Whatever the origin, the development of the
arts of the two countries appears to have been
affected and directed by very opposite condi-
tions of national character, climate, geograph-
ical and geological position, politics, and re-
ligion. At a Tate period of Assyrian history,
at the time of the building of the Khorsabad
place (about the 8th century B.C.), a more
intimate intercourse with Egypt through war
or dynastic alliances than bad previously ex-
isted appears to have led f> the introduction
of objects of Egyptian manifortare intc As-
syria, and may nave influenced to a limited
extent its arts. A precisely rinvlar influence
proceeding from Assyria has been remarked st
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the same period in Egypt, probably arising
from the conquest and temporary occupation
of the latter country by the Assyrians. The
arts of the Assyrians, especially their archi-
tecture, spread to surrounding nations, as is
usually the case when one race is brought into
contact with another in a lower state of civiliza-
tion. They appear to have crossed the Euphra-
tes, and to have had more or less influence on
the countries between it and the Mediterranean.
Monument* of an Assyrian character have been
discovered in various parts of Syria, and further
researches would probably disclose many more.
The arts of the Phoenicians, judging from the
few specimens preserved, show the same influ-
ence. The Assyrian inscriptions seem to indi-
cate a direct dependence of Judaea upon As-
syria from a very early period. From the de-
scriptions of the temple and "houses" of
Solomon (cf. 1 K. vi., vii. ; 2 Chr. iii., iv.),
it would appear that there was much simi-
larity between them and the palaces of Nine-
veh, if not in the exterior architecture, certainly
in the interior decorations. The Jewish edi-
fices were, however, very much inferior in size
to the Assyrian. Of object* of art (if we may
use the term) contained in the Temple we have
the description of the pillars, of the brazen sea,
and of various bronze or copper vessels.
The Assyrian character of these objects is
very remarkable. The influence of Assyria to
the eastward was even more considerable, ex-
tending far into Asia. The Persians copied
their architecture (with such modifications
as the climate and the building-materials at
hand suggested), their sculpture, probably their
painting and their mode of writing, from the
Assyrians. The ruined palaces ot Perscpolis
show the same general plan of construction as
those of Nineveh, — the entrances formed by
human-hcaded animals, the skirting of sculp-
tured stone, and the inscribed slalis. The vari-
ous religious emblems and the ornamentation
have the same Assyrian character. Amongst
the Assyrians, the arts were principally em-
ployed, as amongst all nations in their earlier
stages of civilization, fi, * religious and national
purposes. The colossal figures at the door-
ways of the palaces were mythic combinations
to denote the attributes of a deity. 1 The
" Man-Bull " and the " Man-Lion '" are con-
jectured to be the gods " Nin " and " Nergol,"
presiding over war and the chase; the eagle-
hraded and fish-headed figures so constantly
repeated in the sculptures, and as ornaments of
vessels of metal, or in embroideries — Nisroch
and Dagon. The bass-reliefs almost invariably
record some deed of the king, as head of the
nation, in war, and in combat with wild beasts,
or his piety in erecting vast palace-temples to
the gods. Hitherto no sculptures specially
illustrating the private life of the Assyrians
have been discovered, except one or two inci-
dents, such as men baking bread or tending
horses, introduced as mere accessories into the
historical bass-reliefs. This may be partly ow-
ing to the fact that no traces whatever have yet
been found of their burial-places, or even of
their mode of dealing with the dead. Although
1 See note on p. «34.
the sight of Nineveh afforded no special advan-
tages for commerce, and although she owed her
greatness rather to her political position as the
capital of the empire, yet, situated upon a navi-
gable river communicating with the Euphrates
and the Persian Gulf, she must have soon
formed one of the great trading-stations between
that important inland sea, and Syria, and the
Mediterranean, and must have become a depot
for the merchandise supplied to a great part of
Asia Minor, Armenia, and Persia. Her mer-
chants are described in Ezekiel (xxvii. 24) as
trading in blue clothes and broidered work
(such as is probably represented in the sculp-
tures), and in Nahum (iii. 16) as "multiplied
above the stars of heaven."
Writing and Language. — The ruins of Nine-
veh have furnished a vast collection of inscrip-
tions, partly carved on marble or stone slabs,
and partly impressed upon bricks, and upon
clay cylinders, or six-sided and eight-sided
prisms, barrels, and tablets, which, used for
the purpose when still moist, were afterwards
baked in a furnace or kiln. (Comp. Ez. iv. 1.)
The character employed was the arrow-headed
or cuneiform — so called from each letter being
formed by marks or elements resembling an
arrow-head or a wedge. This mode of writing,
believed by some to be of Turanian or Scythic
origin, prevailed throughout the provinces com-
prised in the Assyrian, Babylonian, and the
eastern portion of the ancient Persian Empires,
from the earliest times to which any known
record belongs, or at least twenty centuries be-
fore the Christian era, down to the period of
the conquests of Alexander; afterwhich epoch,
although occasionally employed, it seems to
have gradually fallen into disuse. It never
extended into Syria, Arabia, or Asia Minor,
although it was adopted by Armenia. A cur-
sive writing, resembling the ancient Syrian
and Phoenician, appears to have also been occa-
sionally employed in Assyria. The Assyrian
cuneiform character was of the same class as
the Babylonian, only differing from it in the
less complicated nature of its forms. The As-
syrian and Babylonian alphabet (if the term
may be applied to above two hundred signs) is
of the most complicated, imperfect, and arbi-
trary nature — some characters being phonetic,
others syllabic, others ideographic — the same
character being frequently used indifferently.
The people of Nineveh spoke a Shemitic dia-
lect, connected with the Hebrew and with the
so-called Chaldee of the Books of Daniel and
Ezra. This agrees with the testimony of the
O. T. But it is asserted that there existed in
Assyria, as well as in Babylonia, a more
ancient tongue belonging to a Turanian or
Scythic race, which is supposed to have in-
habited the plains watered by the Tigris and
Euphrates long before the rise of the Assyrian
Empire, and from which the Assyrians derived
their civilization and the greater part of their
mythology. The Assyrian inscriptions usually
contain the chronicles of the king who built or
restored the edifice in which they are found,
records of his wars and expeditions into distant
countries, of the amount of tribute and spoil
taken from conquered tribes, of the bnilding
of temples and palaces, and invocations to the
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NINEVEH
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NITRE
god* of Assyria. These inscribed bricks are
of the greatest value in restoring the royal dy-
nasties. The most important inscription hith-
erto discovered in connection with biblical
history is that upon a pair of colossal human-
headed bulls from Kouyunjik, now in the Brit-
ish Museum, containing the records of Sen-
nacherib, and describing, amongst other events,
his wars with Hczekiah. It is accompanied by
a series of bass-reliefs believed to represent the
siege and capture of Lachish. A long list
BMiDMhsrib on hii throne beforo Lschtoh.
might be given of biblical names occurring in
the Assyrian inscriptions. Those of three Jew-
ish kings have been read, Jehu son of Khumri
(Omri), on the black obelisk, Menahem on a
slab from the S. W. palace, Nimroud, now in
the British Museum, and Hezekiah in the
Kouyunjik records. The most important in-
scribed terra-cotta cylinders are — those from
Kalah Shcrghat, with the annuls of a king,
whose name is believed to read Tiglath Pileser,
not the same mentioned in the 2d Book of
Kings, but an earlier monarch, who is supposed
to have reigned about B.C. 1110, those from
Khorsabad containing the annals of Sargon ;
those from Kouyunjik, especially one known as
Bellino's cylinder, with the chronicles of Sen-
nacherib; that from Nebbi Tunns with the
records of Esarhaddon, and the fragments of
three cylinders with those of his son. The
most important results may be expected when
inscriptions so numerous and so varied in char-
acter are deciphered. A list of nineteen or
twenty kings can already be compiled, and the
annals of the greater number of them will prob
ably be restored to the lost history of one of the
most powerful empires of the ancient world,
and of one which appears to have exercised
perhaps greater influence than any other upon
the subsequent condition and development of
civilized man. The only race now found near
the ruins of Nineveh or in Assyria which mar
have any claim to be considered descendants
from the ancient inhabitants of the country are
the so-called Chaldron or Nestorian tribes,
inhabiting the mountains of Kurdistan, the
plains round the Lake of Ooroomivuh in Per-
sia, and a few villages in the neighlwrhood of
Mosul. They still speak a Shcmitic dialect,
almost identical with the Chaldce of the Books
of Daniel and Ezra. A resemblance, which
may be but fanciful, has been traced between
them and the representations of the Assyrian*
in the bass-reliefs. Their physical characteris-
tics at any rats seem to mark them as of the
same race. A curse appears to hang over a
land naturally rich and fertile, and capable of
sustaining a vast number of human being*.
Those who now inhabit it are yearly diminish-
ing, and there seems no prospect that for gen-
erations to come this once-favored country
should remain other than a wilderness.
Nin'evites. The inhabitant* of Nineveh
(Luke xi. 30).
Ni'san. (Mouths.]
Ni'son = Nisan. Esth. xi. 2.
XTis'roch. The proper name oi an idol of
Nineveh, in whose temple Sennacherib wa» wor-
shipping when assassinated by his son*, Adraro-
melech and Sharezer (2 K. xix. 37 ; Is. xxxvii.
38). Rashi, in hi* note on Is. xxxvii. 38, ex-
plains Nisroch as " a beam, or plank, of Noah's
ark," from the analysis which is given of the
word by rabbinical expositors. What the true
etymology may be is extremely doubtful. If
the origin of the word be Shcmitic, it mav be
derived, as Gcsenius suggests, from the flcb.
nether, which is in Arab. m'«r, " an eagle," with
the termination 6ch or ach, so that Nisroch would
signify " the great eagle." But it must be con-
fessed that this explanation is far from satisfac-
tory. It is adopted, however, by Mr. Layard,
who identifies with Nisroch the eaglc-hcadcd
human figure, which is one of the most promi-
nent on the earliest Assyrian monuments, and
is always represented as contending with and
conquering the lion or the bull.
Hitre ( Heb. nether) occurs in Prov. xxv. 20,
" and as vinegar upon nether : " and in Jer. ii.
22. The substance denoted is not that which
we now understand by the term nitre, i-t. nitrate
of potassa — " saltpetre " — but the virpov or
JuTpav of the Greeks, the nilrun of the Latins,
and the natron or native carbonate of soda of
modern chemistry. The latter part of the pas-
sage in Proverbs is well explained by Shaw,
who says (Tran. ii. 387), "The unsuiubleness
of the singing of songs to a heavy heart is very
finely compared to the contrariety there is be-
tween vinegar and natron." Natron is found
abundantly in the well-known soda lakes of
Egypt described by Pliny, and referred to by
Strata, which are situated in the barren Valley
of Bohr bdna (the Waterless Sea), about fifty
mile* W. of Cairo.
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NOAH
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NOAH
No. (No-Amok.]
XToadl'ah. 1. A Levite, ion of Binnul,
who, with Moremuth, Eleuzar, and Jozauod,
weighed thu vessels of gold and silver belonging
to the Temple which were brought back from
Babylon (Ezr. viii. 33). — 2. The prophetess
Noailiah joined Sanbullut and Tobiah in their
attempt to intimidate Nchemiali (Nch. vi. 14).
IToah, the tenth in descent from Adam, in
ths line of Soth, was the son of Lantech, and
gi andson of Methuselah. Of his father Lamcch
all th.it we know is comprised in the words that
he uttered on the birth of his son, words the
more significant when wo contrast them with
the savin.; of the other Lamech of the raeo of
Cain, "which hive also bean preserved. In the
reason which Lamcch gives for calling his son
No ih, there is a play upon the namo which it
is impossible to preserve in English. He called
his name No.ih ( Mooch, rat), saying, " this same
shall comfort m" (yenachamSnu). It is quite
plain that tho name " rest," and the verb " com-
fort," are of different roots ; and we must not
try to mike a philologist of Lamech, and sup-
pose th it he was giving an accurate derivation
of the n line Noah. He merely plays upon the
tarn;, alter a fashion common enough in all
ages and countries. Of Noah himself from this
time w; hear nothing more till he is 500 rears
old, wlun it is said he begat three sons, Slrem,
Ha.n, a:U Japhot. Very remarkable, however,
is the glimpse which we get of the state of
society in the antediluvian world. The nar-
rative* it is true U brief, and on many points
obscure: a mystery hangs over it which we
cannot penetrate. It stands thus : —
" And it came to pass when men (the Adam)
began to multiply on the face of the groun J,
and daughters we'ro born unto them ; then the
sons of Go I (the Elohim) saw the daughters
of men (the Adam) that they were f.iir.and they
look to them wives of all that they chose. And
Jehovah said, My spirit shall not forever rule
!or be h:i:n!>led) in men, seeing that they are
or, in their error they are] hut flesh, and their
lays shall lie a hundred and twenty years. The
Ne'phiii:n were on the earth in thoso days; and
also afterwards wh;n tho sons of God (the Elo-
him) came in unto tho daughters of men (tho
Adam), and children were born to them, these
wens the heroes which wore of old, men of
renown."
Here i number of perplexing questions pre-
sent them wives : Who wen the sons of God 1
Who the daughters of men ? Who tho Ncph-
ili.n i Whit is the meaning of "My spirit
shall not always rule, or dwell, or be humbled
in men ; " anil of tho words which follov ,
" Bat their days shall bo n hundred and
twenty years"? We will briefly review tho
prinefpal solutions which have been given of
these di.Heulties. a. Sons of God and daugh-
ters of nun. Three different interpretations
have from very early times been given of this
most singular passage. 1. The "sons of the
Elohim" were explained to mean sons of
princes, or men of high rank who degraded
themselves by contracting marriages with " tho
daughters of men," »".*. with women of inferior
position. 3. A second interpretation, perhaps
not loss ancient, understands, by the "tons
of the Elohim," angels. Two modern poets,
Byron (in his drama of Cain) and Moore (in
his Loees of the Angela), have availed themselves
of this last interpretation for the purpose of
their poems. 1 3. The interpretation, however,
which is now most generally received, is tuat
which understands by " the sons of the Elo-
him " the family and descendants of Scth,
and by "the daughters of men (Adam)," the
women of the family of Cain. 4. A fourth
interpretation has recently been advanced and
maintained with considerable ingenuity by the
author of the Genesis of the Earth and 'Man.
He understands by " the sons of tho Elohim "
the " servants or worshippers of false gods "
(taking Elohim to mean not God, but gods],
whom he supposes to have belonged to a dis-
tinct prc-Adamite race. "The daughters of
men," he contends, should be rendered "the
daughters of Adam, or the Adamites," women,
that is, descended from Adam. Those last had
hitherto remained true in their faith and wor-
ship, but were now perverted by the idolaters
who intermarried with them.
6. But who were the Ncphilim 1 It should
be observed that they are not spoken of as the
offspring of the "sons of the Elohim" and
"the daughters of men." The sacred writer
says, " tho Ncphilim were on tho earth in those
days," before ho goes on to speak of the chil-
dren of tho mixed marriages. The name, which
has been variously explained, only occurs once
again in Num. xiii. 33, where the Ncphilim are
said to havo been one of tho Canaanitish tribes.
If it is of Ilcbrow origin (which however may
bo doubted), it must mean cither " fallen,
'uc. apostate ones, or thoso who " fall upon "
others, violent men, plunderers, freebooters, &c.
It is of fir more importance to observe that,
if the Ncphilim of Canaan were descendants
of tho Ncphilim in Gen. vi. 4, we havo here a
very strong argument for the non-universality
of the Delugo. c. In consequence of the griev-
ous and hopeless wickedness of the world at
this time, God resolves to destroy it. "My
spirit," He says, " shall not always ' dwell '
or 'bear swav' in man — inasmuch as he is
but flesh." The meaning of which seems to be
that whilst God had put His Spirit in man, i.e.
not only the breath of life, but a spiritual p*rt
1 "This view," observes Kcll (Opusc. Acad.),
" was held bv nearly nil the fathers or the first four
centuries, both Greek ami Latin ; namely, by Pseu-
do-Clemens Itomanus, .Justin Martyr, Athenagorns,
Ilerncleon, Ircnseus, Clemens-Alexandrinns, Me-
thodlus, Euscblun, .stephanus (lobar., Tertulllan,
Cyprean, Commndtan, Laotantlus, HUarlus, ana
Severus Sulpltlns."
In modern tlm«s. It has been defended by Dr.
Knits, author of the Oeschlchte des alteit Dundos.
11 It fpi'ihi to me," says Alford (Prolegomena to
Jude), " that Dr. Hurts has gone Car to decide the
Interpretation, as against any reference of Gen. vl.
2. to the Sothltes, or of Jude ft, 7, to the full of the
devil and his angels. The exegesis of Hengsten-
ber*r and those who think with lilm depends on the
spiritual acceptation. In this case, of the word
4«*«wii>cttafiffiit, which Knrti comnletely disproves."
I n his commentary on Jade 7, Alford says, " ' In
like maun*-r t:» thesc,'r»6r<iic, the angels above men-
tioned. The manner was similar, bec*n«e the an-
(jels committed fornication with another race than
themselves; thus also a*tXQ<*rt; <Jirf«r--' aapK&t irr-
lint. So r.r»>.>i{ Is taken by Lud-Capell., Herder,
August!, Selineckenberger, Jaohmaon, De Wette,
Arnaud, Stier, Huther."
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capable of recognizing, loving, and worshipping
Him, man had so much sunk down into the
lowest and most debasing of fleshly pleasures,
as to have almost extinguished the higher light
within him. Then follows, "But his days
shall be a hundred and twenty years," which
has been interpreted by some to mean, that
still a time of grace shall be given for repent-
ance, viz. a hundred and twenty years before
the Flood shall come ; and by others, that the
duration of human life should in future be
limited to this term of years, instead of ex-
tending over centuries as before. This last
seems the most natural interpretation of the
Hebrew words.
Of Noah's life during this age of almost
universal apostasy, we are told but little. It
is merely said, that he was a righteous man
and perfect in his generations (i.e. amongst
his contemporaries), and that he, like Enoch,
walked with God. St. Peter calls him " a
preacher of righteousness." Besides this, we
are merely told that he had three sons, each
of whom had married a wife; that he built
the Ark in accordance with divine direction;
and that he was six hundred years old when
the Flood came. Both about the Ark and the
Flood so many questions have been raised, that
we must consider each of these separately.
The Ark. — The precise meaning of tne He-
brew word (tebah) is uncertain. The word
only occurs here and in Exodus (ii. 3). In all
probability it is to the old Egyptian that we
are to look for its original form. Bunsen, in
his vocabulary, gives tba, " a chest," tot, " a
boat," and in the Copt. Vers, of Exod. ii. 8, 5,
tlvAi is the rendering of tebah. This " chest,"
or " boat," was to be made of gopher (i.e. cy-
press) wood, a kind of timber which both for
its lightness and. its durability was employed by
the Phoenicians for building their vessels. The
planks of the ark, after beinf* put together,
were to be protected by a coating of pitch, or
rather bitumen, which was to be laid on both
inside and outside, as the most effectual means
of making it water-tight, and perhaps also as a
protection against the attacks of marine ani-
mals. The ark was to consist of a number of
" nests " or small compartments, with a view,
no doubt, to the convenient distribution of the
different animals and their food. These were
to be arranged in three tiers, one above another ;
" with lower, second, and third (stories) shalt
thou make it."
Means were nlso to be provided for letting
light into the nrk. In the A. V. we read, " A
window shalt thou make to the ark, and in a
cubit shalt thou finish it above : " words which,
it must be confessed, convey no very intelligible
idea. The original, however, is obscure, and
has been differently interpreted. What the
" window," or " light-hole was, is very puz-
zling. It was to be at the top of the nrk ap-
parently. If the words " nnto aenbit shalt thou
finish it abom " refer to the window, and not to
the ark itself, they seem to imply that this ap-
erture, or skylight, extended to the breadth of
a cubit the whole length of the roof. But if so,
it could not have been merely an open slit, for
that would have admitted the rain. Are we
then to suppose that some transparent, or at
least translucent, substance was employed * ll
would almost seem so. A different word is
used Gen. viii. 6, where it is said that Noah
opened the window of the ark. There the
word is challdn, which frequently occurs else-
where in the same sense. Supposing, then.
the tsohar to be, as we have said, a skylight, or
series of skylights running the whole length of
the ark, the challdn might very well be a single
compartment of the larger window, which
could be opened at will. But besides the win-
dow, there was to be a door. This was to be
placed in the side of the ark.
Of the shape of the ark nothing is said ; bat
its dimensions are given. It was to be 300 cu-
bits in length, SO in breadth, and 30 in height.
Taking 21 inches for the cubit, the ark would
be 525 feet in length, 87 feet 6 inches in breadth,
and 52 feet 6 inches in height This is very
considerably larger than the largest British
man-of-war. It should be remembered that this
hnge structure was only intended to float on
the water, and was not in the proper sense of the
word a ship. It had neither must, sail, nor rud-
der : it was in fact nothing but an enormous
floating house, oroblong box rather. Twoobjccta
only were aimed at in its construction : the one
was, that it should have ample stowage ; and the
other, that it should be able to keep steady
upon the water. After having given Noah the
necessary instructions for the building of the
ark, God tells him the purpose for which it was
designed. The earth is to be destroyed by
water. " And I, behold I do bring the flood
— waters upon the earth — to destroy all flesh
wherein is the breath of life ; . . . but I will es-
tablish my covenant with thee," 4c. (Gen. vi.
17, 18.) The inmates of the ark are then spe-
cified. They are to be Noah and his wife, and his
three sons with their wives. Noah is also to take
a pair of each kind of animal into the ark with
him, that he may preserve them alive ; birds,
domestic animals, and creeping things, are par-
ticularly mentioned. He is to provide, for the
wants of each of these, stores " of every kind
of food that is eaten." It is added, " Thus
did Noah; according to all that God (Elohim)
commanded him, so did he." A remarkable
addition to these directions occurs in the follow-
ing chapter. The pairs of animals are now
limited to one of unclean animals, whilst, of
clean animals and birds (Gen. vii. 2), Noah is to
take to him seven pairs. How is this addition to
be accounted for ? May we not suppose that we
have here traces of a separate document inttr-
woven by a later writer with the former his-
tory ?
Arc we, then, to understand that Noah literal-
ly conveyed a pair of all the animals of the
world into the ark ? This question virtually
contains another ; viz., whether the deluge
was universal, or only partial ? If it w::s
only partial, then, of course, it was necessary
to find room but for a comparatively small
number of animals; and the dimensions of the
ark are ample enough for the required purpose.
But it is not only the inadequate size of the ark
to contain all, or any thing like all, tlie progeni-
tors of our existing species of animals, which
is conclusive against a universal deluge. Anoth-
er fact points with still greater force, if poa
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jdble, in the same direction; and that is the
manner in which we now find these animals
distributed over the earth's surface. We now
know that every great continent has its own pe-
culiar fauna; that the original centres of distri-
bution must have been not one, but many;
further, that the areas or circles around these
centres must have been occupied by their pris-
tine animals in ages long anterior to that of the
Noachian Deluge. It is quite plain, then, that if
all the animals of the world were literally gath-
ered together in the ark, and so saved from the
waters of a universal deluge, this could only
hare been effected (even supposing there was
Space for them in the ark) by a most stupen-
ods miracle. But the narrative docs not com-
pel as to adopt so tremendous an hypothesis.
We shall see more clearly when we come to
consider the language used with regard to the
Flood itself, that even that language, strong as
it undoubtedly is, does not oblige us to suppose
that the Deluge was universal.
The Flood. — The ark was finished, and all
its living freight was gathered into it as in a
place of safety. Jehovah shut him in, says the
chronicler, speaking of Noah. And then there
ensued a solemn pause of seven days before the
threatened destruction was let loose. At last
the Flood came ; the waters were upon the
earth. The narrative is vivid and forcible,
though entirely wanting in that sort of descrip-
tion which in a modern historian or poet
would have occupied the largest space. But
one impression is left upon the mind with pe-
culiar vividness, from the very simplicity of the
narrative, and it is that of utter desolation.
From Gen. vii. 17 to the end of the chapter, a
very simple but very powerful and impressive
description is given of the appalling catas-
trophe The waters of the Flood increased for
a period of 190 days (40+ ISO, comparing vii.
12 and 24). And then " God remembered
Noah," and made a wind to pass over the earth,
to that the waters were assuaged. The ark
rested on the seventeenth day of the seventh
month on the mountains of Ararat. After this,
the waters gradually decreased till the first day
of the tenth month, whon the tops of the
mountains were seen. It was then that Noah
sent forth, first the raven, which flow hither and
thither, resting probably on the mountain-
tops, but not returning to the ark ; and next,
after an interval of seven days, the dove, " to
see if the waters were abated from the ground "
(«'.«. the lower plain country). " But the dove
found no rest for the sole of her foot, and she
returned unto him into the ark." After waiting
for another seven days, he again sent forth the
aovt, <»hich returned this time with a fresh
olive-leaf in ler mouth, a sign that the waters
were still lower. Aai once more, after anoth-
er interval of seven days, '..? «ent forth the
dove, and she "returned not again untc him any
more," having found a home for herself upon
the earth.
On reading this narrative, it is difficult, it
must be confessed, to reconcile the language
employed with the hypothesis of a partial del-
age. The difficulty does not lie in the large-
ness of most of the terms used, bnt rather in
the precision of one single expression. It is
natural to suppose that the writer, when he
speaks of "all flesh," "all in whose nostrils
was the breath of life," refers only to his own
locality. This sort of language is common
enough in the Bible when only a small part of
the globe is intended. The real difficulty lies
in the connecting of this statement with the dis-
trict in which Noah is supposed to have lived,
and the assertion that the waters prevailed fit-
teen cubits upward. If the Ararat on which
the ark rested be the present mountain of the
same name, the highest peak of which is more
than 17,000 feet above the sea, it would have
been quite impossible for this to have been cov-
ered, the water reaching fifteen cubits, i\e.
twenty-six feet above it, unless the whole earth
were submerged. The plain meaning of the
narrative is, that, far as the eve could sweep,
not a solitary mountain reared its head above
the waste of waters. Bat there is no necessity
for assuming that the ark stranded on the high
peaks of the mountain now called Ararat, or
even that that mountain was visible.
Assuming, then, that the Ararat here men-
tioned is not the mountain of that name in Ar-
menia, we may also assume the inundation to
have been partial, and may suppose it to have
extended over the whole Valley of the Euphra-
tes, and eastward as far as the range of moun-
tains running down to the Persian Gulf, or
farther. As the inundation is said to have
been caused by the breaking-up of the foun-
tains of the great deep, as well as by the rain,
some great and sudden subsidence of the land
may have taken place, accompanied by an in-
rush of the waters of the Persian Gulf, similar
to what occurred in the Runn of Cutcb, on the
eastern arm of the Indus, in 1819, when the sea
flowed in, and in a few hours converted a tract
of land, 2,000 square miles in area, into an in-
land sea or lagoon. It has sometimes been as-
serted that the facts of geology arc conclusive
against the possibility of a universal deluge.
Formerly, indeed, the existence of shells and
corals at the top of high mountains was taken
to be no less conclusive evidence the other way.
They were constantly appealed to as a proof
of the literal truth of the Scripture narrative.
Even within the last thirty years, geologists like
Cuvier and Buckland have thought that the
superficial deposits might be referred to the pe-
riod of the Noachian Flood. Subsequent in-
vestigation, however, showed that, if the re-
ceived chronology were even approximately
correct, this was out of the question, as these
deposits must have taken place thousands of
years before the time of Noah, and indeed be-
fore the creation of man. So far, then, it is
clear, there is no evidence now on the earth's
surface in favor of a universal deluge. But is
there any positive geological evidence against
it? Hugh Miller and other geologists have
maintained that there is. They appeal to the
fact, that in various parts of the world, such as
Auvergne in France, and along the flanks of
^Etna, there are cones of loose scoria; and ashes
belonging to long ixtinct volcanoes, which
must bo at least triple the antiquity of the No-
achian Deluge, and which yet exhibit no traces
of abrasion by the action of water. These
loose cones, they argue, must have been swept
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•way, had the water of the Del ago ever reached
them. But thin argument is by no means con-
elusive.
There is, however, other evidence conclusive
against the hypothesis of a universal deluge,
miracle apart. " The first effect of the cover-
ing of the whole globe with water would be a
complete change in its climate, the general ten-
dency being to lower and equalize the tempera-
ture of all parts of its surface. Pari passu with
this process . . . would ensue the destruction
of the great majority of marine animals. And
this would take place, partly by reason of the
entire change in climatal conditions, too sud-
den and general to be escaped by migration ;
and, in still greater measnre, in consequence
of the sudden change in the depth of the water.
Great multitudes of marine animals can only
live between tide-marks, or at depths less than
fifty fathoms; and as, by the hypothesis, the
land had to be depressed many thousands of
feet in a few months, and to be raised again
with equal celerity, it follows that the animals
could not possibly have accommodated them-
selves to such vast and rapid changes. All the
littoral animals, therefore, would have been
killed. The race of acorn-shclls and periwin-
kles would have been exterminated, and all the
coral-reefs of the Pacific would at once have
been converted into dead coral, never to grow
again. But so far is this from being the cafe,
that acorn-shells, periwinkles, and coral still
survive, and there >s good evidence that they
have continued to exist and flourish for many
thousands of years. On the other hand, "Noah
was not directed to take marine animals of any
kind into the ark ; nor indeed is it easy to see
how they could have been preserved. Again,
had the whole globe been submergee", the sea-
water covering the land would at once have de-
stroyed every fresh-water fish, mollusk, and
worm ; and, as none of these were taken into
the ark, the several species would have become
extinct. Nothing of the kind has occurred.
" Lastly, such experiments as have been made
with regard to the action of sea-water upon ter-
restrial plants leave very little doubt that sub-
mergence in sea- water for ten or eleven months
would have effectually destroyed not only the
great majority of the plimts, but their seeds as
well. And yet it is not said that Noah took
any stock of plants with him into the ark, or
that the animals which issued from it had the
slightest difficulty in obtaining pasture. There
are, then, it must be confessed, very strong
grounds for believing that no universal deluge
ever occurred. Suppose the Flood, on the
other hand, to have been local ; suppose, for in-
stance, the Valley of the Euphrates to have been
submerged ; and then the necessity for preserv-
ing all the species of animals disappears. For,
in the first place, there was nothing to prevent
the birds and many of the large mammals from
getting away ; and in the next, the number of
species peculiar to that geographical area, and
which would be absolutely destroyed by its be-
ing flooded, supposing they could not escape, is
insignificant." All these considerations point
with overwhelming force in the same direction,
and compel us to believe, unless we suppose
that a stupendous miracle was wrought, that
the Flood of Noah (like other deluges of which
we read) extended only over a limited area of
the globe.
It now only remains to notice the later allu-
sions to the catastrophe occurring in the Bible,
and the traditions of it preserved in other na-
tions besides the Jewish. The word specially
used to designate the Flood of Noali (Aata-
mabbil) occurs in only one other passage of
Scripture, Ps. xxix. 10. In Is. liv. 9, the Flood
is spoken of as " the waters of Noah." In the
N. T., our Lord gives the sanction of His own
authority to the historical truth of the narra-
tive, Matt. xxiv. 37 (cf. Luke xvii. 26). St.
Peter speaks of the " long-suffering of God,"
which "waited in the days of Noah." And
again in hi« Second Epistle (ii. 5) he cites it a*
an instance of the righteous judgment of God,
who spared not the old world, &c. The tradi-
tions of many nations have preserved the mem-
ory of a great and destructive flood from which
but a small part of mankind escaped. It is not
always very clear whether they point back to a
common centre, or whether they were of na-
tional growth. The traditions which come
nearest to the biblical account are those of the
nations of Western Asia. Foremost amongst
these is the Chald/ean. It is preserved in a
fragment of Berosus, and tells now Xisuthma
built a vessel in which he was saved from a
great deluge, with different animals, birds, and
quadrupeds. Other notices of a flood may
be found (a) in the Phoenician mythology,
where the victory of Pontus (the sea) over De-
marous (the earth) is mentioned ; (6) in the
Sibylline Oracles, partly borrowed, no doubt,
from the biblical narrative, aod partly, per-
haps, from some Babylonian story. To these
must be added (c) the Phrygian story of King
Annakos or Nannakos (Enoch) in Iconinm,
who reached an age of more than 300 years,
foretold the Flood, and wept and prayed for his
people, seeing the destruction that was coming
upon them. Very curious, as showing what
deep root this tradition roust have taken In the
country, is the fact, that, so late as the time of
Steptimius Severus, a medal was struck at
Apamea, on which the Flood is commemo-
rated.
As belonging to this cycle of tradition, moat
be reckoned also (1) the Syrian, related by
Lucian, and connected with a huge chasm in
the earth near Hieropolis into which the waters
of the Flood are supposed to have drained ;
and (2) the Armenian quoted by Josephus. A
second cycle of traditions is that of Eastern
Asia. To this belong the Persian, Indian, and
Chinese. The Persian is mixed np with its
cosmogony, and hence loses any thing like an
historical aspect. The Chinese story is, in many
respects, singularly like the biblical. The
Indian tradition appears in various forms. Of
these, the one which most remarkably agrees
with the biblical account is that contained in
the Mahabharata. The arconn' jf the Flood in
the Koran is drawr. app»;«:ntly, partly from
biblical and partly fr»:.i Persian sources. In
the main, no doubt, it follows the narrative io
Genesis, but dwell; at length on the testimony
of Noah to the unbelieving. Another peculi-
arity of this version is, that Noah calls in vaia
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to one of his ions to enter into the ark ; be
refuses, in the hope of escaping to a mountain,
and is drowned before his father's eyes. A
third cycle of traditions is to be found among
the American nations. These, as might be ex-
pected, show occasionally some marks of re-
semblance to the Asiatic legends. " Of the
different nations that inhabit Mexico," says
A. yon Humboldt, " the following had paintings
resembling the deluge of Coxcox ; viz., the
Aztecs, the Mixtecs, the Zapotecs, the Tlascal-
tecs, and the Mechoacans. The Noah, Xisu-
thrus, or Mann of these nations is termed Cox-
cox, Tco-Cipactli, or Tezpi. He saved himself
with his wife Pochiqnetzatl in a bark, or, ac-
cording to other traditions, on a raft." A pecu-
liarity of many of these American Indian tradi-
tions must be noted, and that is, that the Flood,
according to them, usually took place in the
time of the First Man, who, together with his
family, escape. It may not be amiss, before we
go on to speak of the traditions of more culti-
vated races, to mention the legend still pre-
served among the inhabitants of the Fiji
Islands, although not belonging to our last
group. One more cycle of traditions we shall
notice — that, viz., of tho Hellenic races. Hellas
has two versions of a flood, one associated with
Ogyges ; and the other, in a far more elaborate
form, with Deucalion. Both, however, are of
late origin, — they were unknown to Homer
and Hcsiod. Herodotus, though he mentions
Deucalion as one of the first kings of the
Hellenes, says not a word about the Flood
ji. 56). Pindar is the first writer who mentions
it ( Otgmp. ix. 37 ff. ) It must be confessed, that
the later the narrative, the more definite the
form it assumes, and the more nearly it re-
sembles the Mosaic account. It seems tolerably
certain that the Egyptians had no records of
the Deluge, at least if we are to credit Manetho.
Nor has any such record been detected on the
monuments, or preserved in the mythology of
Egypt.
After the Flood. — Noah's first act after he
left the ark was to build an altar, and to offer
sacrifices. This is the first altar of which wo
read in Scripture, and the first burnt-sacrifice.
Jehovah accepts the sacrifice of Noah as the
acknowledgment on the part of man that he
desires reconciliation and communion with God.
Then follows the blessing of God (Elohim)
upon Noah and his sons. All living creatures
are now given to man for food ; but express
provision is made that the blood (in which is
the life) should not be eaten. Next, God makes
provision for the security of human life. The
blood of man, in which is his life, is yet more
firecious than the blood of beasts. Hence is
aid the first foundation of the civil power.
Thus, with the beginning of a new world, God
gives, on the one hand, a promise which secures
the stability of the natural order of the uni-
verse, and, on the other hand, consecrates hu-
man life with a special sanctity as resting upon
these two pillars, — the brotherhood of men,
and man's likeness to God. Of the seven pre-
cepts of Noah, as they are called, the observ-
ance of which was required of all Jewish prose-
lytes, three only are here expressly mentioned.
It i* in the terms of the blessing and the cove-
81
nant made with Noah after the Flood that we
find the strongest evidence, that, in the sense of
the writer, it was universal, t\e. that it extended
to all the then known world. The literal truth of
the narrative obliges us to believe that the whole
human race, except eight persons, perished by
the waters of the Flood. Noah is clearly the
head of a new hnman family, the representative
of the whole race. It is as such that God
makes His covenant with him, and hence se-
lects a natural phenomenon as the sign of that
covenant. The bow in the cloud, seen by every
nation under heaven, is an unfailing witness to
the truth of God. Was the rainbow, then, we
ask, never seen before the Flood? Was this
" sign in the heavens " beheld for the first time
by the eight dwellers in the ark, when, after
their long imprisonment, they stood again upon
the green earth, and saw the dark humid clouds
spanned by its glorious arch 1 Such seems the
meaning of the narrator. And yet this implies
that there was no rain before the Flood, and
that the laws of nature were changed, at least
in that part of the globe, by that event. Hence,
many writers have supposed that the meaning
of the passage is, not that the rainbow now
appeared for the first time, but that it was now
for the first time invested with the sanctity of
a sign. It must be confessed, however, that
this is not the natural interpretation of the
words. 1 Noah now for the rest of his life bo-
took himself to agricultural pursuits, following
in this the tradition of his family. It is par-
ticularly noticed that he planted a vineyard.
Whether in ignorance of its properties or other-
wise, we are not informed ; but he drank o: the
juice of the grape till he became intoxicated,
and shamefully exposed himself in his own
tent.' One of his sons, Ham, mocked openly
at his father's disgrace. The others, with duti-
ful care and reverence, endeavored to hide it.
When he recovered from the effects of his in-
toxication, he declared that a curse should rest
upon the sons of Ham. With the curse on his
youngest son was joined a blessing on the other
two. It is uncertain whether in the words
"And let him dwell in the tents of Shem,"
" God," or " Japhet," is the subject of the
verb. At first it seems more natural to sup-
pose that Noah prays that God would dwell
there. But the blessing of Shem has been
rken already. It is better therefore to take
. >het as the subject. What, then, is meant by
his dwelling in the tents of Shem ? Not, of
course, that he should so occupy them as to
thrust out the original possessors; nor even
that they shonld melt into one people ; but, as
it would seem, that Japhet may enjoy the re-
ligious privileges of Shem. After this prophetic
blessing, we hear no more of the patriarch but
the sum of his years.
' But see Ex. III. 12, where an event yet future
la made a »lgn. A rock, a tree, or any natural ob-
ject, might be made a sign or memorial. — En.
' An Engllnli writer (Anti-Bacchus) suggests,
that as wine produced by fermentation could have
only .08 alcohol, that which occasioned Nosh's
drunkenneu muat have been drugged. Many wines
of antiquity were mixed with narcotics. He sug-
gest* that, possibly. Ham designedly drugged the
wine without his father's knowledge. Heaos the
curse pronounced on him,— Ed.
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NOSE-JEWEL
No'ah. One of the five daughters of Zelo-
Shehad (Nam. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1, xxxvi. 11. ;
osh. xvii. 3).
No-a'mon (Nah. iii. 8), Wo (Jer. xlri.
35; Ez. xxx. 14, 15, 16), a city of Egypt,
Thebte (Thebes), or Diospolis Magna. The
second part of the first form is the name of
AMEN, the chief divinity of Thebes, mentioned
or alluded to in connection with this place
in Jeremiah, " Behold, I will punish Amon in
No, and Pharaoh, and Egypt, with their gods
and their kings;" and perhaps also alluded to
in Ezekiel (xxx. 15). There is a difficulty as to
the meaning of No. It seems most reasonable
to suppose that No is a Shemitic name, and
that Amon is added in Nahum (/.c.) to distin-
guish Thebes from some other place bearing
the same name, or on account of the connection
of Amen with that city. Jerome supposes No
to be either Alexandria or Egypt itself. Cham-
pollion takes it to be Diospolis in Lower Egypt ;
but Gesenius well observes that it would not
then be compared in Nahum to Nineveh. This
and the evidence of the Assyrian record leave
no doubt that it is Thebes. The description of
No-Amon, as "situate among the rivers, the
waters round about it" (Nah. ie.), remarkably
characterizes Thebes.
Nob (1 8am. xxiii. 11 ; Neh. xi. 32) was a
sacerdotal city in the tribe of Benjamin, and
situated on some eminence near Jerusalem.
That it was on one of the roads which led from
the north to the capital, and within sight of it,
is certain from the illustrative passage in which
Isaiah (x- 28-32) describes the approach of
the Assyrian army. In this spirited sketch, the
poet sees the enemy pouring down from the
north. It is implied, here clearly that Nob was
the last station in their line of march, whence
the invaders could see Jerusalem, and whence
they could be seen, as they " shook the hand "
in proud derision of their enemies. Nob was
one of the places where the tabernacle, or ark
of Jehovah, was kept for a time during the
days of its wanderings before a home was pro-
vided for it on Mount Zion (2 Sam. vi. 1, £c.).
A company of the Benjamites settled hereafter
the return from the exile (Neh. xi. 32). But
the event for which Nob was most noted in the
Scripture annals was a frightful massacre
which occurred there in the reign of Saul (1
Sam. xxii. 17-19). All trace of the name has
disappeared from the country long ago. Je-
rome states that nothing remained in his time
to indicate where it had been. Geographers
are not agreed as to the precise spot with which
we are to identify the ancient locality. Some
of the conjectures on this point may deserve
to be mentioned. Kiepert's map places Nob at
El-Isawieh, not far from Anata, about a mile
north-west of Jerusalem. But it must be re-
garded as fatal to this identification that Jeru-
salem is not to be seen from that point Mr.
Porter expresses the confident belief that Nob
is to be sought on a low peaked tell, a little to
the right of the northern road, and opposite to
Shajal. The Nob spoken of above is not to be
confounded with another which Jerome men-
tions in the Plain of Sharon, not far from
Lydda.
No'bah. The name conferred by the con-
queror of Kbhatr and the villages in depeaA-
ence on it on his new acquisition (Num. xxxii.
42). For a certain period after the establish-
ment of the Israelite rule, the new name re-
mained, and is used to mark the coarse taken
by Gideon in his chase after Zebah and Zal-
munna (Judg. viii. 11). But it is not again
heard of, and the original appellation, as is
usual in such cases, appears to have recovered
its hold, which it has since retained ; for in the
slightly modified form of Kunawat it is the
name of the place to the present day.
No'bah. An Israelite warrior (Num. xxxE.
42), probably, like Jair, a Manassite, who dur-
ing the conquest of the territory on the east of
Jordan possessed himself of the town of Ke-
nath and the villages or hamlets dependent upon
it (Heb. " daughters"), and gave them his own
name.
Nod. [Caw.]
No 'dab, the name of an Arab tribe men-
tioned only in 1 Chr. v. 19, in the account of
the war of the Reubenites, tbc Gaditcs, and
the half of the tribe of Manasseh, against the
Hagarites. It has been supposed that Nodab
was one of the sons "f Ishmael. But we have
no other mention of Nodab, and it is probable
that he was a grandson or other descendant of
the patriarch, and that the name, in the tiro*
of the record, was that of a tribe sprang from
such descendant
NO'S. The patriarch Noah (Tob. iv. 12;
Matt xxiv. 37, 38 ; Luke iii. 36, xvii. 26, 27).
No'eba = Nekoda 1 (1 Esd. v. 31 ; comp
Ezr. ii. 48). Ap.
No'gah. One of the thirteen sons of David
who were born to him in Jerusalem (1 Chr. iii.
7, xiv. 6).
No'bah. The fourth son of Benjamin
(1 Chr. viii. 2).
Non. Nun, the father of Joshua (1 Chr.
vii. 27).
Noph (Is. xix. 13, Jer. ii. 16, Ez. xxx. IS,
1G), Mora (Hos. ix. 6), a city of Egypt, Mem-
phis. These forms are contracted from the
ancient Egyptian common name, MEN-NUFB,
or MEN-NEFKU, "the good abode," or per-
haps " the abode of the good one." The
Hebrew forms are regarded as representing
colloquial forms of the name, current with th*
Shemites, if not with the Egyptians also. It
is probable that the epithet " good " refers to
Osiris, whose sacred animal Apis was here wor-
shipped. As the great upper Egyptian city i*
characterized in Nahum as " situate among
the rivers" (iii. 8), so in Hosea the lower
Egyptian one is distinguished by its Necrop-
olis.
No'phah, a place mentioned only in Nam.
xxi. SO, in the remarkable song apparently
composed by the Amorites after their conquest
of Heshbon'from the Moabites, and therefore
of an earlier date than the Israelite invasion.
It is named with Dibon and Medeba, and waa
possibly in the neighborhood of Heshbon. A
name very similar to Nophah is Nobah, which
is twice mentioned. Ewald decides that No.
phah is identical with the latter of these.
Nose-jewel (Gen. xxiv. 22; Ex. xxxv
22, "ear-ring;" Is. iii. 21 ; Ez. xvi. 12. "jew-
el on the forehead "). A ring of metal, some-
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times of gold or silver, passed usually through
the right nostril, and worn br way of ornament
by women in the East. Its diameter is usually
1 in. or 1J in., but sometimes as much as 3} in.
Upon it are strung beads, coral or jewels. In
Egypt it is now almost confined to the lower
classes.
Number. Like most Oriental nations, it
is probable that the Hebrews in their written
calculations made use of the letters of the al-
phabet. That they did so in post-Babylonian
times we have conclusive evidence in the Mac-
cabasan coins; and it is highly probable that
this was the case also in earlier times. But
though, on the one hand, it is certain that in
all existing MSS. of the Hebrew text of the
O.T. the numerical expressions are written at
length, yet, on the other, the variations in the
several versions between themselves and from
the Hebrew text, added to the evident incon-
sistencies in numerical statement between cer-
tain passages of that text itself, seem to prove
that some shorter mode of writing was origi-
nally in vogue, liable to be misunderstood, and
in act misunderstood by copyists and trans-
lators. These variations appear to have pro-
ceeded from the alphabetic method of writing
numbers. There can be little doubt, however,
that some at least of the numbers mentioned
in Scripture are intended to be representative
rather than determinative. Certain numbers,
as 7, 10, 40, 100, were regarded as giving the
idea of completeness. Without entering into
St. Augustine's theory of this usage, we may
remark that the notion of representative num-
bers in certain cases is one extremely common
among Eastern nations, who have a prejudice
against counting their possessions accurately ;
that it enters largely into many ancient systems
of chronology, and that it is found in the phil-
osophical and metaphysical speculations not
only of the Pythagorean and other ancient
schools of philosophy, both Greek and Roman,
but also in those of the later Jewish writers,
of the Gnostics, and also of such Christian
writers as St. Augustine himself. We proceed
to give some instances of numbers used (a)
representatively, and thus probably by design
indefinitely, or (A) definitely, but, as we may
say, preferentially, i.e. because some meaning
(which we do not in all cases understand) was
attached to them. 1. Seven, as denoting either
plurality or completeness, is so frequent as to
make a selection only of instances neccssany,
e.g. sevenfold, Gen. iv. 24 ; seven times, i.e. com-
pletely, Lev. xxvi. 24; Ps. xii. 6; seven (i\e.
many) ways, Deut. xxviii. 25. 2. Ten as a
preferential number is exemplified in the Ten
Commandments and the law of Tithe. 3.
Seventy, as compounded of 7x10, appears fre-
quently, e.g. seventy-fold (Gen. iv. 24; Matt,
xviii. 22). Its definite use appears in the offer-
ings of seventy shekels (Num. vii. 13, 19);
the seventy ciders (xi. 16) ; seventy years of
captivity (Jer. xxv. 11). 4. Five appears in
the table of punishments, of legal requirements
(Ex. xxii. 1; Lev. v. 16, xxii. 14, xxvii. 15;
Num. v. 7, xviii. 16), and in the five empires
of Daniel (Dan. ii.). 5. Four is used in refer-
ence to the four winds (Dan. vii. 2), and the
so-called four corners of the earth; the four
creatures, each with four wings and four facet,
of Ezekiel (i. 5 and foil.) ; four rivers of Para-
dise (Gen. ii. 10) ; four beasts (Dan. vii., and
Rev. iv. 6) ; the four equal-sided Temple-cham-
ber (Ez. xl. 47). 6. Three was regarded, both
by the Jews and other nations, as a specially
complete and mystic number. 7. Twelve (3x4)
appears in twelve tribes, twelve stones in
the high-priest's breast-plate, twelve apostles,
twelve foundation-stones, and twelve gates ( Rev.
xxi. 19-21). 8. Forty appears in many enu-
merations ; forty days of Moses (Ex. xxiv. 18) ;
forty years in the wilderness (Num. xiv. 34) ;
forty days and nights of Elijah (1 K. xix. 8).
9. One hundred. — A hundred cubits' length of
the Tabernacle-court (Ex. xxvii. 18) ; a hun-
dred men, i.e. a large number (Lev. xxvi. 8) ;
Gideon's three hundred men (Judg. vii. 6) ;
leader of a hundred men (1 Clir. xii. 14); a
hundred stripes (Prov. xvii. 10, &c.). 10.
Lastly, the mystic number 666 (Rev. xiii.
18).
Numbering. [Cusses.]
Numbers, the Fourth Book of the Law or
Pentateuch. It takes its name in the LXX.
and Vulg. (whence our " Numbers ") from the
double numbering or census of the people. A.
Contents. — The book may be said to contain
generally the history of the Israelites from
the time of their leaving Sinai, in the second
year after the Exodus, till their arrival at the
borders of the Promised Land in the fortieth
year of their journeyings. It consists of the
following principal divisions : — I. The prep-
arations for the departure from Sinai (i. 1-x.
10). II. The journey from Sinai to the bor-
ders of Canaan (x. 1 1-xiv. 45). HI. A brief
notice of laws given, and events which trans-
pired, during the thirty-seven years' wandering
in the wilderness (xv. 1-xix. 22). IV. The
history of the lost year, from the second arrival
of the Israelites in Kadcsh till they reach " the
plains of Moab by Jordan near Jericho " (xx.
1-xxxvi. 13).
I. (a.) The object of the encampment at
Sinai has been accomplished. It is now time
to depart in order that the object may be
nchicved for which Israel has been sanctified.
That object is the occupation of the Promised
Lnnd. Therefore Israel must be organized as
Jehovah's army ; and to this end a mnstering
of all who are capable of bearing arms is neces-
sary. Hence the book opens with the num-
bering of the people, chapters i.-iv. These
contain, first, the census of all the tribes or
clans (chap, i.) ; secondly, the arrangement of
the camp, and the order of march (chap, ii.) ;
thirdly, the special and separate census of the
Lcvites (chaps, iii., iv.). (6.) Chapters v., vi.
Certain laws apparently supplementary to the
legislation in Leviticus, (c.) Chapters vii. 1-x.
10. Events occurring at this time, and regula-
tions connected with them.
II. March from Sinai to the borders of Ca-
naan, (a.) We have here, first, the order of
march described (x. 14-28) ; the appeal of
Moses to his father-in-law, Hobab, to accom-
pany them in their journeys ; and the chant
which accompanied the moving and the resting
of the ark (x. 35, 36). (ft.) An account of
several of the stations and of the events which
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happened at them (x. 11-xii. 15); the sending
of the spies from the wilderness of Paran (ef
Tyh), their report, the refusal of the people
to enter Canaan, their rejection in' conse-
quence, and their rash attack upon the Amalek-
ites, which resulted in a defeat (xii. 16-xir.
45).
III. What follows must be referred appar-
ently to the thirty-seven years of wanderings ;
but we have no notices of time or place (xv.
1-xix.).
IV. (a.) The narrative returns abruptly to
the second encampment of the Israelites in
Kadesh. Here Miriam dies, and the people
murmur for water, and Moses and Aaron are
not allowed to enter the Promised Land (xx.
1-13). They intended perhaps, as before, to
enter Canaan from the south. They therefore
desired a passage through the country of Edom.
The Edomites refused the request, and turned
out in arms to defend their border. The Is-
raelites abandoned the attempt as hopeless, and
turned southwards, keeping along the western
borders of Idumsea till they reached Ezion-geber
(xx. 14-21). On their way southwards, they
stop at Mount Hor, or rather at Moserah, on
the edge of the Edomite territory ; and from
this spot it would seem that Aaron, accom-
panied by his brother Moses and his son Elea-
zar, quitted the camp in order to ascend the
mountain. After Aaron'B death, the march is
continued southward. The passage (xxi. 1-3)
which speaks of the Canaanite king of Arad
as coming out against the Israelites is clearly
oat of place, standing as it does after the men-
tion of Aaron's death on Mount Hor. Arad
is in the south of Palestine. The attack there-
fore must have been made whilst the people
were yet in the neighborhood of Kadesh. (6.)
There is again a gap in the narrative. We
are told nothing of the march along die eastern
edge of Edom, but suddenly find ourselves
transported to the borders of Moab. Here the
Israelites successively encounter and defeat the
kings of the Amorites and of Bashan (xxi.
10-35). Their successes alarm the king of
Moab, who, distrusting his superiority in the
field, sends for a magician to curse his enemies ;
hence the episode of Balaam (xxii. 1-xxiv. 25).
Other artifices are employed bv the Moabites
to weaken the Israelites, especially through the
influence of the Moabitish women (xxv. I).
The book concludes with a recapitulation of
the various encampments of the Israelites
in the desert (xxxiii. 1-49) ; the command to
destroy the Canaan ites (xxxiii. 50-56) ; the
boundaries of the Promised Land, and the men
appointed to divide it (xxxiv.) ; the appoint-
ment of the cities of the Levites and the cities
of refuse (xxxv.) ; and further directions re-
specting heiresses.
B. Integrity. — This, like the other books of
the Pentateuch, is supposed by many critics to
consist of a compilation from two or three, or
more, earlier documents. But the grounds
on which this distinction of documents rests
are in every respect most unsatisfactory. The
use of the divine names, which was the start-
ing-point of this criticism, ceases to be a
criterion ; and certain words and phrases, a
particular manner or coloring, the narrative of
miracles or prophecies, are supposed to decjde
whether a passage belongs to the earlier or the
later document. But this sort of criticism i»
so purely arbitrary that it scarcely merits a
serious refutation. The Book of Numbers is
rich in fragments of ancient poetry, some of
them of great beauty, and all throwing an
interesting light on the character of the times
in which they were composed. Such, for in
stance, is the blessing of the high-priest (vi.
24-26). Such, too, are the chants which were
the signal for the Ark to move when the people
journeyed, and for it to rest when thev were
about to encamp. In chap, xxi., we have a
passage cited from a book railed the " Book of
the Wars of Jehovah." This was probably a
collection of ballads and songs composed on
different occasions by the watch-fires of the
camp, and for the most part, though not per-
haps exclusively, in commemoration of the
victories of the Israelites over their enemies.
The fragment quoted from this collection is
difficult, because the allusions in it are obscure.
The Israelites had reached the Anion, " which,"
says the historian, " forms the border of Moab,
and separates between the Moabites and Am-
orites. " Wherefore it is said," he continues,
" in the Book of the Wars of Jehovah, —
'Vaheb In Raphahand the torrent-beds;
Arnon and the slope of the torrent-tad*
Which tnrneth to where Ar lleth.
And which leaneth upon the border of Moab.* ~
The next is a song which was sung on ths
digging of a well at a spot where they en-
camped, and which from this circumstance was
called Beer, or " The Well." It runs as fol-
lows: —
" Spring op, O well ! sing y« to tti
Well, which the princes dug,
Which the nobles of the people bored
With the sceptre-or-offlce with their staves. "
This song, first sung at the digging of the well,
was afterwards, no doubt, commonly used by
those who came to draw water. The maidens
of Israel chanted it one to another, verse by
verse, as they toiled at the bucket, and thus be-
guiled their labor. Immediately following this
" Song of the Well " comes a song of victory,
composed after a defeat of the Moabites, and
the occupation of their territory. It is in a
taunting, mocking strain ; and is commonly
considered to have been written by some Israel-
itish bard on the occupation of the Amorite
territory. Yet the manner in which it is intro-
duced would rather lead to the belief that we
have here the translation of an old Amorite bal-
lad, commemorating the conquest of Sihon from
Moab. If the song is of Hebrew origin, then
the former part of it is a biting taunt.
Nume'nius, son of Antiochus, was sent by
Jonathan on an embassy to Rome (1 Mace. xii.
16) and Sparta (xik 17), to renew the friendly
connections between these nations and tbs
Jews, B.C. 144. He was again despatched to
Rome by Simon, B.C. 141 (1 Mace xiv. 24).
fltm, The father of the Jewish captain
Joshua (Ex. xxxiii. 11, *c.). His genealogical
descent from Ephraim is recorded in 1 Chr.
vii.
Norse. It is clear, both from Scripts**
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NYMPHAS
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OAK
and from Greek and Roman writers, that in
ancient times the position of the nurse, when-
ever one was maintained, was one of much
honor and importance. (See Gen. xxiv. 59,
xxxv. 8 ; 2 Sam. iv. 4 ; 2 K. xi. 2 ; 3 Mace. i.
20.) The same term is applied to a foster-
father or mother, e.g. Num. xi. 12; Ruth iv. 16;
Is. xlix. 23. In great families, male servants,
probably eunuchs in later times, were intrusted
with the charge of the boys, 2 K. x. 1, 5.
Nuts. The representative in the A. V. of
the words botnim and eg6z. 1. Bcinim. Among
the good things of the land which the sons of
Israel were to take as a present to Joseph in
Egypt, mention is made of botnim. There can
scarcely be a doubt that the botnim denote the
fruit of the pistachio-tree (Pistacia vera), though
most modern versions are content with the gen-
eral term nuta. Syria and Palestine have been
Pistacia vera.
lottjr fitmous for pistachio-trees. The district
around Aleppo is especially celebrated for the
excellence of the pistachio-nuts ; the town of
Bam a in the same district is believed to derive
its name from this circumstance : Betonim, a
town of the tribe of Gad (Josh. xiii. 26), has in
oil probability a similar etymology. There is
scnreclv any allusion to the occurrence of the
Pistacia vera in Palestine amongst the writings
of modern travellers. Dr. Hooker saw only
two or three pistachio-trees in Palestine. These
wero outside the north gate of Jerusalem. But
he savs the tree is cultivated at Beirut and
elsewhere in Svria. 2. Egdz occurs only in
Cant. vi. 11. The Hebrew word in all prob-
ability is here to be understood to refer to the
walnut-tree. According to Josephus, the wal-
nut-tree was formerly common, and grew most
luxuriantly around the Lake of Genesareth.
Njrm'phaa, a wealthy and zealous Chris-
tian in Laodicca (Col. iv. *15).
o.
Oak. The following Hebrew words, which
appear to be merely various forms of the same
root, occur in the O. T. as the names of some
species of oak, viz. el, elah, Hon, Han, allah, and
alldn. I. El occurs only in the sing, number
in Gen. xiv. 6 ("El-^aran"). It is uncertain
whether el should be joined with Paran to form
a proper name, or whether it is to be takes
separately, as the " terebinth," or the " oak,''
or the " grove," of Paran. Three plural forms
of el occur, — elim, eldth, and e'lath. Elim, the
second station where the Israelites halted after
they had crossed the Red Sea, in all probability
derived its name from the seventy palm-trees
there ; the name el, which more particularly
signifies an " oak," being here put for any grove
or plantation. Similarly the other plural Ibrm,
(loth elath, may refer, as Stanley conjectures, to
the palm-grove at Akaba. The plural dim oc-
curs in Is. i. 29, where probably "oak" are
intended : in Is. bti. 3, and Ez. xxxi. 14, any
strong flourishing trees may be denoted. 2.
Elah\" oak," " eTah," " teil-trec," in Is. vi. 13 ;
"elms" in Hos. iv. 13). There is much diffi-
culty in determining the exact meanings of the
several varieties of the term mentioned above.
Celsius has endeavored to show that el, elm,
eldn, elah, and allah, all stand for the terebinth-
tree (Pistacia terebinthta), while alldn denotes an
oak. Rosenmiiller gives the terebinth to el and
(Idh, and the oak to allah, alldn, and eldn. That
various species of oak may well have deserved
the appellation of mighty trees is clear from
the fact, that noble oaks are to this day occa-
sionally seen in Palestine and Lebanon. If we
examine the claims of the terebinth to represent
the elah, we shall see that in point of size it
cannot compete with some of the oaks of Pales-
tine. Dr. Thomson ( The Land and the Book,
p. 243) remarks on this point : " There are more
mighty oaks here in this immediate vicinity
(Mejael es-Shems) than there are terebinths in
all Syria and Palestine together." Two oaks
( Quercus pseudo-coccifera and Q. agilops) are well
worthy of the name of mighty trees ; though it
is equally true, that, over a greater part of the
country, the oaks of Palestine are at present
merely bushes. 3. Eldn occurs frequently in the
0. T., and denotes, there can be little doubt,
some kind of oak. 4. Ilan is found only in
Dan. iv., as the tree which Nebuchadnezzar saw
in his dream. 5. Allah occurs only in Josh.
xxiv. 26, and is correctly rendered " oak " by
the A. V. 6. Alldn is uniformly rendered " oak
by the A. V., and has always been so understood
by commentators. It should be stated that alldn
occurs in Hos. iv. 13, as distinguished from the
other form elah ; consequently it is necessary to
suppose that two different trees are signified by
the terms. We believe that the difference u
specific, and not generic — that two species of
oaks are denoted by the Hebrew terms : alldn
may stand for an evergreen oak, as the Quercus
pseudo-coccifera, and elah for one of the decidu-
ous kinds. The oaks of Bashan belong in all
probability to the species known as Quercus
agilopt, the Valonia oak, which is said to be
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OBADIAH
common in Gilead and Bashan. Another
species of oak, besides those named above, is
the Quercus infectoria, which is common in
Galilee and Samaria. It is rather a small tree
in Palestine, and seldom grows above thirty feet
high, though in ancient times it might have
been a noble tree.
Oath. I- The principle on which an oath
is held to be binding is incidentally laid down
in Heb. vi. 16, viz. as an ultimate appeal to
divine authority to ratify an assertion. There
the Almighty is represented as promising or
denouncing with an oath, i.e. doing so in the
most positive and solemn manner. — II. On
the same principle, that oath has always been
held most binding which appealed to the high-
est authority, both as regards individuals and
communities, (a) Thus believers in Jehovah
appealed to Him, both judicially and extra-
judicially. (4) Appeals of this kind to authori-
ties recognized respectively by adjuring parties
were regarded as honds of international secu-
rity, and their infraction as being not only
grounds of international complaint, but also
offences against divine justice. — III. As a
consequence of this principle, (a) appeals to
God's name on the one hand, and to heathen
deities on the other, are treated in Scripture as
tests of allegiance (Ex. xxiii. 13, xxxiv. 6;
Deut. xxix. 12, &c.). (6) So also the sover-
eign's name is sometimes used as a form of
obligation (Gen. xlii. 15; 2 Sam. xi. 11, xiv.
19). — IV. Other forms of oath, serious or friv-
olous, are mentioned, some of which are con-
demned by our Lord (Matt. v. 33, xxiii. 16-22 ;
and see Jam. v. 12). As to the subject-matter
of oaths, the following cases may be mentioned :
— 1 . Agreement or stipulation for performance
of certain acts (Gen. xiv. 22, xxiv. 2, 8, 9, &c.).
2. Allegiance to a sovereign, or obedience from
an inferior to a superior (Eccl. viii. 2 ; 2 Chr.
xxxvL 13 ; 1 K. xviii. 10). 3. Promissory oath
of a ruler (Josh. vi. 26 ; I Sam. xiv. 24, 28, &c.).
Priests took no oath of office (Heb. vii. 21).
4. Vow made in the form of an oath (Lev. v.
4). 5. Judicial oaths, (a) A man receiving
a pledge from a neighbor was required, in case
of injury happening to the pledge, to clear him-
self by oath of the blame of damage (Ex. xxii.
10, 11 ; IK. viii. 31 ; 2 Chr. vi. 22). (6) It
appears that witnesses were examined on oath,
ana that a false witness, or one guilty of sup-
pression of the truth, was to be severely pun-
ished (Lev. v. 1 ; Prov. xxix. 24; Deut. xix.
16-19). (c) A wife suspected of incontinence
was required to clear herself by oath (Num. v.
19-22). The forms of adjuration mentioned
in Scripture are — 1. Lifting up the hand.
Witnesses laid their hands on the head of the
accused (Gen. xiv. 22; Lev. xxiv. 14; Deut.
xxxiii. 40; Is. iii. 7). 2. Putting the hand
under the thigh of the person to whom the
promise was made. It has been explained (a)
as having reference to the covenant of circum-
cision ; (b) as containing a principle similar to
that of phallic symbolism; (c) as referring to
the promised Messiah. 3. Oaths were some-
times taken before the altar, or, as some under-
stand the passage, if the persons were not in
Jerusalem, in a position looking towards the
Tamplo (1 K. viii. 31 ; 2 Chr. vi. 22). 4.
Dividing a victim, and passing between or di»
tributing the pieces (Gen. xv. 10, 17; Jcr.
xxxiv. 18). As the sanctity of oaths was care-
fully inculcated by the Law, so the crime of
perjury was strongly condemned ; and to a false
witness the same punishment was assigned
which was due for the crime to which be testi-
fied ( Ex. xx. 7 ; Lev. xix. 1 2 ; Dent. xix. 1 6-1 9 ;
Ps. xv. 4 ; Jer. v. 2, vii. 9 ; Ez. xvi. 59 ; Hos.
x. 4; Zecb. viii. 17). The Christian practice
in the matter of oaths was founded in great
measure on the Jewish. Thus the oath on the
Gospels was an imitation of the Jewish prac-
tice of placing the hands on the book of the
Law. The most solemn Mohammedan oath is
mado on the open Koran. Bedouin A rabs use
various sorts of adjuration, one of which some-
what resembles the oath " by the Temple."
The person takes hold of the middle tent-pole,
and swears by the life of the tent and its own-
ers. The stringent nature of the Roman mili-
tary oath, and the penalties attached to in-
fraction of it, are alluded to, more or less cer-
tainly, in several places in N. T., ejf. Matt, viii
9 ; Acts xii. 19, xvi. 27, xxvii. 42.
Obadiah. 1. The sons of Obadiah are
enumerated in a corrupt passage of the gene-
alogy of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 21 ). —
2. According to the received text, one of the
five sons of Izrahiah. a descendant of Lsuchar,
and a chief man of his tribe (1 Chr. vii. 3). —
3. One of the six sons of Azel, a descendant
of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 38, ix. 44).— 4. A Le-
vite, son of Shemaiah, and descended from Jed-
uthun (I Chr. ix. 16). He appears to have
been a principal musician in the Temple choir
in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 25). — 6.
The second of the lion-faced Gaditcs, who
joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 9). — 6.
One of the princes of Judah in the reign of Je-
hoehapliat (2 Chr. xvii. 7). — 7. The son of
Jehiel, of the sons of Joab, who came np in the
second caravan with Ezra (Ear. viii. 9). — 8.
A priest, or family of priests, who sealed the
covenant with Nehemiah (Neh.x. 5). — 0. The
prophet Obadiah. We know nothing of him
except what we can gather from the short book
which bears his name. The Hebrew tradition
adopted by St. Jerome, and maintained I y
Abrabanel and Kimchi, that be is the saruc
person as the Obadiah of Ahab's reign, is as
destitute of foundation as another account. al«o
suggested by Abrabanel, which makes him to
have been a converted Idumssan. The ques-
tion of his date must depend upon the interpre-
tation of the 11th verse of his prophecy. He
there speaks of the conquest of Jerusalem and
the captivity of Jacob. If he is referring to the
well-known captivity by Nebuchadnezzar, he
mast have lived at the time of the Babylonh-h
captivity, and have prophesied subsequently to
the year B.C. 588. If, further, his prophecy
against Edom found its first fulfilment in the
conquest of that country by Nebuchadnezzar in
the year B.C. 583, we have its date fixed, it
must have been uttered at some time in the
five years which intervened between those two
dates. The onlv argument of any weight for
the earlv date of Obadiah is his position in the
list of the books of the minor prophets. Why
should he have been inserted between Amos
Digitized by
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OBADIAH
647
OBBO
an J Jonah if his date is about B.C. 585?
Schnurrer seems to answer this question satis-
factorily when ho says that the prophecy of
Obadiah is an amplification of the last five ver-
ses of Amos, and was therefore placed next after
the Book of Amos. The Book of Obadiah is a
sustained denunciation of the Edomites, melt-
in,', as is the wont of the Hebrew prophets (cf.
Jool Hi., Am. ix.), into a vision of the future
glories of Zion, when the arm of the Lord
should have wrought her deliverance, and have
rupiid double upon her enemies. Previous to
the captivity, the Edomites were in a similar
relation to the Jews to that which the Samari-
tans afterwards held. They were near neigh-
bors, and they were relatives. The Edomites
are tho types of those who ought to be friends,
and are not — of those who ought to be help-
ers, but in the day of calamity ore found
"standing on the other side." The prophet
complains that thev looked on, and rejoiced in
tho destruction of Jerusalem; that they tri-
umphed over her and plundered her ; and that
they cut off the fugitives who wore probably
m iking tluir way through Idumaea to Egypt.
The last six verses are the most important part
of Obadiah's prophecy. The vision presented
to tlu prophet is that of Zion, triumphant over
the Mumxans and all her enemies, restored to
her ancient possessions, and extending her bor-
ders northward and southward and eastward
and westward. He sees the house of Jacob and
tin house of Joseph consuming the house of
Efau as fire devours stubble (ver. 18). The
inhabitants of the city of Jerusalem, now cap-
tive at Scpharad, arc to return to Jerusalem,
and to occupy not only the city itself, but the
southern tract of Judcei (ver. 20). Those who
had dwelt in the southern tract are to overrun
and settle in IdumiB* (ver. 19). The former
inhabitants of the plain country arc also to es-
tablish themselves in Philistia (ib.). To tho
north, the triba of Judah is to extend itself as
f.tr as the fields of Ephraim and Samaria, while
Benjamin, thus displaced, takes possession of
Gilcad (ib.). The captives of the ten tribes
are to occupy the northern region from the bor-
ders of the enlarged Judah as far as Sarepta
near Sidon (ver. 20).
The question is asked, Have the prophet's
denunciations of the Edomites been fulfilled,
and has his vision of Zion's glories been real-
ized? Typically, partially, and imperfectly
they hare been fulfilled, but they await a fuller
accomplishment. The first fulfilment of tho
denunciation on Edom in all probability took
place a few years after its utterance. Five years
after the capture of Jerusalem, Nebuchadnezzar
reduced the Ammonites and Moabites, and after
their reduction made an expedition into Egypt.
This he could hardly have done without, at the
same time, reducing Idumsm. A more full, but
still only partial and typical, fulfilment would
have taken place in tiio time of John Hyrcanus,
who utterly reduced the Idunueans. Similarly
the return from the Babylonish captivity would
typically and imperfectly fulfil tho promise of
tiie restoration of Zion and the extension of her
borders. The full completion of the prophetical
descriptions of the glories of Jerusalem — the
future golden age towards which the seers
stretched their hands with fond yearnings — in
to be looked for in the Christian, not in the
Jewish Zion — in the antitype rather than iu
the type. The Book of Obadiah is a favorite
study of the modern Jews. It is here especially
that they read the future fate of their own na-
tion and of the Christians. Those unversed in
their literature mav wonder where the Chris-
tians are found in the Book of Obadiah. But
it is a fixed principle of rabbinical interpreta-
tion that by Edomites are prophetically meant
Christians, and that by Edom is meant Rome.
Abrabanel has written a commentary on Oba-
diah, resting on this hypothesis as its basis.
The first nine verses of Obadiah are so similar
to Jer. xlix. 7, &c., that it is evident that one
of the two prophets must have had the prophecy
of the other before hiin. Which of the two wrote
first is doubtful. Those who give an early date
to Obadiah thereby scttlo tho question. Those
who place him later leave the question open, as
he would in that case bo a contemporary of
Jeremiah. — 10. An officer of high rank in tho
court of Ahab, who is described as " over the
house," that is, apparently, lord high chamber-
lain, or mayor of the palace (1 K. xviii. 3).
His influence with tho king must have been
great to enable him to retain his position,
though a devout worshipper of Jehovah, during
the fierce persecution of tho prophets by Jezebel.
At the peril of his life, he concealed a hundred
of them in cares, and fed them there with bread
and water. But he himself docs not seem to
have been suspected ( 1 K. xviii. 4, 13). The
occasion upon which Obadiah appears in the
history shows the confidential nature of his
office (1 K. xviii. 7-1 C). According to the
Jewish tradition preserved in Ephrcm Syrus,
Obadiah the chief officer of Ahab was the same
with Obadiah the prophet. Ho was of Shcchcm
in the land of Ephraim, and a disciple of Elijah,
nnd was the third captain of fifty who was sent
by Ahaziah (2 K. i. 13). — 11. Tho father of
Ishmaiah, who was chief of the tribe of Zebulon
in David's reign (1 Chr. xxvii. 19). — 12. A
Merarite Lcvite in the reign of Josiah, and one
of the overseers of the workmen in the restora-
tion of the Temple (2 Chr. xxxiv. 12).
O'bal. A son of Joktan, and, like the rest
of his family, apparently the founder of an
Arab tribe (Gen. x. 28), which has not yet been
identified. In 1 Chr. i. 22, the name is written
Ebal, which has been compared with tho
Acalitit and tho GAaniUx.
Obdi'a. Probably a corruption of Oboia,
the form in which the name Habaiah appears
(comp. 1 Esd. v. 38 with Ezr. ii. 61 ). Ap.
O'bed. 1. Son of Boaz and Ruth the
Moabitess (Ruth iv. 17). The circumstances
of his birth, which make up all that we know
about him, are given with much beauty in the
Book of Ruth, and form a most interesting
specimen of the religious and social life of the
Israelites in the days of Eli, which a compari-
son of the genealogies of David, Samuel, and
Abiathar, shows to have been ahout the time of
his birth. The name of Obed occurs only
Ruth iv. 17, and in the four genealogies, Ruth
iv. 21, 22; 1 Chr. ii. 12; Matt. i. 5 ; Luke iii.
32. In all these five passages, and in the first
with peculiar emphasis, he is said to be the father
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ODOLLAM
048
OIL
•fJat. — 2. A descendant of Jarha, the Egyp-
tian slave of Sheshan in the line of Jcrahmeel.
He was grandson of Zabad, one of David's
mighties (1 Chr. ii. 37, 38). — 3. One of
David's mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 47). — 4. One
of the gate-keepers of the Temple: son of
Shemaiah the first-born of Obed-edom ( 1 Chr.
xxvi. 7). — 5. Father of Azariah, one of the
captains of hundreds who joined with Jehoiada
in the revolution by which Athaliah fell (2 Chr.
xxiii. 1).
Cbed-e'dom. 1. A Levite, apparently
of the family of Kohath. He is described as a
Gittite (2 Sam. vi. 10, 11), that is, probably, a
native of the Levitical city of Gath-Rimmon in
Manasseh, which was assigned to the Kohath-
ites (Josh. xxi. 45). After the death of Uzzah,
the ark, which was being conducted from the
house of Abinadab in Gibeah to the city of
David, was carried aside into the house of Obed-
edom, where it continued three months. It was
brought thence by David ( 1 Chr. xv. 25 ; 2 Sam.
vi. 12). — 2. " Obed-edom the son of Jedu-
thun" (1 Chr. xvi. 38), a Merarite Levite,
appears to be a different person from the last-
mentioned. He was a Levite of the second
degree, and a gatekeeper for the ark (1 Chr. xv.
18, 24), appointed to sound "with harps on the
Sheminith to excel" (1 Chr. xv. 21, xvi. 5).
There is one expression, however, which seems
to imply that Obed-edom the gatekeeper, and
Obed-edom the Gittite, may have been the same.
After enumerating his seven sons, the chronicler
(1 Chr. xxvi. 5) adds, "for God blessed him,"
referring apparently to 2 Sam. vi. 11.
OTjeth. Ebed the son of Jonathan (1 Esd.
viii. 32J. Ap.
O'bll. An Ishmaelite who was appropri-
ately appointed keeper of the herds of camels
in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 30).
Oblation. [Sacrifice.]
Oboth, one of the encampments of the
Israelites, east of Moab (Num. xxi. 10, xxxiii.
43). Its exact site is unknown.
Ochi'el = Jbibl ( 1 Esd. i. 9 ; comp. 2 Chr.
xxxv. 9). Ap.
Ocidelus. A corruption of Jozabad in
Ezr. x. 22 (1 Esd. iv. 22). Ap.
Oci'na. " Sour and Ocina " are mentioned
(Jud. ii. 28) among the places on the sea-coast
of Palestine, which were terrified at the ap-
proach of Holofernes. Its position agrees with
that of the ancient Accho. Ap.
Oc'ran. An Asherite, father of Pagiel
(Num. i. 13, ii. 27, vii. 72, 77, x. 26).
O'ded. L The father of Azariah the
prophet in the reign of Asa (2 Chr. xv. 1). —
2. A prophet of Jehovah in Samaria at the
time of Pekah's invasion of Judah (2 Chr.
xxviii. 9).
Odollam. The Greek form of the name
Adullam ; found in 2 Mace. xii. 38 only.
Adullam is stated by Eusebius and Jerome to
have been in their day a large village, about
ten miles east of Elcutheropolis ; and here (if
Beit-jibrin l>e Elcutheropolis) a village with the
name of Bet Dila or Beit Ufa now stands.
The obstacle to this identification is, that, in the
catalogue of Joshua xv., it is mentioned with a
group of towns (Zoreah, Socoh, &c.) which lay i
at the N. W. corner of Judah, while Bet D&ta
is found with those (Nezib, Keilah, tc.) of a
separate group, farther south. Further inves-
tigation is requisite before we can positively
say if there is any cavern in the neighborhood
of Bet LHUa answering to the " Cave of Adul-
lam." The cavern at Khtmitun, three miles
south of Bethlehem, usually shown to travellers
as Adullam, is so far distant as to put it out of
the question. Ap.
Odonar'kes, the chief of a nomad tribe
slain by Jonathan (1 Mace. ix. 66). Ap.
Offerings. [Sacrifice.]
Officer. It is obvious that most, if not all,
of the Hebrew words rendered " officer," are
either of an indefinite character, or are synony-
mous terms for functionaries known under
other and more specific names, as " scribe,"
" eunuch," &c. The two words so rendered in
the N. T. each bear in ordinary Greek a special
sense. In the case of irnipirix, this is of no very
definite kind ; but the word is used to denote an
inferior officer of a court of justice, a messen-
ger or bailiff, like the Roman viator or lictor.
UpaKToptf at Athens were officers whose duty
it was to register and collect fines imposed br
courts of justice ; and " deliver to the officer fc
means, give in the name of the debtor to the
officer of the court. The word " officers " is
used (1 Mace. x. 41, xiii. 37) in speaking of the
revenue-officers of Demetrius. In Ecclua. x. 2,
the meaning is clearly the subordinates in a
general sense to a supreme authority.
Og, an Amoritish king of Bashan, whose
rule extended over sixty cities, of which the two
chief were Asluaroth-Karnaim and Edrei (Josh,
xiii. 12). He was one of the last represen-
tatives of the giant-race of Rephaim. Accord-
ing to Eastern traditions, he escaped the delude
bv wading beside the ark. He was, with his
children and his people, defeated and extermi-
nated by the Israelites at Edrei, immediately
after the conquest of Sihon, who is represented
by Josephus as his friend and ally. His sixty
proud fenced cities were taken, and his kingdom
assigned to the Reubenitcs, Gadites, and half
the tribe of Manasseh (Deut. iii. 1-13; Num.
xxxii. 33. Also Deut i. 4, iv. 47, xxxi. 4 ;
Josh. ii. 10, ix. 10, xiii. 12, 30). The belief
in Og's enormous stature is eorrol>orated by
an appeal to a relic still existing in the time
of the author of Deut. iii. 11. This was an
iron bedstead, or bier, preserved in " Rabbath
of the children of Amnion." Some have sup-
posed that this was one of the common flat
beds nsed sometimes on the housetops of. East-
ern cities, but made of iron instead of palm-
branches, which would not have supported the
giant's weight It is more probable that the
words mean a " sarcophagus of black basalt,"
a rendering of which they undoubtedly admit
Chad. One of the six sons of Simeon
(Gen. xlvi. 10; Ex. vi. 15).
O'hel. As the text now stands, Ohcl was
one of the Beven sons of Zcrubbabel (1 Chr. iii
20).
Oil. Of the numerous substances, animal
and vegetable, which were known to the an-
cients as yielding oil, the olive-berry is the one
of which most frequent mention is made in the
Scriptures. The best oil is made from fruit
gathered about November or December, when
Digitized by
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OIL
649
OIL-TREE
it has begun to change color, but before it has
become black. The berry in the more advanced
atate yields more oil, but of an inferior quality.
1. Gathering. — Great care is necessary in gath-
ering, not to injure either the fruit itself or the
boughs of the tree ; and with this view it was
either gathered by hand or shaken off carefully
with a light reed or stick. After gathering and
careful cleansing, the fruit was either at once
carried to the press, which is recommended as
the best course ; or, if necessary, laid on tables
with hollow trays made sloping, so as to allow
the first juice to flow into other receptacles be-
neath, care being taken not to heap the fruit too
much, and so prevent the free escape of the
juice, which i« injurious to the oil, though itself
useful in other ways. 2. Prttsing. — In order
to make oil, the fruit was either bruised in a
mortar, crushed in a press loaded with wood or
stones, ground in a mill, or trodden with the
feet. Special buildings used for grape-pressing
were used also for the purpose of olive-pressing,
and contained both the press and the receptacle
for the pressed juice. The " beaten " oil of
Ex. xxvii. 20, Lev. xxiv. 2, and Ex. xxix. 40,
Num. xxviii. 5, was probably made by bruising
in a mortar. These processes, and also the
place and the machine for pressing, are men-
tioned in the MUhna. Oil-mills are often made
of stone, and turned by hand. Others consist
of cylinders enclosing a beam, which is turned
by a camel or other animal. 3. Keeping. —
Both olives and oil were kept in jars carefully
cleansed ; and oil was drawn out for use
in horns or other small vessels. Oil of Tekoa
was reckoned the best. Trade in oil was
carried on with the Tynans, by whom it was
probably often re-exported to Egypt, whose
olives do not for the most part produce good
oil (2 Chr. ii. 10). Direct trade in oil was
also carried on between Egypt and Palestine
(Ezr. iii. 7 ; Is. xxx. 6, lvii. 9 ; Ez. xxvii. 17 ;
Hos. xii. 1 ).
Besides the use of olives themselves as food,
common to all olive-producing countries, the
principal uses of olive-oil may be thus stated.
I. As Food. — Dried wheat, boiled with either
butter or oil, but more commonly the former,
is a common dish for all classes in Syria. 2.
Cosmetic. — As is the case generally in hot cli-
mates, oil was used by the Jews for anointing
the body, e.g. after the bath, and giving to the
skin and hair a smooth and comely appearance,
e.g. before an entertainment. At Egyptian eu-
tainments, it was usual for a servant to anoint
the head of each guest as he took his seat
(Deut. xxviii. 40 ; 2 Sam. xiv. 2 ; Ruth iii. 3 ;
2 Sam. xii. 20). 3. Funereal. — The bodies of
the dead were anointed with oil by the Greeks
and Romans, probably as a partial antiseptic,
and a similar custom appears to have prevailed
among the Jews. 4. Medicinal. — As oil is in
use in many cases in modem medicine, so it is
not surprising that it should have been much
used among the Jews and other nations of an-
tiquity for medicinal purposes. Cclsus repeat-
edly speaks of the use of oil, especially old oil,
applied externally with friction in fevers, and
in many other cases. Josephus mentions that
among the remedies employed in the case of
Herod, be was put into a sort of oil-bath. The
82
prophet Isaiah (i. 6) alludes to the use of oQ
as ointment in medical treatment; and it thus
furnished a fitting symbol, perhaps also an
efficient remedy, when used by our Lord's
disciples in the miraculous cures which they
were enabled to perform (Mark vi. 13). With
a similar intention, no doubt, its use was
enjoined by St. James (v. 14). 5. Oil for
Light. — The oil for "the light" was express-
ly ordered to be olive-oil, beaten, t\e. made from
olives bruised in a mortar (Ex. xxv. 6, xxvii.
20, 21, xxxv. 8 ; Lev. xxiv. 2). In the same
manner, the great lamps used at the Feast of
Tabernacles were fed. 6. Ritual. — a. Oil was
poured on, or mixed with the flour or meal
used in offerings. On the other hand, certain
offerings were to be devoid of oil ; the sin-
offering, Lev. v. 11, and the offering of jeal-
ousy, Mum. v. 15. The principle on which
both the presence and the absence of oil were
prescribed is clearly, that as oil is indicative of
gladness, so its absence denoted sorrow or
humiliation (Is. lxi. 3; Joel ii. 19; Rev. vi. 6).
6. Kings, priests, and prophets were anointed
with oil or ointment. 7. a. As so important a
necessary of life, the Jew was required to in-
clude oil among his first-fruit-onerings (Ex.
xxii. 29, xxiii. 16 ; Num. xviii. 12 ; Deut. xviii.
4 ; 2 Chr. xxxi. 5). 6. Tithes of oil were also
required (Deut. xii. 17; 2 Chr. xxxi. 5, 4c.).
8. Shields, if covered with hide, were anointed
with oil or grease previous to use. Shields of
metal were perhaps rubbed over in like manner
to polish them. Of the substances which yield
oil, besides the olive-tree, myrrh is the only
one specially mentioned in Scripture (Esth. u.
12). Oil of myrrh is the juice which exudes
from the tree Balsamodcndron Myrrh*.
Oil-tree. The Hebrew words occur in
Neh. viii. 15 ( A. V. " pine-branches "), 1 K. vi.
23 ("olive-tree"), and in Is. xii. 19 ('• ofl-
Ca l at tiu t Jii/Hiliaca.
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OINTMENT
650
OLD TESTAMENT
tree"). From the passage in Nehemiah,
where the its shemen is mentioned as dis-
tinct from the "olive-tree," writers have, with
great probability, sought to identify it with the
tackum-tree of the Arabs, the Balanites sEgyp-
tiaca, a well-known and abundant shrub or
■mall tree in the Plain of Jordan. It is found
all the way from the Peninsula of India and the
Ganges to Syria, Abyssinia, and the Niger.
The zackum-oil is held in high repute by the
Arabs for its medicinal properties.
Ointment. The following list will point
out the scriptural uses of ointment : — I. Cot-
metic. — The Greek and Roman practice of
anointing the head and clothes on festive occa-
sions prevailed also among the Egyptians,
and appears to have had place among the
Jews (Ruth iii. 3; Eccl. vii. I, ix. 8; Prov.
xxvii. 9, 16, &c.). Oil of myrrh, for like pur-
poses, is mentioned Esth. li. 12. Egyptian
paintings represent servants anointing guests
on their arrival at their entertainer's house, and
alabaster vases exist which retain the traces of
the ointment which they were used to contain.
2. Funereal. — Ointments as well as oil were
used to anoint dead bodies, and the clothes in
which they were wrapped (Matt. xxvi. 12;
Mark xiv. 3, 8 ; Luke xxiii. 56 ; John xii. 3, 7,
xix. 40). 3. Medicinal. — Ointment formed an
important feature in ancient medical treatment
(Is. i. 6). The mention of balm of Gilcad and
of eye-salve (collt/rium) points to the same meth-
od (Is. i. 6 ; John ix. 6 ; Jer. viii. 22 ; Rev. iii.
18, &c.). 4. Ritual. — Besides the oil used in
many ceremonial observances, a special oint-
ment was appointed to be used in consecration
(Ex. xxix. 7, xxx. 23, 33, xxxvii. 29, xl. 9, IS).
Strict prohibition was issued against using this
unguent for any secular purpose, or on the per-
son of a foreigner, and against imitating it in
any way whatsoever (Ex. xxx. 32, 33). The
weight, therefore, of the oil in the mixture
would be 12 lbs. 8 oz. English. A question
arises, In what form were the other ingredients,
and what degree of solidity did the whole at-
tain 1 According to Maimonides, Moses, hav-
ing reduced the solid ingredients to powder,
steeped them in water till all the aromatic quali-
ties were drawn forth. Hcthen poured in the oil,
and boiled the whole till the water was evapo-
rated. The residuum thus obtained was pre-
served in a vessel for use. Another theory sup-
poses all the ingredients to have been in the
form of oil or ointment, and the measurement
by weight of all, except the oil, seems to imply
that they were in some solid form, but
whether in an unctuous state or in that of pow-
der cannot be ascertained. A process of mak-
ing ointment, consisting, in part at least, in
boiling, is alluded to in Job xli. 31. Kings,
and also in some cases prophets, were, as well
us priests, anointed with oil or ointment ; but
Scripture only mentions the fact as actually
taking place in the coses of Saul, David, Solo-
mon, Jehu, and Joash. It is evident that the
sacred oil was used in the case of Solomon, and
probably in the cases of Saul and David. A
jierson whose business it was to compound oint-
ments in general was called an " apothecary "
(Neh. iii. 8 ; Eccl. x. 1 ; Ecclus. xlix. 1 ). The
work was sometimes carried on by women
confectioners (1 Sam. viii. 13). In the Chns
tian Church, the ancient usage of anointing the
bodies of the dead was long retained. The
ceremony of chrism, or anointing, was also
added to baptism.
Ola'mus. Meshullam of the sons of
Bani (1 Esd. ix. 30 ; comp. Ezr. x. 29). Ap.
Ola Testament. This article will treat
(A) of the Text and (B) of the Interpretation
of the Old Testament. Some observations will
be subjoined respecting (C) the Quotations
from the Old Testament in the New. — A. —
Text of the Old Testament. 1. History
of the Text. — A history of the text of the O. T.
should properly commence from the date of
the completion of the Canon ; from which time
we must assume that no additions to any part of
it could be legitimately made, the sole object of
those who transmitted, and watched over it being
thenceforth to preserve that which was already
written. Of the care, however, with whkh the
text was transmitted, we have to judge almost en-
tirely by the phenomena which it and the ver-
sions derived from it now present, rather than
by any recorded facts respecting it As regards
the form in which the sacred writings were pre-
served, there can be little doubt that the text
was ordinarily written on skins, rolled up into
volumes, like the modern synagogue-rolls (Ft.
xl. 7; Jer. xxxvi. 14; Zecn. v. 1 ; Ez. ii. 9).
The original character in which the text was
expressed is that still preserved to us, with the
exception of four letters, on the Maccabaean coins,
and having a strong affinity to the Samaritan
character. At what date this was exchanged
for the present Aramaic or square character is
still as undetermined, as it is at what date the use
of the Aramaic language in Palestine super-
seded that of the Hebrew. The old Jewish
tradition, repeated by Origen and Jerome, as-
cribed the change to Ezra. [Writing.] No
vowel-points were attached to the text ; they
were, through all the early period of its histo-
ry, entirely unknown. Convenience bad in-
deed, at the time when the later books of the
O. T. were written, suggested a larger use of
the matres kctionis: it is thus that in those
books we find them introduced into many-
words that had been previously spelt without
them. There is reason to think that in the
text of the O. T., as originally written, the
words were generally, though not uniformly,
divided. Of the Phoenician inscriptions, though
the majority proceed continuously, some have
a point after every word, except when the
words are closely connected. The same point
is used in the Samaritan manuscripts. The
practice of separating words by spaces instead
of points probably came in with the square
writing.
Of ancient date, probably, are also the sepa-
rations between the lesser Parshioth or sections ;
whether made, in the case of the more impor-
tant divisions, by the commencement of a new
line, or, in the case of the less important, by a
blank space within the line. These lesser and
earlier Parshioth, of which there are in the
Pentateuch 669, must not be confounded with
the greater and later Parshioth, or Sabbath-
lessons, which are first mentioned in the Masu
rah. The name Parshioth is in the Mishna
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applied to the divisions in the Prophets a* well
as to those in the Pentateuch. Of their real
age, we know but little. Hupfeld has found
that they do not alwavs coincide with the ca-
pitula of Jerome. That they are nevertheless
more ancient than his time* is shown by the
mention of them in the Mishna. In the ab-
sence of evidence to the contrary, their disac-
cordance with the Kazin of the Samaritan Pen-
tatench, which arc 966 in number, seems to in-
dicate that they had un historical origin ; and it
i» possible that they also may date from the pe-
riod when the 0. T. was first transcribed in the
square character. Of any logical division, in
the written text, of the prose of the O. T. into
Pcsukim, or verses, we find in the Talmud no
mention ; and even in the existing synagogue-
rolls such division is generally ignored. In
the poetical books, the Pesukira mentioned in
the Tilmud correspond to the poetical lines,
not to our modern verses; and it is probable,
both front some expressions of Jerome, and
from tlw analogous practice of other nations,
that the poetical text was written stichonietri-
callv.
Of the documents which directly bear upon
the history of the Hebrew text, the two earliest
are the Samaritan copy of the Pentateuch, and
the GreoV translation of the LXX. [Samari-
tan P» KTATBUCH ; Seftuaoint.] In the
translations of Aquila and the other Greek in-
terpreters, the fragments of whose works re-
main to ns in the Hexapla. we have evidence of
the existence of a text differing but little from
our own : so also in the Targums of Onkclos
and Jonathan. A few centuries later we have,
in the Hexapla, additional evidence to the same
effect in Origen's transcriptions of the Hebrew
text- And yet more important are the proofs
of the firm establishment of the text, and of its
substantial identity with our own, supplied by
the translation of Jerome, who was instructed
by the Palestinian Jews, and mainly relied upon
their authority for acquaintance not only with
the text itself, but also with the traditional un-
written vocalization of it. This brings ns to
the middle of the Tul: die period. The learn-
ing of the schools which had been formed in
Jerusalem about the time of our Saviour by
Hillel and Shanuna : tvas preserved, after the
destruction of the citj, iv> the academics of Jab-
neh, Scpphoris, Csssareo, and Tiberias. The
great pillar of the Jewish literature of this period
was R. Judah the Holv, to whom is ascribed
the compilation of the Mishna, the text of the
Talmud, and who died about a.d. 220. After
his death, there grew into repute the Jewish
academies of Sura, Nahardea, and Pum-Bcdi-
tha, on the Euphrates. The twofold Gcmara,
or commentary, was now appended to the
MUhna, thus completing the Talmud. The Je-
rusalem Gcmara proceeded from the Jews of
Tilierias, probably towards the end of the 4th
century ; the Babylonian from the academies
on the Euphrates, perhaps by the end of the
5th.
That, along with the task of collecting and
commenting on their various legal traditions,
the Jews of these several academics would occu-
py themselves with the text of the sacred writ-
rags, is in every way probable, and is indeed
shown by various Talraudic notices. In these
the first thing to be remarked is the entire ab-
sence of allusion to any such glosses of inter-
pretation as those which, from having been pre-
viously noted on the margins of MSS., had
proliafily. been loosely incorporated into th«
Samaritan Pentateuch and the Septuagint.
Interpretation, properly so called, had become
the province of the Tafgumist, not of the tran-
scriber ; and the result of the entire divorce of
the task of interpretation from that of tran-
scription had been to obtain greater security
for the transmission of the text in its purity.
In place, however, of such glosses of interpre-
tation, had crept in the more childish practice
of reading some passages differently from the
way in wliieh they were written, in order to
obtain a play of words, or to fix them artificially
in the memory. But these traditional and con-
fessedly apocryphal rea 'ings were not allowed
to affect the written tcx». The care of the Tnl-
mudic doctors for the text is shown by the
pains with which they counted up the number
of verses in the different books, and computed
which were the middle verses, words, and let-
ters in the Pentateuch and in the Psalms.
The scrupulousness with which the Talmudists
noted what they deemed the truer readings, and
yet abstained from introducing them into the
text, indicates at once both the diligence with
which they scrutinized the text, and also the care
with which, even while acknowlcdgng its oc-
casional imperfections, they guarded it. Criti-
cal procedure is also evinced in a mention of
their rejection of manuscripts which were found
not to agree with others in their readings ; and
the rules given with reference to the transcrip-
tion and adoption of manuscripts attest the caro
bestowed upon them. The Talmud further
makes mention of the euphemistic Kcris, which
are still noted in our Bibles, e.g. at 2 K. vi. 25.
It also reckons six instances of extraordinary
points placed over certain wordii, e.g. at Gen.
xviii. 9 ; and of some of them it furnishes mys-
tical explanations.
It is after the Talmudic period that Hupfeld
filaces the introduction into the text of the two
argc points (in Hebrew SojJi-patuk) to mark
the end of each verse. They arc manifestly of
older date than the accents, by which they arc,
in effect, supplemented. Coeval, perhaps, with
the use of the So/Ji-famh is that of the Male-
krph, or hyphen, to unite words that are so
closely conjoined as to have but one accent be-
tween them. It must be older than the ac-
centual marks, the presence or absence of which
is determined by it. Such modifications of tht
text as these were the precursors of the new
method of dealing with it which constitutes the
work of the Mason-tic period. It is evident
from the notices of the Talmud that a number
of oral traditions had been gradually accumu-
lating respecting both the integrity of particu-
lar passages of the text itself, and also the man-
ner in which it was to be read. This vast hete-
rogeneous mass of traditions and criticisms,
compiled and embodied in writing, forms what
is known as the Mauorah, i.e. Tradition. Bux-
torf ranges its contents under the three heads
of observations respecting the verses, words,
and letters of the sacred text. In regard of the
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verses, the Masorets recorded how many there
were in each book, and the middle verse in
•each ; also how many verses began with partic-
ular letters, or began and ended with the same
word, or contained a particular number of
■words and letters, or particular words a certain
number of times, &c. In regard of the words,
they recorded the Keris and Chethibs, where
different words were to be read from those con-
tained in the text, or where words were to be
omitted or supplied. They noted that certain
words were to be found so many times in the
beginning, middle, or end of a verse, or with a
particular construction or meaning. They
noted also of particular words, and this especi-
ally in cases where mistakes in transcription
were likely to arise, whether they were to be
written plate or defective, i.e. with or witbont
the matres lectionis ; also their vocalization and
accentuation, and how many times they oc-
curred so vocalized and accented.
In regard to the letters, they computed how
often each letter of the alphabet occurred in
the O. T. : they noted fifteen instances of let-
ters stigmatized with the extraordinary points :
they commented also on all the unusual letters,
viz the mnjuscula, which they variously com-
puted ; the minuscula, of which they reckoned
thirty-three ; the suspenses, four in number ;
and the imxrsa, of which there are eight or
nine. The most valuable feature of the Ma-
sorah is undoubtedly its collection of Kcris.
The first rudiments of this collection meet us
in the, Talmud. It seems clear that the Kcris
in all cases represent the readings which the
Masorets themselves approved as correct. The
Mnsorah furnishes also eighteen instances of
what it calls " Correction of the Scribes." The
real import of this is doubtful. Furthermore
the Masorah contains certain " Conjectures,"
which it does not raise to the dignity of Kcris,
respecting the true reading in difficult passages.
The Masorah was originally preserved in dis-
tinct books by itself. A plan then arose of
transferring it to the margins of the MSS. of
the Bible. For this purpose, large curtailments
were necessary. The Masorah is now distin-
guished into the Masora magna and the Masora
parva, the latter being an abridgment of the
former, and including all the Keris and other
compendious observations, and being usually
printed in Hebrew Bibles at the foot of the
The Masorah itself was but one of the fruits
of the labors of the Jewish doctors in the Ma-
soretic period. A far more important work
was the furnishing of the text with vowel-
marks, by which the traditional pronunciation
of it was impcrishably recorded. Thnt the in-
sertion of the Hebrew vowel-points was post-
Talmudic is shown by the absence from the
Talmud of all reference to them. The vowel-
marks are referred to in the Masorah ; and as
they arc all mentioned by R. Judah Chiug, in
the beginning of the eleventh century, they
must have been perfected before that date.
Contemporaneous with the written vocalization
was the accentuation of the text. The import
of (he accents was, as Hupfeld has shown, es-
sentially rhythmical : hence they had from the
■first both a logical and a musical significance.
Besides the evidences of various readings con
tained in the Keris of the Masorah, we have
two lists of different readings purporting or
presumed to be those adopted by the Palestinian
and Babylonian Jews respectively. The first
of these was printed by It. Jacob ben Chaim
in the Bomberg Bible. The different readings
are 216 in number. They are generally of bat
little importance. The other is the result of a
collation of MSS. made in the eleventh cen-
tury by two Jews, R. Aaron ben Asher, a Pal-
estinian, and R. Jacob ben Kaphtali, a Baby-
lonian. The differences, 864 in number, relate
to the vowels, the accents, the Makkcph, and
in one instance (Cant. viii. 6) to the division
of one word into two. From the end of the
Masoretic period onward, the Masorah became
the great authority- by which the text given in
all the Jewish MS*S. was settled.
2. Manuscripts. — We must now give an ac-
count of the O. T. MSS. known to us. They
fall into two main classes: synagogue-rolls and
MSS. tor private use. Of the latter, some are
written in the square, others in the rabbinic or
cursive character. The synagoguc-rolis con-
tain, separate from each other, the Pentateuch,
the Haphtaroth, or appointed sections of the
Prophets, and the so-called Megilloth, viz. Can-
ticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclcsiastes, and
Esther. The text of the synagogue-rolls is
written without vowels, accents, or soph-|>asuks :
the greater parshioth arc not distinguished, nor
yet, strictly, the verses ; these last *.t indeed
often slightly separated, but the practice is
ugainst the ancient tradition. The two modi-
fications of the square character in which these
rolls are written are distinguished by the Jews
ns the Tam and the Welsh, ».«., probably, the
perfect and the foreign. Private MSS. in the
square character are in the Iwuk-form, cither
on parchment or on paper, and of various sizes,
from folio to 12mo. Some contain the Hebrew
text alone; others add the Targimi, or an
Arabic or other translation, either interspersed
with the text or in a separate column, occa-
sionally in the margin. The upper and lower
margins are generally occupied by the Maso-
rah, sometimes by rabbinical commentaries, &c
The date of a MS. is ordinarily given in the
subscription ; but as the subscriptions are often
concealed in the Masorah or elsewhere, it is
occasionally difficult to find them; occasionally
also it is "difficult to decipher them. Even
when found and deciphered, they cannot al-
ways bo relied on. fio satisfactory criteria
have been yet established by which the ages of
MSS. are to be determined. Few existing
MSS. are supposed to be older than the 12th
centnrv. Kennicott and Brims assigned one
of thc'ir collation (No. 590) to the 10th cen-
tury ; De Rossi dates it a.d. 1018; on the
other hand, one of his own (No. 634) he ad-
judges to the 8th century. It is usual to dis-
tinguish in these MSS. three modifications of
the square character: viz., a Spanish writing,
upright and regularly formed ; a Oerman, in-
clined and sharp-pointed ; and a French and
Italian, intermediate to the two preceding. One
important distinction between the Spanish and
German MSS. consists in the difference of or.
der in which the books are gcnetally arranged.
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The former follow the Masorah, placing the
Chronicles before the rest of the Hagiogrupha :
the latter conform to the Talmud, placing Jere-
miah and Ezckiel before Isaiuh, and Ruth, sepa-
rate from the other Megilloth, before the
Psalms. Private MSS. in the rabbinic charac-
ter are mostly on paper, and are of compara-
tively late late. Sine* the duvs of Kennicott
and De Rossi, modern research has discovered
various MSS. beyond the limits of Europe.
Of many of these, t here seems no reason to sup-
pose that tbey will add much to our knowledge
of the Hebrew text. It is different from the
MSS. examined by Pinner at Odessa. One of
these MSS. (A. No. 1), a Pentateuch roll, un-
pointed, brought from Derbcnd in Dughestan,
ap]tears by the subscription to have been writ-
ten previously to the year x.d. 580 ; and, if so,
is the oldest known Biblical Hebrew MS. in
exutence. The forms of the letters are re-
markable. Another MS. (B. No. 3) containing
the Prophets, on parchment, in small folio, al-
though only dating, according to the inscrip-
tion, from a.d. 916, and furnished with a Ma-
sorah, U a yet greater treasure. Its vowels
and accents are wholly different from those now
r use, both in form and in position, being all
/tore the letters : they have accordingly been
the theme of much discussion among Hebrew
scholar). The Samaritan MSS. collated by
Kennicott are all in the book-form.
3. Printed Text. — Tho history of the printed
text of the Hebrew Bible commences with the
early Jewish editions of the separate books.
First appeared the Psalter, in 1477, probably
at Bologna, in 4to, with Kimchi's commentary
interspersed among the verses. Only the first
four psalms had the vowel-points, and theso
but clumsily expressed. At Bologna, there
subsequently appeared, in 1482, the Pentateuch,
in folio, pointed, with the Targum and the
commentary of Rashi ; and the live Megilloth
(Ituth-Esther), in folio, with the commenta-
ries of Rashi and Abcn Ezra. From Soncino,
near Cremona, issued in 1486 the Prophetic
Sriores (Joshua-Kings), folio, unpointed, with
.imchi's commentary. The honor of printing
the first entire Hebrew Bible belongs to the
above-mentioned town of Soncino. The edition
is in folio, pointed and accentuated. Nine
copies only of it are now known, of which one
belongs to Exeter College, Oxford. The ear-
lier printed portions were perhaps tho basis of
the text This was followed, in 1494, by the
4to or 8vo edition printed by Gcrsom at Bres-
cia, remarkable as being the edition from which
Luther's German translation was made. This
edition, along with the preceding, formed tho
basis of the first edition, with the Masorah,
Targnms, and rabbinical comments, printed by
Bombcrg at Venice in 1518, fol., under the
editorship of the converted Jew, Felix del Prato;
though the " plurimis collatis cxemnlnribus "
of the editor seems to imply that MSS. were
also used in aid. This edition was the first to
contain the Masora magna, and the various
readings of Ben Asher and Ben Naphtali.
After the Brescian, the next primary edition
was that contained in the Complntcnsian Poly-
glot, published atCompIutum (Alcala) in Spain,
at die expense of Cardinal Ximenes, dated
1514-17, but not issued till 1522. The Hebrew
is pointed, but unaccen tuated : it was taken from
seven MSS., which are still preserved in the
University Library at Madrid. To this suc-
ceeded an edition which has had more influence
than any on the text of later times — the Sec-
ond Rabbinical Bible, printed by Bombcrg at
Venice, 4 vols, fol., 1525-6. The editor was
the learned Tunisian Jew, R. Jacob ben Chaim.
The great feature of his work lay in the cor-
rection of the <cxt by the precepts of the Mu-
sorab, in which he was profoundly skilled, and
on which, as well as on the text itself, his labors
were employed. The Royal or Antwerp Poly-
glot, printed by Plantin, 8 vols. fol. 1569-72,
at the expense of Philip II. of Spain, and edited
by Arias Montanus and others, took the Com-
plutensian as the basis of its Hebrew text, but
compared this with one of Bombcrg's, so as to
produce a mixture of the two. This text was
followed both in the Paris Polyglot of Le Jay,
9 vols. fol. 1645, and in Walton's Polyglot,
London, 6 vols. fol. 1657.
A text compounded of several of the preced-
ing was issued by the Leipsic Professor, Elias
Huttcr, at Hamburg, fol. 1587 : it was intended
for students, the servile letters being distin-
guished from the radicals by hollow type. A
special mention is also due to the labors of the
cider Buxtorf, who carefully revised the text
after the Masorah, publishing it in 8vo at Basle,
1611, and again, after a fresh revision, in his
valuable Rabbinical Bible. Neither the text
of Huttcr, nor that of Buxtorf, was without its
permanent influence; but the Hebrew Bible
which became the standard to subsequent gen-
erations was that of Joseph Athias, a learned
rabbi and printer at Amsterdam. His text was
based on a comparison of the previous editions
with two MSS.; one bearing date 1299, the
other a Spanish MS., boasting an antiquity of
900 years. It appeared at Amsterdam, 2 vols.
8vo, 1661, with a preface by Leusden, professor
at Utrecht; and again, revised afresh, in 1667.
The progeny of the text of Athias was as
follows: — a. That of Clodius, Frankfort-on-
Main, 8vo, 1677; reprinted, with alterations,
8vo, 1692; 4to, 1716. 6. That of Jablonsky,
Berlin, large 8vo or 4to, 1699 ; reprinted, but
less correctly, 12mo, 1712. c. ThatofVander
Hooght, Amsterdam and Utrecht, 2 vols. 8vo,
1 705. This edition, of good reputation for its
accuracy, but above all for the beauty and dis-
tinctness of its type, deserves special attention,
as constituting our present textiu receptus. d.
That of Opitz, Kiel, 4 to, 1709. e. That of
J. H. Michaelis, Halle, 8vo and 4to, 1720.
The modern editions of the Hebrew Bible now
in use are all based on Van der Hooght.
4. Critical Labors and Apparatus. — The his-
tory of the criticism of the text has already
been brought down to the period of the labors
of the Masorcts and their immediate successors.
It must be hero resumed. In the early part
of the 13th century, R. Meir Lcvita, a native
of Burgos and inhabitant of Toledo, known by
abbreviation as Haramah, by patronymic as
Todrosius, wrote a critical work on the Penta-
teuch called The Book of the Masorah the Iledgt
of the Law, in which he endeavored, by a colla-
tion of MSS., to ascertain the true reading in
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various passages. At a later period, R. Men-
ahem de Lonzano collated ten MSS., chiefly
Spanbli, some of them fire or six centuries old,
with Bombeig's 4to Bible of 1544. The re-
suits were given in the work "Light of the
Law," printed at Venice, 1618. They relate
only to the Pentateuch. A more important
work was that of R. Solomon Norzi of Mantua,
in the 17th century, " Repairer of the Breach ; "
a copious critical commentary on the whole of
the O. T., drawn up with the aid of MSS. and
editions of the Masorah, Talmud, and all other
Jewish resources within his reach. In 1 746, the
expectations of the public were raised by the
Prolegomena of Houbigant, of the Oratory at
Paris; and in 1753 his edition appeared, splen-
didly printed, in 4 vols. fol. The text was that
of Van der Hooght, divested of points, and of
every vestige of the Masorah. In the notes,
copious emendations were introduced. In tho
same year, 1753, appeared at Oxford Konnicott's
first Dissertation on the state of the Printed
Text: the second followed in 1759. The re-
sult of these and of the author's subsequent
annual reports was a subscription of nearly
10,000/. to defray the expenses of a collation
of Hebrew MSS. throughout Europe, which
was performed from 1760 to 1769, partly by
Kenmcott himself, but chiefly, under his direc-
tion, by Professor Bruns of Hclrastadt and
others. The collation extended in all to 581
Jewish and 16 Samaritan MSS., and 40 printed
editions, Jewish works, &c. ; of which, however,
only about half were collated throughout, the
rest in select passages. The fruits appeared at
Oxford in 2 vols. fol. 1776-80 : the text is Van
der Ilooght's, unpointed ; the various readings
are given below ; comparisons are also made
of the Jewish and Samaritan texts of the Pen-
tateuch, and of the parallel passages in Samuel
and Chronicles, &c. The labors of Kennicott
were supplemented by those of De Rossi, pro-
fessor at Parma. His plan differed materially
from Kennicott's: he confined himself to a
specification of the various readings in select
passages ; but for these he supplied also the
critical evidence to be obtained from the ancient
versions, and from all the various Jewish au-
thorities. For the passages on which it treats,
the evidence in De Rossi's work may be re-
garded as almost complete.
A small Bible, with the text of Reineccius,
and a selection of the more important -eadings
of Kennicott and Do Rossi, was issued by
Doderlein and Meisner at Leipsic, 8vo, 1793.
It is printed (except some copies) on bad paper,
and is reputed very incorrect. A better critical
edition is that of John, Vienna, 4 vols. 8vo,
1806. The first attempt to turn the new criti-
cal collations to public account was made by
Boothroyd, in his unpointed Bible, with vari-
ous readings and English notes, Pontefract, 4to,
1810-16, at a time when Houbigant's principles
were still in the ascendant. This was followed
in 1821 bv Hamilton's Codex Criticus, modelled
on the plan of the N. T. of Gricsbach. The
most important contribution towards the for-
mation of a revised text that has yet appeared
is Dr. Davidson's Htbrew Text of the 0. T.,
reviled from Critical Sources, 1855. It presents
* convenient epitome of the more important
various readings of the MSS. and of the Mate
rah, with the authorities for them. It must be
confessed that little has yet been done for the
systematic criticism of the Hebrew text from
the ancient versions, in comparison with what
might be accomplished. We hare even yet to
learn what critical treasures those versions reallr
contain. It might be well, too, if along with
the version-readings were collected together all,
or at least all the more important, conjectural
emendations of the Hebrew text proposed by
various scholars during the last hundred years,
which at present lie buried in their several com-
mentaries and other publications. 5. Prina-
pits of Criticism. — The method of procedure
required in the criticism of the 0. T. is widely
different from that practised in the criticism of
the N. T. Our O. T. tabu rertptus is a far
more faithful representation of the genuine
Scripture, but, on the other hand, the means of
detecting and correcting the errors contained
in it are more precarious, the results are more
uncertain, and tho ratio borne by the ralne of
tho diplomatic evidence of MSS. to that of a
good critical judgment and sagacity is greatly
diminished. It is indeed to the direct testi-
mony of the MSS. that, in endeavoring to
establish the true text, we must first hare
recourse. Where the MSS. disagree, it has been
laid down as a canon that we ought not to let
tlie mere numerical majority preponderate, but
should examine what is the reading of the earli-
est and best. The MSS. lead us for the most
part only to our first sure standing-ground, the
Masoretic text : in other words, to uic average
written text of a period later by a thousand or
fifteen hundred years than the latest book of
the O. T.
In ascending upwards from the Masoretic
text, our first critical materials are the Maso-
retic Keris, valuable as witnesses to the preser-
vation of many authentic reading*. A Keri
therefore is not to be received in preference to
a Chethib, unless confirmed by otlicr sufficient
evidence, external or internal ; and in reference
to the Keris let the rule be borne in mind,
" Proclivi scriptioni prtestat ardua," many of
them being but arbitrary softenings-down of
difficult readings in the genuine text. The ex-
press assertions of the Masorah, as also of the
Targum, respecting the true reading in partic-
ular passages, are of course important From
these we ascend to the version of Jerome, the
most thoroughly trustworthy authority on which
we have to rely in our endeavors to amend the
Masoretic text. Dependent as Jerome was, for
his knowledge of the Hebrew text and every
thing respecting it, on the Palestinian Jews,
and accurate as are his renderings, it is not too
much to say that a Hebrew reading which can
be shown to hare been received by Jerome,
should, if sanctioned or countenanced by the
Targum, be so far preferred to one upheld by
the united testimony of all MSS. whatever.
Of the other versions, although more ancient,
none can, on the whole, be reckoned, in a critical
point of view, so valuable as his. Of the Greek
versions of Aqnila, Symmachus, and Theodo-
tion, we possess but mere fragments. The
Syriac bears the impress of haring been made
too much under the influence of the Septoagint.
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The Targums are too often paraphrastic. Still
the; all furnish moat importaut material for the
eorrection of the Masoretic text; and their
cumulative evidence, when they all concur in
a reading different to that which it contains, is
very strong.
The Septuagint itself, venerable for its anti-
quity, but on various accounts untrustworthy
in the readings which it represents, must bo
treated for critical purposes in the some way as
the MiuorHic Keris. The presence of any He-
brew reading in it can pass for little, unless it
can be independently shown to be probable that
that reading is the true one. In the opposite
direction of confirming a Mosoretic reading,
against which later testimonies militate, the
authority of the Septuagint, on account of its
age, necessarily stands high. Similar remarks
would, « priori, seem to apply to the critical use
of the Samaritan Pentateuch: it is, however,
doubtful whether that document be of any real
additional value. In the case of the O. T., un-
like that of the N. T., another source of emenda-
tions in generally allowed, viz. critical conjec-
ture. The comparative purity of the Hebrew
text is probably different in different parts of
the O. T. In the revision of Dr. Davidson,
who has generally restricted himself to the ad-
mission of corrections warranted by MS., Mos-
oretic, or Talmudic authority, those in the book
of Genesis do not exceed 11 ; those in the
Psalm* ore proportinately three times as nume-
rous ; those in the historical books and the
Prophets are proportionately more numerous
than those in the Psalms. In all emendations
of the text, whether made with the aid of the
critical materials which we possess, or by criti-
cal conjecture, it is essential that the proposed
reading be one from which the existing reading
may have been derived : hence the necessity of
attention to the means by which corruptions
were introduced into the text. One letter was
accidentally exchanged by a transcriber for an-
other. Words, or parts of words, were repeat-
ed ; or they were dropped, and this especially
whan they ended like those that preceded. Oc-
casionally a letter may have travelled from one
word, or a word from one verse, to another.
Wilful corruption of the text on polemical
grounds has also been occasionally charged up-
on the Jews ; but the allegation has not been
proved, and their known reverence for the text
militates against it. To the criticism of the
vowol-marks the same general principles must
be applied, mutatis mutandu, as to that of the
consonants. Nothing can be more remote from
the truth than the notion that we are at liberty
to supply vowels to the text at our unfettered
discration.
B. IXTBBPBETATIOX Or TUB Old TbSTA-
hbxt. — I. History of the Interpretation. — We
sh.dl hero endeavor to present n brief but com-
prehensive sketch of tho treatment which the
scriptures of tho O. T. havo in different ages
received. At the period of the rise of Christi-
anity, two opposite tendencies had manifested
themselves in tho interpretation of them among
the Jews ; tho ono to an extreme literalism, the
other to an arbitrary allesnrism. Tho former
of these was mainlv developed in Palestine,
where the Law of Moses was, from the nature
of things, most completely observed. The
Jewish teachers, acknowledging the obligation
of that law in its minutest precepts, but over-
looking the moral principles on which those
precepts were founded and which they should
nave unfolded from them, there endeavored to
supply by other means the imperfections in-
herent in every law in its mere literal accepta-
tion. On the other hand, at Alexandria the
allegorizing tendency prevailed. Germs of it
liod appeared in the apocryphal writings, as
where in the Book of Wisdom (xviii. 24) the
priestly vestments of Aaron had been treated
as symbolical of the universe. It had been
fostered by Aristobulus, and at length, two cen-
turies later, it culminated in Philo, from whose
works we best gather the form which it as-
sumed. For in the general principles of intcr-
firctation which Philo adopted, he was but fol-
owing, as he himself assures us, in the track
which had been previously marked out by those,
probably the Tnerapeut*, under whom he had
studied. His expositions have chiefly reference
to the writings of Moses, whom he regarded as
the arch-prophet, the man initiated above all
others into divine mysteries ; and in the persons
and things mentioned in these writings he
traces, without denying the outward reality of
the narrative, the mystical designations of dif-
ferent abstract qualities and aspects of the in-
visible. The Alexandrian interpreters were
striving to vindicate for the Hebrew Scriptures
a new dignity in the eyes of the Gentile world,
by showing that Moses had anticipated all the
doctrines of the philosophers of Greece. It
must not be supposed that the Palestinian lit-
eralism and the Alexandrian allegorism evor
remained entirely distinct. In fact the two ex-
tremes of literalism and arbitrary allegorism,
in their neglect of the direct moral teaching
and prophetical import of Scripture, had too
much in common not to mingle readily the one
with the other. And thus we may trace the
development of the two distinct yet co-existent
spheres of Halachah and Hagadah, in which
the Jewish interpretation of Scripture, as shown
by the later Jewish writings, ranged. The for-
mer ('* repetition," " following ") embraced the
traditional legal determinations for practical
observance: the latter ("discourse") the un-
restrained interpretation, of no authentic force
or immediate practical interest.
The earliest Christian non-apostolic treat-
ment of the O. T. was necessarily much de-
pendent on that which it had received from the
Jews. The Alexandrian allegorism re-appears
the most fully in the fanciful epistle of Barna-
bas ; hut it influenced also the other writings
of the sub-apostolic Fathers. Even the Jewish
cabalism passed to some extent into the Chris-
tian Church, and is said to have been largely
employed by the Gnostics. Bnt this was not
to last. Irenoins, himself not altogether free
from it, raised his voice against it ; and Tcr-
tullian well laid it down as a canon that the
words of Scripture were to be interpreted only
in their logical connection, and witn reference
to the occasion on which they were uttered.
In another respect, all was changed. The
Christian interpreters by their belief in Christ
stood on a vantage-ground for the comprehea-
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•ion of the whole burden of the O. T. to which
the Jews had never reached ; and thus, however
ihey may have erred in the details of their in-
terpretations, they were generally conducted
by them to the right conclusions in regard of
Christian doctrine. The view held oy the
Christian Fathers that the whole doctrine of
the N. T. had been virtually contained and fore-
shadowed in the Old, generally induced the
search in the O. T. for such Christian doctrine
rather than for the old philosophical dogmas.
Their general convictions were doubtless here
more correct than the details which they ad-
vanced ; and it would be easy to multiply from
the writings of either Justin, Tertullian, or
Irenseus, typical interpretations that could no
longer be defended.
It was at Alexandria, which through her
previous learning had already exerted the deep-
est influence on the interpretation of the O. T.,
that definite principles of interpretation were
by a new order of men, the most illustrious and
influential teachers in the Christian Church, first
laid down. Clement here led the way. He held
that in the Jewish law a fourfold import was to
be traced, — literal, symbolical, moral, propheti-
cal. Of these the second was the relic of the
philosophical element that others had previous-
ly ingrafted on the Hebrew Scriptures. Clem-
ent was succeeded by his scholar Origen. With
him biblical interpretation showed itself more
decidedly Christian ; and while the wisdom of
the Egyptians, moulded anew, became the per-
manent inheritance of the Church, the distinc-
tive symbolical meaning which philosophy had
placed upon the O. T. disappeared. Origen
recognizes in Scripture, as it were, a body, soul,
and spirit, answering to the body, soul, and
spirit of man : the first serves for the edification
of the simple, the second for that of the more
advanced, the third for that of the perfect. The
reality and the utility of the first, the letter of
Scripture, he proves by the number of those
whose faith is nurtured by it. The second,
which is in fact the moral sense of Scripture,
he illustrates by the interpretation of Deut.
xxv. 4 in 1 Cor. ix. 9. The third, however, is
that on which he principally dwells, showing
how the Jewish Law, spiritually understood,
contained a shadow of good things to come.
Both the spiritual and (to use his own term)
the psychical meaning he held to be always
present in Scripture, the bodily not always.
Origen 's own expositions of Scripture were, no
doubt, less successful than his investigations of
the principles on which it ought to be ex-
pounded. Yet as the appliances which he
brought to the study of Scripture made him
the father of biblical criticism, so of all detailed
Christian scriptural commentaries his were the
first ; a fact not to be forgotten by those who
would estimate aright their several merits and
defects.
The value of Origen's researches was best
appreciated, a century later, bv Jerome. He
adopted and repeated most of Origen's princi-
ples ; but he exhibited more judgment in the
practical application of them : he devoted more
attention to the literal interpretation, the basis
of the rest, and he brought also larger stores
of learning to bear upon it With Origen, he |
held that Scripture was to be understood in a
threefold manner, literally, tropologically, mys-
tically : the first meaning was the lowest, the
last the highest. But elsewhere he gave a new
threefold division of scriptural interpretation,
identifying the ethical with the literal or first
meaning, making the allegorical or spiritual
meaning the second, and maintaining that,
thirdly, Scripture was to be understood " secun-
dum futurorum beatitudinem." The influence
of Origen's writings was supreme in the Greek
Church for a hundred years after his decth.
Towards the end of the 4th century, Diodore,
bishop of Tarsus, previously a presbyter at
Antioch, wrote an exposition of the whole of
the O. T., attending only to the letter of Scrip-
ture. Of the disciples of Diodore, Theodore of
Mopsuestia pursued an exclusively grammati-
cal interpretation into a decided rationalism,
rejecting the greater part of the prophetical ref-
erence of the O. T., and maintaining it to be
only applied to our Saviour by way of accom-
modation. Chrysostom, another disciple of
Diodore, followed a sounder course, rejecting
neither the literal nor the spiritual interpreta-
tion, but bringing out with much force from
Scripture its moriu lessons. He was followed
by Theodoret, who interpreted both literally
and historically, and also allegorical!/ and
prophetically.
In the Western Church, the Influence of
Origen, if not so unqualified at the first, was
yet permanently greater than in the Eastern.
Hilary of Poitiers is said by Jerome to hare
drawn largely from Origen in his Commentary
on the Psalms. But in truth, as a practical
interpreter, he greatly excelled Origen ; care-
fully seeking out, not what Meaning the Scrip*
ture might bear, hut what it really intended,
and drawing forth the evangelical sense from
the literal with cogency, terseness, and elegance.
Here, too, Augustine stood somewhat in advance
of Origen ; carefully preserving in its integrity
the literal sense of the historical narrative of
Scripture as the substructure of the mystical,
lest otherwise the latter should prove to be
but a building in the air. But whatever ad-
vances had been made in the treatment of
O. T. scripture by the Latins since the days of
Origen were unhappily not perpetuated. We
may see this in the Morals of Gregory on the
Book of Job ; the last great independent work
of a Latin Father. Three senses of the sacred
text are here recognized and pursued in sepa-
rate threads; the historical ana literal, the alle-
gorical, and the moral. But the three have
hardly any mutual connection : the very idea
of such a connection is ignored. Such was the
general character of the interpretation which
prevailed through the middle ages, during
which Gregory's work stood in high repot*.
The mystical sense of Scripture was entirely
divorced from the literal.
The first impulse to the new investigation of
the literal meaning of the text of the O. T.
came from the great Jewish commentators,
mostly of Spanish origin, of the Uth and fol-
lowing centuries; Rashi (t 1105), Abcn Ezra
(t 1167), Kintchi (t 1340), and others. Fol-
lowing in the wake of these, the converted Jew,
Nicolau* of Lyre near Evreax, in Normandy
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(t 1341',, produced his Postillia Perpetual on
the Bible, in which, without denying the
deeper meanings of Scripture, he justly con-
tended for the literal as that on which they
all must rest Exception was taken to these a
century later by Paul of Burgos, also a con-
verted Jew (t 1435), who upheld, by the side
of the literal, the traditional interpretations, to
which he was probably at heart exclusively at-
tached. But the very arguments by which he
sought to vindicate them showed that the recog-
nition of the value of the literal interpretation
had taken firm root.
2. Principles of Interpretation. — From the
foregoing sketch it will have appeared that it
has been very generally recognized that the in-
terpretation of the O. T. embraces the discov-
ery of its literal, moral, and spiritual meaning.
It has given occasion to misrepresentation to
speak of the existence in Scripture of more
than a single sense ; rather, then, let it be said
that there are in it three elements, co-existing
and coalescing with each other, and generally
requiring each other's presence in order that
they may be severally manifested. Correspond-
ingly, too, there are three portions of the O. T.
in which the respective elements, each in its
turn, shine out with peculiar lustre. The lite-
ral (and historical) element is most obviously
displayed in the historical narrative : the moral
is specially honored in the Law, and in the
hortatory addresses of the prophets : the predic-
tions of the prophets bear emphatic witness to
the prophetical or spiritual. Still, generally,
in every portion of the O. T., the presence of
all three elements may by the student of Scrip-
ture be traced. In perusing the story of the
journey of the Israelites through the wilder-
ness, he has the historical clement in the actual
occurrence of tho facts narrated ; the moral, in
the warnings which God's dealings with the
people and their own several disobediences con-
vey ; and tho spiritual in the prcfiguration by
that journey, in its several features, of the
Christian pilgrimage through the wilderness of
life.
If the question be asked, Are the three sev-
eral elements in the O. T. mutually co-exten-
sive ? we reply, They are certainly co-extensive
in the O. T., taken as a whole, and in the sev-
eral portions of it, largely viewed ; yet not so
as that they are all to be traced in each several
section. The historical element may occasion-
ally exist alone. On the other hand, there are
passages of direct and simple moral exhorta-
tion, e.g. a considerable part of the Book of
Proverbs, into which the historical element
hardly enters. Occasionally also, as in Psalm
ii., the prophetical element, though not alto-
gether divorced from tho historical and the
mor.il, yet completely overshadows them. That
we should use the rfew Testament as the key
to the true meaning of the Old, and should
seek to interpret the latter as it was interpreted
by our Lord and His apostles, is in accordance
both with tho spirit of what the earlier Fathers
asserted respecting the value of the tradition
received from them, and with the appeals to
the N. T. by which Origen defended and forti-
fied the threefold method of interpretation.
But here it is the analogy of the N. T. inter-
«3'
pretations that we must follow; for it were
unreasonable to suppose that the whole of the
Old Testament would be found completely in-
terpreted in the New. With these preliminary
observations, we may glance at the several
branches of the interpreter's task.
First, then, Scripture has its outward form
or body, all the several details of which he will
have to explore and to analyze. He must ascer-
tain the thing outwardly asserted, commanded,
foretold, prayed for, or the like ; and this with
reference, so* far as is possible, to the historical
occasion and circumstances, the time, the place,
the political and social position, the manner of
life, the surrounding influences, the distinctive
character, and the object in view, alike of the
writers, the persons addressed, and the persons
who appear upon the scene. Taken in its wide
sense, the outward form of Scripture will itself,
no doubt, include much that is figurative. To
the outward form of Scripture thus belong all
metonymies, in which one name is substituted
for another ; and metaphors, in which a word
is transformed from its proper to a cognate sig-
nification ; so also all prosopopoeias, or personi-
fications; and even all anthropomorphic and
anthropopathic descriptions of God, which
could never have been understood in a purely
literal sense, at least by any of the right-minded
among God's people. It is not to be denied
that it is difficult, perhaps impossible, to draw
the exact line where the province of spiritual
interpretation begins, ana that of historical
ends. On the one hand, the spiritual signifi-
cance of a passage may occasionally, perhaps
often, throw light on the historical element in-
volved in it : on the other hand, the very large
use of figurative language in the O. T., and
more especially in the prophecies, prepares us
for tho recognition of the yet more deeply fig-
urative and essentially allegorical import which
runs through the whole.
Yet no unhallowed or unworthy task can it
ever be to study, even for its own sake, the his-
torical form in which the O. T. comes to us
clothed. Even bv itself, it proclaims to us
the historical workings of God, and reveals the
care wherewith He has ever watched over the
interests of His Church. Above all, the history
of the O. T. is the indispensable preface to the
historical advent of the Son of God in the flesh.
We need hardly labor to prove that the N. T.
recognizes the general historical character of
what the O. T. records. Of course, in reference
to that which is not related as plain matter of
history, there will always remain the question,
how far the descriptions are to be viewed as
definitely historical; how far as drawn, for a
specific purpose, from the imagination. Such a
question presents itself, for example, in the Book
of Job. It is one which must plainly be in each
case decided according to the particular circum-
stances. In examining the extent of the his-
torical element in the prophecies, both of the
prophets and the psalmists, we must distinguish
between those which we either definitely know
or may reasonably assume to have been fulfilled
at a period not entirely distant from that at
which they were uttered, and those which
reached far beyond in their prospective refer-
ence. The former, once fulfilled, were thence-
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forth annexed to the domain of history (Is. ;
xvii. ; Ps. cvii. 33). With the prophecies of
more distant scope the case stood thus. A
picture was presented to the prophet's gaze,
embodying an outward representation or cer-
tain future spiritual struggles, judgments, tri-
umphs, or blessings ; a picture suggested in
general by the historical circumstances of the
present (Zech. vi. 9-15; Ps. v., Ixxii.), or of
the past (Ez. xx. 35, 36 ; Is. xi. 15, xlviii. 21 ;
Ps. xcix. 6, seqq. ) , or of the near future, already
anticipated and viewed as present (Is. xlix.
7-26; Ps. lvii. 6-11), or of all these variously
combined, altered, and heightened by the im-
agination. But it does not follow that that
picture was ever outwardly brought to pass :
the local had been exchanged for the spiritual,
the outward type had merged in the inward
reality before the fulfilment of the prophecy
took effect
Respecting the rudiments of interpretation,
let the following here suffice: — The knowledge
of the meanings of Hebrew words is gathered
ia) from the context, (6) from parallel passages,
c) from the traditional interpretations pre-
served in Jewish commentaries and diction-
aries, (d) from the ancient versions, («) from
the cognate languages, — Chaldee, Syriac, and
Arabic. The syntax must be almost wholly
gathered from the O. T. itself; and for the
special syntax of the poetical hooks, while the
importance of a study of the Hebrew parallel-
ism is now generally recognized, more attention
needs to be bestowed than has been bestowed
hitherto on the centralism and inversion by
which the poetical structure and language is
iften marked.
From the outward form of the O. T., we
proceed to its moral clement or soul. It was
with reference to this that St. Paul declared
that all Scripture was given by inspiration of
God, and was profitable for doctrine, for re-
proof, for correction, for instruction in right-
eousness (2 Tim. Hi. 16); and it is in the
implicit recognition of the essentially moral
character of the whole that our Lord and His
apostles not only appeal to its direct precepts
(e.g. Matt. xv. 4, xix. 17-19), and set forth
the fulness of their bearing (e.g. Matt. ix. 13),
but also lay bare moral lessons in O. T. pas-
sages which lie rather beneath the surface than
upon it (Matt. xix. 5, 6, xxii. 32 ; John x. 34,
35 ; Acts vii. 48, 49 ; 1 Cor. ix. 9, 10 ; 2 Cor.
viii. 13-15). With regard more particularly
to the Law, our Lord shows in His Sermon on
the Mount how deep is the moral teaching
implied in its letter ; and, in His denunciation
of the Pharisees, upbraids them for their omis-
sion of its weightier matters — judgment, mercy,
and faith. The history, too, of the O. T. finds
frequent reference made in the N. T. to its
moral teaching (Luke vi. 3 ; Rom. iv., ix. 17 ;
1 Cor. x. 6-11 ; Hcb. iii. 7-11, xi. ; 2 Pet. ii.
15, 16; 1 John iii. 12).
The interpreter of the O. T. will have,
among his other tasks, to analyze in the lives set
before him the various yet generally mingled
workings of the spirit of holiness and of the
spirit of sin. The moral errors by which the
lives of even the greatest saints were disfigured
are related, and that for our instruction, but
not generally criticised. The O. T. sets before
us just those lives — the lives generally of re
ligiou* men — which will best repay ouf study,
and will most strongly suggest the moral let-
sons that God would have us learn ; and herein
it is, that, in regard of the moral aspects of the
O. T. history, we may most surely trace the
overruling influence of the Holy Spirit by
which the sacred historians wrote. But the
O. T. has further its spiritual and therefore
Srophctical element. Our attention is here
ret attracted to the avowedly predictive parts
of the O. T., of the prospective reference of
which, at the time that they were uttered, no
question can exist, and the majority of which
still awaited their fulfilment when the Redeemer
of the world was born. With Christ the new
era of the fulfilment of prophecy commenced.
A marvellous amount there was in His person
of the verification of the very letter of proph-
ecy — partly that it might be seen how defi-
nitely all had pointed to Him ; partly because
His outward mission, up to the time of His
death, was but to the lost sheep of the house
of Israel, and the letter had not yet been finally
superseded by the spirit. Yet it wonld plainly
be impossible to suppose that the significance of
such prophecies as Zcch. ix. 9 was exhausted
by the mere outward verification. Hence the
entire absence from the N. T. of any recogni-
tion, by either Christ or His apostles, of such
prospective outward glories as the prophecies,
literally interpreted, would still have implied.
The language of the ancien: prophecies is
everywhere applied to the gathering-together,
the privileges, and the triumphs of the uni-
versal body of Christ (John x. 16, xi. 52 ; Acts
ii. 39, xv. 15-17 ; Rom. ix. 25, 26, 32, 33, x. 1 1
13, xi. 25, 26, 27, &c.).
Even apart, however, from the authoritative
interpretation thus placed upon them, the
prophecies contain within themselves, in suffi-
cient measure, the evidence of their spiritual
import The substance of these prophecies is
the glory of the Redeemer's spiritual i ingdom :
it is but the form that is derived from the out-
ward circumstances of the career of God's
ancient people, which had passed, or all bat
passed, away before the fulfilment of the prom-
ised blessings commenced. Nor was even the
form in which the announcement of the Dew
blessings had been clothed to be rudely cast
aside : the imagery of the prophets is on every
account justly dear to us, and from love, no
less than from habit, we still speak the lan-
guage of Canaan. But then arises the ques-
tion, Must not this language have been divine-
ly designed from the first as the language of
God's Church 1 The typical import of the
Israclitish tabernacle and ritual worship is im-
plied in Hcb. ix. (" the. Holy Ghost this signi-
fying"), and is almost universally allowed;
and it is not easy to tear asunder the events of
Israel's history from the ceremonies of Israel's
worship ; nor yet again, the events of the pre-
ceding historv of the patriarchs from those of
the history of Israel. The N. T. itself implies
the typical import of a lar^e part of the O. T.
narrative. In the O. T. itself we have, and
this even in the latest times, events and persons
expressly treated as typical (Ps. cxnii. 23:
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r-ech. Hi., vi. 9, &a). A further testimony to
the typical character of the history of the Old
Testament U furnished by the typical character
of the events related even in the New. All onr
Lord's miracles were essentially typical. So
too the outward fulfilments of prophecy in the
Redeemer's life were types of the deeper though
less immediately striking fulfilment which it
was to continue to receive ideally. It is not
unlikely that there is an unwillingness to rec-
ognize the spiritual element in the historical
parts of the O. T., arising from the fear that the
recognition of it may endanger that of the his-
torical troth of the events recorded. Nor is
such danger altogether visionary ; for one-sided
and prejudiced contemplation will be ever so
abusing one element of Scripture as thereby to
cast a slight upon the rest. But this does not
affect its existence. Of another danger beset-
ting the path of the spiritual interpreter of the
O. T., we have a warning in the unedifying
puerilities into which some have fallen. Against
such he will guard by foregoing too curious a
search for mere external resemblances between
the Old Testament and the New, though withal
thankfully recognizing them wherever they
present themselves. The spiritual interpreta-
tion most rest upon both the literal and the
moral ; and there can be no spiritual analogy
between things which have nought morally in
common. One consequence of this principle
will of course be, that we must never be content
to rest in any mere outward fulfilment of
prophecy. However remarkable the outward
fulfilment be, it must always guide us to some
deeper analogy, in which a moral element is in-
volved. Another consequence of the foregoing
principle of interpretation will be, that that
which was forbidden or sinful can, so far as it
was sinful, not be regarded as typical of that
which is free from sin. So again, that which
was tolerated rather than approved may con-
tain within itself the type of something im-
perfect, in contrast to that which is more per-
fect.
C. QUOTAI'IONS FROM THE Ol.D TESTAMENT
in thb New Testament. — The New Testa-
ment quotations from the Old form one of the
outward bonds of connection between the two
parts of the Bible. They are manifold in kind.
Some of the passages quoted contain prophe-
cies or involve types of which the N. T. wri-
ters designed to indicate the fulfilment Others
are introduced as direct logical supports to the
doctrines which they were enforcing. It may
not be easy to distribute all the quotations into
their distinctive classes; but among those in
which a prophetical or typical force is ascribed
in the N. T. to the passage quoted may fairly
be reckoned all that are introduced with an in-
timation that the Scripture was " fulfilled ; "
and it may be observed that the word " fulfil,"
as applied to the accomplishment of what had
been predicted or foreshadowed, is in the N. T.
only used by our Lord Himself and His com-
panion apostles. In the quotations of all kinds
from the Old Testament in the New, we find a
continual variation from the letter of the older
Scriptures. To this variation three causes may
be specified as having contributed : — First, all
the N. T. writers quoted from the Septuagint ;
correcting it indeed more or less by the He-
brew, especially when it was needful for their
purpose; occasionally deserting it altogether;
still abiding by it to so large an extent as to
show that it was the primary source whence
their quotations were drawn. Secondly, the
N. T. writers must have frequently quoted from
memory. Thirdly, combined with this, there
was an alteration of conscious or unconscious
design. Sometimes the object of this was to
obtain increased force. Sometimes an O. T.
passage is abridged, and in the abridgment so
adjusted, by a little alteration, as to present an
aspect of completeness, and yet omit what is
foreign to the immediate purpose (Acts i. 20;
1 Cor. i. 31). At other times a passage is en-
larged by the incorporation of a passage from
another source: thus in Luke iv. 18, 19, al-
though the contents are professedly those read
by our Lord from Is. lxi., we have the words
" to set at liberty them that are bruised," in-
troduced from Is. lviii. 6 (Sept.) : similarly, in
Rom. xi. 8, Dent xxix. 4 is combined with Is.
xxix. 10. In some cases, still greater liberty
of alteration is assumed. In some places
again, the actual words of the original are
taken up, but employed with a new meaning.
Almost more remarkable than any alteration in
the quotation itself is the circumstance, that, in
Matt, xxvii. 9, Jeremiah should be named as
the author of a prophecy really delivered by
Zechariah ; the reason being, that the prophecy
is based upon that in Jer. xviii., xix., and that,
without a reference to this original source, the
most essential features of the fulfilment of
Zechariah's prophecy would be misunderstood.
The above examples will sufficiently illustrate
the freedom with which the apostles and evan-
gelists interwove the older Scriptures into their
writings. It could only result in failure, were
we to attempt any merely mechanical account
of variations from the O. T. text which are
essentially not mechanical.
Olive. No tree is more closely associated
with the history and civilization of man. Our
concern with it here is in its sacred rela-
tions, and in its connection with Jiidrea and the
Jewish people. Many of the scriptural associ-
ations of the olive-tree are singularly poetical.
It has this remarkable interest, in the first
place, that its foliage is the earliest that is men-
tioned by name, when the waters of 1 the flood
began to retire (Gen. viii. 11). Next we find
it the most prominent tree in the earliest alle-
gory (Judg. ix. 8, 9). With David it is the
emblem of prosperity and the divine blessing
(Ps. Hi. 8, cxxviii. 3). So with the Inter proph-
ets it is the symbol of beauty, luxuriance, and
strength. We must bear in mind, in reading
this imagery, that the olive was among the
most abundant and characteristic vegetation of
Judaea. Thus after the captivity, when the
Israelites kept the Feast of Tabernacles, we find
them, among other branches for the booths,
bringing " olive-branches " from the " mount "
(Neh. viii. 15). "The mount "is doubtless
the famous Olivet, or Monnt of Olives, the
" Olivetum " of the Vulgate. Turning now to
the mystic imagery of Zechariah (iv. 3, 11-14),
and of St. John in the Apocalypse (Rev. xi. 3,
4), we find the olive-tree used, in both cases, in
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• very remarkable way. Finally, in the argu-
mentation of St Paul concerning the relative
positions of the Jews and Gentiles in the coun-
sels of God, this tree supplies the basis of one
of his most forcible allegories (Rom. xi. 16-25).
The Gentiles are the " wild olive " grafted in
upon the " good olive," to which once the Jews
belonged, and with which they may again be
incorporated. The olive-tree grows freely al-
most everywhere on the shores of the Mediter-
ranean ; but it was peculiarly abundant in Pal-
estine. See Deut. vi. 11, viii. 8, xxviii. 40.
Olive-yards are a matter of course in descrip-
tions of the country, like vineyards and corn-
fields (Judg. xv. 5; 1 Sam. viii. 14). The
kings had very extensive ones (1 Chr. xxvii.28).
Even now the tree is very abundant in the coun-
try. Almost every village has its olive-greve.
Certain districts may be specified where at va-
rious times this tree has been very luxuriant.
The cultivation of the olive-tree had the closest
connection with the domestic life of the Israel-
ites (2 Chr. ii. 10), their trade (Ez. xxvii. 17;
Hos. xii. 1 ), and even their public ceremonies
and religious worship. The oil was used in
coronations : thus it was an emblem of sover-
eignty (1 Sam. x. 1, xii. 3, 5). It was also
mixed with the offerings in sacrifice (Lev. ii. 1,
2, 6, 15). For the burning of it in common
lamp, see Matt. xxv. 3, 4, 8. The use of it on
the hair and skin was customary, and indica-
tive of cheerfulness (Ps. xxiii. 5 ; Matt. vi. 17).
It was also employed medicinally in surgical
cases (Luke x. 84). Sec again Mark vi. 13,
Jam. v. 14, for its use in combination with
prayer on behalf of the sick. In Solomon's
temple, the cherubim were "of olive- tree"
(1 K. vi. 23), as also the doors (ver. 31, 32)
and the posts (ver. 33). As to the berries (Jam.
iii. 12 ; 2 Esd. xvi. 29), which produce the oil,
they were sometimes gathered by shaking the
tree (Is. xxiv. 13), sometimes by beating it
(Deut. xxiv. 20). Then followed the treading
of the fruit (Deut. xxxiii. 24; Mic. vi. 15).
Hence the mention of "oil-fats" (Joel ii. 24).
The wind was dreaded by the cultivator of the
olive ; for the least ruffling of a breeze is apt to
cause the flowers to fall (Job xv. 33). It is
seedless to add that the locust was a formidable
enemy of the olive (Amos iv. 9). It happened
not unfrcquently that hopes were disappointed,
and that "the labor of the olive failed*' (Ilnb.
iii. 1 7 ). As to the growth of the tree, it thrives
liest in warm and sunny situations. It is of a
moderate height, with knotty gnarled trunks,
•Mid a smooth ash-colored bark. It grows
slowly ; but it lives to an immense age. Its
look is singularly indicative of tenacious vigor ;
and this is the force of what is said in Scripture
of its " greenness " as emblematic of strength
and prosperity. The leaves, too, are not decid-
uous. Those who see olives for the first time
are occasionally disappointed by the dnsty col-
or of their foliage; but those who are familiar
with them rind an inexpressible charm in the
rippling changes of their slender gray-green
leaves.
Olives, Mount Of. The exact expres-
sion " the Mount of Olives " occurs in the 0. T.
in Zech. xiv. 4 only ; in the other places of the
O.T.inwhichitis referred to the form employed
is the "ascent of the olives" (2 Sam. xv. 36
A. V. inaccurately " the ascent of Mount Oli
vet"), or simply " the Mount " (Neh. viii. 15),
" the mount facing Jerusalem " ( I K. xi. 7), ot
" the mountain which is on the east side of the
city" (Ez. xi. 23). In the N. T., three forms
of the word occur: 1. The usual one, " the
Mount of Olives." 2. Bv St. Luke twice
(xix. 29, xxi. 37), " the mount called Elaion."
3. Also by St. Luke (Acts i. 12), the " mount
called Olivet." It is the well-known eminence
on the east of Jerusalem, intimately and char-
acteristically connected with some of the tra-
vest and most significant events of the history
of the Old Testament, the New Testament,
and the intervening times, and one of the firm-
est links by which the two are united ; the
scene of the flight of David and the triumphal
progress of the Son of David, of the idolatry
of Solomon, and the agony and betrayal of
Christ. If any thing were wanting to fix th*
position of the Mount of Olives, it would be
amply settled by the account of the first of the
events just named, as related in 2 Sam. xr,
with the elucidations of the LXX. and Joee-
phus (Ant. vii. 9). David's object was to
place the Jordan between himself and Absa-
lom. He therefore flies by the road called
"the road of the wilderness" (xv. 23). Thia
leads him across the Kidron, past the well-
known olive-tree (LXX.) which marked the
path, up the toilsome ascent of the mount —
elsewhere exactly described as facing Jerusa-
lem on the east (1 K. xi. 7 ; Ez. xi. 23 ; Mark
xiii. 3) — to the summit, where was a consecrat-
ed spot, at which he was accustomed to wor-
ship God. At this spot he again performed hia
devotions — it must havo seemed for the last
time — and took his farewell of the city,
"with many tears, as one who had lost his
kingdom." He then turned the summit, and
after passing Bahurim, probably about when
Bethany now stands, continued the descent
through the "dry and thirsty land" until b<
arrived " weary at the bank of the river (Jo
scph., Ant. vii. 9, § 2-6 ; 2 Sam. xvi. 14, xxvii
21, 22). This, which is the earliest mentiot
of the Mount of Olives, is also a complete in
traduction to it. The remaining references ft
it in the Old Testament are but slight. Tl»
" high places " which Solomon constructed lot
the gods of his numerous wives were in the
mount " facing Jerusalem " (I K. xi. 7) — an
expression which applies to the Mount of
Olives only, as indeed all commentators apply
it. During the next four hundred years, we
have only the brief notice of Josiah's icono-
clasms at this spot. Another two hundred
years, and we find a further mention of it ; this
time in a thoroughly different connection. It
is now the great repository for the vegetation
of the district, planted thick with olive, and the
bushy myrtle, and the feathery palm. *■ Go
out of the city " into the mount " — was the
command of Ezra for the celebration of the
first anniversary of the Feast of Tabernacle*
after the Return from Babylon — " and fetrb
olive branches, and ' oil - tree ' branches, and
myrtle-boughs, and palm-leaves, and branches
of" thick trees to make booths, as it is written "
(Neh. viii. 15). The cultivated and umbra-
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OLIVES, MOUNT OF
geous character which is implied in this de-
scription, as well as in the name of the mount,
is retained till the N. T. times.
At this point in the history, it will be conve-
nient to describe the situation and appearance
of the Mount of Olives. It is not so much a
" mount " as a ridge, of rather more than a
mile in length, running in general direction
north and south ; covering the whole eastern
side of the city. At its northern end, the
ridge bends round to the west, so as to form an
enclosure to the city on that side also. But
there is this difference, that whereas on the
north a space of nearly a mile of tolerably lev-
el surface intervenes between the walls of the
city and the rising ground, on the east the
mount is close to the walls, parted only by that
which from the city itself seems no parting at
all — the narrow ravine of the Kidron. It is this
portion which is the real Mount of Olives of the
history. The northern part is, though geolo-
gically continuous, a distinct mountain. We
will therefore confine ourselves to this portion.
In general height, it is not very much above
the city ; 300 feet higher than the Temple
mount, hardly more than 100 above the so-
called Zion. The word " ridge " has been used
above as the only one available for an eminence
of some length and even height ; but that word
is hardly accurate. There is nothing " ridge-
like " in the appearance of the Mount of Olives,
or oi" any other of the limestone hills of this
district of Palestine ; all is rounded, swelling,
and regular in form. At a distance, its outline
is almost horizontal, gradually sloping away at
its southern end; but when seen from below the
eastern wall of Jerusalem, it divides itself into
three, or rather perhaps four, independent sum-
mits or eminences. Proceeding from north to
south, these occur in the following order : —
Galilee, or Viri Galilaei ; Mount of the Ascen-
sion ; Prophets, subordinate to the last, and
almost a part of it ; Mount of Offence. 1. Of
these the central one, distinguished by the min-
aret and domes of the Church of the Ascension,
is in every way the most important. Three
paths lead from the valley to the summit. The
first passes under the north wall of the enclo-
sure of Gethsemane, and follows the line of the
depression between the centre and the northern
hill. The second parts from the first about 50
yards beyond Gethsemane, and, striking off to
the right up the very breast of the hill, sur-
mounts the projection on which it the tradition-
al spot of the Lamentation over Jerusalem, and
thence proceeds directly upwards to the village.
The third leaves the other two at the N. E.
corner of Gethsemane ; and, making a consider-
able de'tour to the south, visits the so-called
" Tombs of the Prophets," and, following •
very slight depression which occurs at that part
of the mount, arrives in its turn at the village.
Of these three paths, the first, from the fact that
it follows the natural shape of the ground, is
unquestionably older than the others, which
deviate in pursuit of certain artificial objects.
Kvery consideration is in favor of its being the
road taken by David in his flight. It is, with
equal probability, that usually taken by onr
Lord and His disciples in their morning and
evening transit between Jerusalem and Betha-
ny, and that also by which the apostles re-
turned to Jerusalem after the Ascension.
The central hill, which we are now consider-
ing, purports to contain the sites of some of
the most sacred and impressive events of Chris-
tian history. During the middle ages, most of
these were protected T>y an edifice of some sort ;
and to judge from the reports of the early
travellers, the mount must at one time have been
thickly covered with churches and convents.
The majority of these sacred spots now com-
mand little or no attention ; bnt three still re-
main, sufficiently sacred — if authentic — to
consecrate any place. These are, 1. Gethsem-
ane, at the toot of the mount. 2. The spot
from which our Saviour ascended, on the sum-
mit. 3. The place of the Lamentation of
Christ over Jerusalem, half way up. (1.) Of
these, Gethsemane is the only one which ha*
any claim to be authentic. Its claims, however,
are considerable : they are spoken of elsewhere.
(2.) The first person who attached the Ascen-
sion of Christ to the Mount of Olives seems to
have been the Empress Helena (a.d. 325).
Eusebius states that she erected, as a memorial
of that event, a sacred house of assembly on
the highest part of the mount, where there was
a cave, which a sure tradition testified to be
that in which the Saviour had imparted mys-
teries to His disciples. But neither this ac-
count, nor that of the same author when the
cave is again mentioned, do more than name
the Mount of Olives, generally, as the place
from which Christ ascended : they fix no defi-
nite spot thereon. It took nearly three centu-
ries to harden and narrow this general recog-
nition of the connection of the Mount of
Olives with Christ into a lying invention in
contradiction of the Gospel narrative of the
Ascension. (3.) The third of the three tradi-
tionary spots mentioned — that of the Lamen-
tation over Jerusalem (Luke xix. 41-44)— is
not more happily chosen than that of the As-
cension. It is on a mamelon or protubeiance
which projects from the slope of the breast of the
hill, about 300 yards above Gethsemane. The
inappropriateness of this place has been noticed
by many ; but Dr. Stanley was the first who gave
it its death-blow, by pointing out the true spot
to take its place. In a well-known passage of
Sinai and Palatine (190-193), he shows that
the road of our Lord's "Triumphal entry"
must have been, not the short ana steep path
over the summit used by small parties of pedes-
trians, but the longer and easier route round
the southern shoulder of the southern of the
three divisions of the mount. 2. We have
spoken of the central and principal portion of
tne mount Next to it on the southern side,
separated from it by a slight depression, up
which the path mentioned above as the third
takes its course, is a hill which appears neither
to possess, nor to have possessed, any independ-
ent name. It is remarkable only for the fact
that it contains the "singular catacomb"
known as the " Tombs of the Prophets," prob-
ably in allusion to the words of Christ (Matt
xxiii. 29). 3. The most southern portion of the
Mount of Olives is that usually known as the
" Mount of Offonce," Mom Offauionu, though
by the Arabs called Baton el-Ham, " the bag
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OLIVES, MOUNT OF
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OMRI
of the wind." It rises next to that last men-
tioned ; and in the hollow between the two,
more marked than the depressions between the
more northern portions, runs the road from
Bethany, which was without doubt the road of
Christ's entry to Jerusalem. The title Mount
of Offence, or of Scandal, was bestowed on the
supposition that it is the " Mount of Corrup-
tion " on which Solomon erected the high
places for the gods of his foreign wives (1 K.
xi. 7 ; 2 K. xxui. IS). The southern summit
is considerably lower than the centre one,
and, as already remarked, it is much more
definitely separated from the surrounding por-
tions of the mountain than the others are. It
is also sterner and more repulsive in its form.
4. The only one of the four summits remain-
ing to be considered is that on the north of the
"Mount of Ascension " — the Karem a-Sa/ad,
or Vineyard of the Sportsman ; or, as it is called
by the modern Latin and Greek Christians, the
Viri Galilei. This is a hill of exactly the same
character as the Mount of the Ascension, and
so nearly its equal in height, that few travellers
agree as to which is the more lofty. The sum-
mits of the two are about 400 yards apart. It
stands directly opposite the N. E. corner of
Jerusalem, and is approached by the path be-
tween it and the Mount of Ascension, which
strikes at the top into a cross path leading to
el-Imwiyeh and Attala. The Arabic name well
reflects the fruitful character of the hill, on
which there are several vineyards, besides much
cultivation of other kinds. The Christian name
is due to the singular tradition, that here the
two angels addressed the apostles after our
Lord's ascension — " Ye men of Galilee I "
This idea, which is so incompatible, on account
of the distance, even with the traditional spot
of the Ascension, is of late existence and inex-
plicable origin. The presence of the crowd of
churches and other edifices implied in the fore-
going description must have rendered the Mount
of Olives, during the early and middle ages of
Christianity, entirely unlike what it was in the
time of the Jewish kingdom or of our Lord.
Except the high places on the snmmit, the only
buildings then to be seen were probably the
walls of the vineyards and gardens, and the
towers and presses which were their invariable
accompaniment. But though the churches are
nearly all demolished, there must be a consider-
able difference between the aspect of the moun-
tain now and in those days when it received its
name from the abundance of its olive-groves.
It does not now stand so pre-eminent in this
respect among the hills in the neighborhood of
Jerusalem. " It is only in the deeper and more
secluded slope leading up to the northernmost
summit that these venerable trees spread into
any thing like a forest." The cedars commem-
orated by the Talmud, and the date-palms im-
plied in the name Bethany, have fared still
worse : there is not one of either to be found
within many miles. Two religious ceremonies
performed there must have done much to in-
crease the numbers who resorted to the mount.
The appearance of the new moon was probably
watched for, certainly proclaimed, from the
snmmit. The second ceremony referred to was
burning of the Bed Heifer. This solemn cere-
monial was enacted on the central mount, and
in a spot so carefully specified, that it wouM
seem not difficult to fix it. It was due east of
the sanctuary, and at such an elevation on the
mount, that the officiating ' priest, as he slew
the animal and sprinkled her blood, could see
the facade of the sanctuary through the east
gate of the Temple. To this spot a viaduct
was constructed across the valley on a double
row of arches, so as to raise it far above all
possible proximity with graves or other defile-
ments. It was probably demolished by the Jews
themselves on the approach of Titus, or eTen
earlier, when Pompey led his army by Jericho
and over the Mount of Olives. This would
account satisfactorily for its not being alluded
to by Josephus.
Olivet (2 Sam. xv. 30; Acts i. 12), prob-
ably derived from the Vulgate, in the latter of
these two passages. [See Olives, Moout of.]
Olym pas, a Christian at Rome (Rom. xvL
15), perhaps of the household of Philologus.
Olym'pillS, one of the chief epithets of the
Greek deity Zeus, so called from Mount Olym-
pus in Thessaly, die abode of the gods (2 Mace
vi. 2). Ap.
Omse'rus. Ahram of the sons of Bani
(1 Esd. ix. 34; comp. Ezr. x. 34). Ap.
O'mar, son of Ehphaz the first-born of Esau,
and " duke " or phylarch of Edom (Gen. xxxvi.
11, 15; 1 Chr. i. 36). The name is supposed
to survive in that of the tribe of Amir Arabs
east of the Jordan.
O'megtt, the last letter of the Greek alpha-
bet, as Alpha is the first. It is used metaphor-
ically to denote the end of any thing : "I am
Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end-
ing .. . the first and the last " (Rev. i. 8, 11).
O'mer. [Weights and Measures-]
Om'ri. 1. Originally " captain of the host "
to Elah, was afterwards himself King of Israel,
and founder of the third dynasty. When Elah
was murdered by Zimri at Tirzah, then capital
of the northern kingdom, Omri was engaged
in the siege of Gibbethon, situated in the tribe
of Dan, which had been occupied by the Phi-
listines. As soon as the army heard of Elan's
death, they proclaimed Omri king. Thereupon
he broke up the siege of Gibbethon, and at-
tacked Tirzah, where Zimri was holding hi*
court as King of Israel. The city was taken,
and Zimri perished in the flames of the palace,
after a reign of seven days. Omri, however,
was not allowed to establish his dynasty without
a struggle against Tibni, whom " half the peo-
ple " ( 1 K. xvi. 2 1 ) desired to raise to the throne,
and who was bravely assisted by his brother
Joram ( LXX . ) . The civil war lasted four rears
(cf. 1 K. xvi. 15 with 23). After the defeat
and death of Tibni and Joram, Omri reigned
for six years in Tirzah ; but at the end of that
time he transferred his residence, probably from
the proved inability of Tirzah to stand a siege,
to the mountain Snomron, better known by its
Greek name Samaria, which be bought for two
talents of silver from a rich man, otherwise
unknown, called Shemer. At Samaria, Omri
reigned for six years more. He seems to have
been a vigorous and unscrupulous ruler, anxious
to strengthen his dynasty by intercourse and
alliances with foreign states. The probable data
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ON
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ONE8IMU8
of Omri's accession («'.«. of the deaths of Elah
and Zimri) was B.C. 935 ; of Tibni's defeat and
the beginning of Omri's solo reign B.C. 931 . ■>«■'
of his death B.C. 919. — 2. One of the sous A
Becher the son of Benjamin ( 1 Chr. vii. 8). — 3.
A descendant of Phareztheson of Judah (1 Chr.
ix. 4). — 4. Son of Michael, and chief of the
tribe of Issachar in the reign of David (1 Chr.
xxvi. 18).
On, the son of Peleth, and one of the chiefs
of the tribe of Reuben who took part with
Korah, Dathan, and Abiram in their revolt
against Moses (Num. xvi. 1). His name does
not again appear in the narrative of the con-
spiracy, nor is he alluded to when reference is
made to the final catastrophe. There is a rab-
binical tradition to the effect that he was pre-
vailed upon by his wife to withdraw from his
accomplices.
On, a town of Lower Egypt, which is men-
tioned in the Bible under at least two names,
Bkth Shbmksh (Jer. xliii. 13), corresponding
to the ancient Egyptian sacred name HA-RA,
" the abode of the sun," and that above, cor-
responding to the common name AN, and per-
haps also spoken of as Ir-ha-heres. The an-
cient Egyptian common name is written AN,
or AN-T, and perhaps ANU ; but the essential
part of the word is AN, and probably no more
was pronounced. There were two towns called
AN : HMiopolis, distinguished as the northern,
AN-MEHKET; and Hermonthis, in Upper
Egypt, as the southern, AN-RES. Heliopolis
was situate on the east side of the Pelusiac
branch of the Nile, just below the point of the
Delta, and about twenty miles north-east of
Memphis. It was, before the Roman time, the
capital of the Heliopolite Nome, which was
included in Lower Egypt. Now its site is above
the point of the Delta, which is the junction
of the Phatmetic, or Damietta branch and the
Bolbitine, or Rosetta, and about ten miles to
the north-east of Cairo. In the earliest times,
it must have been subject to the 1st dynasty so
long as their sole rule lasted, which was per-
haps for no more than the reigns of Menes
(b.c. cir. 3717) and Athothis : it doubtless next
came under the government of the Memphites,
of the 3d (d.c. cir. 2640), 4th, and 6th dynas-
ties : it then passed into the hands of the Dios-
polites of the 12th dynasty, and the Shepherds
of the 1 5th. Daring the long period of anarchy
that followed the rule of the 12th dynasty,
when Lower Egypt was subject to the Shepherd
kings, Heliopolis must have been nnder the
government of the strangers. With the acces-
sion of the 18th dynasty, it was probably re-
covered by the Egyptians, and thenceforward
held by them. The chief object of worship at
Heliopolis was the sun, under the forms RA,
the sun simply, whence the sacred name of the
place, HA-RA, " the abode of the sun," and
ATOM, the setting sun, or sun of the nether
world. The temple of the sun, described by
8trabo, is now only represented by the single
beautiful obelisk, which is of red granite, 68
feet 2 inches high above the pedestal, and bears
a dedication, showing that it was sculptured in
or after his 30th year (cir. 2050) by Sesertesen
L, first king of the 12th dynasty (b.c. cir. 2080-
4045). Heliopolis was anciently famous for its
learning, and Eudoxus and Plato studied under
its priests; but, from the extent of the mounds,
it seems to have been always a small town.
The first mention of this place in the Bible is
in the history of Joseph, to whom we read
Pharaoh gave " to wife Asenath the daughter
of Poti-phcmh, priest of On " (Gen. xli. 45,
comp. ver. '•'•, and xlvi. 20). According to the
LXX. version, On was one of the cities built
for Pharaoh by the oppressed Israelites, for it
mentions three " strong cities " instead of the
two " treasure cities " of the Heb., adding On
to Pithom and Raamses. Heliopolis lay at no
great distance from the land of Goshen and
from Raamses, and probably Pithom also.
Isaiah has been supposed to speak of On when
he prophesies that one of the five cities in
Egypt that should speak the language of Ca-
naan should be called Ir-ha-heres, vrhich may
mean the City of the Sun, whether we take
" heres " to be a Hebrew or an Egyptian word ,
but the reading " a city of destruction " ceems
preferable, and we have no evidence that i i ro
was any large Jewish settlement at Heliop .,
although there may have been at one time,
from its nearness to the town of Onias. .iere
miah speaks of On under the name '..etli
shemesh, " the house of the sun " (xliii. 13)
Perhaps it was on account of the many falst
gods of Heliopolis, that, in Ezekiel (xxx. 17),
On is written Aven, by a change in vie punc-
tuation, and so made to signify "vanity, and
especially the vanity of idolatry. After the
age of the prophets, we bear no more in Scrip-
ture of Heliopolis. Local tradition, however,
points it out as a place where our Lord and tbt
Virgin came, when Joseph brought them into
Egypt.
O nam. L One of the sons of Sliobal the
son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 23 ; 1 Chr. i. 40). —
2. The son of Jerahmeel by his wife Atarah
(1 Chr. ii. 26, 28).
O'nan. The second son of Judah by the
Canaanitess, "the daughter of Shun" (Gen.
xxxviii. 4 ; 1 Chr. ii. 3). " What l*e did was
evil in the eyes of Jehovah, and He slew him
also," as He had slain his elder brother (Gen.
xxxviii. 9). His death took place before the
family of Jacob went down into Egypt (Gen.
xlvi. 12 ; Num. xxvi. 19).
Onesimus is the name of the servant or
slave in whose behalf Paul wrote the Epistle
to Philemon. He was a native, or certainly
an inhabitant, of Colossse, sint« Paul in writ-
ing to the Church there speaks of him (Col.
iv. 9) as " one of you." Slaves were numerous
in Phrygia, and the name itself of Phrygian
was almost synonymous with that of slave.
Onesimus was one of this unfortunate class of
persons, as is evident both from the manifest
implication in Phil. 16, and from the general
tenor of the epistle. The man escaped from
his master, and fled to Rome, where, in the
midst of its vast population, he could hope to
be concealed, and to baffle the efforts which
were so often made in such cases for retaking
the fugitive. Whether Onesimus had any other
motive for the flight than the natural love of
liberty, we have not the means of deciding. It
has been very generally supposed that he had
committed some offence, as theft or embetzlo*
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ONIAS
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ONO
ment, and feared the punishment of his fpilt.
Though it may be doubted whether Onesimui
beard the gospel for the first time at Rome, it
is beyond question that he was led to embrace
the gospel there through the apostle's instru-
mentality. The language in ver. 10 of the let-
ter is explicit on this point. After his conver-
sion, the most happy and friendly relations
sprung up between the teacher and the disciple.
The situation of the apostle as a captive and an
indefatigable laborer for the promotion of the
gospel (Acts xxviii. 30, 31) must have made
nim keenly alive to the sympathies of Christian
friendship, and dependent upon others for vari-
ous serrices of a personal nature, important to
his efficiency as a minister of the word. Onesi-
mos appears to have supplied this twofold want
in an er-.inent degree. Whether Paul desired
his presence as a personal attendant, or as a
minister of the gospel, is not certain from ver.
13 of the Epistle.
Onesiph'orUS is named twice only in tho
N. T. ; viz., 2 Tim. i. 16-18 and iv. 19. In tho
former passage, Paul mentions him in terms of
grateful love, as having a noble courage and
generosity in his behalf, amid his trials as a
prisoner at Rome, when others from whom he
expected better things had deserted him (2 Tim.
iv. 16) ; and in the latter passage, he singles out
" the household of Onesiphorus " as worthy of
a special greeting. It has been made a question
whether this friend of the apostle was still living
when the letter to Timothy was written, because,
in both instances, Paul speaks of " the house-
hold " (in 2 Tim. i. 16), and not separately of
Onesiphorus himself. The probability is, that
other members of the family were also active
Christians ; and, as Paul wished to remember
them at the same time, he grouped them to-
gether (2 Tim. iv. 19), and thus delicately rec-
ognized the common merit as a sort of family
distinction. It is evident from 2 Tim. i. 18
that Onesiphorus had his home at Ephesos;
though, if we restrict the salutation near the
elose of the Epistle (iv. 19) to his family, he
himself may possibly have been with Paul at
Rome when the latter wrote to Timothy.
Onia'reB, a name introduced into the Greek
and Syriac texts of 1 Mace. xii. 20 by a very
old corruption. The true reading is given in
(he margin of the A. V. Ap.
Oni'as, the name of five high-priests, of
whom only two (1 and 3) are mentioned in the
A. V. ; but an account of all is here given to
prevent confusion. — 1. The son and successor
of Jaddua, who entered on the office about the
time of the death of Alexander the Great, B.C.
130-309, or, according to Eusehins, 300. Ac-
rording to Josephus, he was father of Simon
the Just. — 2. The son of Simon the Just He
was a minor at the time of his father's death
(b.c. 290) ; and the high-priesthood was occu-
pied in succession by his uncles Eleazar and
Mnnasseh, to his exclusion. He entered on the
office at last, B.C. 240, and his conduct threat-
ened to precipitate the rupture with Egypt,
which afterwards opened the way for Syrian
oppression. Onias retained the high-priesthood
till his death, B.C. 226, when he was succeeded
by his son Simon II. — 3. The son of Simon
U-, who succeeded hi* father in the high-priest-
hood, B.C. .98. Seleucns Philopator was i»
formed by Simon, governor of the Temple, of
the riches contained in the sacred treasury, and
he made an attempt to seize tbem by force. At
the prayer of Onias, according to the tradition
(2 Mace, hi.), the sacrilege was averted; but
the high-priest was obliged to appeal to the king
himself for support against the machinations of
Simon. Not long afterwards Seleucns died
(b.c. 175), and Ontos found himself supplanted
in the favor of Antiochus Epiphanes by his
brother Jason, who received the high-priesthood
from the king. Jason, in turn, was displaced
by his youngest brother Menelaus, who pro-
cured the murder of Onias (b.c. 171 ). — 4. The
youngest brother of Onias III., who bore the
same name, which he afterwards exchanged
for Menelaus. — 5. The son of Onias III.,
who sought a refuge in Egypt from the sedition
and sacrilege which disgraced Jerusalem. The
immediate occasion of his flight was the tri-
umph of " the sons of Tobias," gained by the
interference of Antiochus Epiphanes. Onias,
receiving the protection of Ptol. Philometor,
endeavored to give a unity to the Hellenistic
Jews. With this object, he founded the Temple
at Leontopolis. An.
Oni'as, the City of. the Region of
Onias, the city in which stood the temple
built by Onias, and the region of the Jewish
settlements in Egypt. Ptolemy mentions the
city as the capital of the Heliopolite Nome. In
the spurious letters given by Josephus in the
account of the foundation of the temple of
Onias, it is made to have been at Leontopolis
in the Heliopolite Nome, and called a strong
place of Bnnastis. Leontopolis was not in the
Heliopolite Nome, but in Ptolemy's time was
the capital of the Leontopolite, and the mention
of it is altogether a blunder. There is proba-
bly also a confusion as to the city Bufuistis.
The site of the city of Onias is to be looked
for in some one of those to the northward of
Heliopolis which are called Tel el-Tahood, " the
Mound of the Jews," or Tel el-Tahoodeevch,
" the Jewish Mound." Sir Gardner Wilkinson
thinks that there is little donbt that it is one
which stands in the cultivated land near Shib-
been, to the northward of Heliopolis, in a direc-
tion a little to the east, at a distance of twelve
miles. From the account of Josephus, and the
name given to one of them, " the Camp of the
Jews," these settlements appear to have been of
a half military nature. The easternmost pan
of Lower Egypt, be it remembered, was always
chosen for great militarv settlements, in order
to protect the country from the incursions of
her enemies beyond that frontier. Probably
the Jewish settlements were established for the
same purpose. Ap.
Onions (Heb. btttiltm). There is no doubt
as to the meaning of the Hebrew word, which
occurs onlv in Num. xi. 5, as one of the good
things of Egypt of which the Israelites regret-
ted the loss. Onions have been from time im-
memorial a favorite article of food amongst
the Egyptians. The onions of Egypt are
mnch milder in flavor and less pungent than
those of this country.
O'no. One of the towns of Benjamin. It
does not appear in the catalogues of the Book
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OPHEL
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OPHIB
of Joshua, but- is first found in 1 Chr. viii. 12,
where Stunned or Shainer is said to have built
Ono and Lod with their " daughter villages."
A plain was attached to the town, and bore its
name— Biladh-Ono, " the Plain of Ono " (Neh.
vi. 2), perhaps identical with the " valley of
craftsmen" (Neh. xi. 36). By Eusebius and
Jerome it is not named. The village of Kefr
Ami, almost due N. of Lydd, is suggested by
Van do Vclde as identical with Ono. Against
the identification, however, are the difference
in the names, — the modern one containing the
Aim, — and the distance from Lydda. Winer
remarks that Beit Unia is more suitable as far
as its orthography is concerned ; but on the
other hanJ Beit Unia is much too far distant
from Odd to meet the requirements of the
parages quoted above.
Onus. The form in which the name Ono
appears in 1 Esd. v. 22. Ap.
Oa'y ch&( Hjb.shecAeUtA), according to many
of the old versions, denotes the operculum of
some species of Slrombus, a genus of gastcropo-
dous raollusca. The Hebrew word occurs only
in Ex. xxx. 34, as one of the ingredients of the
sacred perfume. In Ecclus. xxiv. 15, Wisdom
is compared to the pleasant odor yielded by
"galbanura, onyx, and sweet storax." There
can be little doubt that the iwj of Dioscorides
(ii. 10), and the onyx of Pliny (xxxii. 10), are
identical with the operculum of a Strombus,
perhaps S. lentiginostu. The Unguis odoraius,
or Blatta byzantimi, — for under both these terms
apparently the devil claw is alluded to in old
English writers on Materia Medica, — has by
some been supposed no longer to exist. Dr.
Lister laments its loss, believing it to have been
a good medicine " from its strong oromntic
•moll." Bochart believes some kind of bdellium
is intended.
O'avx ( Heb. shdham). The A V. uniform-
ly renders the Hebrew shoham by "onyx;"
the Vulgate too is consistent with itself, the
sardonyx (Job xxviii. 16) being marely a variety
of the onyx; but the testimonies of ancient
interpreters generally are diverse and ambigu-
ous. There is nothing in the contexts of the
several passages (Gen. ii. 12 ; Ex. xxviii. 9, 20 ;
1 Chr. xxix. 2 ; E*. xxviii. 13), where the He-
brew term occurs, to help us to determine its
signification. Josephus expressly states that
the shoulder-stones of the high-priest were
formed of two large sardonyxes, an onyx being,
in his description, the second stone in the fourth
row of the breastplate. Some writers believe
that the " beryl " is intended. Other interpre-
tations of tkdkam have been proposed; bnt all
are mere conjectures. The balance of author-
ity is, we think, in favor of some variety of the
•onyx. As to the " onyx " of Ecclus. xxiv. 15,
see Ostcha.
O'phel. A part of ancient Jerusalem. The
name is derived by the lexicographers from a
root of similar sound, which has the force of a
swelling or tumor. It does not come forward
'ill a late period of Old Test, history. In 2
Chr. xxvii. 3, Jothatn is said to have built
much "on the wall of Ophel." Manasse,
nmongst his other defensive works, " compassed
«bont Ophel" (iWrf. xxxiii. 14). From the
catalogue o( Nehemiah's repairs to the wall of
Jerusalem, it appears to have been near (he
" water-gate " (Neh. iii. 26) and the " great
tower that lieth out" (ver. 27). Lastly, the
former of these two passages, and Neh. xi. 21,
show that Ophel was the residence of the Le-
vites. In the passages of his history parallel
to those quoted above, Joseph us either passes
it over altogether, or else refers to it in merely
general terms. But in his account of the last
days of Jerusalem, he mentions it four times as
Ophla. From his references, it appears that
Ophel was outside the south wall of the Tem-
ple, and that it lay between the central valley
of the city, which debouches above the Spring
of Siloam, on the one hand, and the east por-
tico of the Temple on the other. Ophel, then,
was the swelling declivity by which the Mount
of the Temple slopes off on its southern side
into the Valley of Hinnom — a long narro wish
rounded spur or promontory, which intervenes
between the mouth of the central valley of
Jerusalem (the Tyropoeon) and the Kidron, or
Valley of Jehoshaphat. Half way down it on
its eastern face is the " Fount of the Virgin,"
so called ; and at its foot the lower outlet of
the same spring — the Pool of Siloam. How
much of this declivity was covered with the
houses of the Levites, or with the suburb which
would naturally gather round them, and where
the " great tower " stood, we have not at pres-
ent the means of ascertaining.
O'phir. L The eleventh in order of the
son) of Joktan, coming immediately after She-
ba (Oen. x. 29 ; 1 Chr. i. 23). So many im-
portant names in the genealogical table in the
10th chapter of Genesis — such as Sidon, Ca-
naan, Assur, Aram (Syria), M : - lira (the two
Egypts, Upper and Lower), Shea, Cnrihtorim,
and Philistim (the Philistines) — repi sent the
name of some city, country, or people, that it
is reasonable to infer that the same is the case
with all the names in the table. But there is
one marked peculiarity in the sons of Joktan,
which is common to them with the Canaanites
alone, that precise geographical limits are as-
signed to their settlements. Thus it is said
(Gen. x. 29, 30) that the dwelling of the sons
of Joktan was " from Mesha, as thou goest
unto Sophar a mountain of the east." The
peculiar wording of these geographical limits
forbids the supposition that Mesha and Sephar
belonged to very distant countries, or were
comparatively unknown ; and as many of
the sons of Joktan are by common consent
admitted to represent settlements in Arabia,
it is an obvious inference that all the settle-
ments corresponding to the names of the other
sons are to be sought for in the same peninsula
alone. Hence, as Ophir is one of those sons, it
may he regarded as a fixed point in discussions
concerning the place Ophir mentioned in the
Book of Kings, that the author of the 10th
chapter of Genesis regarded Ophir the son of
Joktan as corresponding to some city, region,
ortriheinAmAMj. Etymology. — There is, seem-
ingly, no sufficient reason to doubt that the
word Ophir is Shemitic Gesenius suggests
that it means a " fruitful region." Baron von
Wrede made a small vocabulary of Himyaritic
words in the vernacular tongue, and amongst
these he gives ofir as signifying rtd. Still it i»
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OPHIR
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OPHIB
unsafe to accept the use of a word of this kind
•n the authority of any one traveller, however
accurate.
2. A seaport or region from which the He-
brews in the time of Solomon obtained gold, in
vessels which went thither in conjunction with
Tyrian ships from Ezion-geber, near Elath, on
that branch of the Bed Sea which is now called
the Gulf of Akabah. The gold was proverbial
for its fineness, so that " gold of Ophir " is
several times used as an expression for fine
gold (1 Chr. xxix. 4 ; Job xxviii. 16 ; Ps. xlv.
10; Is. xiii. 12); and in one passage (Jobxxii.
24) the word " Ophir " by itself is used for gold
of Ophir, and for gold generally. In addition
to gold, the vessels brought from Ophir almug-
wood and precious stones. The precise geo-
graphical situation of Ophir has long been a
subject of doubt and discussion. Calmct re-
garded it as in Armenia ; Sir Walter Raleigh
thought it was one of the Molucca Islands ;
and Arias Montanus found it in Peru. The
three opinions which have found supporters in
our own time wore formerly represented,
amongst other writers, by Huot, by Bruce, and
by the historian Robertson, who placed Ophir
in Africa ; by Vitringa and Reland, who placed
it in India ; and by Michaelis, Niebuhr the
traveller, Gosselin, and Vincent, who placed
it in Arabia. Of other distinguished geo-
graphical writers, Bochart admitted two Ophirs,
one in Arabia and one in India, i'.«. at Ceylon ;
while D'Anville, equally admitting two, placed
one in Arabia and one in Africa. Sir J. Em-
erson Tennant adopts the opinion, sanctioned
by Josephus, that Malacca was Ophir. Other-
wise the two countries which have divided the
opinions of the learned have been India and
Arabia. In favor of Arabia, there are these
considerations: 1st. The 10th chapter of Gene-
sis, ver. 29, contains what is equivalent to an
intimation of the anthor's opinion, that Ophir
was in Arabia. 2dly. Three places in Arabia
may be pointed out, the names of which agree
sufficiently with the word Ophir : vis., Aphar,
now Zafar or Saphar, which was the metropolis
of the Sabseans ; Doffir, a city mentioned by
Niebuhr the traveller, as a considerable town of
Yemen ; and Zafar orZafari, now Dofar, a city
on the southern coast of Africa. 3dly. In
antiquity, Arabia was represented as a country
producing gold, by four writers at least. 4thly.
Eupolemus, a Greek historian, who lived be-
fore the Christian era, expressly states that
Ophir was an island with gold-mines in the
Erythrsean Sea. 5thly. On the supposition
that, notwithstanding all the ancient authorities
on the subject, gold really never existed either
in Arabia, or in any island along its coasts,
Ophir was an Arabian emporium, into which
gold was brought as an article of commerce,
and was exported into Judaea.
While such is a general view of the argu-
ments for Arabia, the following considerations
are urged in behalf of India. 1 st. Soflr is the
Coptic word for India ; and Sophir, or Sophira,
is the word used for the place of Ophir by the
Septuagint translators, and likewise by Jose-
phus. And Josephus positively states that it
was a part of India, though he places it in the
Golden Chersonese, which was the Malay pen-
insula. 2dly. All the three imports from Ophir.
gold, precious stones, and almng-wood, are
eiwtmtially Indian. 3dly. Assuming that the
ivory, peacocks, and apes, which were brought
to bzion-geber once in three years by the navy
of Tarshish in conjunction with the navy of
Hiram (1 K. x. 22), were brought from Ophir,
they also collectively point to India rather than
Arabia. 4thly. Two places in India may be
specified, agreeing to a certain extent in name
with Ophir ; one at the mouths of the Indus,
where Indian writers placed a people named
the Abliira, and the other, the iovmpa of Ptol-
emy, where the town of Goa is now situated.
Lastly, the following pleas have been urged
in behalf of Africa. 1 st. Of the three countries,
Africa, Arabia, and India, Africa is the only
one which can be seriously regarded as contain-
ing districts which have supplied gold in any
great quantity. 2dlv. On the western coast of
Africa, near Mozambique, there is a port called
by the Arabians Sofala, which, as the liquids /
and r are easily interchanged, was probably the
Ophir of the ancients. Sdly. On the supposi-
tion that the passage, 1 K. x. 22, applies to
Ophir, Sofala has still stronger claims in pref-
erence to India. Peacocks, indeed, would not
have been brought from it ; but the peacock is
too delicate a bird for a long voyage in small
vessels, and the word tuklamm probably signi-
fied " parrots." At the same time, ivory and
apes might have been supplied in abundance
from the district of which Sofala was the em-
porium. 4thly. On the same supposition re-
specting 1 K. x. 22, it can, according to the
traveller Bruce, be proved by the laws of the
monsoons in the Indian Ocean, that Ophir was
at Sofala; inasmuch as the voyage to Sofala
from Ezion-geber would have been performed
exactly in three years ; it could not nave been
accomplished in less time, and it wonld not
have required more. From the above statemen t,
the suspicion will naturally suggest itself, that
no positive conclusion can be arrived at on the
subject. And this seems to be true, in this
sense, that the Bible, in all its direct notices of
Ophir as a place, does not supply sufficient data
for an independent opinion on this disputed
point. At tlie same time, it is an inference in
the highest degree probable, that the author of
the 10th chapter of Genesis regarded Ophir as
in Arabia ; and, in the absence of conclusive
proof that he was mistaken, it seems most
reasonable to acquiesce in his opinion.
To illustrate this view of tho question, it is
desirable to examine closely all the passages in
the historical books which mention Ophir by
name. These are only five in number : three
in the Books of Kings (1 K. ix. 26-29, x. 1 1,
xxii. 48), and two in the Books of Chronicles
(2 Chr. viii. 18, ix. 10). The latter were prob-
ably copied from the former. In addition to
these passages, the following verse in the Book
of Kings has very frequently been referred to
Ophir : " For the king (i.«. Solomon) had at
sea a navy of Tarshish with the navy of Hiram :
once in three years came the navy of Tarshish
bringing gold and silver, ivory, and apes, and
peacocks (1 E. x. 22). But there is not suffi-
cient evidence to Bhow that the fleet mentioned
in this verse was identical with the fleet men-
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OPHIR
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OPHNI
tioned in 1 K. ix. 26-29, and 1 K. z. 11, as
bringing gold, almug-trees, and precious stones,
from Ophir. If the three passages of the Book
of Kings are carefully examined, it will be seen
that all the information given respecting Ophir
is, that it was a place or region, accessible by
sea from Ezion-gebcr on the Red Sea, from
which imports of gold, almug-trees, and precious
stones, were brought back oy the Tynan and
Hebrew sailors. Under these circumstances, it
is well to revert to the 10th chapter of Genesis.
It is reasonably certain that the author of that
chapter regarded Ophir as the name of some
city, region, or tribe, in Arabia. And it is
almost equally certain that the Ophir of Gene-
sis is the Ophir of the Book of Kings. Hence
the burden of proof lies on any one who denies
Ophir to have been in Arabia. But all that
can be advanced against Arabia falls very short
of such proof. In weighing the evidence on this
point, the assumption that ivory, peacocks, and
apes were imported from Ophir, must be dis-
missed from consideration. In one view of the
subject, and accepting the statement in 2 Chr.
ix. 21, they might have connection with Tar-
shish ; but they have a very slight bearing on
the position or Ophir. Hence it is not here
necessary to discuss the law of monsoons in the
Indian Ocean. Moreover, the resemblance of
names of places in India and Africa to Ophir
cannot reasonably be insisted on ; for there is
an equally great resemblance in the names of
some places in Arabia.
It remains to notice those objections which
are based on the assertion that sandal-wood
(assumed to be the same as almug-wood), pre-
cious stones, and gold, arc not productions of
Arabia. And the following observations tend
to show that such objections are not conclusive.
1st In the Periplus attributed u> Arrian, san-
dal-wood is mentioned as one of the imports
into Omana, an emporium on the Persian Gulf;
and it is thus proved, if any proof is requisite,
that a seaport would not necessarily be in India,
because sandal-wood was obtained from it.
But, independently of this circumstance, the
reasons advanced in favor of almug-wood being
the same as sandal- wood, though admissible as
• conjecture, seem too weak to justify the found-
ing any argument on them. It was* not till last
century, that, for the first time, the suggestion
was made that almug-wood was the same as
sandal-wood. This suggestion came from Cel-
sius, the Swedish botanist, in his Hierobotani-
con ; who at the same time recounted thirteen
meanings proposed by others. Since the time
of Celsius, the meaning of " sandal-wood " has
been defended by Sanscrit etymologies. Bohlen
proposed, as a derivation for tumuggim, the
Arabic article At, and micata, from simple mica,
a name for red sandal-wood. Lassen, adopting
the form algummtin, says that if the plural end-
ing is taken from it, there remains valgu, as one
of the Sanscrit names for sandal-wood, which
in the language of the Deccan is valgum. Per-
haps, however, these etymologies cannot lay
claim to much value until it is made probable,
independently, that almug-wood is sandal-wood.
2dly. As to precious stones, they take up
such little room, and can be so easily concealed,
if necessary, and conveyed from place to place,
that there Is no difficulty in supposing they came
from Ophir, simply as from an emporium, even
admitting that there were no precious stones in
Arabia. 3dly. As to gold, far too great stress
seems to have been laid on the negative fact
that no gold nor trace of gold-mines has been
discovered in Arabia. Negative evidence of
this kind, on which Bitter has placed so much
reliance, is by no means conclusive. Sir Rode-
rick Murchison and Sir Charles Lyell concur in
stating, that although no rock is known to
exist in Arabia, from which gold is obtained at
the present day, yet the peninsula has not un-
dergone a sufficient geological examination to
warrant the conclusion that gold did not exist
there formerly, or that it may not yet be dis-
covered there. Under these circumstances, there
is no sufficient reason to reject the accounts of
the ancient writers who have been already ad-
duced as witnesses for the former existence of
gold in Arabia. If, however, negative evidence
is allowed to outweigh on this subject the au-
thority of Agatharchides, Artemidorus, Dic-
dorus Siculus, Prny, and, it may be added,
Strabo, all of whom may possibly have been
mistaken, there is still nothing to prevent Ophir
having been an Arabian emporium for gold.
The Periplus, attributed to Arrian, gives an
account of several Arabian emporia.
There do not, however, appear to be suffi-
cient data for detei mining in favor of any one
emporium or of any one locality rather than
another in Arabia as having been the Ophir of
Solomon. Mr. Forster relies on an Ofor or
Ofir, in Sale and D'Anviilc's maps, as the
name of a city and district in the mountains of
Oman; but he does not quote any ancient
writer or modern traveller as an authority for
the existence of snch an Ofir. Niebuhr the
traveller says that Ophir was probably the prin-
cipal port of the kingdom of the Sabarans, that
it was situated between Aden and Dalar
(or Zafar), and that perhaps even it was Cane.
Gosselin, on the other hand, thinks it was Dof-
fir, the city of Yemen already adverted to.
Dean Vincent agrees with Gosselin in confin-
ing Ophir to Sabsea. On the whole, how-
ever, though there is reason to believe that
Ophir was in Arabia, there does not seem
to be adequate information to enable us to
point out the precise locality which once bore
that name. In conclusion, it may be observed
that objections against Ophir being in Arabia,
grounded on the fact that no gold has been dis-
covered in Arabia in the present day, seem de-
cisively answered by the parallel case of Sheba
(Ps. Ixxii. 15; Ez. xxvii. 22). Now, of two
things, one is true. Either the gold of Sheba
and the precious stones sold to the Tyrians by
the merchants of Sheba were the natural pro-
ductions of Sheba, and in this case the asser-
tion that Arabia did not produce gold falls to
the ground ; or the merchants of Sheba ob-
tained precious stones and gold in such quan-
tities by trade, that thev became noted for sup
ply i ng them to the Tyrians and Jews. Exactly
similar remarks may apply to Ophir.
Oph'ni. A town of Benjamin, mentioned
in Josh, xviii. 24 only, apparently in the north-
eastern portion of the tribe. It is doubtless
the Gopnna of Josephus, a place which at the
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ORNAMENTS
time of Vespasian's invasion was apparently so
important as to be second only to Jerusalem
(B. J. iii. 3, § 5). It was probably the Gufnith,
Gufna, or Beth-gnfnin of the Talmud ( Schwarz,
126), which still survives in the modern Jifna,
or .lufna, 2 J miles north-west of Bethel.
Oph'rah. The name of two places in the
central part of Palestine. — L In the tribe of
Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 23). It appears to be
mentioned again (1 Sam. xiii. 17) in describing
the routes taken by the spoilers who issued
from the Philistine camp at Michmash. Jerome
places it five miles east of Bethel. Dr. Robin-
son suggests its identity with a-Taiyibeh, a
small village on the crown of a conical and very
conspicuous hill, four miles E. N. E. of Beitin
(Bethel). In the absence of any similarity in
the name, and of any more conclusive evidence,
it is impossible absolutely to adopt this identi-
fication. — 2. More fully Ophrah of the Abi-
bzritbs, the native place of Gideon (Judg.
vi. 1 1 ) ; the scene of his exploits against Baal
{ver. 24) ; his residence after his accession to
power (ix. 5), and the place of his burial in the
family sepulchre (viii. 32). The indications in
the narrative of the position of Ophrah are but
slight. It was probably in Manasseh (vi. 15),
and not far distant from Shechem (ix. 1, 5).
Van de Velde suggests a site called Erfai, a
mile south of Ahrabeh, about eight miles from
Nab/us ; and Schwarz, " the village Erafa, north
of Sanur," by which he probably intends
Arabeh. The former of them has the dis-
advantage of being altogether out of the terri-
tory of Manasseh. Of the latter, nothing
either for or against can be said.
Oph'rah. The son of Meonothai (1 Chr.
iv. 14).
Orator. 1. The A. V. rendering, in Is. iii.
3, for what is literally " skilful in whisper, or
incantation." — 2. The title applied to Tcrtul-
lus, who appeared as the advocate or patronut
of the Jewish accusers of St. Paul before Felix
(Acts xxiv. 1 ).
Orchard. [Garden.]
O'reb. The " raven " or " crow," the com-
panion of Zeeb, the " wolf." One of the chief-
tains of the Midianite host which invaded Is-
rael, and was defeated and driven bock by
Gideon. The title given to them (A. V.
" princes ") distinguishes them from Zebah and
Zalnuinna, the other two chieftains, who are
called "kings," and were evidently superior in
rank to Oreb and Zeeb. They were killed not
by Gideon himself, or the people under his im-
mediate conduct, but by the men of Ephraim,
who rose at his entreaty, and intercepted the
flying horde at the fords of the Jordan. This
was the second act of this great tragedy. It
Is but slightly touched upon in the narrative of
Judges ; out the terms in which Isaiah refers to
it (x. 26) are such as to imply that it was a
truly awful slaughter. He places it in the same
rank with the two most tremendous disasters
recorded in the whole of the historv of Israel
— the destruction of the Egyptians in the Red
Sea, and of the armv of Sennacherib (comp.
Ps. lxxxiii.). The sfaughter was concentrated
round the rock at which Oreb fell, and which
was long known by his name (Judg. vii. 25 ;
U. x. 26).
O'reb, i.e. Mount Horeb (2 Esd. ii. S3). At
O'reb, the Bock. The " raven's en?,"
the spot, E. of Jordan, at which the Midianite
chieftain Oreb, with thousands of his country-
men, fell by the hand of the Ephraimites. and
which probably acquired its name therefrom.
It is mentioned in Judg. vii. 25, Is. x. 26.
Perhaps the place called 'Orbo, which in the
BertMth Rabba is stated to have been in the
neighborhood of Bethsbean, may have some
connection with it
O'ren. One of the sons of Jcrahmecl the
first-born of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 25).
Organ (Gen. iv. 21 ; Job xxi. 12, xxx. 3) ;
Ps. cl. 4). The Hebrew word 'itfah or 'wjyib,
thus rendered in our version, probably denotes
a pipe or perforated wind-instrument, as the
root of the word indicates. In Gen. iv. 21, it
appears to be a general term for all wind-
instruments. In Job xxi. 1 2 are enumerated the
three kinds of musical instruments which are
possible, under the general terms of the tim-
brel, harp, and organ. Our translators adopt-
ed their rendering, "organ," from the Vulgate,
which has uniformly orgamm, — that is. the
double or multiple pipe. Joel Brit adopts the
opinion of those who identify it with tlie Pan-
dsean pipes, or syrinx, an instrument of un-
questionably ancient origin, and common in
the East. Russell describes those he met with
in Aleppo.
Ori'on. That the constellation known to
the Hebrews by the name cetU is the same as
that which the Greeks called Orion, and the
Arabs " the giant," there seems little reason to
doubt, though the ancient versions vary in their
renderings (Job ix. 9, xxxviii. 31 ; Am. v. 8).
The " giant " of Oriental astronomy was Kim-
rod, the mighty hunter, who was fabled to have
been bound in the sky for his impiety. The
two dogs and the hare, which are among the
constellations in the neighborhood of Orion,
made his train complete. There is possibly an
allusion to this belief in " the bands of crtU "
iJob xxxviii. 31 ). Some Jewish writers, the
labbis Isaac Israel and Jonah among them,
identified the Hebrew coil with the Arabic
tohail, by which was understood either Sirins
or Canopus.
Ornaments, Personal. The number,
variety, and weight of the ornaments ordina-
rily worn upon the person, form one of the
characteristic features of Oriental costume, both
in ancient and modern times. The monuments
of ancient Egypt exhibit the hands of ladies
loaded with rings, ear-rings of very great size,
anklets, armlets, bracelets of the most varied
character, richly ornamented necklaces, and
chains of various kinds. There is sufficient evi-
dence in the Bible that the inhabitants of Pales-
tine were equally devoted to finery. In the Old
Testament, Isaiah (iii. 18-23) supplies us with
a detailed description of the articles with which
the lnxnrious women of his day were decorat-
ed, and the picture is filled up by incidental
notices in other places. The notices which
occur in the early books of the Bible imply
the weight and abundance of the ornaments
worn at that period. Eliezer decorated Re-
bekah with " a golden nose-rm? of half • shekel
weight, and two bracelets for her hand* of ten
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ORNAMENTS
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OSPRAY
shekels weight of gold " (Gen. xxiv. 22) ;
and he afterwards added "trinkets of silver and
trinkets of gold" (verse S3). Ear-rings were
worn by Jacob's wives, apparently as charms,
for they are mentioned in connection with idols :
"They gave unto Jacob all the strange jjods
which were in their hand, and their car-rings
which were in their ears" (Gen. xxxv. 4).
The ornaments worn by the patriarch Jndah
were a " signet," which was suspended by a
tiring round the neck, and a " staff" (Gen.
xxxviii. 18): the staff itself was probably orna-
mented. The first notice of the ring occurs in
reference to Joseph : when he wns made ruler
of Egypt, " Pharoah took off his tuptet-ring from
his hand, and put it upon Joseph's hand, and
put a gold chain aliout his neck (Gen. xli. 42),
the latter being probably a " simple gold chain
in imitation o) string, to which a stone scara-
bajiu, set in the same precious metal, was
appended " (Wilkinson, ii. 339).
The nunilier of personal ornaments worn by
the Egyptians, particularly by the females, is
incidentally noticed in Ex. iii. 22. The pro-
fusion of the« ornaments was such as to sup-
ply snfficiert gold for making the sacred uten-
sil's for the tabernacle, while the laver of brass
was constructed out of the brazen mirrors which
the women carried about with them (Ex.
xxxviii. 8). The Midianites appear to have
been as prodigal as the Egyptians in the use of
ornaments (Num. xxxi. SO, 52; Judg.viii. 26).
The poetical portions of the O. T. contain
numerous references to the ornaments worn by
the Israelites in the time of their highest pros-
Scrity. The appearance of the bride is thus
escribed in the Book of the Canticles : — " Thy
cheeks are comely with beads, thy neck with
perforated (/lairls) ; we wilt make thee beads of
gohl with studs of silver" (i. 10, 11). Her
neck, rising tall and stately " like the tower of
David buildcd for an armory," was decorated
with various ornaments hanging like the " thou-
sand bucklers, all shields of mighty men, on
the walls of the armory " (iv. 4) : her hair,
falling gracefully over her neck, is described
figuratively as a "chain" (iv. 9): and "the
windings (not as in the A. V. " the joints ")
of her thighs are likened to the pendant of an
ear-ring, which tapers gradually downwards
(vii. 1 ). So nj.-ain we read of the bridegroom :
— " his eyes ai<i . . . fitly set," as though they
were gems filling the sockets of rings (v. 12) :
" his hands (are as) gold rings set with the
beryl," i.e. the fingers when curved are like
gold rings, and the nails dyed with henna re-
semble gem-t. Lastly, the yearning after close
affection is expressed thus: — "Set me as a
seal upon thine heart, as a seal upon thine arm."
In reference to the terms used in the Proverbs,
we need only explain that the " ornament " of
the A. V. in i. 9, iv. 9, is more specifically a
wreath or garland ; the " chains " of i. 9, the
drops of which the necklace was formed ; the
" jewel of gold in a swine's snout " of xi. 22, a
nose-ring; the "jewel " of xx. 15, a trinket, and
the "ornament" of xxv. 12, an ear-pendant.
The passage of Isaiah (iii. 18-23), to which we
have uirtitdy referred, may be rendered as fol-
lows: — (18") "In that day, the Lord will take
away the bravery of their anklets and their
lace caps, and their neaaaces; (19) the ear-pend-
ants, and the bracelets, and the liglit veils; (20)
the turbans, and the step-chains, and the girdles,
and the scent-bottles, and the amulets; (21) the
rings and nose-rings; (22) the state-dresses and
the cloaks, and the shawls, and the purses; (23)
the mirrors, and the fine linen shirts, and the
turbans, and the light dresses."
Or'nan. The form in which the name of
the Jebusite king, who in the older record of the
Book of Samuel is called Araunah, Aranyah,
Ha-avarnah, or Haornah, is given in Chroni-
cles (1 Chr. xxi. 15, 18, 20-25, 28; 2 Chr.
iii. 1).
Or'pah. A Moabite woman, wife of Chilion
son ot Naomi, and thereby sister-in-law to
Ruth. On the death of their husbands, Orpah
accompanied her sister-in-law and her mother-
in-law on the road to Bethlehem. But here
her resolution failed her. " Orpah kissed her
mother-in-law," and went back " to her people
and to her gods" jRuth i. 4, 14).
Ortho'sias. Tryphon, when besieged by
Antiochus Sidetes in Dora, fled by ship to
Orthosias (1 Mace. xv. 37). Orthosia is de-
scribed by Pliny (v. 17) as north of Tripolis,
and south" of the River Eleutherns, near which
it was situated (Strabo xvi. p. 753). It was
the northern boundary of Phoenice, and distant
1,130 stadia from the Orontes (id. p. 760).
Shaw identifies the Eleutherns with the modern
Nahr el-Barid, on the north bank of which,
corresponding to the description of Strabo, he
found " ruins of a considerable city, whose ad-
jaccntdistrict pays yearly to the bashaws of Tri-
poli a tax of fifty "dollars by the name of Or-tosa."
On the other hand, Mr. Porter, who identifies
the Elcuthcrus with the modem Nahr el-Kebir,
describes the ruins of Orthosia as on the south
bank of the Nahr el-Barid, " the cold river,""
thus agreeing with the accounts of Ptolemy
and Pliny. Ap.
Osa'ias. A corruption of Jeshaiah (1 Esd.
viii. 48). Ap.
Ose'a. Hosrka king of Israel (2 Esd. xiii.
40). Ap.
Ose'as. The prophet Hosea (2 Esd. i. 39).
Ap.
Oshe'a. The original name of Joshua the-
son of Nun (Nnm. xiii. 8), which on some oc-
casion not stated received from Moses (ver. 16)
the addition of the great name of Jehovah.
Ospray (Heb.ozni^ydA; aXuueroc: haliaetus).
The Hebrew word occurs only in Lev. xi. 13
and Dent. xiv. 12, as the name of some unclean'
bird which the law of Moses disallowed as food
to the Israelites. The old versions and many
commentators are in favor of this interpreta-
tion. There is, however, some difficulty in
identifying the haliaetus of Aristotle and Pliny,
on account of some statements these writers
make with respect to the habits of this bird.
The general description they give would suit
either the ospray (Pandion haliaetus) or the
white-tailed eagle (Haliaetus albicella). Bat
Pliny's description (x. 3) points to the ospray.
The ospray often plunges entirely under the
water in pursuit of fish. It belongs to the
family Falconida, order Baptatores. It has a
wide geographical range, and is occasionally
seen in Egypt
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OSTRICH
Pamdiem kahaeetm.
Ossifrage (Hcb. pent typify :grt/p$). There
is much to be said in favor of this translation
of the A. V. The word occurs, as the name of
an unclean bird, in Lev. xi. 13, and in the
parallel passage of Deut. xiv. 12. If much
weight is to be allowed to etymology, the pent
of the Hebrew Scriptures may well be repre-
sented by the ossifrage, or bone-breaker; for
pern in Hebrew means " the breaker." And
Ihe ossifrage ( Gt/paetus barbatui) is well deserv-
ing of his name. The Lammergeyer, or bearded
vulture, as it is sometimes called, is one of the
largest of the birds of prey. It is not uncom-
mon in the East. The English word ossifragc
has been applied to some of the Falconidce; but
the ossi/raga of the Latins evidently points to
the Lammergeyer, one of the Vuaurida.
Ostrich. There can be no doubt that the
Hebrew words bath haya'anah, ya'en, and r&nan,
denote this bird of the desert. — 1. Bath haya'-
anah occurs in Lev. xi. 16, Deut. xiv. 15,in the
list of unclean birds; and in other passages
of Scripture. The A. V. erroneously renders
the Hebrew expression, which signifies either
"daughter of greediness," or "daughter of
shouting," by " owl," or, as in the margin, by
" daughter of owl." In Job xxx. 29, Is. xxxiv.
13, anil xliii. 20, the margin of the A. V. cor-
rectly reads "ostriches." Bochart considers
that bath haya'anah denotes the female ostrich
only, and that tachmas, the following word in
the Hebrew text, is to be restricted to the male
bird. In all probability, however, this latter
word is intended to signify a bird of another
genus. The loud crying of the ostrich seems
to be referred to in Mic. i. 8. — 2. Ya'en occurs
only in the plural number, ye'enim, in Lam. iv.
3, where the context shows that the ostrich is
intended. — 3. lianan. The plural form renanim
alone occurs in Job xxxix. 13 ; where, however,
it is clear from the whole passage (13-18) that
ostriches arc intended by the word. The A. V.
renders renanim by " peacocks," a translation
which has not found favor with commentators ;
as •' peacocks," for which there is a different
Hebrew name, were probably not known to the
people of Arabia or Svria before the time of
holomon. The " ostrich " of the A. V. in Job
xxxix. 13 is the representative of the Hebrew
ndtsrh, •• feathers."
The following short account of the nidifica-
*ion of the ostrich (Strut/iio cnmelus) will per-
haps elucidate those passages of Scripture
which ascribe cruelty to this bird in neglecting
her eggs or young^. Ostriches are polygamous .
the hens lay their eggs promiscuously in one
nest, which is merely a hole scratched in the
sand; the eggs are then covered over to the
depth of about a foot, and are, in the case ot
those birds which are found within the tropics,
generally left for the greater part of the day to
the heat of the sun, the parent-birds taking
their turns at incubation during the night.
But in those countries which have not a tropi-
cal sun, ostriches frequently incubate during
the day, the male taking his turn at night, and
watching over the eggs with great care and af-
fection, as is evidenced by the fact that jackals
and other of the smaller earnivara are occa-
sionally found dead near the nest, having been
killed by the ostrich in defence of the eggs or
young. The habit of the ostrich leaving its
eggs to be matured by the sun's heat is usually
appealed to in order to confirm the scriptural
account, " she lcaveth her eggs to the earth ; "
but this is probably the case only with the tropi-
cal birds. And even if the Hebrews were ac-
quainted with the habits of the tropical os-
triches, how can it be said that " she forgetteth
that the foot may crush " the eggs, when they
arc covered a foot deep or more in sand t Wc
believe the true explanation of this passage is
to be found in the fact that the ostrich deposits
some of her eggs, not in the nest, but around
it; these lie about on the surface of the sand,
to all appearance forsaken ; they are, however,
designed for the nourishment of the young
birds. And this remark will hold good in the
passage of Job which speaks of the ostrich be-
ing without understanding. It is a general
liclief amongst the Arabs that the ostrich is a
very stupid bird : indeed they have a proverb,
" Stupid as an ostrich." But it by no means
deserves such n character, as travellers have fre-
quently testified. " So wary is the bird," says
Mr. Tristram, " and so open are the VH»t plains
over which it roams, that no ambuscades or ar-
tifices can be employed, and the vulgar resource
of dogged perseverance is the only mode of pur-
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OWL
suit." The ostrich is the largest of all known
birds, and perhaps the swiftest of all cursorial
animals. The feathers so mnch prized are the
long white pinnies of the wings. The best
come to ns from Barbarv and the west coast of
Africa. The ostrich belongs to the family
Struthionida, order Canons.
Oth'lli. Son of Shemaiah, the first-born of
Obcd-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 7).
Oth'niel. Son of Kenaz, and younger
brother of Caleb, Josh. xv. 17; Jndg. i. 13,
iii. 9 ; 1 Chr. iv. 13. But these passages all
leave it doubtful whether Kenaz was his father,
or, as is more probable, the more remote ances-
tor and bead of the tribe, whose descendants
were called Kcnezites (Nam. xxxii. 12, 4c.),
or sons of Kenaz. If Jephunneh was Caleb's
father, then probably he was father of Othniel
also. The first mention of Othniel is on occa-
sion of the taking of Kirjath-Sepher, or Debir,
as it was afterwards called. Debir was included
in the mountainous territory near Hebron,
within the border of Judah, assigned to Caleb
the Kenezite (Josh. xiv. 12-14) ; and in order
to stimulate the valor of the assailants, Caleb
promised to give his daughter Achsah to whom-
soever should assault and take the city. Oth-
niel won the prize. The next mention of him
is in Judg. iii. 9, where he appears as the first
judge of Israel after the death of Joshua, and
their deliverer from the oppression of Chushan-
Kishathaim. This, with his genealogy, 1 Chr.
iv. 13, 14, which assigns him a son, Hathath, is
all that we know of Othniel. But two ques-
tions of some interest arise concerning him;
the one his exact relationship to Caleb, the
other the time and duration of his judgeship. —
( 1 ) As regards his relationship to Caleb, the
doubt arises from the uncertainty whether the
words in Judg. iii. 9, " Othniel the son of Kenaz,
Caleb's younger brother," indicate that Othniel
himself, or that Kenaz, was the brother of Ca-
leb. The most natural rendering makes Oth-
niel to be Caleb's brother. And this is favored
by the probability that Kenaz was not Othniel's
father, but the father and head of the tribe. —
(2) And this leads to the second question sug-
gested above, viz. the time of Othniel's judge-
ship. Supposing Caleb to be about the same
age as Joshua, we should have to reckon about
twenty-five years from Othniel's marriage with
Achsah till the death of Joshua at the age of
110 years (85+25=110). And if we take Afri-
canus's allowance of thirty years for the elders
after Joshua, in whose lifetime "the people
served the Lord " (Judg. ii. 7), and then allow
eight years for Chushan-Rishathaim's domin-
ion, and forty years of rest under Othniel's
judgeship, and suppose Othniel to have been
forty years old at his marriage, we obtain (40+
25+30+8+40=) 143 years as Othniel's age at
his death. This we are quite sure cannot be
right. Nor does any escape from the difficulty
very readily offer itself. If we judge only by
ordinary probabilities, we shall suppose Othniel
to have survived Joshua not more than twenty,
or, at the outside, thirty years.
Othoni'as. Mattakiah in Ezr. x. 27
(1 Esd. ix. 28). Ap.
Oven. The Eastern oven is of two kinds,
— fixed and portable. The former is found
only in towns, where regular bakers are em-
ployed (Hos. vii. 4). The latter is adapted to
the nomad state, and is the article generally in-
tended by the Hebrew term tannir. It consists
of a large jar made of clay, about three feet
high, and widening towards the bottom, with a
hole for the extraction of the ashes. Each
household possessed such an article (Ex. viii.
3) ; and it was only in times of extreme dearth
that the same oven sufficed for several families
(Lev. xxvi. 26). It was heated with dry twigs
and grass (Matt. vi. 30) ; and the loaves were
placed both inside and outside of it.
Owl, the representative in the A. V. of the
Hebrew words bath haya'anah, yanshuph, eds,
kippdz, and With. 1. Bath haya'anah. [Os-
trich.J — 2. Yanihuph, or yanshoph, occurs in
Lev. xi. 17, Deut. xiv. 16, as the name of some
unclean bird, and in Is. xxxiv. 11, in the de-
scription of desolate Edom, " the uanthdph
and the raven shall dwell in it" The A. V.
translates yanihuph by " owl," or " great owl."
The Chaldee and Syriac are in favor of some
kind of owl; and perhaps the etymology of
the word points to a nocturnal bird. The
LXX. and Vulg. read f/3tf (ibii), i.e. the Jbii
rdigiota, the sacred bird of Egypt. On the
whole, the evidence is inconclusive, though it
is in favor of the Ibii rdigiasa, and probably
the other Egyptian species (/. fatcineuus) may
be included under the term. — 3. Cd», the name
of an unclean bird (Lev. xi. 17 ; Dent. xiv. 16) ;
it occurs again in Ps. cii. 6. There is good
reason for believing that the A. V. is correct in
its rendering of " owl " or " little owl." Most
of the old versions and paraphrases are in
favor of some species of "owl as the proper
translation of c6»; Bocbart is inclined to
think that we should understand the pelican.
But the ancient versions are against this theory.
The passage in Ps. cii. 6 points decidedly to
some kind of owl. — 4. Kippdz occurs only in
Is. xxxiv. 15 : " There (i.e. in Edom) thaldppdx
shall make her nest, and lay and hatch and
gather under her shadow." It is a hopeless
affair to attempt to identify the animal denot-
ed by this word : the LXX. and Vulg. give
" hedgehog." Various conjectures have been
made with respect to the bird which ought to
represent the Hebrew word. We cannot think
with Bochart that a darting serpent is intended,
for the whole context (Is. xxxiv. 15) seems to
point to some bird. We are content to believe
that kippdz may denote some species of owl, and
to retain the reading of the A. V. till other evi-
dence be forthcoming. — 5. IMith. The A. V.
renders this word by " screech-owl " in the text
of Is. xxx. 14, and by " night-monster" in the
margin. According to the rabbins, the With was
a nocturnal spectre in the form of a beautiful
woman that carried off children at night, and
destroyed them. With the With may tie com-
pared the ghule of the Arabian fables. The old
versions support the opinion of Bochart, that a
spectre is intended. If, however, some animal
be denoted by the Hebrew term, the Bcreech-
owl (Strix flammea) may well be supposed to
represent it ; for this bird is found in the
Bible lands (see Ibis, i. 26, 46), and is, as is
well known, a frequent inhabiter of ruined
places.
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PAHATH-MOAB
Ox, an ancestor of Judith (Jud.Tiii. 1). Ap.
Ox, the representative in the A. V. of sev-
eral Hebrew words, the most important of
which have been already noticed. We propose
in this article to give a general review of what
relates to the ox tribe ( Bovidas), so far as the
subject has a biblical interest. It will be con-
venient to consider (1) the ox in an economic
point of view, and (2 ) its natural history. — ( 1 . )
There was no animal in the rural economy of
the Israelites, or indeed in that of the ancient
Orientals generally, that was held in higher
esteem than the ox ; and deservedly so, for the
ox was the animal upon whose patient labors
depended all the ordinary operations of farm-
ing. Oxen were used tor ploughing (Deut.
xxii. 10; 1 Sam. xiv. 14, &c.) ; for treading
ont corn (Deut. xxv. 4 ; Hos. x. 11, &c.) ; for
draught purposes, when they were generally
yoked in pairs (Num. vii. 3 ; 1 Sam. vi. 7, &c.) ;
as beasts of burden (I Chr. xii. 40) ; their flesh
was eaten (Deut. xiv. 4 ; 1 K. i. 9, &c.) ; they
were used in the sacrifices. Connected with the
importance of oxen in the rural economy of
the Jews is the strict code of laws which was
mercifully enacted by God for their protection
and preservation. The ox that threshed the
com was by no means to be muzzled ; he was
to enjov rest on the Sabbath as well as his mas-
ter (Ex. xxiii. 12; Deut. v. 14). The law
which prohibited the slaughter of any dean
animal, excepting as "an offering unto the
Lord before the tabernacle," during the time
that the Israelites abode in the wilderness (Lev.
xvii. 1-6), no doubt contributed to the preser-
vation of their oxen and sheep. It seems clear
from Prov. xv. 17, and 1 K. iv. 23, that cattle
were sometimes stall-fed, though as a general
rule it is probable that they fed in the plains or
on the hills of Palestine. The cattle that grazed
at large in the open country would no doubt
often become fierce and wild ; for it is to be re-
membered that in primitive times the lion and
other wild beasts of prey roamed about Pales-
tine. Hence the force of the Psalmist's com-
plaint of his enemies (Ps. xxii. 13).
(2.) The monuments of Egypt exhibit rep-
resentations of a long-horned breed of oxen, a
short-horned, a polled, and what appears to be
a variety of the zebu ( Bos Indians, Lin. ). Some
tave identified this latter with the Bos Dante
(the Bos etegans tt parvus Africanns of Belon).
The Abyssinian breed is depicted on the monu-
ments at Thebes drawing a plaustrum or car.
The drawings on Egyptian monuments show
that the cattle of ancient Egypt were fine, hand-
some animals : doubtless these may be taken as
a sample of the cattle of Palestine in ancient
times. There are now fine cattle in Egypt ;
but the Palestine cattle appear to have deteri-
orated, in size at least, since biblical times.
" Herds of cattle," says Schubert, " are seldom
to be seen ; the bullock of the neighborhood
of Jerusalem is small and insignificant; beef
and veal are but rare dainties." The buffalo
[Bubalus buffalns) is not uncommon in Pales-
tine ; the Arabs call it jamus. The A. V. gives
" wild ox " in Deut. xiv. 5, and " wild bull "
in Is. li. 20, as the representatives of the He-
brew word ted or tS. The most important an-
cient versions point to the oryx (Oryx leucoryx)
as the animal denoted by the Hebrew words.
Col. H. Smith suggests that the antelope he
calls the Nubian oryx (Oryx too) may be the
animal indicated.
Ox-Goad. [Goa».J
O'zem. 1. The sixth son o» Jesse, the
next eldest above David (1 Chr. it. 15). — S.
Son of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 25).
Ozi'as. 1. The son of Micha of the tribe of
Simeon, one of the " governors " of Bethulim,
in the history of Judith (Jud. vi. 15, vii. 23,
viii. 10, 28, 35). 2. Uzzi, one of the ances-
tors of Ezra (2 Esd. ii. 2). Uzziah, King of
Judah (Matt. i. 8, 9).
O'eiel, an ancestor of Judith (Jud. viii. 1 ).
Ap.
Oz'ni. One of the sons of Gad (Num. xxvi
16), and founder of the family of the
Os'nitQS, Num. xxvi. 16.
Ozo'ra. " The sons of Machnadebai," in
Ezr. x. 40, is corrupted into "the sons of
Ozora" (1 Esd. ix. 34). Ap.
Pa'arai. In the list of 2 Sam. xxiii. 35,
"Paarai the Arlite " is one of David's mighty
men. In 1 Chr. xi. 37, he is called " Naarai
the son of Ezbai," and this, in Kennicott"»
opinion, is the true reading.
Fa'dan. Padan-Aram (Gen. xlviii. 7).
Fa'dan-Aram. By this name, more prop-
erly Paddan-Aram, which signifies " the table-
land of Aram," according to Fiirst and Gese-
nius, the Hebrews designated the tract of coun-
try which they otherwise called Aram-naharaim,
"Aram of the two rivers," the Greek Meso-
potamia (Gen. xxiv. 10), and "the field (A.V.
'country') of Aram" (Hos. xii. 13). The
term was perhaps more especially applied to
that portion which bordered on the Euphrates,
to distinguish it from the mountainous districts
in the N. and N. E. of Mesopotamia. If the
derivation from Ar. fadda, to plough, be cor-
rect, Paddan-Aram is the arable land of Syria ;
" either an upland vale in the hills, or a fertile
district immediately at their feet" (Stanley,
S. j- P. p. 129, note). Paddan, the ploughed
land, would thus correspond with the Lat.
arvum, and is analogous to Eng. field, the felled
land, from which the trees have been cleared.
Padan-Aram plays an important part in the
early history of the Hebrews. The family of
their founder had settled there, and were Ions
looked upon as the aristocracy of the race, with
whom alone the legitimate descendants of Abra-
ham might intermarry, and thns preserve the
Purity of their blood. It is elsewhere called
'adan simply (Gen. xlviii. 7).
Pa'doil. 'The ancestor of a family of
Nethinim who returned with Zcrubbabel (Ezr.
ii. 44; Nch. vii. 47).
Pa'giel. The son of Ocran, and chief of
the tribe of Ashcr at the time of the Exodus
(Num. i. 13, ii. 27, vii. 72, 77, x. 26).
Pahath-Moab. Head of one of the chief
houses of the tribe of Judah. Of the individual,
or the occasion of his receiving so singular a
name, nothing is known certainly. But as wa
read, in 1 Chr. iv. 22, of a family of Shilonites,
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of the tribe of Judah, who in very early times
" had dominion in Moab," it may be conjectured
that this was the origin of the name. It is
perhaps a slight corroboration of this conjecture,
that as we find, in Ezr. ii. 6, that the sons of
Pahath-Moab had among their number "chil-
dren of Joab," so also m 1 Chr. iv. we find
these families who had dominion in Moab very
ranch mixed with the sons of Caleb, among
whom, in 1 Chr. ii. 54, iv. 14, we find the house
of Joab. However, as regards the name Pahath-
Moab, this early and obscure connection of the
families of Shelah the son of Judah with Moab
seems to supply a not improbable origin for the
name itself, and to throw some glimmering
upon the association of the children of Joshua
and Joab with the sons of Pahath-Moab. That
this family was of high rank in the tribe of
Judah we learn from their appearing Jburth in
order in the two lists (Ezr. ii. 6 ; Neh. vii. 11),
and from their chief having signed second,
among the lay princes, in Neh. x. 14. It was
also the most numerous (2,818] of all the fami-
lies specified, except the Benjamite house of
Sen mih (Neh. vii. 38).
Paint [as a cosmetic]. The use of cosmetic
dyes has prevailed in all ages in Eastern coun-
tries. We have abundant evidence of the prac-
tice of painting the eyes both in ancient Egypt
(Wilkinson, ii. 342) and in Assyria (Layard's
Nineveh, ii. 328) ; and in modern times no
usage is more general. It does not appear,
however, to have been by any means universal
among the Hebrews. The notices of it are
few; and in each instance it seems to have
been used as a meretricious art, unworthy of a
woman of high character. Thus Jezebel " put
her eyes in painting" (2 K. ix. 30, margin) ;
Jeremiah says of the harlot city, " Though thou
ren test thy eyes with painting " ( Jer. iv. 30) ;
and Ezekiel again makes it a characteristic of
a harlot (Ez. xxiii. 40). The expressions used
in these passages are worthy of observation, as
referring to the mode in which the process was
effected. It is thus described by Chandler
(Travels, ii. 140) : " A girl, closing one of her
eyes, took the two lashes between the forefinger
and thumb of the left hand, pulled them for-
ward, and then thrusting in at the external
corner a bodkin which had been immersed in
the soot, and extracting it again, the particles
before adhering to it remained within, and were
presently ranged round the organ." The eyes
were thus literally " put in paint," and were
" rent " open in the process. A broad line was
also drawn round the eye. The effect was
an apparent enlargement of the eye ; and the
expression in Jer. iv. 30 has been by some
understood in this sense. The term used for
the application of the dye was kakhal, " to
smear, and rabbinical writers described the
paint itself under a cognate term. These words
still survive in kohl, the modern Oriental name
for the powder used. The Bible gives no in-
dication of the substance out of which the dye
was formed. The old versions (the LXX.,
Chaldee, Syriac, Sec.) agree in pronouncing the
dye to have been produced from antimony.
Antimony is still used for the purpose in Arabia
and in Persia ; but in Egypt the kohl is a soot
produced by burning either a kind of frankin-
86
cense or the shells of almonds. The dye-stuff
was moistened with oil, and kept in a small jar,
which we may infer to have bceu made of horn,
from the proper name, Kcren-happuch, " horn
for paint (Job xlii. 14). Whether the custom
of staining the hands and feet, particularly the
nails, now so prevalent in the East, was known
to the Hebrews, is doubtful. The plant, henna,
which is used for that purpose, was certainly
known (Cant. i. 14; A. V. "camphire"), and
the expressions in Cant v. 14 may possibly refer
to the custom.
Pai. [PadJ
Palace. The site of the palace of Solo-
mon was almost certainly in the city itself, on
the brow opposite to the Temple, and over-
looking it and the whole city of David. The
principal building situated within the palace
was, as in all Eastern palaces, the great hall of
state and audience, called " The House of the
Forest of Lebanon," apparently from the four
rows of cedar pillars by which it was supported.
It was 100 cubits long, 50 wide, and 30 high.
Next in importance was the Hall or " Porch of
Judgment, a quadrangular building supported
by columns, as we learn from Josephus, which
apparently stood on the other side of the great
court, opposite the House of the Forest of Leba-
non. The third edifice is merely called a
" Porch of Pillars." Its dimensions were 50
by 30 cubits. Its use cannot be considered a*
doubtful, as it was an indispensable adjunct to
an Eastern palace. It was the ordinary place
of business of the palace, and the reception-
room when the king received ordinary visitors,
and sat, except on great state occasions, to
transact the business of the kingdom. Behind
this, we are told, was the inner court, adorned
with gardens and fountains, and surrounded by
cloisters for shade ; and there were other courts
for the residence of the attendants and guards,
and for the women of his harem. Apart from
this palace, but attached, as Josephus tells us,
to the Hall of Judgment, was the palace of
Pharaoh's daughter : too proud and important
a personage to be grouped with the ladies of
the harem, and requiring a residence of her
own. Solomon constructed an ascent from his
own house to the Temple, " the house of Jeho-
vah" (1 K. x. 5), which was a subterranean
passage 250 feet long by 42 feet wide, of which
the remains may still be traced.
Palal, the son of Uzai, who assisted in
restoring the walls of Jerusalem in the time of
Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 25).
Palesti'na and Palestine. These two
forms occur in the A. V. but four times in all,
always in poetical passages : the first in Ex.
xv. 14 and Is. xiv. 29, 31 ; the second, Joel
iii. 4. In each case, the Hebrew is Pelesheth, a
word found, besides the above, only in Ps. Ix.
8, lxxxiii. 7, lxxxvii. 4, and cviii. 9, in all
which our translators have rendered it by
" Philistia " or " Philistines." Palestine, in
the Authorized Version, reallv means nothing
but Philistia. The original Hebrew word Pe-
lesheth, to the Hebrews signified merely the long
and broad strip of maritime plain inhabited by
their encroaching neighbors; nor does it ap-
pear that at first it signified more to the Greeks.
As lying next the sea, and as being also the
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high road from Egypt to Phoenicia and the
richer regions north of it, the Philistine plain
became sooner known to the western world
than the country farther inland, and was called
by them Syria Palasstina, — Philistine Syria.
From thence it was gradually extended to the
country further inland, till, in the Roman and
later Greek authors, both heathen and Chris-
tian, it becomes the usual appellation for the
whole country of the Jews, both west and east
of Jordan. The word is now so commonly
employed in our more familiar language to
designate the whole country of Israel, that,
although biblically a misnomer, it has been
chosen here as the most convenient heading
under which to give a general description of
the Holy Land, embracing those points
which have not been treated under the separate
headings of cities or tribes. This description
will most conveniently divide itself into three
lections: — I. The names applied to the coun-
try of Israel in the Bible and elsewhere. II.
The land ; its situation, aspect, climate, phy-
sical characteristics, in connection with its his-
tory; its structure, botany, and natural his-
tory. III. The history of the country is so
fully given under its various headings through-
Out the work, that it is unnecessary to recapitu-
late it here.
I. The Names. — Palestine, then, is des-
ignated in the Bible by more than one name :
— I. During the Patriarchal period, the Con-
quest, and the age of the Judges, and also
where those early periods are referred to in the
later literature (as Ps. cv. 1 1 ), it is spoken of
as " Canaan," or more frequently " the land
of Canaan," meaning thereby the country west
of the Jordan, as opposed to " the land of
Gilead " on the east. Other designations, dur-
ing the same early period, are " the land of the
Hebrews " (Gen. xl. 15 only — a natural phrase
in the mouth of Joseph) ; " the land of the
Hittitcs " (Josh. i. 4 — a remarkable expression,
occurring here only in the Bible). The name
Ta-netr (i.e. Holy Land), which is found in
the inscriptions of Barneses II. and Thothmcs
III., is believed by M. Brugsch to refer to Pal-
estine ; but this is contested by M. de Rouge".
2. During the Monarchy, the name usually,
though not frequently, emploved, is " land of
Israel" (1 Sam. xiii. 19; 2 It. v. 2, 4, Ac.).
It is Ezekiel's favorite expression. The pious
and loyal aspirations of Hosea find vent in the
expression, "land of Jehovah " (Hos. ix. 3).
In Zcchariah, it is "the holy land" (Zech. ii.
12) ; and in Daniel " the glorious land " (Dan.
xi. 41 ). In Amos (ii. 10) alone it is " the land
of the Amorite." Occasionally it appears to be
mentioned simply as " the land : " as in Ruth
i. 1 ; Jer. xxii. 27 ; 1 Mace. xiv. 4 ; Luke iv.
25, and perhaps even xxiii. 44. 3. Between
the Captivity and the time of our Lord, the
name " Judaea " had extended itself from the
southern portion to the whole of the country,
even that beyond Jordan (Matt. xix. 1 ; Mark
x. 1). In the Book of Judith, it is applied to
the portion between the Plain of Esdroelon and
Samaria (xi. 19), as it is in Luke xxiii. 5 ;
though it is also used in the stricter sense of
Judiea Proper (John iv. 3, vii. 1 ). In this nar-
tower sense, it is employed throughout 1 Mace.
(see especially ix. 50, x. 30, 38, xi 34.) 4.
The Roman division of the country hardly co-
incided with the biblical one, and it does not
appear that the Romans had any distinct name
for that which we understand by Palestine. 5-
Soon after the Christian era, we find the name
Pahestina in possession of the country-. Ptol-
emy (a.d. 161) thus applies it. 6. Josepbos
usually employs the ancient name " Canaan "
in reference to the events of the earlier history,
but when speaking of the country in reference
to his own time styles it Judaea. The Tal-
mudists and other Jewish writers use the title
of the " Land of Israel." 7. The name moM
frequently used throughout the middle ages,
and down to our own time, is Terra Sanaa —
the Holy Land.
II. The Land. — The Holy Land is not in
size or physical characteristics proportioned to
its moral and historical position as the theatre
of the most momentous events in the world's
history. It is but a strip of country about the
size of Wales, less than one hundred and forty
miles in length, and barely forty in average
breadth, on the very frontier of the East,
hemmed in between the Mediterranean Sea
on the one hand, and the enormous trench of
the Jordan Valley on the other, by which it is
effectually cut off from the mainland of Asia
behind it. On the north it is shut in by the
high ranges of Lebanon and anti-Lebanon, and
by the chasm of the Litany. On the south, it
is no less enclosed by the arid and inhospitable
deserts of the upper part of the Peninsula of
Sinai. 1. Its position on the Map of the
World — as the world was when the Holy
Land first made its appearance in history —
is a remarkable one. (1.) It is on the very
outpost — on the extremest western edge of
the East. On the shore of the Mediterranean
it stands, as if it had advanced as far as povsk
ble towards the West, separated therelrom by
that which, when the time arrived, proved to
be no barrier, but the readiest medium of com-
munication — the wide waters of tbe " Great
Sea." Thus it was open to all tbe gradual
influences of the rising communities or tbe
West, while it was saved from tbe retrogression
and decrepitude which have ultimately been
the doom of all purely Eastern States* whose
connections were limited to the East only.
(2.) There was, however, one channel, and but
one, by which it could reach and be reached
by the great Oriental empires. Tbe only road
by which the two great rivals of the ancient
world could approach one another — by which
alone Egypt could get to Assyria, and Assyria
to Egypt — lay along the broad flat strip of
coast which formed the maritime portion of
the Holy Land, and thence by the Plain of the
Lebanon to the Euphrates. (3.) After this,
the Holy Land became (like the Netherlands
in Europe) the convenient arena on which in
successive ages the hostile powers who con-
tended for the empire of the East fought their
battles.
2. It is essentially a mountainous country.
Not that it contains independent mountain
chains, as in Greece for example, but that
every part of the highland is in greater or leas
undulation. But it is not only a mountainous
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country. The mass of hills which occupies
the centre of the country is bordered or framed
on both sides, east and west, by a broad belt
of lowland, sunk deep below its own level.
The slopes or cliffs which form, as it were, the
retaining walls of this depression, are furrowed
and cleft by the torrent beds which discharge
the waters of the hills, and form the means
of communication between the upper and lower
level. On the west, this lowland interposes
between the mountains and the sea, and is the
Plain of Philistia and of Sharon. On the east,
it is the broad bottom of the Jordan Valley,
deep down in which rushes the one river of
Palestine to its grave in the Dead Sea. 3.
Such is the first general impression of the
physiognomy of the Holy Land. It is a phys-
iognomy compounded of the three main fea-
tures already named — the plains, the highland
hills, and the torrent beds. About half way up
the coast, the maritime plain is suddenly inter-
rupted by a long ridge thrown out from the
central mass, rising considerably above the
general level, and terminating in a bold prom-
ontory on the very edge of the Mediterranean.
This ridge is Mount Carmel. On its upper
side, the plain, as if to compensate for its
temporary displacement, invades the centre of
the country, and forms an undulating hollow
right across it from the Mediterranean to the
Jordan Valley. This central lowland, which
divides with its broad depression the mountains
of Ephraim from the mountains of Galilee, is
the Plain of Esdraelon or Jezrcel, the great
battle-field of Palestine. North of Carmel the
lowland resumes its position by the sea-side
till it is again interrupted and finally put an
end to by the northern mountains which push
their way out to the sea, ending in the white
promontory of the Ras Nakhura. Above this
is the ancient Phoenicia. 4. The country thus
roughly portrayed, and which, as before stated,
is less than one hundred and forty miles in
length, and not more than forty in average
breadth, is to all intents and purposes the
whole Land of Israel. The northern portion
is Galilee ; the centre, Samaria ; the south,
Judsa. 5. Small as the Holy Land is on the
map, and when contrasted either with modern
states or with the two enormous ancient em-
Jiires of Egypt and Assyria between which it
ay, it seems even smaller to the traveller as
lie pursues his way through it. There are
numerous eminences in the highlands which
command the view of both frontiers at the
g.ime time — the eastern mountains of Gilead
with the Jordan at their feet on the one hand,
on the other the Western Sea. Hermon, the
apex of the country on the north, is said to
have been seen from the southern end of the
Dead Sea: it is certainly plain enough from
many a point nearer the centre. It is startling
to find that from the top of the hills of Neby
Samwil, Bethel, Tabor, Gerizim, or Safed, the
eye can embrace at one glance, and almost
without turning the head, such opposite points
as the Lake of Galilee and the Bay of Akka,
the farthest mountains of the Haurati and the
long ridge of Carmel, the ravine of the Jabbok,
or the green windings of Jordan, and the sand-
hills of Jaffa.
6. The highland district, thus surrounded
and intersected by its broad lowland plains,
preserves from north to south a remarkably
even and horizontal profile. Its average height
may be taken as 1,500 to 1,800 feet above the
Mediterranean. It can hardly be denominated
a plateau, yet so evenly is the general level pre-
served, and so thickly do the hills stand behind
and between one another, that, when seen from
the coast or the western part of the maritime
plain, it has quite the appearance of a wall.
This general monotony of profile is, however,
accentuated at intervals by certain centres of
elevation. Between these elevated points runs
the water-shed of the country, sending off on
either hand — to the Jordan Valley on the east
and the Mediterranean on the west — the long
tortuous arms of its many torrent beds. 7.
The valleys on the two sides of the water-shed
differ considerably in character. Those on the
east are extremely steep and rugged. This is
the case during the whole length of the south-
ern and middle portions of the country. It is
only when the junction between the Plain of
Esdraelon and the Jordan Valley is reached
that the slopes become gradual, and the ground
fit for the manoeuvres of any thing but detached
bodies of foot-soldiers. But, rugged and diffi-
cult as they are, they form the only access to
the upper country from this side ; and every
man or body of men who reached the territory
of Judah, Benjamin, or Ephraim, from the Jor-
dan Valley, must have climbed one or other of
them.
8. The western valleys are more gradual in
their slope. The level of the external plain on
this side is higher, and therefore the fall less,
while at the same time the distance to bo trav-
ersed is much greater. Here again the valleys
are the only means of communication between
the lowland and the highland. From Jaffa and
the central part of the plain, there are two of
these roads "going up to Jerusalem : " the one
to the right by Ratnleh and the Waofy Ah: the
other to the left by Lydda, and thence "by the
Beth-horons, or the Wady Suleiman, and Gib-
eon. The former of these is modern ; but the
latter is the scene of many a famous incident
in the ancient history. 9. Farther south, the
communications between the mountains of Ju-
dah and the lowland of Philistia are hitherto
comparatively unexplored. They were doubt-
less the scene of many a foray and repulse dur-
ing the lifetime of Samson and the struggles
of the Danites ; but there is no record of their
having been used for the passage of any impor-
tant force either in ancient or modern times.
North of Jaffa the passes are few. These west-
ern valleys, though easier than those on the
eastern side, are of such a nature as to present
great difficulties to the passage of any large
force encumbered by baggage. In fact, these
mountain passes really formed the security of
Israel. The armies of Egypt and Assyria, as
thi\v traced and retraced their path between
Pel'usium and Carchemish, must have looked
at the long wall of heights which closed in the
broad level roadway they were pursuing, as be-
longing to a country with which they had no
concern. It was to them a natural mountain
fastness, the approach to which was beset with
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difficulties, while its bare and soilless hills were
hardly worth the trouble of conquering, in
comparison with the rich green plains of the
Euphrates and the Nile, or even with the
boundless cornfield through which they were
marching. In the later days of the Jewish na-
tion, and during the Crusades, Jerusalem be-
came the great object of contest ; and then the
battle-field of the country, which had originally
been Esdraelon, was transferred to the mari-
time plain at the foot of the passes communi-
cating most directly with the capital.
10. When the highlands of the country are
more closely examined, a considerable differ-
ence will be found to exist in the natural con-
dition and appearance of their different por-
tions. The south, as being nearer the arid
desert, and farther removed from the drainage
of the mountains, is dryer and less productive
than the north. The tract below Hebron,
which forms the link between the hills of Ju-
dah and the desert, was known to the ancient
Hebrews by a term originally derived from its
dryness (Negeb). This was the south coun-
try. As the traveller advances north of this
tract, there is an improvement ; but perhaps no
country equally cultivated is more monotonous,
bare, or uninviting in its aspect, than a great
part of the highlands of Judah and Benjamin
during the largest portion of the year. The
spring covers even those bald gray rocks with
verdure and color, and fills the ravines with
torrents of rushing water ; but in summer and
autumn the look of the country from Hebron
up to Bethel is very dreary and desolate.
Rounded hills of moderate height fill up the
view on every side, their coarse gray stone con-
tinually discovering itself through the thin
coating of soil. The valleys of denudation
which divide these monotonous hills are also
planted with figs or olives, but oftencr culti-
vated with corn or dourra, the long reed-like
stalks of which remain on the stony ground till
the next seed-time, and give a singularly dry
and slovenly look to the fields. The general
absence of fences in the valleys does not render
them less desolate to an English eye; and
where a fence is now and then encountered, it
is either a stone wall trodden down and dilapi-
dated, or a hedge of the prickly-pear cactus,
gaunt, irregular, and ugly, without being pic-
turesque. Even the gray villages — always on
the top or near the top of the hills — do but
add to the dreariness of the scene by the for-
lorn look which their flat roofs and absence of
windows present to a European eye, and by the
poverty and ruin so universal among them.
At Jerusalem this reaches its climax. To the
west and north-west of the highlands, where
the sea-breezes are felt, there is considerably
more vegetation.
1 1 . Hitherto we have spoken of the central
and northern portions of Judsea. Its eastern
portion — a tract some nine or ten miles in
width by about thirty-five in length — which
intervenes between the centre and the abrupt
descent to the Dead Sea, is far more wild and
desolate, and that not for a portion of the year
only, but throughout it. This must have been
always what it is now — an uninhabited des-
ert, because uninhabitable. IS. No descriptive
sketch of this part of the country can be com
plete which does not allude to the caverns,
characteristic of all limestone district!, but here
existing in astonishing numbers. Every hOl
and ravine is pierced with them, some Terr
large and of curious formation — perhaps part-
ly natural, partly artificial — others mere grot-
toes. Many of them are connected with most
important and interesting events of the ancient
history of the country. Especially is this true
of the district now under consideration.
13. The bareness and dryness which prevail
more or less in Judsea are owing partly to the
absence of wood, partly to its proximity to the
desert, and partly to a scarcity of water, arising
from its distance from the Lebanon. 14. But
to this discouraging aspect there are happily
some important exceptions. The Valley of
Urias, south of Bethlehem, contains springs
which in abundance and excellence rival even
those of Nablis; the huge "Pools of Solo-
mon " are enough to supply a district for many
miles round them ; and the cultivation now
going on in that neighborhood shows what
might be done with a soil which requires only
irrigation and a moderate amount of labor to
evoke a boundless produce. 15. It is obvious
that in the ancient days of the nation, when
Judah and Benjamin possessed the teeming
population indicated in the Bible, the condition
and aspect of the country must have been very
different. Of this there are not wanting sure
evidences. There is no country in which the
ruined towns bear so large a proportion to
those still existing. Hardly a hill-top of the
many within sight that is not covered with ves-
tiges of some fortress or city. But, besides
this, forests appear to have stood in many parts
of Judaja until the repeated invasions and
sieges caused their fall ; and all this vegetation
must have re-acted on the moisture of the cli-
mate, and, by preserving the water in many a
ravine and natural reservoir where now it is
rapidly dried by the fierce sun of the early sum-
mer, must have influenced materially the look
and the resources of the country.
16. Advancing northwards from Judsea, the
country becomes gradually more open and
pleasant. Plains of good soil occur between
the hills, at first small, but afterwards compara-
tively large. The hills assume here a more
varied aspect than in the southern districts,
springs are more abundant and more perma-
nent, until at last, when the district of Jtbd
Nablus is reached — the ancient Mount Ephra-
im — the traveller encounters an atmosphere
and an amount of vegetation and water, which,
if not so transcendently lovely as the represen-
tations of enthusiastic travellers would make it,
is yet greatly superior to any thing he has met
with in Judsea, and even sufficient to recall
much of the scenery of the West. 17. Perhaps
the springs are the only objects which in them-
selves, and apart from their associations, really
strike an English traveller with astonishment
and admiration. Such glorious fountains as
those of Am-jalHd or the Rat d-Mikatta, when
a great body of the clearest water wells silently
but swiftly out from deep blue r e ce sse s worn in
the foot of a low cliff of limestone rock, and
at once forms a considerable stream, are very
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rarely to be met with out of irregular, rocky,
mountainous countries, and, being such unusual
sights, can hardly be looked on by the traveller
without surprise and emotion. But, added to
this their natural impressiveness, there is the
consideration of the prominent part which so
many of these springs have played in the his-
tory. 18. The valleys which lead down from
the upper level in this district to the valley of
the Jordan are less precipitous, because the
level from which they start in their descent is
lower, while that of the Jordan Valley is high-
er ; and they have lost that savage character
which distinguishes the naked clefts of the
Wadys Suweinit and Kelt, of the Ain-iidit or
Zuwetrah, and have become wider and shal-
lower. Fine streams run through many of
these valleys. The mountains, though bare of
wood and but partially cultivated, have none
of that arid, worn look which renders those
east of Hebron so repulsive. 19. Hardly less
rich is the extensive region which lies north-
west of the city of Nablus, between it and Car-
mel, in which the mountains gradually break
down into the Plain of Sharon. 20. But with
all its richness, and all its advance on the south-
ern part of the country, there is a strange
dearth of natural wood about this central dis-
trict. Olive-trees are indeed to be found every-
where, but they are artificially cultivated for
their fruit, and the olive is not a tree which
adds to the look of a landscape. It is this
which makes the wooded sides of Carmel and
the park-like scenery of the adjacent slopes and
plains so remarkable.
31. No sooner, however, is the Plain of Es-
draelon passed, than a considerable improve-
ment is perceptible. The low hills which
spread down from the mountains of Galilee,
and form the barrier between the Plains of
Akka and Esdraelon, are covered with timber,
of moderate size, it is true, but of thick, vigor-
ous growth, and pleasant to the eye. East-
ward of these bills rises the round mass of Ta-
bor, dark with its copses of oak, and set off by
contrast with the bare slopes of Jebel ed-Duhy
(the so-called "Little Hermon ") and the white
hills of Nazareth. North of Tabor and Naza-
reth is the plain of d-Buttauf, an upland tract
hitherto very imperfectly described, but appar-
ently of a similar nature to Esdraelon, though
much more elevated. Beyond this, the amount
of natural growth increases at every step, until,
towards the north, the country becomes what
even in the West would be considered as well
timbered.
22. The notices of this romantic district in
the Bible are but scanty ; in fact till the date
of the New Testament, when it had acquired
the name of Galilee, it may be said, for all
purposes of history, to be hardly mentioned.
In the great Roman conquest, or rather de-
struction, of Galilee, which preceded the fall
of Jerusalem, the contest penetrated but a short
distance into the interior. 23. From the pres-
ent appearance of this district, we may, with
some allowances, perhaps gain an idea of what
the more southern portions of the central high-
lands were during the earlier periods in the his-
tory. There is little material difference in the
natural conditions of the two regions. It seems
fair to believe that the hills of Shechem, Bethel,
and Hebron, when Abram first wandered over
them, were not very inferior to those of the
Bdad Baharah or the Belad el-Buttauf. 24.
The causes of the present bareness of the face
of the country are two, which indeed can hard-
ly be separated. The first is the destruction of
the timber in that long series of sieges and in-
vasions which began with the invasion of Shi-
shak (b.c. circa 970), and has not yet come to
an end. The second is the decay of the ter-
races necessary to retain the soil on the steep
slopes of the round hills. 25. Few things are
a more constant source of surprise to the
stranger in the Holy Land than the manner in
which the hill-tops are, throughout, selected
for habitation. A town in a valley is a rare
exception. On the other hand, scarce a single
eminence of the multitude always in sight but
is crowned with its city or village, inhabited or
in ruins, often so placed as if not accessibility but
inaccessibility had been the object of its build-
ers. And indeed such was their object. These
groups of naked forlorn structures, piled ir-
regularly one over the other on the curve of
the hill-top, are the lineal descendants, if indeed
they do not sometimes contain the actual re-
mains, of the " fenced cities, great, and walled
up to heaven," which are so frequently men-
tioned in the records of the Israelite conquest.
26. These hill-towns were not what gave the
Israelites their main difficulty in the occupation
of the country. Wherever strength of arm
and fleetness of foot availed, there those hardy
warriors, fierce as lions, sudden and swift as
eagles, sure-footed a.id fleet as the wild deer on
the hills (1 Chr. xil. 8; 2 Sam. i 23, ii. 18),
easily conquered. It was in the plains, where
the horses and chariots of the Canaanites and
Philistines had space to manoeuvre, that they
failed in dislodging the aborigines. Thin in
this case the ordinary conditions of conquest
were reversed — the conquerors took the hills,
the conquered kept the plains. To a people so
exclusive as the Jews, there must have been a
constant satisfaction in the elevation and In-
accessibility of their highland regions. This is
evident in every page of their literature, which
is tinged throughout with a highland coloring.
27. But the hills were occupied by other edi-
fices besides the " fenced cities." The tiny
white domes which stand perched here and
there on the summits of the eminences, and
mark the holy ground in which some Mahom-
etan saint is resting — these are the successors
of the " high places " or sanctuaries so con-
stantly denounced by the prophets, and which
were set up " on every high hill, and under
every green tree " (Jer. ii. 20 ; Ez. vi. 13). 28.
From the mountainous structure of the Holy
Land, and the extraordinary variations In the
level of its different districts, arises a further
peculiarity most interesting and most charac-
teristic — namely, the extensive views of the
country which can be obtained from various
commanding points. The number of panoramas
which present themselves to the traveller in
Palestine is truly remarkable. To speak of the
west of Jordan only — for east of it all is at
present more or less unknown — the prospects
from the height of Beni nam, near Hebron,
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from the Mount of Olives, from Neby Sam-
wil, from Bethel, from Gerizim or Ebal, from
Jenin, Carmel, Tabor, Safed, the Castle of
Banias, the Kubbtt en-Nasr above Damascus, are
known to many travellers. Their peculiar
charm resides in their wide extent, the number
of spots historically remarkable which are visi-
ble at once, the limpid clearness of the air,
which brings the most distant objects compara-
tively close, and the consideration that, in many
cases, the feet must be standing on the same
ground, and the eyes resting on the same spots,
which have been stood upon and gazed at by the
most famous patriarchs, prophets, and heroes of
all the successive ages in the eventful history
of the country. These views are a feature in
which Palestine is perhaps approached by no
other country, certainly by no country whose
history is at all equal in importance to the
world. 29. A few words must lie said in gen-
eral description of the maritime lowland, which
intervenes between the sea and the highlands,
and of which detailed accounts will be found
under the heads of its great divisions. This
region, only slightly elevated above the level
of the Mediterranean, extends without inter-
ruption from d-Arish, south of Gaza, to Mount
Carmel. It naturally divides itself into two
portions, each of about half its length : — the
lower one the wider, the upper one the nar-
rower. The lower half is the Plain of the Phi-
listines — Philistia, or, as the Hebrews called
it, the Shefelah or Lowland. The upper half
is the Sharon or Saron of the Old and New
Testaments, the "forest country "of Josephus
and the LXX. Viewed from the sea, this mari-
time region appears as a long, low coast of
white or cream-colored sand, its slight undu-
lations rising occasionally into mounds or cliffs,
which in one or two places, such as Jaffa and
Urn k/ialid, almost aspire to the dignity of
headlands.
30. Such is its appearance from without.
But from within, when traversed, or overlooked
from some point on those blue hills, the pros-
pect is very different. The Philistine Plain is
on an average fifteen or sixteen miles in width
from the coast to the first beginning of the belt
of hills, which forms the gradual approach to
the highland of the mountains of Joaah. The
plain is in many parts almost a dead level, in
others gently undulating in long waves ; here
and there low mounds or hillocks, each crowned
with its village, and more rarely still a hill
overtopping the rest, like Tdl ex-Safieh or
Ajlun, the scat of some fortress of Jewish or
crusading times. The larger towns, as Gaza
and Ashdod, which stand near the shore, are
surrounded with huge groves of olive, syca-
more, and palm, as in the days of King David
(1 Chr. xxvii. 28). The whole plain appears
to consist of brown loamy soil, light but rich,
and almost without a stone. It is to this ab-
sence of stone that the disappearance of its
ancient towns and villages is to be traced. It
is now, as it was when the Philistines possessed
it, one enormous cornfield : an ocean of wheat
covers the wide expanse between the hills and
the sand-dunes of the seashore, without in-
terruption of any kind — no break or hedge,
hardly even a single olive-tree. Its fertility
is marvellous ; for the prodigious crops which
it raises are produced, and probably hive been
produced almost year by year for the last 40
centuries, without any of the appliances which
we find necessary for success.
31. The Plain of Sharon is much narrower
than Philistia. It is about ten miles wide from
the sea to the foot of the mountains, which are
here of a more abrupt character than those of
Philistia, and without the intermediate hilly re-
gion there occurring. At the same time it is more
undulating and irregular than the former, and
crossed by streams from the central hills, some
of them of considerable size, and containing
water during the whole year. The soil is ex-
tremely rich, varying from bright red to deep
black, and producing enormous crops of weeds
or grain, as the case may be. 32. The tract
of white sand already mentioned as forming
the shore line of the whole coast is gradually
encroaching on this magnificent region. In the
south it has buried Askelon ; and in the north,
between Cawarea and Jaffa, the dunes are said
to be as much as three miles wide and 300 feet
high. It is probable that the Jews never per-
manently occupied more than a small portion
of this rich ana favored region. Its principal
towns were, it is true, allotted to the different
tribes (Josh. xv. 45-47 ; xvi. 3, Gezer ; xvii.
11, Dor, &c.); bat this was in anticipation of
the intended conquest (xiii. 3-6). 33. In the
Roman times, this region was considered the
pride of the country, and some of the most im-
portant cities of the province stood in it — C teta-
nia, Antipatris, Diospolis. The one ancient
port of the Jews, the " beautiful " city of Joppa,
occupied a position central between the Shefe-
lah and Sharon. Roads led from these various
cities to each other, to Jerusalem, Neapolis,
and Sebaste in the interior, and to Ptolemais
and Gaza on the north and south. The com-
merce of Damascus, and, beyond Damascus,
of Persia and India, passed this way to Egypt,
Rome, and the infant colonies of the west ; and
that traffic and the constant movement of troops
backwards and forwards must have made this
plain one of the busiest and most populous
regions of Svria at the time of Christ. 34.
The characteristics already described are hardly
peculiar to Palestine. Her hilly surface and
feneral height, her rocky ground and thin soil,
er torrent beds wide and dry for the greater
part of the year, even her belt of maritime
lowland — these she shares with other lands,
though it would perhaps be difficult to find
them united elsewhere. But there is one fea-
ture, as yet onlv alluded to, in which she stands
alone. This feature is the Jordan — the one
river of the country.
35. Properly to comprehend this, we must
cast our eyes for a few moments north and
south, outside the narrow limits of the Holr
Land. From north to south — from Antioch
to Akaba at the tip of the eastern horn of the
Red Sea, Syria is cleft by a deep and narrow
trench running parallel with the coast of the
Mediterranean, and dividing, as if bv a fosse
or ditch, the central range of maritime high-
lands from those farther east At two points
only in its length is the trench interrupted, —
by the range of Lebanon and Hermon, and by
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the high ground south of the Dead Sea. Of
die three compartments thus formed, the north-
ern is the Valley of the Orontes ; the southern
is the Wady el-Arabah ; while the central one is
the Valley of the Jordan, the Arabah of the
Hebrews, the Anion of the Greeks, and the GhSr
of the Ar.ibi. The central of its three divis-
ions is the only one with which we have at
present to do. The river is elsewhere described
in detail ; but it and the valley through which
it rashes down its extraordinary descent must
be hero briefly characterized. 36. To speak
first of the valley. It begins with the river
at its remotest springs of Hasbeiya on the
N. W. side of Hermon, and accompanies it to
the lower end of the Dead Sea, a length of
about 150 miles. During the whole of this
distance, its course is straight, and its direction
nearly due north and south. The springs of
Hasbeiya are 1 ,700 feet above the level of the
Mediterranean, and the northern end of the
Dead Sea is 1,317 feet below it, so that between
these two points the valley falls with more or
less regularity through a height of more than
3,000 feet. But though the river disappears at
this point, the valley still continues its descent
below the waters of the Dead Sea till it reaches
a further depth of 1 ,308 feet. So that the bottom
of this extraordinary crevasse is actually more
than 2,600 feet below the surface of the ocean.
37. In width the valley varies. In its upper
and shallower portion, as between Banias and
the Lake of Huleh, it is about five miles across.
Between the Hfilch and the Sea of Galilee, as
far as we have any information, it contracts,
and becomes more of an ordinary ravine or
glen. It is in its third and lower portion that
the valley assumes its more definite and regular
character. During the greater part of this
portion, it is about seven miles wide from tho
one wall to the other. The eastern mountains
preserve their straight line of direction, and
their massive horizontal wall-like aspect, during
almost the whole distance. The western moun-
tains are more irregular in height, their slopes
less vertical. North of Jericho they recede in
a kind of wide amphitheatre ; and the valley
becomes twelve miles broad, a breadth which it
thenceforward retains to the southern extremity
of the Dead Sea. 38. Buried as it is between
such lofty ranges, and shielded from every
breeze, the climate of the Jordan Valley is ex-
tremely hot and relaxing. Its enervating in-
fluence is shown by the inhabitants of Jericho.
Whether there was any great amount of culti-
vation and habitation in this region in the
times of the Israelites, the Bible docs not say ;
bat in post-biblical times, there is no doubt on
the point. The palms of Jericho and of Ahila
(opposite Jericho on the other side of the river),
and the extensive balsam and rose gardens of
the former place, are spoken of by Josephus,
who calls the whole district a " divine spot."
39. All the irrigation necessary for the
towns, or for the cultivation which formerly
existed, oi still exists, in the G/idr, is ohuincd
from the torrents and springs of tho western
mountains. For all purposes to which a river
is ordinarily applied, the Jordan is useless.
Alike useless for irrigation and navigation, it is
in bet, what its Arabic name signifies, nothing
but a " great watering-place." 40. But though
the Jordan is so unlike a river in the Western
sense of the term, it is far less so than the other
streams of the Holy Land. It is at least pe-
rennial, while, with few exceptions, they are
mere winter torrents, rushing and foaming
during the continuance of the rain, and quickly
drying up after the commencement of summer.
For fully half the year, these "rivers" or
" brooks," are often mere dry lanes of hot
white or gray stones. 41. How far the Valley
of the Jordan was employed by tho ancient
inhabitants of the Holy Land as a medium
of communication between the northern and
southern parts of the country we can only con-
jecture. The ancient notices of this route are
very scanty. (I.) From 2 Chr. xxviii. 15, we
find that the captives taken from Judah by tho
army of the northern kingdom were sent back
from Samaria to Jerusalem by way of Jericho.
It would seem, however, to have been the
usual road from the north to J«,.>.salem (comp.
Luke xvii. 11 with xix. 1). 12.) Pompey
brought his army and siege-train from Damas-
cus to Jerusalem (b.c. 40), past Scythopolis
and Pella, to Jericho. (3.) Vespasian marched
from Emmaus, on the edge of the Plain of
Sharon, not far east of Ramleh, past Neapolis
{Nablut), down to Koreas, and thence to Jeri-
cho. (4.) Antoninus Martyr (cir. a.d. 600)
and possibly Willibald (a.d. 722) followed this
route to Jerusalem. (5.) Baldwin I. is said to
have Journeyed from Jericho to Tiberias with a
caravan of pilgrims. (6.) In our own times,
the whole length of the valley has been trav-
ersed by De Bcrtoo, and by Dr. Anderson,
but apparently by few if any other travellers.
42. Monotonous and uninviting as much of
the Holy Land will appear from tho above de-
scriptiol to English readers, accustomed to tho
constant verdure, the succession of flowers,
lusting almost throughout the year, the ample
streams and the varied surface of our own
country, we must remember that its aupect to
the Israelites after that weary march of forty
years through the desert, and even by the side
of the brightest recollections of Egypt that they
could conjure up, must have been very dif-
ferent. They entered the country at the time
of the Passover, when it was arrayed in the
full glory and freshness of its brief springtide,
before the scorching sun of summer had had
time to wither its flowers and imbrown its
verdure. Taking all these circumstances into
account, and allowing for the bold metaphors
of Oriental speech, it is impossible not to feel
that those wayworn travellers could have chosen
no fitter words to express what their new coun-
try was to them than those which they so often
employ in the acconnts of the conquest — " a
land flowing with milk and honev, the glory of
all lands." 43. Again, the variations of tho
seasons mar appear to us slight, and the atmos-
phere dry and hot ; but after the monotonous
climate of Egypt, the " rain of heaven " must
have been a most grntefnl novelty in its two
seasons, the former and the latter — the occa-
sional snow and ice of the winters of Palestine,
and the burst of returning spring, must have
had double the effect which they would produce
on those accustomed to such changes.
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44. The contrast with Egypt would tell also
hi another way. In place of the huge ever-
flowing river whose only variation was from
low to high, and from high to low again, they
were to find themselves in a land ot constant
and considerable undulation, where the water,
cither of gushing spring, or deep well, or flow-
ing stream, could be procured at the most
varied elevations, requiring only to be judi-
ciously husbanded and skilfully conducted to
find its own way through field or garden. 45.
It will be seen that, beneath the apparent mo-
notony, there is a variety in the Holy Land
really remarkable. There is the variety due to
the difference of level between the different
parts of the country. There is the variety of
climate and of natural appearances, partly
from the proximity of the snow-capped Her-
mon nnd Lebanon on the north, and of the
torrid desert on the south. There is also
the variety which is inevitably produced by the
presence of the sea — " the eternal freshness and
liveliness of ocean." 46. Each of these is con-
tinually reflected in the Hebrew literature.
The contrast between the highlands and low-
lands is more than implied in the habitual
forms of expression, " going up " to Judah,
Jerusalem, Hebron ; " going down " to Jericho,
Capernnum, Lydda, Csesarea, Gaza, and Egypt.
More than tbis, the difference is marked un-
mistakably in the topographical terms which
so abound in, and nre so peculiar to, this litera-
ture. " The mountain or Judah," " the moun-
tain of Israel," " the mountain of Naphtali,"
nrc the names by which the three great divis-
ions of the highlands are designated. On the
other hand, the great lowland districts have
each their peculiar name. 47. The differences
in climate are no less often mentioned. The
Psalmists, Prophets, and historical Books, are
full of allusions to the fierce heat of the mid-
day sun and the dryness of summer, no less
than to the various accompaniments of winter.
Even the sharp alternations between the heat
of the days and the coldness of the nights,
which strike every traveller in Palestine, are
mentioned. 48. In the preceding description,
allusion has been made to many of the charac-
teristic features of the Holy Land. But it is
impossible to close this account without men-
tioning a defect which is even more character-
istic — its lack of monuments and personal
relics of the nation who possessed it for so
many centuries, and gave it its claim to our
veneration and affection. When compared
with other nations of equal antiquity — Egypt,
Greece, Assyria — the contrast is truly remark-
able. In Egypt and Greece, and also in Assy-
ria, as far as our knowledcc nt present extends,
we find a scries of buildings, reaching down
from the most remote and mysterious antiquity,
a chain of which hardly a link is wanting, and
which records the progress of the people in
civilization, art, and religion, as certainly as
the buildings of the mediaeval architects do
that of the various nations of modern Europe.
But in Palestine it is not too much to say that
there does not exist a single edifice, or part of
an edifice, of which we can be sure that it is
of a date anterior to the Christian era. And
as with the buildings, so with other memorials.
With one exception, the museums of Europt
do not possess a single piece of pottery ot
metal work, a single weapon or household
utensil, an ornament or a piece of armor, of
Israelite make, which can give ns the least con-
ception of the manners or outward appliance*
of the nation before the date of the destruction
of Jerusalem by Titus. The coins form the
single exception. The buildings already men-
tioned as being Jewish in character, though
carried out with foreign details, are the follow-
ing: — The tombs of the Kings and of the
Judges ; the buildings known as the tombs of
Absalom, Zechariah, St. James, and Jebosha-
phat ; the monolith nt Siloani ; the ruined
synagogues at Meiron and Kefr Birira. Bnt
there are two edifices which seem to bear a
character of their own, and do not so clearly
betray the style of the West. These are, the
enclosure round the sacred cave at Hebron ;
and portions of the western, southern, and
eastern walls of the Haram at Jerusalem, with
the vaulted passage below the Aha} M. Re-
nan has named two circumstances which must
have had a great effect in suppressing art or
architecture amongst the ancient Israelites;
while their very existence proves that the peo-
fle had no genius in that direction. These are
1) the prohibition of sculptnred representa-
tions of living creatures, and (2) the command
not to build a temple anywhere bnt at Jerusa-
lem.
The Geology. — Of the geological struc-
ture of Palestine, it has been said with troth
that our information is but imperfect and
indistinct, and that much time must elapse,
and many a cherished hypothesis be sacrificed,
before a satisfactory explanation can be arrived
at of its more remarkable phenomena. 1. The
main sources of our knowledge are (I) the
observations contained in the Travels of Ros-
segger, an Austrian geologist and mining en-
gineer who visited this amongst other countries
of the East in 1836-8; (2) the Report of H.
J. Anderson, M. D., an American geologist,
who accompanied Captain Lynch in his explo-
ration of the Jordan and the Dead Sea ; and
(3) the Diary of Mr. H. Poole, who visited
Palestine on a mission for the British govern-
ment in 1836. None of these contain any thing
approaching a complete investigation, either aa
to extent or to detail of observations. 2. From
the reports of these observers, it appears that
the Holy Land is a much-disturbed mountain-
ous tract of limestone of the secondary period
(Jurassic and cretaceous) ; the southern offshoot
of the chain of Lebanon ; elevated considerably
above the sea level ; with partial interruptions
from tertiary and basaltic deposits. It is part
of a vast mass of limestone, stretching in everv
direction, except west, ftr beyond the limits of
the Holy Land. The whole of Syria is cleft
from north to south by a straight crevasse of
moderate width, but extending in the southern
portion of its centre division to a truly rcmark-
• Some of the substructions of the Temple on
Mount Horlah yet remain, which are believed to
date back before the time of Chrint. The rains of
an arch of the bridge built by Solomon, betwe
the Temple and Mount Zlon, have been }-■—-'-
by Dr. Bobinsoo and others. — Ed.
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able depth (2,625 ft.) below the sea level This
crevasse, which contains the principal water-
course of the country, is also the most excep-
tional feature of its geology. It may have
been volcanic in its origin ; the result of an
upheaval from beneath, which has tilted the
limestone back on each side, leaving this huge
split in the strata; the volcanic force having
stopped short at that point in the operation,
without intruding any volcanic rocks into the
fissure. Or it may have been excavated by the
gradual action of the ocean daring the im-
mense periods of geological operation. The
latter appears to be the opinion of Dr. Ander-
son ; but further examination is necessary be-
fore a positive opinion can be pronounced.
3. The limestone consists of two strata, or
rather groups of strata. The upper one, which
-usually meets the eye, over the whole country
from Hebron to Hermon, is a tolerably solid
stone, varying in color from white to reddish
brown, with very few fossils, inclining to crys-
talline structure, and abounding in caverns. Its
general surface has been formed into gently
rounded hills, separated by narrow valleys of
denudation occasionally spreading into small
plains. 4. This limestone isoften found crowned
with chalk, rich in flints, the remains of a de-
posit which probably once covered a great por-
tion of the country. 6. Near Jerusalem the
mass of the ordinary limestone is often mingled
with large bodies of dolomite (magnesian lime-
stone). It is not stratified. 6. The lower
stratum is in two divisions or scries of beds —
the upper, dusky in color, contorted and cavern-
ous like that just described, but more ferru-
ginous — the lower one dark gray, compact
and solid, and characterized by abundant fossils
of cidaris, an extinct echinus, the spines of
which are the well-known "olives" of the con-
vents. The lower formation differs entirely in
character from the upper. Instead of smooth,
commonplace, swelling outlines, every thing
here is rugged, pointed, and abrupt. 7. After
the limestone had received the general form
which its surface still retains, but at a time far
anterior to any historic period, it was pierced
and broken by large eruptions of lava pushed
up from beneath, which has broken up and
overflowed the stratified beds, and now appears,
in the form of basalt or trap.
8. On the west of Jordan these volcanic rocks
have been hitherto found only north of the
mountains of Samaria. They are first encoun-
tered on the south-western side of the Plain of
Esdraclon. There seem to have been two cen-
tres of eruption : one, and that the most ancient,
at or about the Kurn Hattin (the traditional
Mount of Beatitudes), whence the stream flowed
over the declivities of the limestone towards
the lake. The other — the more recent — was
more to the north, in the neighborhood of Safed.
9. The volcanic action which in prehistoric
times projected this basalt has left its later
traces in the ancient records of the country,
and is even still active in the form of earth-
quakes. The rocks between Jerusalem and
Jericho show many an evidence of these con-
vulsions. Two earthquakes only are recorded
as having affected Jerusalem itself — that in
the reign of Uxziah, and that at the time of the
86
crucifixion, when "the rocks were rent and
the rocky tombs torn open " (Matt, xxvii. 51).
10. But in addition to earthquakes, the hot salt
and fetid springs which are found at Tiberias,
Callirhoe, and other spots along the Valley of
the Jordan, and round the basins of its lakes,
and the rock-salt, nitre, and sulphur of the Dead
Sea, are all evidences of volcanic or plutonic
action. 11. In the Jordan Valley, the basalt is
frequently encountered. Here, as before, it is
deposited on the limestone, which forms the
substratum of the whole country. On the west-
ern side of the Lower Jordan and Dead Sea, no
volcanic formations have been found. 12. It
is on the east of the Jordan that the most ex-
tensive and remarkable developments of igneous
rocks are found. Over a large portion of the
surface from Damascus to the latitude of the
south of the Dead Sea, and even beyond that,
they occur in the greatest abundance all over
the surface. The limestone, however, still un-
derlies the whole. 13. The tertiary and allu-
vial beds remain to be noticed. These are
chiefly remarkable in the neighborhood of the
Jordan, as forming the floor of the valley,
and as existing along the conise, and accumu-
lated at the mouths, of the torrents which
deliver their tributary streams into the river,
and into the still deeper caldron of the Dead
Sea.
14. The fioor »f the Joraan Valley is de-
scribed by Dr. Anderson as exhibiting through-
out more or less distinctly the traces of two
independent terraces. The upper one is much
the broader of the two. It extends back to the
face of the limestone mountains which form the
walls of the valley on the east and west. Below
this, varying in depth from 50 to 150 feet, is
the second terrace, which reaches to the channel
of the Jordan, and, in Dr. Anderson's opinion,
has been excavated by the river itself before it
had shrunk to its present limits, whc/i it filled
the whole space between the eastern and western
faces of the upper terrace. The inner side of
both upper and lower terraces is furrowed out
into conical knolls by the torrents of the rains
descending to the lower level. All along the
channel of the river are found mounds and low
cliffs of conglomerates, and breccias of various
ages, and more various composition. 15.
Round the margin of the Dead Sea, the tertiary
beds assume larger and more important propor-
tions than by the course of the river. The
marls, gypsites, and conglomerates continue
along the base of the western cliff as far as the
Wady Sebbeh, where they attain their greatest
development. South of this they form a sterile
waste of brilliant white marl and bitter salt
flakes ploughed by the rain-torrents from tho
heights into pinnacles and obelisks. At the
south-eastern corner of the sea, sandstones begin
to display themselves in great profusion, and
extend northward beyond Wady Zurka Main.
16. The rich alluvial soil of tne wide plains
which form the maritime portion of the Holy
Land, and also that of Esdraelon, Genessareth,
and other similar plains, will complete our
sketch of the geology. The former of these
districts is a region of from eight to twelve miles
in width, intervening between the central high-
lands and the sea. It is formed of washings
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from those highlands, brought down by the
heavy rains which fall in the winter months.
The soil is a light loamy sand, red in some
places, and deep black in others. 17. The
Plain of Genessareth is nnder similar condi-
tions, except that its outer edge is bounded by
the lake instead of the ocean. 18. The Plain
of Esdraelon lies between two ranges of high-
land, with a third (the hills separating it from
the Plain of Akka) at its north-west end. The
soil of this plain is also volcanic, though not so
purely so as that of Genessareth. 19. Bitumen
or asphaltuin, called by the Arabs el hummar
(the " slime " of Gen. xi. 8), is onlv mot with in
the Vallcv of Jordan. At Hasbciya, the most
remote of* the sources of the river, it is obtained
from pits or wells which are sunk through a
mass of bituminous earth to a depth of about
180 feet. It is also found in small fragments
on the shore of the Dead Sea, and occasionally,
though rarely, very large masses of it are dis-
covered floating in the water. 20. Sulphur is
(bund on the W. and S. and S. E. portions of
the shore of the Dead Sea. Nitre is rare.
Rock-salt abounds in large masses. The salt
mound of Kashm Usdum at the southern end
of the Dead Sea is an enormous pile, five miles
long by two and a half broad, and some
hundred feet in height.
The Botanv. — The botany of Syria and
Palestine diners but little from that of Asia
Minor, which is one of the most rich and varied
on the globe. What differences it presents are
due to a slight admixture of Persian forms on
the eastern frontier, of Arabian and Egyptian
on the southern, and of Arabian and Indian
tropical plants in the low torrid depression of
the Jordan and Dead Sea. On the other hand,
Palestine forms the southern and eastern limit
of the Asia Minor flora, and contains a multi-
tude of trees, shrubs, and herbs that advance
no farther south and east. Owing, however,
to the geographical position and the mountain-
ous character of Asia Minor and Syria, the
main features of their flora are essentially
Mediterranean-European, and not Asiatic. As
elsewhere throughout the Mediterranean regions,
Syria and Palestine were evidently once thickly
covered with forests, which on the lower hills
and plains have been cither entirely removed,
or else reduced to the condition of brushwood
and copse; but which still abound on the
mountains, and along certain parts of the sea-
coast. The flora of Syria, so far as it is known,
may bo roughly classed under three principal
botanical regions, corresponding with the phys-
ical characters of the country. These are ( 1 ),
the western or sea-board half of Syria and
Palestine, including the lower Valleys of the
Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, the Plain of Ccelc-
Syria, Galilee, Samaria, and Judaea. (2) The
desert or eastern half, which includes the east
flanks of the Anti-Lebanon, the Plain of Da-
mascus, the Jordan and Dead Sea Valley. (3)
The middle and upper mountain regions of
Mount Casius, and of Lebanon above 3,400
feet, and of the Anti-Lehanon above 4,000 feet.
These botanical regions present no definite
boundary line.
I. Western S'/ria and Palestine. — The flora
'Jiroughout this district is made up of such a
multitude of different families and genera of
plants, that it is not easy to characterize it by
the mention of a few. Amongst trees, oaks
are by far the most prevalent, and are the only
ones that form continuous woods, except this
Pinus maritima and P. llaleprnsis (Aleppo
Pine). The most prevalent oak is the Querns
pseudo-coccifera. It Is called holly by many
travellers, and Qiurcus ilex by others, both very
different trees. Q. jiseudo-coccifera is perhaps
the commonest plant in all Syria and Palestine,
covering as a low dense bush many square
miles of hilly country everywhere, butrarely or
never growing in the plains. It seldom 'be-
comes a large tree, except in the valleys of the
Lebanon, or where, as in the case of the famous
oak of Mamre, it is allowed to attain its full
size. The only other oaks that are common
nre the Q. infrctoria (a gall oak), and Q. A-'gi-
lops. The Q. infedoria is a small deciduous-
leaved tree, found here and there in Galilee,
Samaria, and on the Lebanon. Q. AZgilops
again is the Valonia oak ; a low, very stout-
trunked, sturdy tree, common in Galilee, and
especially on Tabor and Carmel. This, Dr.
Hooker is inclined to believe, is the oak of
Bashan. The trees of the genus Pittacia rank
next in abundance to the oak, and of these there
arc three species in Syria, two wild and most
abundant, but the third, P. vera, which yields
the well-known pistachio-nut, very rare. The
carob or locust-tree, Ceratonia tilujtia, ranks
perhaps next in abundance to the foregoing
trees. The Oriental plane is far from uncom-
mon ; and, though generally cultivated, it is to
all appearance wild in the valleys of the Leba-
non and Anti-Lebanon. The sveamorc-fig is
common in the neighborhood of towns, and
attains a large size : its wood is much used,
especially in Egypt, where the mummy-cases
were formerly made of it. Poplars, especially
the aspen and white poplar, are extremely com-
mon bv streams. The walnut is more common
in Syria than in Palestine.
Of large native shrubs or small trees almost
universally spread over the district are Arbutus
Andrachne, which is common in the hilly coun-
try from Hebron northward ; Cratagus Aroma,
which grows equally in dry rocky exposures,
as on the Monnt of Olives, and in cool moun-
tain valleys. Cypresses are common about vil-
lages, /fiiyphus spina- Christ i, Christ 's-tborn —
often called jujube — the Nubk of the Arabs,
is most common on dry open plains, as that of
Jericho. Paliurus acuteatus, also called Christ's-
thorn, resembles it a good deal, but is much
less common : it abounds in the Anti-Lebanon.
Styrax officinalis, which used to yield the fa-
mous storax, abounds in all parts of the coun-
try where hilly. Tamarisk is common, but sel-
dom attains a large size. Oleander claims a
separate notice, from its great beauty and abun-
dance ; lining the hanks of the streams and
lakes in gravelly places, and bearing a profusion
o'f blossoms. Other still smaller but familiar
shrubs are Phvllgraa, fUtamnns alaternus, and
others of that genus. Rhus Coriaria, several le-
guminous shrubs, as Anagvris fntida, Cnh/eofome
and Genista : Cotoneaster, the common bramble,
dog-rose, and hawthorn, Elaaanus, wild olive,
Lgcium Europaum, Vita agnus - castas, sweet
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bay (Laura* nobilis), Ephedra, Clematis, gam-
ristas, and the caper-plant.
Of planted trees and large shrubs, the first
in importance is the vine, which is most abun-
dantly cultivated all over the country, and
produces, as in the time of the Canaanitcs,
enormous bunchzs of grapes. This is espe-
cially the case in the southern districts ; those
of Eshcol being still particularly famous.
Next to the vine, or even in some respects
its superior in importance, ranks the olive,
which nowhere grows in greater luxuriance
and abundance than in Palestine, where the
olive- orchards form a prominent feature
throughout the landscape, and have done so
from time immemorial. It is perhaps most
skilfully and carefully cultivated in the neigh-
borhood of Hebron. The fig forms another
most important crop in Syria and Palestine,
and one which is apparently greatly increasing
in extent. The early figs, which ripen about
June, are reckoned especially good. The sum-
mer figs again ripen in August, and a third
crop appears still later, when the leaves arc
shod; these are occasionally gathered as late
as January. The qnince, apple, almond, wal-
nut, peach, and apricot, are all most abundant
field or orchard crops. The pomegranate grows
everywhere as a bush; but, like the orange,
Elaagnus, and other less common plants, is
more often seen in gardens than in fields. The
banana is only found near the Mediterranean.
Dates are not frequent : they are most common
at Caiffa and J ami, where the fruit ripens. Of
the well-known palm-grove of Jericho, no tree
is standing. Tne Opuntia, or prickly pear, is
most abundant throughout Syria. It is in
general use for hedging, and its well-known
fruit is extensively eaten by all classes. Of
dye-stuff*, the Carthamus (samower) and indigo
are both cultivated; and of textiles, flax, hemp,
and cotton. The carob, or St. john's-bread
(Ceratania siliqua), has already been mentioned
amongst the conspicuous trees. The cistus or
rock-rose is the shrub from which gum-lab-
danum was collected in the Islands ot Candia
and Cyprus.
With regard to the rich and varied herba-
ceous vegetation of West Syria and Palestine, it
is difficult to afford any idea of its nature to the
English non-botanical reader. The plants con-
tained in this botanical region probably num-
ber not less than 2,000 or 2,500, of which per-
haps 500 are British wild flowers. The most
abundant natural families of plants in West
Syria and Palestine are — (I) Leguminosre, (2)
Composite, (3) Labiate, (4) Cruci ferte; after
which come (5) Umbellifera, (6) CaryophuUtte,
(7) Boraifinea, (8) Scrophularimxe, (9) Grami-
neat, and (10) Liliacea. — (1.) Ltguminosat
abound in all situations, especially the genera
Trifolium, Trigonella, Mtdicago, Lotus, Vicia, and
Orabus, in the richer soils, and Astragalus in
enormous profusion in the dryer and more bar-
ren districts. Of the shrubby Leauminoste there
are a few species of Genista, Cytisus, Ononis,
Betama, Anagyris, Calycotome, Coronilla, and
Acacia. One species, the Ceratania, is arbore-
ous. — (2. ) Composite. — No family of plants
more strikes the observer than the Composite,
from the vast abundance of thistles and cen-
tauries, and other spring plants of the same
tribe, which swarm alike over the richest plains
and most stony hills, often towering high above
all other herbaceous vegetation. Wo can only
mention the genera Centaurta, Eehinops, Ono-
pordum, Cirsium, Cynara, hiul Carduus, as being
eminently conspicuous for their numbers or
size.
(3.) Labiatte form a prominent feature every-
where, and one all the more obtrusive from the
fragrance of inanv of the genera. — (4.) Of
Cruciftm there is little to remark. Among the
most noticeable are the gigantic mustard,
which does not differ from the common mus-
tard, Sinaph nigra, save in size, and the Aims-
Mica hierochuntica, or rose of Jericho. — (5.)
Umbettifera present little to remark on, save the
abundance of fennels and Bupleurums. The
gray and spiny Eryngium, so abundant on all
the arid hills, belongs to this order. — (6.)
Caryophytltfe also are- not a very conspicuous
order, though so numerous that the abundance
of pinks, Silent and Saponaria, is a marked
feature to the eye of the botanist. — (7.) The
Boraginete are for the most part minimi weeds.
— (8.) Of Scrophularineat the principal genera
are Scrophularia, Veronica, Linaria, and Vtrbas-
cum (mulleins).— (9.) frrassrw, though very
numerous in species, seldom affbid a sward as
in moister and colder regions. — (10.) Liliacete.
— The variety and beauty of this order in
Syria is perhaps nowhere exceeded, and espe-
cially of the bulb-bearing genera, as tulips, fritil-
larias, squills, gageas, &c. — Ferns are extreme-
ly scarce, owing to the dryness of the climate,
and most of the species belong to the Lebanon
flora. One of the most memorable plants of
this region, and indeed in the whole world, is
the cerebrated papyrus of the ancients (Papy-
rus antiquorum), which is said once to have
grown on the banks of the Lower Nile, hut
which is nowhere found now in Africa north
of the tropics. Of other cryptogamie plants
little is known. Cucurbitaceai, though not in-
cluded under anv of the above heads, are a very
frequent order in Svria. Of plants that con-
tribute largely to that showy character for
which the herbage of Palestine is famous may
be mentioned Adonis, Ranunculus Asiaticus, and
others; Anemone coronaria, poppies, Glaucium,
Afatthiola, Malcolmia, Alyssum, Biscutrila, H<>li-
anthemum, Cistus, tho caper-plant, many pinks.
Silent, Saponaria, and Gynsophila ; various
Phloxes, mallows, Lacatera, Hypericum ; many
geraniums, Erodiums, and Lenuminosat, and La-
biate far too numerous to individualize ; Scabi-
osa, Cephalaria, chrysanthemums, Pyrethrum,
Initios, AchiHtas, Calendulas, Cenlaureas, Trago-
pogons, Scorxoncras, and Crepis : many noble
Campanulas, cyclamens, Conmlmdi, Anchusas,
Onosmas, and Echiums, Acanthus, Vrrbawums
(most conspicuously), Veronicas, Ctlsias, Hyos-
ciiamus; many Arums in autumn, orchis and
Ophrys in spring; Narcissus, Tazetta, irises,
Pancratittms, Sternbergia, Gladiolus ; many beau-
tiful crocuses and colchicums, squills, Tulipa
ocidus-solis, Gageas, fritillarias, Alliums, star-of-
Bethlehcm, Hfuscaris, white lily, Hyacinthus ori-
tntalis, Mlevalias, and AsiihoaWi.
II. Botany of Eastern Syria and Palestine. —
We must confine our notice to the Valley of
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the Jordan, that of the Dead Sea, and the conn-
try about Damascus. Nowhere can a better
locality be found for showing the contrast be-
tween the vegetation of the eastern and west-
ern districts of Syria than in the neighborhood
of Jerusalem. To the west and south of that
city, the valleys are full of the dwarf oak, two
kinds of Pistacia, besides Smilaz, Arbutus, rose,
Aleppo pine, Rhamnus, PhyUyraa, bramble,
and Crataegus Aronia. For the first few miles
eastward, the olive-groves continue, and here
and there a carob and lentisk or sycamore
occurs, tut beyond Bethany these are scarcely
seen. On descending 1 ,000 feet below the level
of the sea to the Valley of the Jordan, the sub-
tropical and desert vegetation of Arabia and
West Asia is encountered in full force. Many
plants wholly foreign to the western district
suddenly appear, and the flora is that of the
whole dry country as far east as the Panjab.
The commonest plant is the Zizyphus Spina-
Christi, or nubk of the Arabs, forming bushes
or small trees. Scarcely less abundant, and as
large, is the Balanites sEgyptiaca, whose fruit
yields the oil called xuk by the Arabs, which is
reputed to possess healing properties, and
which may possibly be alluded to as Balm of
Gilcad. Tamarisks are most abundant. Aca-
cia Furnesiana is very abundant, and celebrated
for the delicious fragrance of its yellow flowers.
Capparis spinosa, the common caper-plant,
Hourishes everywhere in the Jordan Valley.
Alfiaiji maurorum is extremely common ; as is
the prickly Solarium Sodomaum, with pnrple
flowers and globular yellow fruits, commonly
known as the Dead Sea apple. On the banks
of the Jordan itself, the arboreous and shrubby
vegetation chiefly consist? of Populus Euphrati-
ca, tamarisk, Osyris alba, Periploca, Acacia vera,
Prompis Stephaniana, Arunao Donax, Lycium,
and Capparis spinosa. As the ground becomes
saline, Atriplex Halimus and large Stalices (sea-
pinks) appear in vast abundance. Other very
tropical plants of this region are Zygophyllum
coccineum, Boerhavia, Indigo/era ; several Astra-
gali, Cassias, Gymnocarpum, and Nitraria. At
the same time, thoroughly European forms are
•common, especially in wet places; as dock,
mint, Veronica, Anagallis, and Sium. One re-
mote and little visited spot in this region is
particularly celebrated for the tropical charac-
ter of its vegetation. This is the small Valley
of Enscdi ( Ain-jidi). It is here that the Salvd-
dora Persica, supposed by some to be the mus-
tard-tree of Scripture, crows. The shores im-
mediately around the Dead Sea present abun-
dance of vegetation, though almost wholly of a
saline character.
III. Flora of the Middle and Upper Moun-
tain Ret/ions of Syria. — The oak forms the
tirevalent arboreous vegetation of this region
iclow 5,000 feet. The Qitercus pseudo-cocci fern
and infetioria is not seen much above 3,000 feet,
nor the Valonia oak at so great an elevation ;
hut above these heights some mairnificcnt
species occur. At the samcclcvation-i. junipers
become common, but the species have not been
satisfactorily mode out. But the most remark-
able plant of the upper region is certainly the
cedar. Lastly, the flora of the upper temper-
ate and alpine Syrian mountains demands some
notice. As before remarked, no part of tba
Lebanon presents a vegetation at all similar, Of
even analogous, to that of the Alps of Europe,
India, or North America. At the elevation of
4,000 feet on the Lebanon, many plants of the
middle and northern latitudes of Europe com-
mence, amongst which the most conspicuous
are hawthorn, dwarf elder, dog-rose, ivy, bntch-
er's-broom, a variety of the berbemr, honey-
suckle, maple, and jasmine. A littleliigher, at
5-7,000 ft., occur Cotoneaster, Rhododendron pan-
ticum, primrose, Daphne (Meoides, several other
roses, Poterium, Juniperus communis, firtiditii—a
or excelsa), and cedar. Still higher, at 7-10,-
000 ft., there is no shrubby vegetation, properly
so called. At the elevation of 8-9,000 ft. the
beautiful silvery Vicia canescens forms large
tufts of pale blue, where scarcely any thing else
will grow. The most boreal forms, which are
confined to the clefts of rocks, or the vicinity
of patches of snow above 9,000 ft., arc Drabas,
Arenaria, one small Potentitta, a Festuca, an
/4 rail's like alpina, and the Oiyria reniformis,
the only decidedly arctic type in the whole
country. No doubt cryptogamic plants are
sufficiently numerous in this region ; but none
have been collected except ferns, amongst which
are Cystopteris fragilis, Polupodium vnlgart,
NephrBodium pallidum, and Polystichum angular*.
Zoology. — It will be sufficient in this arti-
cle to give a general survey of the fauna of
Palestine, as the reader will find more parti-
cular information in the several articles which
treat of the various animals under their res-
pective names. — Mammalia. — The Cheiroptera
(bats) are probably represented in Palestine by
the species which are known to occur in Egypt
and Syria ; but we want precise information on
this point Of the Insectimra, we find hedge-
hogs (Erinaceus Europeus) and moles ( Tnlpa
vulgaris, T. area (?) ) : doubtless the family of
Soricidat (shrews) is also represented ; but wc
lack information. Of the Carnirora are still
seen in the Lebanon the Syrian bear {I'ma
Syrincus), and the panther (Ijmpardus varins).
Jackals and foxes arc common ; the hyena and
wolf are also occasionally observed ; the badger
{Mdes taxus) is also said to occur in Palestine ;
the lion is no longer a resident in Palestine or
Syria. A species of squirrel {Sciums Syrians) ,
which the Arabs term Orleidaun, " the leaper,"
has been noticed on the lower and middle parts
of Lebanon ; two kinds of hare, Lepus S;p-i»cvs,
and L. sEgyptius ; rats and mice, which arc
said to abound ; the jerboa {Dipus jEgyptius) ;
the porcupine (Hystriz cristata) ; the short-
tailed field-monse (Arvicola agrcstis), may be
considered as the representatives of the Roden-
tia. Of the Pachydertnata, the wild boar (*Siej
scrofa), which is frequently met with on Tafwr
and Little Hermon, appears to be the only liv-
ing wild example. The Syrian hyrax is' now
hut rarely seen. There does not appear to l«
at present any wild ox in Palestine. Dr.
Thomson states that wild goats (ibex ?) are
still (sec 1 Sam. xxiv. 2) frequently seen in the
rocks of Engedi. The gazelle {Gatrlla Somas)
occurs not unfreqnently in the Holy Land, anil
is the antelope of the country. The Arabs
hunt the gazelles with greyhound and falcon :
the fallow-deer (Anna vulgaris) is said to be not
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PALESTINE
infrequently observed. Of domestic animals
we nuetl only mention the Arabian or one-
humped camel, asses, and mules, and horses,
all of which are in general use. The buffalo
(liubalus buffalo) is common. The ox of the
country is small and unsightly in the neigh-
borhood of Jerusalem ; but in the richer pas-
tures the cattle, though small, are not un-
sightly : the common sheep of Palestine is the
broad-tail (Ovislaticaudatus), with its varieties ;
goats are extremely common everywhere.
Ave*. — Palestine abounds in numerous kinds
of birds. Vultures, eagles, falcons, kites, owls
of different kinds, represent the Raptorial order.
Of tho smaller birds may be mentioned, amongst
others, the Meropt Persicus, the Upupa Epops,
the Sitta Syriaca or Dalmatian nnt-hatch, sev-
eral kinds of Silviadas ; the Cinnyris ova, or Pal-
estine sunbird ; the Ixos xanthopygos, Palestine
nightingale ; the Amydrus Tristramii, or glossy
starling, discovered by Mr. Tristram in tho
gorge of the Kidron ; the sly and wary Croiero-
pat chalybeus, in the open wooded district near
Jericho ; the jay of Palestine ( Garrulu* mela-
nocephalus) ; kingfishers ( Ceryle rudis, and per-
haps Alcedo ispida) abound about the Lake of
Tiberias and in the streams above the Huleh ;
the raven, and carrion-crow ; the Pastor roseus,
or locust-bird ; the common cuckoo ; several
kinds of doves ; sand-grouse (PterocUs), par-
tridges, francolins, quads, the great bustard,
storks, both the black and white kinds, seen
often in flocks of some hundreds ; herons, cur-
lew ■(, pelicans, sea-swallows (Sterna), gulls, Sc.
Reptilia. — Several kinds of lizards (Saura)
occur. The Lacerta steUio, Lin., is very com-
mon in ruined walls. The Waran a hard
(Puimnuaauna scincta) is very common in the
deserts. The common Greek tortoise ( Testudo
Gneca) Dr. Wilson observed at the sources of
the Jordan ; fresh-water tortoises (probably
Emus Caspica) are found abundantly in the
uppor part of the country in the streams of
Esdraelon and of the higher Jordan Valley, and
in the lakes. The chameleon (Chameleo vul-
garis) is common ; the crocodile does not occur
in Palestine ; the Monitor NUotiaa hai doubt-
less been confounded with it. In the south of
Palestine especially, reptiles of various kinds
abound ; besides those already mentioned, a
large Acanthodadylus frequents old buildings ;
a large species of Uromnstix, at least two spe-
cies of gecko (Taraitola), a Gongylus (ocd-
latust), several other AcattthodactyU and Sep*
tridactylus, have been observed. Of Ophidians,
there is more than one species of Echidna ; a
Naia, several Tropidonoti, a Corondla, a Colu-
ber (triviraatust) occur; and on the southern
frontier of the land the desert form Cerastes
IJwaelquittii has been observed. Of the Ba-
trarhia we have little information beyond that
supplied by Kitto, viz. that frogs (liana tscu-
lenta) abound in the marshy pools of Palestine ;
that they are of a large size, but are not eaten
by the inhabitants. The tree-frog (Hyla) and
toad (Bujb) are also very common.
Paces. — The principal kinds which are
caught off the shores of the Mediterranean
are supplied bv the families Sparidn, Percidn,
Scamberidie, Raiadm, and Pleuronectidie. Tho
Sea of Galilee has been always celebrated for
its fish. Burckhardt says the most common
species are the binny ( Cyprima lepidotus), and
a fish called Mesld, which he describes as being
a foot long and five inches broad, with a flat
body like the sole. The binny is a species of
barbel ; it is the Barbus binni of Cuv. and
Volenc. : the Mesht is undoubtedly a species of
Chromius, one of the Labrida, and is perhaps
identical with the C. NUotiaa. Concerning the
other divisions of the animal kingdom we have
little information. Mollusks are numerous. The
land shells may be classified in four groups.
In the north of the country, the prevailing type
is that of the Greek and Turkish mountain
region, numerous species of the genus Clausilia,
and of opaque Bulimi and Pupa predominat-
ing. On the coast and in the plains, the com-
mon shells of the East Mediterranean basin
abound, e.g. Helix Pisana, H. Syriaca, Ac.
In the south, in the hill country of Judsea,
occurs a very interesting group, chiefly confined
to the genus Helix, three subdivisions of which
may be typified by H. Bousieri, H. Seetzena,
H. tuberculosa, recalling by their thick, calca-
reous, lustreless coating, the prevalent types of
Egypt, Arabia, and Sahara. In the Valley
of the Jordan, the prevailing group is a sub-
division of the genns Bulimia, rounded, semi-
pellucid, and lustrous, very numerous in species,
which are for the most part peculiar to the dis-
trict These may be typified by B. Jordani
and B. Aleppensis. Of the Crustacea we know
scarcely any thing.
The Lepidopteru of Palestine are as numerous
and varied as might have been expected in a
land of flowers. AH the common butterflies of
Southern Europe, or nearly allied congeners,
are plentiful in the cultivated plains and on the
hillsides. Bees are common. At least three
species of scorpions havo been distinguished.
Spiders are common. Locusts occasionally
visit Palestine, and do infinite damage. Ants
are numerous. Of the Annelida we have no
information ; while of the whole sub-kingdoms
of CirJenterata and Protoxoa we are completely
ignorant. It has been remarked, that, in its
physical character, Palestine presents on a small
scale an epitome of the natural features of all
regions, mountainous and desert, northern and
tropical, maritime and inland, pastoral, arable,
and volcanic. This fact, which has rendered
the allusions in the Scriptures so varied as to
afford familiar illustrations to the people of
every climate, has had its natural effect on tho
zoiilogy of the country. In no other district,
not even on the southern slopes of the Hima-
laya, are the typical fauna of so many distinct
regions and zones brought into such close jux-
taposition.
The Climate. 1. Temperature. — At Jeru-
salem, January is the coldest month, and July
and August the hottest, though June and Sep-
tember are nearly as warm. In the first-named
month, the average temperature is 49°°1 Fahr.,
and greatest cold 28° ; in July and August, the
average is 78° - 4, with greatest heat 92° in the
shade and 143° in the snn. The extreme range
in a single year was 52°; the mean annual
temperature 65°-6. Though varying so much
during the different seasons, the climate is, on
the whole, pretty uniform from year to year
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PALLUITE8
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PALM-TREK
The isothermal line of mean annual tempera-
ture of Jerusalem passes through California
and Florida (to the north of Mobile). It also
passes through Gibraltar, and near Madeira
and the Bermudas. The heat, though extreme
during the four midsummei months, is much
alleviated by a sea-breeze from the N. W.,
which blows with great regularity from 10, a.m.,
till 10, p.m. During January and February,
snow often falls to the depth of a foot or more,
though it may not make its appearance for
several years together. Thin ice is occasionally
found on pools or sheets of water ; bnt this is
of rare occurrence. 2. Rain. — The result of
Dr. Barclay's observations is to show that the
greatest fall of rain at Jerusalem in a single
year was 85 inches, and the smallest 44, the
mean being 61 6 inches. These figures will be
best appreciated by recollecting that the average
rain-fall of London during the whole year is
only 25 inches, and that in the wettest parts of
the country, such as Cumberland and Devon,
it rarely exceeds 60 inches. As in the time of
our Saviour (Luke xii. 54), the rains come
chiefly from the S. or S. W. They commence
ut the end of October or beginning of Novem-
ber, and continue with greater or less constancy
till the end of February or middle of March,
and occasionally, though rarely, till the end of
April. Between April and November, there is,
with the rarest exceptions, an uninterrupted
succession of fine weather, and skies without a
cloud. During tho summer, the dews are very
heavy, and often saturate the traveller's tent as
if a shower had passed over it. The nights,
especially towards sunrise, are very cold, and
thick fogs or mists arc common all over the
country. Thunder-storms of great violence
arc frequent during the winter months.
3. So much for the climate of Jerusalem.
In the lowland districts, on the other hand, the
heat is much greater and more oppressive,
owing to the quantity of vapor in the atmos-
phere, the absence or any breeze, the sandy
nature of the soil, and the manner in which
the heat is confined and reflected by the en-
closing heights ; perhaps also to the internal
heat of the earth, due to the depth below the
sea level of the greater part of the Jordan
Valley, and the remains of volcanic agency,
which we have already shown to be still in ex-
istence in this very depressed region. The
harvest in the Ghor a fullv a month in advance
of that on the highlands, and the fields of
wheat are still green on the latter when the
grain is being threshed in the former. 4. The
climate of the maritime lowland exhibits many
of the characteristics of that of the Jordan
Valley, but being much more elevated, and
exposed on its western side to the sea-breeze, is
not so oppressively hot. This district retains '
much tropical vegetation. Here also the har-
vest is in advance of that of the mountainous
districts. In the winter months, however, the
climate of these regions is very similar to that
of the south of France or the maritime districts
of the north of Italy.
Pal'lu. The second son of Renben, father
of Eliab (Ex. vi. 14; Num. xxvi. 5,8; 1 Chr.
r. 3), and founder of the family of
Palluites, the (Num. xxvi. 5).
Palmer- worm (Heb. gmzan) <wan Joel
i. 4, ii. 25 ; Am. iv 9. Bocbart has endeav-
ored to show that gazam denotes mm species
of locust. We prefer to follow the LXX. and
Vulg., which are consistent with each other in
the rendering of the Hebrew wonl in the three
passages where it is fonnd. The Kufrrnj of Aris-
totle evidently denotes a caterpillar. The£nicn
of the Vulg. is the niiftirri of the Greeks. The
Chaldee and Syriac understand some locust
larva by the Hebrew word. Tychscn identifies
the gazam with the Gryllut crUtatm, Lin., a
South African species.
Palm-tree (Heb. tamar). Under this ge-
neric term many species arc hotanically includ-
ed ; but we have here only to do with the dale-
palm, the Phcmix dactyliferu of Linnssus. It
grew very abundantly in many parts of the Le-
vant. While this tree was abundant generally
in the Levant, it was regarded by the ancients
as peculiarly characteristic of Palestine and the
neighboring regions. The following place*
may be enumerated from the Bible as having
some connection with the palm-tree, either in
the derivation of the name, or in the mention
of the tree as growing on the spot. (I.) At
Emm, one of the stations of tho Israelites be-
tween Egypt and Sinai, it is expressly stated
that there were "twelve wells (tountains) of
water, and threescore and ten palm-trees''
(Ex. xv. 27 ; Num. xxx.ii. 9). (2.) Next, it
should be observed that Elath (Deut. ii. 8,
1 K. ix. 26: 2 K. xiv. 22, xvi. 6; 2 Chr.
viii. 17, xxvi. 2) is another plural form of the
same word, and may likewise mean the " palm-
trees." (3.) No pkee in Scripture is so closely
associated with the subject before us as Jeri-
cho. Its rich palm-groves are connected with
two very different periods, — with that of Moses
(Deut. xxxiv. 3; Judg. i. 16) and Joshua on
the one band, and that of the evangelists on the
other. What the extent of these palm-proves
may have been in the desolate period of Jericho
we cannot Cell ; but they were renowned in the
time of the Gospels and Josephus. The Jew-
ish historii.n mentions the luxuriance of these
trees again and again. (4.) The name of H aze-
zon-Tamar, " the felling of the palm-tree." is
clear in its derivation. This place is mentioned
in the history both of Abraham (Gen. xir. 7)
and of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xx. 2). (5.) Another
place, having the same element in its name,
and doubtless the same characteristic in its
scenery, was Baal-Tamar (Judg. xx. 33).
(6.) We must next mention the Tamar, " the
palm," which is set before ns in the vision of
Ezckiel (xlvii. 19, xlviii. 28). (7.) There is
little doubt that Solomon's Tadmob, after-
wards the famous Palmyra, on another desert
frontier far to the N. E. of Tamar, is primarily
the same word. (8.) Nor again are the places
of the N. T. without their associations with
this characteristic tree of Palestine. Beth ant
means " the house of dates ; " and thus we are
reminded that the palm grew in the neighbor-
hood of the Mount of Olives. This helps our
realisation of our Saviour's entry into Jerusa-
lem, when the people " took bmnrirt of palm
tint* and went forth to meet Him " (John xii.
13: comp. Neh. viii. 15). (9.) The word
Phoenicia, which occurs twice in the N. T-
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PALM-TREE
687
PANNAG
(Acta ad. 19, xv. 3), is in all probability derived
from the Greek word for a palm. (10.) Lastly,
Phoenix in the Island of Crete, the harbor
which St. Paul was prevented by the storm
from reaching (Acts xxvii. 12), has doubtless
the same derivation. From the passages
where there is a literal reference to the palm-
tree, we may pass to the emblematical uses of it
in Scripture. Under this head may be classed
the following : — (1.) The striking appearance
of the tree, its uprightness and beauty, would
naturally suggest the giving of its name occa-
sionally' to women (Gen. xxxviii. 6 ; 2 Sam.
xiii. \, xiv. 27). (2.) We have notices of the
employment of this form in decorative art,
both 'n the real temple of Solomon and in the
visionary temple of Ezekiel. This work seems
to have been in relief.^ It was a natural and
doubtless customary kind of ornamentation in
Eastern architecture. (3. ) With a tree so abun-
dant in Judasa, and so marked in its growth and
appearance, as the palm, it seems rather re-
markable that it does not appear more frequent-
ly in the imagery of the O. T. There is, how-
FnliM-trm. < Plvmix dactttyira.)
ever, in the Psalms (xcii. 12), the familiar com-
parison, " The righteous shall flourish like the
palm-tree," which suggests a world of illustra-
tion, whether respect be had to the orderly and
regular aspect of the tree, its fruitfulness, tho
perpetual greenness of its foliage, or the height
at which the foliage grows, as far as possible
from enrth, and as near as possible to heaven.
Perhaps no point is more worthy of mention,
if we wish to pursue the comparison, than the
elasticity of the fibre of the palm, and its de-
termined growth upwards, even when loaded
with weights. (4.) The passage in Rev. vii. 9,
where the glorified of all nations are described
as "clothed with white robes, and palms in
their hands," might seem to us a purely classi-
cal image. Bat palm-branches were used by
Jews in token of victory and peace (1 Mace. xiii.
51 ; 2 Mace. x. 7, xiv. 4). As to the industrial
and domestic uses of the palm, it is well known
that they are very numerous ; but there is no
clear allusion to them in the Bible. That the
ancient Orientals, however, mude use of wine
and honey obtained from the palm-tree, is evi-
dent from Herodotus, Strabo, and Pliny. It is
indeed possible that the honey mentioned in
some places may be palm-sugar. (In 2 Chr.
xxxi. 5, the margin has " dates.") There may
also in Cant. vii. 8, "I will go up to the palm-
tree, I will take hold of the boughs thereof,"
be a reference to climbing for the fruit. So in
ii. 3 and elsewhere (e.o. Ps. i. 3) the fruit of
the palm may be intended ; but this cannot be
proved. It is curious that this tree, once so
abundant in Judasa, is now comparatively rare,
except in the Philistine Plain, and in the old
Phoenicia about Bryrout.
Palsy. [Medicine.]
Fal'ti. The Benjamite spy ; son of Raphu
(Nnm. xiii. 9).
Pfll'tieL The son of Azzan and prince of
the tribe of Issachar (Num. xxxiv. 26). He
was one of the twelve appointed to divide the
land of Canaan among the tribes west of
Jordan.
Pal'tite, the. Helea "the Paltite" is
named in 2 Sam. xxiii. 26 among David's
mighty men.
Pamphyl'ia, one of the coast-regions in
the south of Asia Minor, having Cilicia on
the east, and Lycia on the west. In the Per-
sian war, while Cilicia contributed a hundred
ships, and Lycia fifty, Pamphylia sent only
thirty. The name probably then embraced
little more than the crescent of comparatively
level ground between Taurus and tho sco. The
Roman organization of the country, however,
gave a wider range to the term Pamphylia.
In St. Paul's time, it was not only a regular
province, but the Emperor Claudius hart united
Lycia with it, and probably also a good part
of Pisidia. It was in Pamphylia that St. Paul
first entered Asia Minor, after preaching the
gospel in Cyprus. He and Barnabas sailed up
the River Oestrus to Pebqa (Acts xiii. 13).
We may conclude, from Acts ii. 10, that there
were many Jews in the province ; and possibly
Perga had a synagogue. The two missionaries
finally left Pamphylia by its chief seaport,
Attama. Many years afterwards St. Paul
sailed near the coast (Acts xxvii. 5).
Pan. Of the six words so rendered in A. V.,
two, machSbnth and masreth, seem to imply
a shallow pan or plate, such as is used by
Bedouins and Syrians for baking or dressing
rapidly their cakes of meal, such as were used
in legal oblations ; the others, especially »>, a
deeper vessel or caldron for boiling meat, placed
during the process on three stones.
Pannag, an article of commerce exported
from Palestine to Tyre (Ex. xxvii. 17), the na-
ture of which is a pure matter of conjecture,
as the term occurs nowhere else. A compari-
son of the passage in Ezekicl with Gen. xliii.
11 leads to the supposition that pannag repre-
sents some of the spices grown in Palestine.
The LXX., in rendering it «a<w'a,_ favors this
opinion. Hitzig observes that a similar term
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PARABLE
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PARABLE
set am in Sanscrit (ptmnaga) for an aromatic
plant. The Syriac version, on the other hand,
understands by it " millet."
Paper, [wwnse.]
Paphos, a town at the west end of Cyprus,
connected by a road with Salamis at the east
end. Panl and Barnabas travelled, on their
first missionary expedition, " through the isle,"
from the latter place to the former (Acts xiii.
6). The great characteristic of Paphos was
the worship of Aphrodite or Venus, who was
here fabled to have risen from the sea. Her
temple, however, was at " Old Paphos," now
called Kvldia. The harbor and the chief town
were at " New Paphos," at some little distance.
The place is still called Daffa.
Papyrus. [Reed.]
Parable (Heb maihal: napapMj : parab-
ola). The distinction between the parable
and one cognate form of teaching has been dis-
cussed nndcr Fable. Something remains to
be said (1) as to the word, (2) as to the para-
bles of the Gospels, (3) as to the laws of their
interpretation. I. The word parable, in Gr.
paraboU [tapajkAii), does not of itself imply a
narrative. The juxtaposition of two things,
differing in most points, but agreeing in some,
is sufficient to bnng the comparison thus pro-
duced within the etymology of the word. In
Hellenistic Greek, however, it acquired a wider
meaning, co-extensivo with that of the Hebrew
mashal, for which the LXX. writers, with hardly
an exception, make it the equivalent That
word (= similitude) had a large range of ap-
plication, and was applied sometimes to the
shortest proverbs (1 Sam. x. 12, xxiv. 13; 2
Chr. vii. 20), sometimes to dark prophetic ut-
terances (Num. xxiii. 7, 18, xxiv. 3; Ez. xx.
49), sometimes to enigmatic maxims (Ps.
lxxviii. 2 ; Pror. i. 6), or metaphors expanded
into a narrative (Ez. xii. 22). In the N. T.
itself, the word is used with a like latitude.
II. The parable differs from the mythus in
being the result of a conscious deliberate choice,
not the growth of an unconscious realism, per-
sonifying attributes, appearing, no one knows
how, in popular belief. It differs from the
allegory, in that the latter, with its direct per-
sonification of ideas or attributes, and the
names which designate them, involves really no
comparison. The virtues and vices of mankind
appear, as in a drama, in their own character
and costume. The allegory is self-interpreting.
The parable demands attention, insight, some-
times an actual explanation. It differs lastly
from the proverb, in that it must include a
similitude of some kind, while the proverb may
assert, without a similitude, some wide general-
ization of experience. To understand the re-
lation of the parables of the Gospels to our
Lord's teaching, we must go back to the use
made of them by previous or contemporary
teachers. They appear frequently in the Ge-
mara and Midrash, and are ascribed to Hillel,
Shammai, and other great rabbis of the two
preceding centuries. Later Jewish writers have
seen in this employment of parables a conde-
scension to the ignorance of the great mass
of mankind, who cannot be taught otherwise.
For them, as for women or children, parables
are the natural and fit method of instruction.
It may be questioned, however, whether Una
represents the use made of them by the rabbis
of our Lord's time. The language of the Son
of Sirach confines them to the scribe who de-
votes himself to study. The parable was made
the instrument for teaching the young disci-
ple to discern the treasures of wisdom of which
the " accursed " multitude were ignorant. The
teaching of onr Lord at the commencement
of His ministry was, in even* way, the opposite
of this. The Sermon on the Mount may be
taken as the type of the " words of grace "
which He spake, " not as the scribes." So for
some months He taught in the synagogues and
on the sea-shore of Galilee, as He had before
taught in Jerusalem, and as yet without a para-
ble. But then there comes a change. The
direct teaching was met with scorn, unbelief,
hardness ; and He seems for a time to abandon
it for that which took the form of parables.
The question of the disciples (Mat. xiii. 10}
implies that they were astonished. Their Mas-
ter was speaking to the multitude in the para-
bles and dark sayings which the rabbis reserved
for their chosen disciples. Here for them were
two grounds of wonder. Here, for ns, is the
key to the explanation which He gave, that He
had chosen this form of teaching because the
people were spiritually blind and deaf (Matt,
xiii. 13), and in order that they might remain
so (Mark iv. 12). Two interpretations have
been given of these words. (1.) Spiritual
truths, it has been said, are in themselves hard
and uninviting. Men needed to be won to
them by that which was more attractive. (2.)
Others again have seen in this use of parables
something of a penal character. To the inner
circle of the chosen it is given to know the
mysteries of the kingdom of God. To those
who are without, all these things are done in
parables. Neither view is whollv satisfactory.
Each contains a partial truth. The worth of
parables, as instruments of teaching, lies in
their being at once a test of character, and is
their presenting each form of character with
that which, as a penalty or blessing, is adapted
to it. They withdraw the light from those who
love darkness. They protect the truth which
they enshrine from the mockery of the scoffer."
They leave something even with the careless
which may be interpreted and understood after-
wards. They reveal, on the other hand, the
seekers after truth. These ask the meaning of
the parable, and will not rest till the teacher
has explained it. In this way, the parable did
its work, found out the fit bearers, and led them
on. In the parables which remain, it is possible
to trace something like an order.
(A.) There is the group which have for theii
subject the laws of the divine kingdom. Un-
der this head we have — 1. The Sower (Matt,
xiii.; Mark iv.; Luke viii.). 2. The Wheat
and the Tares (Matt xiii.). 3. The Mustard-
seed (Matt xiii.; Mark iv.). 4. The Seed
cast into the Ground (Mark iv.). 5. The Leav-
< The scribes and Pharisees had attacked Htm as
In league with Satan, and listened to HU teaching
only to entrap Him. The parable, while easily torn-
prrhended by the slnoere and bumble, yet put the
truth In a form adapted to disconcert and baffle His
malignant and treaoherooa roe*. — En.
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PARABLE
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PARADISE
en (Matt- xiii.). 6. The Hid Treasure (Matt,
xiii.). 7. The Pearl of Great Price (Matt.
xiii.). 8. The Net cast into the Sea (Matt. xiii.).
(B.) When the next parables meet us they are
of a different type, and occupy a different posi-
tion. They are drawn from the life of men
rather than from the world of nature. They
are such us these — 9. The Two Debtors (Luke
vii. ) . 10. The Merciless Servant ( Matt, xviii. ).
11. The Good Samaritan (Lukex.). 12. The
Friend at Midnight (Luke xi.). 13. The Rich
Fool (Luke xii.l. 14. The Wedding-feast
jXnke.xii.). 15. The Fig-tree (Luke xiii.). 16.
The Great Supper (Luke xiv.). 17. The Lost
Sheep (Matt, xviii.; Lukexr.j. 18. The Lost
Piece of Money (Luke xv.). 19. The Prodi-
gal Sou (Luke xv.). 20. The Unjust Steward
(Luke xvi.). 21. The Rich Man and Lazarus
(Luke xvi.). 22. The Unjust Judge (Luke
Kviii.). 23. The Pharisee and the Publican
(Luke xviii.). 24. The Laborers in the Vine-
yard (Matt. xx.). (C.) Towards the close of
our Lord's ministry, the parables are again
theocratic; but the* phase of the divine king-
dom, on which they chiefly dwell, is that of its
final consummation. To this class we may re-
fer— 25. The Pounds (Luke xix.). 26. Tho
Two Sons (Matt. xxi.). 27. The Vineyard
let out to Husbandmen (Matt. xxi. ; Mark xii. ;
Luke xx.). 28. The Marriage -feast (Matt,
xxii.). 29. The Wise and Foolish Virgins
(Matt. xxv.). 30. The Talents (Matt xxv.).
31. The Sheep and the Goats (Matt. xxv.). It
is characteristic of the several Gospels that the
greater part of tho parables of the first and
third groups belong to St. Matthew, emphati-
cally the evangelist of the kingdom. Those
of the second are found, for the most part, in
St Luke.
III. Lastly, there is the law of interpreta-
tion. It has been urged by some writers, by
none with greater force or clearness than by
Chrysostoin, that there is a scope or purpose
for each parable, and that onr aim must be to
discern this, not to find a special significance in
each circumstance or incident It may be ques-
tioned, however, whether this canon of inter-
pretation is likely to lead us to the full meaning
of this portion of our Lord's teaching. It
mnst be remembered, that, in the great patterns
of interpretation which He Himself has given
us, there is more than this. Not only the sower
and the seed and the several soils have their
counterparts in the spiritual life, but the birds
of the air, the thorns, the scorching heat, have
each of them a significance. It may be inferred
from these two instances that we are, at least,
justified in looking for a meaning even in the
seeming accessories of a parable. The very
form of the teaching makes it probable that
there may be, in any case, more than one legiti-
mate explanation. A parable may be at once
ethical, and in the highest sense of the term
prophetic. There is thus a wide field open to
the discernment of the interpreter. There are
also restraints upon the mere fertility of his
imagination. (1.) The analogies must be real,
not arbitrary. (2.) The parables are to be con-
sidered as parts of a whole, and the interpreta-
tion of one is not to override or encroach upon
the lessons taught by others. (3.) The direc*
87
teaching of Christ presents the standard to
which all our interpretations are to be referred,
and by which they are to be measured.
Paradise (Heb. Parefr's). Questions as to
the nature and locality of Paradise as identical
with the Garden of Gen. ii. and iii. have been
already discussed under Eden. It remains to
trace the history of the word and the associa-
tions connected with it, as it appears in the
later books of the O. T. and in the language
of Christ and His apostles. The word itself,
though it appears in the above form in Cunt,
iv. 13, Eccles. ii. 5, Neh. ii. 8, may be classed,
with hardly a doubt, as of Aryan rather than
of Shcmitic origin. It first appears in Greek
as coming straight from Persia. Greek lexi-
cographers classify it as a Persian word. Mod-
ern philologists accept the same conclusion with
hardly a dissentient voice. In Xcnophon the
word occurs frequently, and we get vivid pic-
tures of the scene which it implied. A wide,
open park, enclosed against injury, yet with its
natural beauty unspoiled, with stately forest-
trees, many of them bearing fruit, watered by
clear streams, on whose banks roved large herds
of antelopes or sheep — this was the scenery
which connected itself in the mind of the Greek
traveller with the word irapaifeujor, and for
which his own language supplied no precise
equivalent Through the writings of Xenophon,
and through the general admixture of Oriental-
isms in the later Greek after the conquests of
Alexander, the word gained a recognized place,
and the LXX. writers chose it for a new use,
which gave it a higher worth, and secured for
it a more perennial life. They used the same
word whenever there was any allusion, however
remote, to the fair region which had been the
first blissful home of man. It was natural,
however, that this higher meaning should be-
come the exclusive one, and be associated with
new thoughts. Paradise, with no other word
to qualify it, was the bright region which man
had loot, which was guarded by the flaming
sword. Soon a new nope sprang up. There
was a paradise still, into which man might hope
to enter. It is a matter of some interest to as-
certain with what associations the word wa9
connected in the minds of the Jews of Pales-
tine and other countries at the time of our
Lord's teaching, what sense therefore we may
attach to it in the writings of the N. T. In
this as in other instances we may distinguish
three modes of thought, each with marked
characteristics, yet often blended together in
different proportions, and melting one into the
other by hardly perceptible degrees. Each has
its counterpart in the teaching of Christian
theologians. The language of the N. T. stands
apart from and above all.
(1.) To the idealist school of Alexandria,
of which Philo is the representative, paradise
was nothing more than a symbol and an alle-'
gory. Spiritual perfection was the only paradise.
The trees that grew in it were the thoughts of
the spiritual man. (2.) The rabbinic schools
of Palestine presented a phase of thought the
very opposite of that of the Alexandrian writer.
They had their descriptions, definite and de-
tailed, a complete topography of the unseen
world. It was far off in the distant East, far-
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ther than (he foot of man had trod. It was a
region of the world of the dead, of Sheol, in
the heart of the earth. Gehenna was on one
aide, with its flames and torments; Paradise
on the other, the intermediate home of the
blessed. Or, again, paradise was neither on
the earth, nor within it, but above it, in the
third hcaren, or in some higher orb. Or there
wore two puradises, the upper and the lower —
one in heaven, for those who had attained the
heights of holiness — one in earth, for those
who had lived but decently ; and the heavenly
paradise was sixty times as large as the whole
lower earth.
(3.) Out of the discussions and theories of
the rabbis, there grew a broad popular belief,
fixed in the hearts of men, accepted without
discussion, blending with their best hopes.
Their prayer for the dying or the dead was that
bis soul might rest in paradise, in the garden
of Eden. The belief of the Essenes, as reported
by Joscphus, may be accepted as a fair repre-
sentation of the thoughts of those who, like
them, were not trained in the rabbinical
schools, living in a simple and more child-like
faith. To them, accordingly, paradise was a far-
off land, a region where there was no scorching
heat, no consuming cold, where the soft west
wind from the ocean blew forcvermore. It is
with this popular belief, rather than with that
of either school of Jewish thought, that the lan-
guage of the N. T. connects itself. The old
word is kept, and is raised to a new dignity or
power. It is significant, indeed, that the word
" paradise " nowhere occurs in the public
leaching of our Lord, or in His intercourse
with His own disciples. Connected as it had
been with the thoughts of a sensuous happiness,
it was not the fittest or the best word for those
whom He was training to rise out of sensuous
thoughts to the higher regions of the spiritual
life. For them, accordingly, the kingdom of
Heaven, the kingdom of God, are the words
most dwelt on. With the thief dying on the
cross the case was different. We can assume
nothing in the robbcr-outlnw but the most
rudimentary forms of popular belief. The
answer to His prayer gave him what he needed
most, — the assurance of immediate rest and
peace. The word paradise spoke to him, as to
other Jews, of repose, shelter, joy — the greatest
contrast possible to the thirst and agony and
shame of the hours upon the cross. There is a
like significance in the general absence of the
word from the language of the Epistles. Here
also it is found nowhere in the direct teaching.
It occurs only in passages that are apocalyptic,
and therefore almost of necessity symbolic (2
Cor. xii. 3). (4.) The eager curiosity which
prompts men to press on into the things behind
the veil has led them to construct hypotheses
more or less definite as to the intermediate
state, and these* have affected the thoughts
which Christian writers have connected with
the word " paradise." Patristic and later inter-
preters follow, as has been noticed, in the foot-
steps of the Jewish schools. The word enters
largely, as might be expected, into the apocry-
phal literature of the early Church. Where
the true Gospels arc most reticent, the mythi-
cal are most exuberant. (5.) The later history
of the word presents some facts of interest. Ac-
cepting in this, as in other instances, the mytbi
cat elements of Eastern Christianity, the creed
of Islam presented to its followers the hope of
a sensuous paradise, and the Persian word was
transplanted through it into the languages
spoken by them. In the West, it passes through
some strange transformations, and descends to
baser uses. The narthex, or atrium, in which
were assembled those who, not being Jidda
in full communion, were not admitted into the
interior of the building, was known as the
" paradise " of the church. Paradiso becomei
in some Italian dialects Paraviso, and this
passes into the French parvis, denoting the
western porch of a church, or the open space in
front of it.
Pa'rah, one of the cities in the territory al-
lotted to Benjamin, named only in the lists of
the conquest (Josh, xviii. 23). In the Ono>
masticon ("Aphra") it is specified by Jerom*
only, as five miles east of Bethel. No traces of
the name have yet been found in that position ;
but the name Farah exists farther to the S. E.
attached to the Wady Farah, one of the south-
ern branches of the great Wady Suweim't, and
to a site of ruins at the junction of the sum
with the main valley.
Paran, El-Pa'ran. 1. It is shown under
Kadesh that the name Paran corresponds
probably in general outline with the desert Et-
Ith. speaking generally, the wilderness of
Sinai (Num. x. 12, xii. 16), in which the min-
istrations of THberah and Hazeroth, if the lat-
ter be identical with Hidhera. are probably
included towards its N. E. limit, may be said to
lie S. of the Et-Tih range, the wilderness of
Paran N. of it, and the one to end where the
other begins. That of Paran is a stretch of
chalky formation, the chalk being covered with
coarse gravel, mixed with black flint and drift-
ing sand. Between the wilderness of Paran
and that of Zin no strict demarcation exists ia
the narrative, nor do the natural features of the
region, so far as yet ascertained, yield a well-
defined boundary. The name of Paran seems,
as in the story of Ishmael, to have predomi-
nated towards the western extremity of the
northern desert frontier of Et-Tih ; and in Num.
xxxiv. 4 the wilderness of Zin, not Paran, is
spoken of as the southern border of the land or
of the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 3). Was there,
then, a Paran proper, or definite spot to which
the name was applied ? From Dent. i. I , it
should seem there must have been. This U
confirmed by 1 K. xi. 18, from which we fur-
ther learn the fact of its being an inhabited
region; and the position required by the con-
text here is one between Midian and Egypt. If
we are to reconcile these passages by the aid of
(he personal history of Moses, it seems certain
that the local Midian of the Sinaitic peninsula
must have lain near the Mount Horcb itself
(Ex. Hi. 1, xviii. 1-5). Thesiteof the" Paran"
of Hadad the Edomite must then have lain to
the N. W. or Egyptian side of Horeb. This
brings ns, if we assume any principal mountain,
except Serial of the whole Sinaitic group, to be
"the Mount of God," so close to the Watty
Feiran, that the similarity of name, supported
by the recently expressed opinion of eminent
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PARTHIANS
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PARTRIDGE
geograph
stantiul i(
pbers, may be taken as establishing sub-
stantial identity. — 2. " Mount " Paran occurs
only in two poetic passages (Oeut. xxxiii. 2;
Hub. iii. 3), in one of which Sinai and Seir
appear as local accessories ; in the other, Teman
ana (ver. 7) Cushan and Midian. It is not
unlikely that if the Wady Feiran be the Paran
proper, the name " Mount " Paran may have
been either assigned to the special member
(the north-western) of the Sinaitic mountain-
group which lies adjacent to that wady, or to
the whole Sinaitic cluster. That special mem-
ber is the five-peaked ridge of Serbal.
Par/bar. A word occurring in Hebrew
and A. V. only in 1 Chr. xxvi. 18. From this
passage, and also from the context, it would
seem that Parbar was some place on the west
side of the Temple enclosure, the same side
with the causeway and the gate Shallecheth.
The latter was close to the causeway, and we
know from its remains that the causeway was
at the extreme north of the western wall. Par-
bar therefore must have been south of Shalle-
cheth. As to the meaning of the name, the
rabbis generally agree in translating it " the
outside place ; A while modern authorities take
it as equivalent to the parvarim in 2 K. xxiii.
11 (A. V. "suburbs"). Accepting this inter-
pretation, there is no difficulty in identifying
the Parbar with the suburb mentioned by Jose-
phus in describing Herod's Temple, as lying in
the deep valley which separated the west wall
of the Temple from tho city opposite it; in
other words, the southern end of the Tyropoeon.
Parbar is possibly an ancient Jebusite name.
Parchment. [Writing.]
Parlor. A word in English usage, mean-
ing the common room of the family, and hence
probably in A. V. denoting the king's audience-
chamber, so used in reference to Eglon (Judg.
iii. 20-23).
Parmash'ta. One of the ten sons of
Haman slain by the Jews in Shushan (Esth.
ix.9).
Par'menas. One of the seven deacons,
" men of honest report, full of the Holy Ghost
and wisdom " (Acts vi. 5). There is a tradi-
tion that he suffered martyrdom at Philippi in
the reign of Trajan.
Par nach, father or ancestor of Elizaphan
prince of the tribe of Zebulun (Num. xxxiv.
25).
Pa'rosh. The descendants of Parosh, in
number 2,172, returned from Babylon with
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 3 ; Neh. vii. 8). Another
detachment of 150 males, with Zecharioh at
their head, accompanied Ezra (Ezr. viii. 3).
Seven of the family had married foreign wives
(Ezr. x. 25). They assisted in the building of
the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 25), and signed
the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 14).
In the last-quoted passage, the name Parosh is
clearly that of a family, and not of an indi-
vidual.
Parsbandatha, the eldest of Hainan's
ten sons who were slain by the Jews in Shu-
shan (Esth. ix. 7).
Fartbians occurs only in Acts ii. 9, where
it designates Jews settled in Parthia. Parthia
Proper was the region stretching along the
southern flank of the mountains which sepa-
rate the great Persian Desert from the Desert
of Kharesm. It lay south of Hyrcania, east of
Media, and north of Sagaitia. The ancient
Parthians are called a " Scythic " race, and
probably belonged to the great Turanian fami-
ly. Various stories are told of their origin.
Really nothing is known of them till about the
time of Darius Hystospis, when they are found
in the district which so long retained their
name, and appear as faithful subjects of the
Persian monarchs. Herodotus speaks of them
as contained in the 16th satrapy of Darius. In
the final struggle between the Greeks and Per-
sians, they remained faithful to the latter, serv-
ing at Aroela ; but offering only a weak resist-
ance to Alexander when, on his way to Bactria,
he entered their country. In the division of
Alexander's dominions, they fell to the share
of Eumencs ; and Parthia for some while was
counted among the territories of the Seleucidas.
About b.c. 256, however, they ventured upon
a revolt, and under Arsaces they succeeded in
establishing their independence. Parthia, in
the mind of the writer of the Acts, would des-
ignate this empire, which extended from India
to the Tigris, and from the Chorasmian Desert
to tho shores of the Southern Ocean. Hence
the prominent position of the name Parthians
in the list of those present at Pentecost. Par-
thia was a power almost rivalling Rome — the
only existing power which had tried its strength
against Rome, and not been worsted in the
encounter. The Parthian dominion lasted for
nearly five centuries, commencing in the third
century before, and terminating in the third
century after, our era. It has already been
stated that the Parthians were a Turanian race.
Their success is to be regarded as the subver-
sion of a tolerably advanced civilization by a
comparative barbarism — the substitution of
Tartar coarseness for Arian polish and refine
ment.
Partridge (Heb. kdre) occurs only 1 Sam.
xxvi. 20, and in Jer. xvii. 1 1 . The translation
of kdre by " partridge " is supported by many
of the old versions. The " hunting this bird
upon the mountains" (1 Sam. xxvi. 20) en-
tirely agrees with the habits of two well-known
species of partridge, — viz., Caccabu saxatilii
ithe Greek partridge) and Ammoperdix Heyii.
t will be seen by the marginal reading that
the passage in Jeremiah may bear the follow-
ing interpretation : — As the tore " gathereth
young which she hath not brought forth." It
has been asserted that the partridge is in the
habit of stealing the eggs from the nests of its
congeners, and of sitting upon them, anil that,
when the young are hatched, they forsake their
false parent. It is perhaps almost needless to
remark that this is a mere fable, in which, how-
ever, the ancient Orientals may have believed.
The explanation of the rendering of the text of
the A. V. is obviously as follows : — Partridges
were often " hunted in ancient times as they
are at present, cither by hawking, or by being
driven from plRce to place till they become fa-
tigued, when they are knocked down by the clubs
or zerwattys of the Arabs. Thus nests were
no doubt constantly disturbed, and many de-
stroyed : as, therefore, is a partridge which is
driven from her eggs, so is he that enricheth
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PASHUR
692
PASSOVER
himself bv unjust means — " he shall leave
them in the midst of his days." The expres-
sion in Ecclus. xi. SO, "like as a partridge
taken (and kept) in a cage," clearly refers, as
Shaw has observed, to "a decoy partridge."
Our common partridge (Perdix cinerea), as
well as the Barbary (C. petrosa) and red-leg
(C. rufa), do not occur in Palestine.
Caceabu $uxaltlu.
Paru'ah, the father of Jehoshaphat, Solo-
mon's commissariat officer in Issachar (1 K.
iv. 17).
Parva'im, the name of an unknown place
or country whence the gold was procured for
the decoration of Solomon's Temple (2 Chr. iii.
6). Wo may notice the conjectures of Knobel
that it is an abbreviated form of Sepharvaim,
and of Wilford, that it is derived from the
Sanscrit virva, "eastern," and is a general
term for tne East.
Pa'sach, son of Japhlet of the tribe of
Asherfl Chr. vii. 33).
Pas-dam'mim. The form nnder which,
in 1 Chr. xi. 13, the name appears, which in
1 Sam. xvii. 1 is given more nt length as
Ephbs-Dammim. The lexicographers do not
decide which is the earlier or correcter of the
two. A ruined site bearing the name of Damun
or Chirbet Danunm, lies near the road from
Jerusalem to Beit Jibrin, about three miles
E. of Shuweiheh (Socho). This, Van de Velde
proposes to identify with Pas-dammim.
Pase'ah. 1. Son of Eshton, in an obscure
fragment of the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr.
iv. 1 2 ). — 2. The " sons of Paseah " were among
the Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel
(Est. ii. 49).
Pash'ur. 1. Name of one of the families
of priests of the chief house of Malchijah
(1 Chr. ix. 12, xxiv. 9; Neh. xi. 12; Jer. xxi.
1, xxxviii. 1). In the time of Nehemiah, this
family appears to have become a chief house,
and its head the head of a course (Ezr. ii. 38;
Neh. vii. 41 , x. 3). The individual from whom
the family was named was probably Pashur the
son of Malchiah, who In the reign of Zedekiah
was one of the chief princes of the court (Jer.
xxxviii. 1 ). He was sent, with others, by
Zedekiah to Jeremiah at the time when Nebu-
chadnezzar was preparing his attack upon
Jerusalem (Jer. xxi). Again, somewhat later,
Pnshnr joined with several other chief men in
petitioning the king that Jeremiah might be
pnt to death as a traitor (Jer. xxxviii.). Noth
ing more is known of him. — 2. Another person
of this name, also a priest, and " chief governor
of the house of the Lord," is mentioned in Jer.
xx. 1 . He is described as " the son of Immcr "
(1 Chr. xxiv. 14), probably the same as Ama-
riah (Neh. x. 3, xii. 2. &c"). In the reign of
Jehoiakim, he showed himself as hostile to Jere-
miah as his namesake the son of Malchiah did
afterwards, and put him in the stocks hv the
gate of Benjamin. For this indignitv to Coil's
prophet, Pashur was told by Jeremiah that hi*
name was changed to Magor-missahib ( Terror
on every tide), and that he nnd all bis house
should be carried captives to Bahvlon and ihere
die (Jer. xx. 1-6). — 8. Father of Gedalinh
(Jer. xxxviii. 1).
Passage. Used in plnr. (Jer. xxii. 201,
probably to denote the mountain region of
Abarim, on the east side of Jordan. It also
denotes a river-ford or a mountain gorge or
pass.
Passover, the first of the three great annu-
al festivals of the Israelites, celebrated in the
month Nisnn, from the 14th to the 21st. The
following are the principal passages in the Pen-
tateuch relating to the Passover: — Ex. xii.
1-51, xiii. 3-10, xxiii. 14-19, xxxiv. 18-26;
Lev. xxiii. 4-14 ; Num. ix. 1-14, xxviii. 16-2S;
Dent. xvi. 1-6.
I. Institution and Fibst Celebration
op the Passover. — When the chosen people
were about to be brought out of Egypt, the
word of the Lord came to Moses and Aaron,
commanding them to instruct all the congre-
gation of Israel to prepare for their departure
by a solemn religious ordinance. On the tenth
day of the month Abib, the head of each family
was to select from the flock either a lamb ori
kid, a male of the first year, without blemish.
If his family was too small to cat the whole of
the lamb, he was permitted to invite his nearest
neighbor to join the party. On the fourteenth
day of the month, he was to kill his lamb while
the sun was setting. He was then to take the
blood in a basin, and with a sprig of hvs*op to
sprinkle it on the two side-posts and the lintel
of the door of the house. The lamb was then
thoroughly roasted, whole. It was expressly
forbidden that it should be boiled, or that a bone
of it should be broken. Unleavened bread and
bitter herbs were to be eaten with the flesh.
No male who was uncircumcised was to join
the company. Each one was to have his loins
girt, to hold a staff in his hand, and to have
shoes on his feet. He was to eat in haste, and
it would seem that he was to stand during the
meal. The number of the party was to be
calculated as nearly as possible, so that all the
flesh of the lamb might be eaten ; hut if any
portion of it happened to remain, it was to be
burned in the morning. No morsel of it was
to be carried out of the house. The legislator
was further directed to inform the people of
God's purpose to smite the first-born of the
Egyptians, to declare that the Passover was to
be to them an ordinance forever, to give them
directions respecting the order and dnration of
the festival in future times, and to enjoin upon
them to teach their children its meaning, from
generation to generation. When the message
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PASSOVEB
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PASSOVEB
was delivered to the people, they bowed their
heads in worship. Tne lambs were selected;
on the fourteenth they were slain, and the
blood sprinkled ; and in the following evening,
after the fifteenth day of the month had com-
menced, the first paschal meal was eaten. At
midnight the first-born of the Egyptians were
smitten. The king and his people were now
urgent that the Israelites should start imme-
diately, and readily bestowed on them supplies
for the journey. In such haste did the Israel-
ites depart, on that very day (Num. xxxiii. 3),
that thoy packed op their kneading-troughs
containing the dough prepared for the morrow's
provisions, which was not yet leavened.
II. Observance of the Passover in La-
ter Times. — I. In the twelfth and thirteenth
chapters of Exodus, there are not only distinct
references to the observance of the festival in
future ages (e.</. xii. 2, 14, 17, 24-37, 42, xiii.
2, 5, 8-10), but there are several injunctions
which were evidently not intended for the first
passovcr, and which indeed could not possibly
have been observed. In the later notices of the
festival in the books of the law, there are par-
ticulars added which appear as modifications
of the original institution (Lev. xxiii. 10-14 ;
Num. xxviii. 16-25 ; Deut. xvi. 1-6). Hence it
is not without reason that the Jewish writers
have laid great stress on the distinction between
"tho Egyptian Passover" and "the perpetual
P.issover. 2. The following was the general
order of tho observances of the Passover in
later times according to the direct evidence of
Scripture : — On the 14th of Nisan, every trace
of leaven was put away from the houses, and
on the same day every male Israelite not labor-
ing under any bodily infirmity or ceremonial
impurity was commanded to appear before the
Lord at the national sanctuary with an offering
of money in proportion to his means (Ex. xxiii.
13; Deut xvi. 16, 17). Devout women some-
times attended, as is proved by the instances
of Hannah and Mary (1 Sam. i. 7 ; Luke ii. 41,
42). As the sun was setting, the lambs were
slain, and the fat and blood given to the priests
(2 Chr. xxxv. 5, 6). The lamb was then roasted
whole, and eaten with unleavened bread and
bitter herbs ; no portion of it was to be left
until the morning. The same night, after the
15:h of Nisan had commenced, tho fat was
burned by the priest, and the blood sprinkled
on the altar (2 Chr. xxx. 16, xxxv. 11). On
the 15th, the night being passed, there was a
holy convocation, and during that day no work
might be done, except the preparation of neces-
sary food (Ex. xii. 16). On this and the six
following days, an offering in addition to the
daily sacrifice was made, of two young bullocks,
a ram, and seven lambs of the first year, with
meat-offcrin<rs, for a burnt-offering, and a goat
lor a sin-offering (Num. xxviii. 19-23). On
the 16th of the month, " the morrow after the
.sabbath " (i'.e. after the day of holy convoca-
tion), the first sheaf of harvest was offered and
waved by the priest before the Lord, and a male
lamb was offered as a burnt-sacrifice with a
meat and drink offering. Nothing necessarily
distinguished the fonr following days of the
festival, except the additional burnt and sin
offerings, and the restraint from some kind* of
labor. On the seventh day, the 21st of Nisaa,
there was a holy convocation, and the day ap-
pears to have been one of peculiar solemnity.
As at all the festivals, cheerfulness was to pre-
vail during the whole week, and all care was
to be laid aside (Deut. xxvii. 7).
3. (a.) The Paschal Lamb. — After the first
Passover in Egypt, there is no trace of the
lamb having been selected before it was wanted.
In later times, we are certain that it was some-
times not provided before the 14th of the month
(Luke xxii. 7-9; Mark xiv. 12-16). The law
formerly allowed the alternative of a kid (Ex.
xii. 5), but a lamb was preferred, and was prob-
ably nearly always chosen. It was to be fault-
less and a male, in accordance with the estab-
lished estimate of animal perfection (sec Mai.
i. 14). Either the head of the family, or any
other person who was not ceremonially unclean
(2 Chr. xxx. 17), took it into the court of the
Temple on his shoulders. The Mishna gives a
particular account of the arrangement which
was mode in the court of the Temple. As the
paschal lamb could be legollv slain, and the
blood and fat offered, only in the national sanc-
tuary (Deut. xvi. 2), it of course ceased to be
offered by the Jews after the destruction of
Jerusalem. The spring festival of the modern
Jews strictly consists only of the feast of un
leavened bread.
(6.) The Unleavened Bread. — Then is no
reason to doubt that the unleavened bread
eaten in the Passover, and that used on other
religious occasions, were of the same nature.
It might be made of wheat, spelt, barley, oats,
or rye, but not of rice or millet. It appears to
have been usually mode of the finest wheat
flour. It was probably formed into dry, thin
biscuits, not unlike those used by the modern
Jews, (c.) The Bitter Herbs and the Sauce. —
According to the Mishna, the bitter herbs (Ex.
xii. 8) might be endive, chiccory, wild lettuce, or
nettles. These plants were important articles
of food to the ancient Egyptians. The sauce
into which the herbs, the bread, and the meat
were dipped as they were eaten (John xiii. 26 ;
Matt xxvi. 23), is not mentioned in the Penta-
teuch. According to Bartenora, it consisted of
only vinegar and water ; but others describe it as
a mixture of vinegar, figs, dates, almonds, and
spice, (d.) The Four Cups of Wine.' — There
is no mention of wine in connection with the
Passover in the Pentateuch ; but the Mishna
strictly enjoins that there should never be less
than four cups of it provided at tho paschal
meal even of the poorest Israelite. Two of
them appear to be distinctly mentioned, Luke
xxii. 17, 20. "The cup of blessing" (1 Cor.
x. 16) was probably the latter one of these, and
is generally considered to have been the third
of the series, after which a grace was said;
though a comparison of Luke xxii. 20 (whore
it is called " the cup after supper ") with Pes.
x. 7, and the designation " cup of the Haltel,"
miu;ht rather suggest that it was the fourth and
last cup.
(«.) The HaUel. — The service of praise sung
at the Passover is not mentioned in the Law.
i The reader will bear In mind, that, all leaven
being prohibited, the wine used on the occasion
must, of necessity, hare been uiuerinented. — El>.
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The name is contracted from Hallelujah. It
consisted of the series of Psalms from cxiii. to
cxviii. The first portion, comprising Ps. cxiii.
and cxiv., was sun? in the early part of the
meal, and the second part after the fourth cup
of wine. This is supposed to have been the
" hymn " sung by our Lord and His apostles
(Matt. xxvi. 30 ; Mark xiv. 26). (f.) Mode and
Order of the Paschal Meal. — Adopting as much
from Jewish tradition as is not inconsistent or
improbable, the following appears to have been
the usual custom : — All work, except that be-
longing to a few trades connected with daily
life, was suspended for some hours before the
evening of the 14th Nisan. It was not lawful
to cat any ordinary food after mid-day. No
mole was admitted to the table unless he was
circumcised, even if he was of the seed of Israel
(Ex. xii. 48). Neither, according to the letter
of the law, was any one of either sex admitted
who was ceremonially unclean (Num. ix. 6) ;
but this rule was on special occasions liberally
applied. The rabbinists expressly state that
women were permitted, though not commanded,
to partake; but the Karaites, in more recent
times, excluded all but full-grown men. It
was customary for the number of a party to be
not less than ten. When the meal was pre-
pared, the family was placed round the table,
the paterfamilias taking a place of honor, prob-
ably somewhat raised above the rest. There is
no reason to doubt that the ancient Hebrews
sat as they were accustomed to do at their ordi-
nary meals. Our Lord and His apostles con-
formed to the usual custom of their time, and
reclined (Luke xxii. 14, &c.). When the partv
was arranged, the first cup of wine was filled,
and a blessing was asked by the head of the
family on the feast, as well as a special one on
the cup. The bitter herbs were then placed on
the table, and a portion of them eaten, either
with or without the sauce. The unleavened
bread was handed round next, and afterwards
the lamb was placed on the table in front of the
head of the family. Before the lamb was eaten,
the second cup of wine was filled, and the son,
in accordance with Ex. xii. 26, asked his father
the meaning of the feast. In reply, an account
was given of the sufferings of the Israelites in
Egypt, and of their deliverance, with a particu-
lar explanation of Dent. xxvi. 5, and the first
part of the Hnllel (Ps. cxiii., cxiv.) was sung.
This being gone through, the lamb was carved
and eaten. The third cup of wine was poured
out and drunk, and soon afterwards the fourth.
The second part of the Hallel (Ps. cxv. to
cxviii.) was then sung. A fifth wine-cap ap-
pears to have been occasionally produced, but
perhaps only in later times. What was termed
the Greater Hallel (Ps. cxx. to exxxviii.) was
sung on such occasions. The Israelites who
lived in the country appear to have been ac-
commodated at the feast by the inhabitants of
Jerusalem in their houses, so far as there was
room for them (Luke xxii. 10-12; Matt. xxvi.
18). Those who could not be received into the
city encamped without the walls in tents, as
the pilgrims now do at Mecca.
(jr.) The First Sheaf of Harvest. — The of-
fering of the omcr, or sheaf, is mentioned no-
where in the law, except Lev. xxiii. 10-14. It
is there commanded, that, when the Israclius
reached the land of promise, they should bring,
on the 16th of the month, " the morrow after
the sabbath " (i.e. the day of holy convoca-
tion), the first sheaf of the harvest to the priest,
to be waved by him before the Lord. The
sheaf was of barley, as being the grain which
was fa-stripe (2 K. iv. 42). (h.) The Chagigah.—
The daily sacrifices arc enumerated in the Pen-
tateuch on'y in Num. xxviii. 19-23; tut ref-
erence is made to them Lev. xxiii. 8. Besides
these public offerings, there was another sort
of sacrifice connected with the Passover, as
well as with the other great festivals, called in
the Talmud Chagigah, i.e. " festivity." It was
a voluntary peace-offering made by private in-
dividuals. The victim might be taken either
from the flock or the herd. It might be either
male or female, but it must be without blemish.
The offerer laid bis hand upon its head, and
slew it at the door of the sanctuary. The blood
was sprinkled on the altar, and the fat of the
inside, with the kidneys, was bumed by the
priest. The breast was given to the priest as
a wave-offering, and the right shoulder as a
heave-offering (Lev. iii. 1-5, vii. 23-34). What
remained of the victim might be eaten by the
offerer and bis guests on the day on which it
was slain, and on the day following ; but if any
portion was left till the third day, it was burned
(Lev. vii. 16-18). The eating of the Chagigah
was an occasion of social festivity connected
with the festivals, and especially with the Pass-
over, (i.) Release of Prisoners. — It is a ques-
tion whether the release of a prisoner at the
Passover (Matt, xxvii. IS; Mark xv. 6; Luke
xxiii. 17 ; John xviii. 39) was a custom of Ro-
man origin resembling what took place at the
lectisternium (Lir. v. 13), and, in later times,
on the birthday of an emperor ; or whether it
was an old Hebrew nsage belonging to the
festival, which Pilate allowed the Jews to re-
tain. (&.) The Second, or Little Passover. —
When the Passover was celebrated the second
year, in the wilderness, certain men were pre-
vented from keeping it, owing to their being
defiled by contact with a dead body. Being
thus prevented from obeying the divine com-
mand, they came anxiously to Moses to inquire
what they should do. He was accordingly
instructed to institute a second Passover, to be
observed on the 14th of the following month,
for the benefit of any who had been hin-
dered from keeping the regular one in Nisan
(Num. ix. 11). The Talmudists called this the
Little Passover. (I.) Observances of the Passover
recorded in Scripture. — Of these, seven are
of chief historical importance: — 1. The first
Passover in Egypt (Ex. xii.). 2. The first kept
in the desert (Num. ix.). 8. That celebrated
by Joshua at Gilgal (Josh. v.). 4. That which
Hezekiah observed on the occasion of his re-
storing the national worship (2 Chr. xxx.).
This Passover was not held till the second
month, the proper time for the Little Passover.
5. The Passover of Jonah in the eighteenth
year of his reign (2 Chr. xxxv.). 6. That
celebrated by Ezra after the return from Baby-
lon (Ezr. vi.). 7. The last Passover of our
Lord's life.
III. The Last Supfkx. — 1. Whether or
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not the meal at which our Lord instituted the
sacrament of the Eucharist was the paschal
supper according to the law, is a question of
Cat difficulty. No point in the gospel history
i been more disputed. If we had nothing to
guide us but the three first Gospels, no doubt
of the kind could well be raised, though the
narratives mar not be free from difficulties in
themselves ; but, on the other hand, if wc had
no information but that which is to be gathered
from St John's Gospel, we could not hesitate
to infer that the evening of the supper was
that of the 13th of Nisan, the day preceding
that of the paschal meal. If we admit, in ac-
jordance with the first view of these passages,
that the Last Supper was on the 13th of Nisan,
our Lord must have been crucified on the 14th,
the day on which the paschal lamb was slain
and eaten. He lay in the grave on the 15th
(which was a " high day " or double sabbath,
because the weekly sabbath coincided with the
day of holy convocation), and the Sunday of the
resurrection was the 16th. It is not surprising
that some modern critics should have given up
as hopeless the task of reconciling this difficulty.
2. The reconciliations which have been attempt-
ed fall under three principal heads : — i. Those
which regard the supper at which our Lord
washed the feet of His disciples (John xiii.), as
having been a distinct meal eaten one or more
days before the regular Passover, of which our
Lord partook in due course according to the
synoptical narratives, ii. Those in which it is
endeavored to establish that the meal was eaten
on the 13th, and that our Lord was crucified on
the evening of the true paschal supper, iii.
Those in which the most obvious view of the
three first narratives is defended, and in which
it is attempted to explain the apparent contra-
dictions in St. John, and the difficulties in refer-
ence to the law. (i.) The first method has the
advantage of furnishing the most ready way
of accounting for St. John's silence on the in-
stitution of the Holy Communion ; but any
explanation founded on the supposition of two
meals appears to be rendered untenable by the
context, (ii.) The current of opinion in mod-
ern times has set in favor of taking the more
obvious interpretation of the passages in St.
lohn, that the supper was eaten on the 13th,
and that our Lord was crucified on the 14th.
Those who thus hold that the supper was eaten
on the 13th day of the month have devised va-
rious ways of accounting for the circumstance,
of which the following are the most important :
— (a.) It is assumed that a party of the Jews,
probably the Sadducces and those who inclined
towards them, used to eat the Passover one day
before the rest, and that our Lord approved of
their practice. (6.) It has been conjectured that
the great body of the Jews had gone wrong in
calculating the true Passover-day, placing it a
day too late, and that our Lord ate the Pass-
over on what was really the 14th, but what
commonly passed as the 13th. (c.) Calvin
supposed that on this occasion, though our
Lord thought it right to adhere to the true legal
time, the Jews ate the Passover on the ISth
instead of the 14th, in order to escape from the
burden of two days of strict observance (the
day of holy convocation and the weekly sab-
bath) coming together. (</.) Grotius thought
that the meal was a iruoxa /tv^/iovevruiov (like the
paschal feast of the modern Jews, and such as
might have been observed during the Babylo-
nian captivity), not a trdaxa eimiftoy.
(«.) A view which has been received with fa-
vor far more generally than either of the pre-
ceding is, that the Last Supper was instituted
by Christ for the occasion, in order that He
might Himself suffer on the proper evening on
which the paschal lamb was slain. Erasmus and
others have called it an " anticipatory Pass-
over;" but if this view is to stand, it seems
better, in a formal treatment of the subject, not
to call it a Passover at all. (iii.) They who
take the facts as they appear to lie on the sur-
face of the synoptical narratives start from
a simpler point. They have to show that the
passages in St John may be fairly interpreted in
such a manner as not to interfere with their
own conclusion, (a.) John xiii. 1, 2. Does
jrpd tw ioprijf limit the time only of the propo-
sition in the first verse, or is the limitation to
be carried on to verse 2, so as to refer to the
supper? In the latter case the natural conclu-
sion is, that the meal was one eaten before the
paschal supper. Others take naaxa to mean
the seven days of unleavened bread as not in-
cluding the eating of the lamb, and justify this
limitation by St Luke xxii. 1 ; but not a few
of those who take this side of the main ques-
tion regard the first verse as complete in itself.
On the whole, Ncander himself admits that
nothing can safely be inferred from John xiii. 1,
2, in favor of the supper having taken place on
the 13th. (6.) John xiii. 29. It is urged that
the things of which they had " need against the
feast " might have been the provisions for the
Chagigah, perhaps with what else was required
for the seven days of unleavened bread. The
usual day for sacrificing the Chagigah was the
15th, which was then commencing. But there
is another difficulty in the disciples thinking it
likely cither that purchases could be made, or
that alms could be given to the poor, on a day
of holy convocation. It is highly probable that
the letter of the law in regard to trading was
habitually relaxed in the case of what was re-
3uired for religious rites or for burials, (c.)
ohn xviii. 28. The Jews refused to enter the
prauorinm lest they should be defiled, and so
disqualified from eating the Passover.. Ncan-
der and others denv that this passage can pos-
sibly refer to any thing but the paschal supper.
But it is alleged that the words may either be
taken in a general sense as meaning " that they
might go on keeping the Passover," or that
rd iraoxa may be understood specifically to de-
note the Chagigah. (rf.) Johnxix. 14. "The
preparation of the Passover" at first sight
would seem as if it must be the preparation for
the Pamovtr on the 14th, a time set apart for
making ready for the paschal week, and for the
paschal supper in particular. It is naturally so
understood by those who advocate the notion
that the Last Supper was eaten on the 13th.
But they who take the opposite view affirm
that, though there was a regular " preparation "
for the sabbath, there is no mention of any
" preparation " for the festivals. It seems to be
essentially connected with the sabbath itself
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(John xix. SI). The phrase in John xix. 14
may thus be understood as the preparation of
the sabbath which fell in the Passover week.
If these arguments are admitted, the day of
the preparation mentioned in the Gospels might
have fallen on the dar of holy convocation, the
15thofNisan. (e.) John xix. 81. "Thatsab-
bath day was a high day." It is assumed by
those who fix the supper on the 13th that the
term was applied, owing to the 1 5th being " a
double sabbath," from the coincidence of the
day of holy convocation with the weekly fes-
tival. Those, on the other hand, who identify
the supper with the paschal meal, contend that
the special dignity of the day resulted from its
being that on which the omer was offered, and
from which were reckoned the fifty days to
Pentecost.
(/) The difficulty of supposing that our
Lord s apprehension, trial, and crucifixion took
place on the day of holy convocation, has been
strongly urged. If many of the rabbinical
maxims for the observance of such days which
have been handed down to us were then in
force, these occurrences certainly could not have
taken place. But the statements which refer
to Jewish usage in regard to legal proceedings
on sacred days are very inconsistent with each
other. Some of them make the difficulty
equally great, whether we suppose the trial to
have taken place on the 14th or the 15th. In
others, there are exceptions permitted which
seem to go far to meet the case before us. But
we have better proof than either the Mishna or
the Gemara can afford, that the Jews did not
hesitate, in the time of the Roman domination,
to carry arms and to apprehend a prisoner on
a solemn feast-day. TV e find them at the Feast
of Tabernacles, on the " great day of the feast,"
sending out officers to take our Lord, and
rebuking them for not bringing Him (John vii.
32-45). St. Peter also was seized during the
Passover (Acts xii. 3, 4). And, again, the
reason alleged by the rulers for not apprehend-
ing Jesus was, not the sanctity of the festival,
bnt the fear of an uproar among the multitude
which was assembled (Matt. xxvi. 5). On the
whole, notwithstanding the express declaration
of the Law and of the Mishna that the days
of holy convocation were to be observed pre-
cisely as the sabbath, except in the preparation
of food, it is highly probable that considerable
license was allowed in regard to them, as we
have already observed. 3. There is a strange
story preserved in the Gemara {Sanhedrim, vi.
2), that our Lord, having vainly endeavored
during forty days to find an advocate, was sen-
tenced, and, on the 14th of Nisan, stoned, and
afterwards hanged. As we know that the
difficulty of the gospel narratives had been
perceived long before this statement could have
been written, and as the two opposite opinions
on the chief question were both current, the
writer might easily have taken up one or the
other. The statement cannot be regarded as
worth any thing in the way of evidence. Not
much use can be made in the controversy
of the testimonies of the Fathers ; but few of
them attempted to consider the question criti-
cally. 4. It must be admitted that the narra-
tive of St. John, as far as the mere succession
of events is concerned, bears consistent testi-
mony in favor of the Last Supper having been
eaten on the evening before the Passover. That
testimony, however, does not appear to be so
distinct, and so incapable of a second interpre-
tation, as that of the synoptical Gospels, in
favor of the meal having been the paschal
supper itself, at the legal time (sec especially
Matt xxvi. 17; Mark xiv. 1, 12; Luke xxh.
?)•
IV. Meaning of the Passover. — 1. Each
of the three great festivals contained a reference
to the annual course of nature. Two at least
of them — the first and the last — also com-
memorated events in the history of the chosen
people. It must be admitted that the relation
to the natural year expressed in the Paesover
was less marked than that in Pentecost or Tab-
ernacles, while its historical import was deeper
and more pointed. 1 hat part of i ts cm monies
which has a direct agricultural reference — the
offering of the omer — holds a very subor-
dinate place. 2. The deliverance from K^'vpt
was regarded as the starting-point of the Ile-
brcw nation. The Israelites were then raised
from the condition of bondmen under a foreign
tyrant to that of a free people owing allegiance
to no one but Jehovah. Tlie prophet in a
later age spoke of the event as a motion and
a ndemptton of the nation. God declares Him-
self to be " the Creator of Israel." The Ex-
odus was thus looked upon as the birth of the
nation ; the Passover was its annual bin bday
feast. It was the yearly memorial of the dedi-
cation of the people to Him who had saved
their first-born from the destroyer, in order
that they might be made holy to Himself. 3.
(a.) The paschal lamb must of course be re-
garded as the leading feature in the ceremonial
of the festival. Some Protestant divines dur-
ing the last two centuries (Calov, Carpzov)
have denied that it was a sacrifice in the proper
sense of the word. Bnt most of their contem-
poraries (Cudworth, Bochart, Vitringa), and
nearly all modern critics, have held that it was
in the strictest sense a sacrifice. The chief
characteristics of a sacrifice arc all distinctly
ascribed to it It was offered in the holy place
(Deut. xvi. 5, 6) ; the blood was sprinkled on
the altar, and the fat was burned (2 Chr. xxx.
16, xxxv. 11). The language of Ex. xii. 27,
xxiii. 18, Num. ix. 7, Deut. xvi. 2, 5. together
with 1 Cor. v. 7, would seem to decide the
question beyond the reach of doubt. As the
original institution of the Passover in Egypt
preceded the establishment of the priesthood
and the regulation of the service of the taber-
nacle, it necessarily fell short in several partic-
ulars of the observance of the festival according
to the fnlly developed ceremonial law. The
head of the family slew the lamb in his own
house, not in the holy place; the blood was
sprinkled on the door-way, not on the altar.
But when the law was perfected, certain partic-
ulars were altered in order to assimilate the
Passover to the accustomed order of religious
service. It has been conjectured that the im-
position of the hands of the priest was one of
these particulars, thoogh it is not recorded
(Kurtz). But whether this was the case or
not, the other changes which have been stated
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teem to be abundantly sufficient for the argu-
ment It can hardly be doubted that the
paschal lamb was regarded as the great annual
]>eace-offering of the family, a thank-offering
for the existence and preservation of the nation
(Ex. xiii. 14-16), the typical sacrifice of the
elected and reconciled children of the promise.
A question, perhaps not a wise one, has been
raised regarding the purpose of the sprinkling
of the blood on the lintels and door-posts.
Some have considered that it was meant as a
mark to guide the destroying angel. Others
suppose that it was merely a sign to confirm
the faith of the Israelites in their safety and
deliverance. Surely neither of these views can
stand alone. The sprinkling must have been
an act of faith and obedience which God ac-
cepted with favor. That it also denoted the [
purification of the children of Israel from the
abominations of the Egyptians, and so had
the accustomed significance of the sprinkling
of blovd under the law (Heb. ix. 22), is evi-
dently in entire consistency with this view.
No satisfactory reason has been assigned for
the command to choose the lamb four days be-
fore the paschal supper. That the lamb was to
be roasted, and not boiled, has been supposed to
commemorate the haste of the departure of
the Israelites. Kurtz conjectures that the lamb
was to be roasted with fire, the purifying cle-
ment, bocau.se the meat was thus left pure,
without the mixture even of the water which
would have entered into it in boiling. It is
not difficult to determine the reason of the
command, " not a bone of him shall be broken."
The Iamb was to be a symbol of unity ; the
unity of the family, the unity of the nation,
the unity of God with His people whom He
hail taken into covenant with Himself.
(6.) The unleavened bread ranks next in
importance to the paschal lamb. The notion
has been very generally held, or taken for
granted, both by Christian and Jewish writers
of all ages, that it was intended to remind the
Israelites of the unleavened cakes which they
wore obliged to eat in their hasty flight (Ex.
xii. 34, 33) ; but there is not the least intima-
tion to this effect in the sacred narrative. It has
been considered by some that the unleavened
bread and the bitter herbs alike owe their mean-
ing to their lieing regarded as unpalatable food ;
but this seems to be wholly inconsistent with
the pervading joyous nature of the festival.
On the whole, we are warranted in concluding
that unleavened bread had a peculiar sacrificial
character, according to the Law. It seems
more reasonable to accept St. Paul's rcforenco
to the subject (1 Cor. v. 6-8) as furnishing the
true meaning of the symbol. Fermentation
is decomposition, a dissolution of unity. The
pure dry biscuit would lie an apt emblem of
unchanged duration, and, in its freedom from
foreign mixture, of purity also, (c.) The bit-
ter herbs are generally understood by the Jewish
writers to signify the bitter sufferings which
the Israelites had endured (Ex. i. 14). But
it has been rem irked by Ahen-ezra that these
herbs are a good and wholesome accompani-
ment for meat, and are now, and appear to
havo been in ancient times, commonly so eaten.
(d.) The offering of the omer, though it is
88
obviously that part of the festival which Is
immediately connected with the course of the
seasons, bore a distinct analogy to its historical
significance. It may have denoted a deliver-
ance from winter, as the lamb signified deliver-
ance from the bondage of Egypt, which might
well be considered as a winter in the history
of the nation. Again, the consecration of the
first-fruits, the first-born of the soil, is an easy
type of the consecration of the first-born of
the Israelites. 4. No other shadow of good
things to come contained in the Law can vie
with the festival of the Passover in expressive-
ness and completeness. Hence we are so often
reminded of it, more or less distinctly, in the
ritual and language of the Church. Its outline,
considered in reference to the great deliverance
of the Israelites which it commemorated, and
many of its minute details, have been appro-
priated as current expressions of the truths
which God has revealed to us in the fulness
of time in sending His Son upon earth. It is
not surprising that ecclesiastical writers should
have pushed the comparison too far, and exer-
cised their fancy in the application of trifling
or accidental particulars cither to the facts of
our Lord's life or to truths connected with it.
But, keeping within the limits of sober inter-
pretation indicated by Scripture itself, the ap-
plication is singularly full and edifying. The
crowning application of the pasclial rites to
the truths of which they were the shadowy
promises appears to be that which is afforded
by the fact that our Lord's death occurred
during the festival. According to the divine
purpose, the true Lamb of God was slain at
nearly the same time as " the Lord's Passover,"
in obedience to the letter of the law. It does
not seem needful that, in order to give point
to this coincidence, we should (as some have
done) draw from it an a primi argument in
favor of our Lord's crucifixion having taken
place on the 14th of Nisan. It is enough to
know that our own Holy Week and Easter
stand as the anniversary of the same great facts
as were foreshown in those events of which the
yearly Passover was a commemoration. As
compared with the other festivals, the Passover
was remarkably distinguished by a single vic-
tim essentially its own, sacrificed in a very
peculiar manner. In this respect, as well as
in the place it held in the ecclesiastical year,
it had a formal dignity and character of its
own. It was the representative festival of
the year, and in this unique position it stood
in a certain relation to circumcision as the
second sacrament of the Hebrew Church (Ex
xii. 44).
Pat'ara, a Lvcian city of some considerable
note. It was situated on the south-western
shore of Lycia, not far from the left bank of ;
the River 'Xanthns. The coast here is very-
mountainous and bold. Immediately opposite
is the Island of Rhodes. Patara was practi-
cally the seaport of the citv of Xanthns, which
was" ten miles distant. These notices of it*
position and maritime importance introduce us
to the single mention of the place in the Bible
(Acts xxi. 1, 2).
Pathe'us. Pbthahiah the Levite (1 Esd.
ix. 23; comp. Ezr. x. 23). Ap.
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Path'rOS, gent noun Pathrusim, a part
•f Egypt, and a Mizraite tribe. That Pathros
was in Egypt admits of no question : we have
to attempt to decide its position more nearly.
In the list of the Mizraites, the Pathrusim
occur after the Naphtuhim, and before the Cas-
luhim ; the latter being followed by the notice
of the Philistines, and by the Caphtorim (Gen.
x. 13, 14; 1 Chr. i. 12). Pathros is mentioned
in the prophecies of Isaiah (xi. 11), Jeremiah
(xliv. 1, 15), and Ezekiel (xxix. 14,xxx. 13-18).
Prom the place of the Pathrusim in the list of
the Mizraites, thev might be supposed to have
settled in Lower Egypt, or the more northern
part of Upper Egypt. It seems, if the order
be geographical, as there is reason to suppose,
that it is to be inferred that the Pathrusim
were seated in Lower Egypt, or not much
above it, unless there be any transposition. If
die original order were Pathrusim, Caphtorim,
Casluhim, then the first might have settled in
the highest part of Upper Egypt, and the other
two below them. The occurrences in Jeremiah
seem to favor the idea that Pathros was part
of Lower Egypt, or the whole of that region.
The notice by Ezekicl of Pathros as the land
of the birth of the Egyptians seems to favor
the idea that it was part of or all Upper Egypt.
Pathros has been connected with the Pathyrite
Nome, the Phaturitc of Pliny (H. N. v. 9, §47),
in which Thebes was situate. This identifica-
tion may be as old as the LXX. The dis-
covery of the Egyptian name of the town after
which the nomo was called puts the inquiry on
a safer basis. It is written HA-HAT-HER,
" The Abode of Hather," the Egyptian Venus.
It may perhaps have sometimes been written
P-HA-HAT-HER, in which case theP-H and
T-H would have coalesced in the Hebrew form,
as did T-H in Caphtor. On the evidence here
brought forward, it seems reasonable to con-
sider Pathros to be part of Upper Egypt, and
to trace its name in that of the Pathyrite
Nome. Rut this is only a very conjectural
identification, which future discoveries may
overthrow.
Pathrusim. [Pathros.]
Patfmos (Rev. i. 9). Two recent and co-
pious accounts, one by a German, the other by a
French traveller, furnish us with very full in-
formation regarding Patmos. The aspect of
the island is peculiarly rugged and bare. And
such a scene of banishment for St. John in the
reign of Domitian is quite in harmony with
what we read of the custom of the period.
Patmos is divided into two nearly equal parts,
a northern and a southern, by a very narrow
isthmus, where, on the east side, are the harbor
and the town. On the hill to the south,
crowning a commanding height, is the celebrat-
ed monastery, which bears the name of " John
the Divine. ' Half way up the ascent is the
cave or grotto where tradition says that St.
John received the Revelation. We have only
to add that Patmos is one of the Sporades, and
is in that part of the ^Egean which is called the
Icarian Sea. It must have been conspicuous
on the right when St. Paul was sailing (Acta
xx. 15, xxi. 1 ) from Samos to Cos.
Patriarchs. The name patriarch (Trarpt-
•oxm) is applied in the N. T. to Abraham
(Heb. vii. 4), to the sons of Jacob (Acta vi>
8, 9), and to David (Acts ii. 29) ; and is ap-
parently intended to be equivalent to the
phrase, the " head " or ''prince of a tribe," so
often found in the O. T. It is used in this
sense by the LXX. in 1 Chr. xxiv. 31 , xxvfi.
22; 2 Chr. xxiii. 20, xxvi. 12. In common
usage, the title of patriarch is assigned especial-
ly to those whose lives are recorded in Scrip-
ture previous to the time of Moses. The patri-
archal times are naturally divided into the ante-
diluvian and post-diluvfan periods. 1. In the
former, the Scripture record contains little ex-
cept the list of the line from Seth, through
Enos, Cainan, Mahalaleel, Jared, Enoch, Me-
thuselah, and Lamech, to Noah ; with the ages
of each at their periods of generation and at
their deaths. To some extent parallel to this
is given the line of Cain, — Enoch, Irad, Mehu-
jael, Methusael, Lamech ; and the sons of La-
mech, — Jabal, Jubal, and Tubal-Cain. To the
latter line are attributed the first signs of
material civilization, — the building of cities, the
division of classes, and the knowledge of me-
chanical arts ; while the only moral record of
their history obscurely speaks of violence and
bloodshed.
One of the main questions raised as to the
antc-diluvian period turns on the longevity
assigned to the patriarchs. With the single
exception of Enoch (whose departure from the
earth at 365 years of age is exceptional in every
sense), their ages vary from 777 (Lamech) to
969 (Methuselah). This statement of ages is
clear and definite. To suppose, with some,
that the name of each patriarch denotes a clan
or family, and his age its duration, appears to
be a mere evasion of difficulty. It must either
be accepted, as a plain statement of fact, or re-
garded as purely fabulous, like the legendary
assignment of immense ages to the early In-
dian or Babylonian or Egyptian kings. In the
acceptance of the literal meaning, it is not easy
to say how much difficulty is involved. The
constant attribution in all legends of great age
to primeval men is at least as likely to be a dis-
tortion of fact as a mere invention of fancy.
If the divine origin of Scripture be believed,
its authority must be accepted in this, as in
other cases ; and the list of the ages of the pa-
triarchs be held to be (what it certainly claims
to be) a statement of real facts.
2. It is in the post-diluvian periods that more
is gathered as to the nature of the patriarchal
history. It is at first general in its scope.
The "covenant" given to Noah is one, free
from all condition, and fraught with natural
blessings, extending to all alike. But the his-
tory soon narrows itself to that of a single tribe
or family, and afterwards touches the general
history of the ancient world and its empire*,
only so far as it bears upon this. It is in this
lost stage that the principle of the patriarchal
dispensation is most clearly seen. It is based
on the sacredness of family ties and paternal
authority. This authority, as the only one
which is natural and original, is inevitably the
foundation of the earliest form of society, and
is probably seen most perfectly in wandering
tribes, where it is not affected by local attach-
ments and by the acquisition of wealth. In
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Scripture, this authority is consecrated by an
ultimate reference to God, as the God of the
patriarch, the Father (that is) both of him and
Lis children. At the same time, this faith was
not allowed to degenerate, as it was prone to
do, into an appropriation of God, as the mere
tutelary God of the tribe. Still the distinction
and preservation of the chosen family, and the
maintenance of the paternal authority, are the
special purposes, which give a key to the mean-
ing of history, and of the institutions recorded.
The type of character formed under this dis-
pensation is one imperfect in intellectual and
spiritual growth, because not yet tried by the
subtler temptations, or forced to contemplate
the deeper questions of life; but it is one
remarkably simple, affectionate, and free, such
as would grow up under a natural authority,
derived from God and centring in Him, yet
allowing, under its unquestioned sacredness, a
familiarity and freedom of intercourse with
Uim, which is strongly contrasted with the
stern and awful character of the Mosaic dispen-
sation. To contemplate it from a Christian
point of view is like looking back on the un-
conscious freedom and innocence of childhood,
with that deeper insight and strength of char-
acter which are gained by the experience of
manhood. We see in it the germs of the fu-
ture, of the future revelation of God, and the
future trials and development of man. It is on
thi* fact that the typical interpretation of its his-
tory depends. In the post-diluvian history of
the chosen family is seen the distinction of the
true believers, possessors of a special covenant,
special revelation, and special privileges, from
the world without. In it is therefore shadowed
out the V story of the Jewish Nation and
Christian church, as regards the freedom of
their covenant, the gradual unfolding of their
revelation, and the peculiar blessings and
temptations which belong to their distinctive
position.
Pat'robaa. A Christian at Rome to whom
8t. Paul sends his salutation (Rom. xvi. 14).
Like many other names mentioned in Rom.
xvi., this was bor=<* *•" at least one member
of the emperor's household (Suet. Oalba, 20;
Martial, Ep. ii. 32, 3).
Patroclus, the father of Nicanor, the fa-
mous adversary of Judas Maccabaeus (2 Mace,
viii. 9). Ap.
Pan, but, in 1 Chr. i. 50, Pai, the capital of
Hadar, king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 39). Its
position is unknown.
Paul, the Apostle of Jesus Christ to the
Gentiles. Origami Authorities. — Nearly all
the original materials for the Life of St. Paul
are contained in the Acts of the Apostles, and
in the Pauline Epistles. Out of a comparison
of these authorities, the biographer of St. Paul
has to construct his account of the really im-
portant period of the apostle's life. The earlv
traditions of the Church appear to have left al-
most untouched the space of time for which we
possess those sacred and abundant sources of
knowledge ; and they aim only at supplying a
few particulars m the biography beyond the
points at which the narrative of the Acts be-
gins and terminates. We shall assume the
Acts of the Apostles to be a genuine and au-
thentic work of St. Luke, the companion of
St. Paul, and shall speak of the Epistles at the
places which we believe them to occupy in the
history. Prominent Points in the Life. — Fore-
most of all is his conversion. This was the
main root of his whole life, outward and in-
ward. Next after this, we may specify his la-
bors at Antioch. From these we pass to the
first missionary journey, in the eastern part of
Asia Minor. The visit to Jerusalem was a criti-
cal point, both in the history of the Church and
of the apostle. The introduction of the gospel
into Europe, with the memorable visits to Pni-
lippi, Athens, and Corinth, was the boldest
step in the carrying-out of St. Paul's mis-
sion. A third great missionary journey, chief-
ly characterized by a long stay at Ephesus, is
further interesting from its connection with
four leading Epistl'S. This was immediately
followed by the apprehension of St. Paul at
Jerusalem, and Ait imprisonment at Ccesarea.
And the last event of which we have a full nar-
rative is the 'voyage to Rome.
Saul of Tarsus, be/ore his Conversion. — Up
to the time of his going forth as an avowed
preacher of Christ to the Gentiles, the apostle
was known by the name of Saul. This was
the Jewish name which he received from bis
Jewish parents. But though a Hebrew of the
Hebrews, he was born in a Gentile city. Of
his parents we know nothing, except that his
father was of the tribe of Benjamin (Phil. iii.
5), and a Pharisee (Acts xxiii. 6) ; that he had
acquired by some means the Roman franchise
(" I was free born," Acts xxii. 28), and that he
was settled in Tarsus. "Inn i Jew of Tar-
sus, a city in Cilicia, a citizen of no mean city "
(Acts xxi. 39). At Tarsus he must have learnt
to use the Greek language with freedom and
mastery in both speaking and writing. At
Tarsus also he learnt that trade of " tent-maker "
(Acts xviii. 3) at which he afterwards occa-
sionally wrought with his own hands. There
was a goat's-hnir cloth called Cilicium, manu-
factured in Cilicia, and largely used for tents.
Saul's trade was probably that of making tents
of this haircloth. When St. Paul makes /lis
defence before his countrymen at Jerusalem
(Acts xxii.), he tells them that, though botn in
Tarsus, he had been " brought up " in Jeru-
salem. He must, therefore, have been yet a
boy, when he was removed, in all probability
for the sake of his education, to the Holy City
of his fathers. We may imagine him arriving
there, pcrhnps at some age between ten and fif-
teen, alrcadv a Hellenist, speaking Greek, and
familiar with the Greek version of the Scriu-
tures ; possessing, besides the knowledge of his
trade, the elements of Gentile learning, — to be
taught at Jerusalem " according to the perfect
manner of the law of the fathers." He learnt,
he says, " at the feet of Gamaliel." He who
was to resist so stoutly the usurpations of the
law had for his teacher one of the most emi-
nent of all the doctors of the law. Saul was
yet "a young man" (Acts vii. 58) when the
Church experienced that sudden expansion
which was connected with the ordaining of
the Seven appointed to serve tables, and with
the special power and inspiration of Stephen.
Amongst those who disputed with Stephen
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were some " of them of Cilicia," We natu-
rally think of Saul as having been one of
these, when we find him afterwards keeping
the clothes of those suborned witnesses who,
according to the law (Dent. xvii. 7), were the
first to cast stones at Stephen. " Saul," says
the sacred writer, significantly, "was consent-
ing unto his death."
SauTs Conversion. — The persecutor was to
be converted. Having undertaken to follow
up the believers " unto strange cities," Saul
naturally turned bis thoughts to Damascus.
What befell him as he journeyed thither is re-
lated in detail three times in the Acts, first by
the historian in his own person, then in the two
addresses mode by St. Paul at Jerusalem and
before Agrippa. These three narratives are not
repetitions of one another : there are differ-
ences between them which some critics choose
to consider irreconcilable. Of the three nar-
ratives, that of the historian himself must claim
to be the most purely historical : St. Paul's
subsequent accounts were likely to be affected
by the purpose for which he introduced them.
St Luke's statement is to be read in Acts
ix. 3-19, where, however, the words, " It is
hard for thee to kick against the pricks," in-
cluded in the Vulgate and English version,
ought to be omitted. The sudden light from
heaven ; the voice of Jesus speaking with au-
thority to His persecutor ; Saul struck to the
ground, blinded, overcome; the three days'
suspense ; the coming of Ananias as a messen-
ger of the Lord; and Saul's baptism, — these
were the leading features, in the eyes of the
historian, of the great event, and in these we
must look for the chief significance of the con-
version. For we must not forget that, what-
ever we hold as to the external nature of the
phenomena we are considering, the whole trans-
action was essentially, in any case, a spiritual
communication. That the Lord Jesus mani-
fested Himself as a living person to the man
Saul, and spoke to him so that His very words
could be understood, is the substantial fact
declared to us. The purport of the three nar-
ratives is, that an actual conversation took place
between Saul and the Lord Jesus. It is re-
markable that in none of them is Saul said to
have seen Jesus. How it was that Saul " saw "
and " heard " we are quite unable to determine.
That the light, and the sound or voice, were
both different from any ordinary phenomena
with which Saul and his companions were
familiar, is unquestionably implied in the nar-
rative. It is also implied that they were spe-
cially significant to Saul, and not to* those with
him. We gathar therefore that there were
real outward phenomena, through which Saul
was made inwardly sensible of a Presence
revealed to him alone. 1
> The principle on which the conversion of Paul
depended is very simple. He had been familiar
from childhood with the Scriptures, and with the
accounts there given of the appearance of a glorious
being, the Angel Jehovah, to the patriarchs and
fathers. His mind was, doubtless, full of the na-
tional expectation of the speedy revelation of that
being, in outward splendor, as the Messiah. When ,
therefore, the risen Saviour appeared to him in
Immortal glory, he knew, in an Instant, that it must
•m He. This was the reality of which he had so
The only mention in the Epistle* of St Paul
of the outward phenomena attending his con-
version is that in I Cor. xv. 8, " Last of all Ha
was seen of me also." But there is one impor-
tant passage in which he speaks distinctly of
his conversion itself. In the Epistle to the
Galatians (i. 15, 16), St. Paul has these words:
" When it pleased God, who separated me from
my mother s womb, and called me by His grace,
to reveal His Son in me, that I m'ijiht preach
Him among the heathen "... What words
could express more exactly than these the spirit-
ual experience which occurred to Saul on the
way to Damascus? The manifestation cf
Jesus as the Son of God is clearly the main
point in the narrative. It would be groundless
to assume that the new convictions of that
mid-day immediately cleared and settled them-
selves in Saul's mind. It is sufficient to say
that he was then converted, or turned round.
For a while, no doubt, his inward state was one
of awe and expectation. Thus entering Da-
mascus as a servant of the Lord Jesus, he
sought the house of one whom he had, perhaps,
intended to persecute. The fame of Saul's
coming had preceded him; and Ananias, "a
devout man according to the law," but a be-
liever in Jesus, when directed by the Lord to
visit him, wonders at what he is told concerning
the notorious persecutor. He obeys, however;
and going to Saul in the name of " the Lord
Jesus, who had appeared to him in the way,"
he puts his hands on him that he may receive
his sight, and be filled with the Holy Ghost.
Thereupon Sanl's eyes are immediately purged,
and his sight is restored. Aft»r the recovery
of his sight, Saul received the washing-away of
his sins in baptism. He then broke his three-
days' fast, and was strengthened. He was a%
once received into the fellowship of the disciples,
and began without delay the work to which
Ananias had designated him ; and to the as-
tonishment of all his hearers he proclaimed
Jesus in the synagogues, declaring him to be
the Son of God. Ihe narrative in the Acta
tells us simply that be was occupied in this
work, with increasing vigor, for " many days,"
up to the time when imminent danger drove
him from Damascus. From the Epistle to the
Galatians (i. 17, 18), we learn that the many
days were at least a good part of " three years ;
and that Saul, not thinking it necessary to pro-
cure authority to preach from the apostles that
were before him, went after his conversion into
Arabia, and returned from thence to Damascus.
We know nothing whatever of this visit to
Arabia — to what district Saul went, how long
he staid, or for what purpose he went there.
Now that we have arrived at Saul's departure
from Damascus, we are again upon historical
often heard, so often dreamed ; for which he bad
so vainly longed.
But while at first filled, we may suppose, with
undefined emotions, In which triumph and joy
would form psrt, what was his aniaxement to
hear this divine Messiah proclaim liiiux-lf none
other than the very Jesus he was persecuting! It
was enough; he bad been wholly mMakra: Jews
was no Impostor. The new religion was true, and
must be at once embraced, trembling and as-
tonished, he cries,— cries to Jrsns of Naiarrth.
a name so abhorred till that moment, — " Lord,
what wilt Thou hare me to do t " — Ku.
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ftmnd, and have the doable evidence of St
like in the Acts, and of the apostle in his 2d
Epistle to the Corinthians. According to the
former, the Jews lay in wait for Saul, intending
to kill him, and watched the gates of the city
that he might not escape from them. Knowing
this, the disciples took him by night, and let
him down in a basket from the wall. Accord-
ing to St. Paul (2 Cor. xi. 32), it was the
ethnarch under Arutas the king who watched
for him, desiring to apprehend him. There is
no difficulty in reconciling the two statements.
Having escaped from Damascus, Saul betook
himself to Jerusalem, and there "essayed to
join himself to the disciples ; but they were all
afraid of him, and believed not that he was a
disciple." Barnahas became his sponsor to the
Apostles and Church at Jerusalem, assuring
them — from some personal knowledge, we must
presume — of the facts of Saul's conversion and
subsequent behavior at Damascus. Barnabas's
introduction removed the fears of the apostles,
and Paul " was with them coming in and going
out at Jerusalem." His Hellcnistical education
madj him, like Stephen, a successful disputant
against the " Grecians ; " and it is not strange
that the former persecutor was singled out from
the other believers as the object of a murderous
hostility. He was therefore again urged to
flee; and by way of Cawarca betook himself
to his native citv Tarsus. In the Bpistlo to the
Oalatians, St. Paul adds certain particulars.
Ho tells us that his motive for going up to
Jerusalem rather than anywhere else was that
he might see Peter; that he abode with him
fifteen days; that the only apostles he saw
were Peter, and James the Lord's brother ; and
that afterwards he came into the regions of
Syria and Cilicia, remaining unknown by face,
though well known for his conversion, to the
churches in Judaeu which were in Christ.
St. Paul at AntiorJi. — While Saul was at
Tarsus, a movement was going on at Antioch,
which raised that city to an importance second
only to that of Jerusalem itself in the early
history of the Church. In the life of the Apos-
tle of "the Gentiles, Antioch claims a most con-
spicuous place. It was there that the preaching
of the gospel to the Gentiles first took root,
and from thence that it was afterwards propa-
gated. There came to Antioch, when the per-
secution which arose about Stephen scattered
npon their different routes the disciples who
had been assembled at Jerusalem, men of Cy-
prus and Cyrene, eager to tell all who would
hear them the good news concerning the Lord
Jesus. A great number believed ; and when
this was reported at Jerusalem, Barnahas was
sent on a special mission to Antioch. As the
work grew under his hands, and " much people
was added unto the Lord," Barnabas felt the
need of help, and went himself to Tarsus to
seek Saul. Possibly at Damascus, certainly at
Jerusalem, he had been a witness of Saul's
energy and devotcdness, and skill in disputa-
tion. He had been drawn to him by the liond
of a most brotherly affection. He therefore
longed for him as a helper, and succeeded in
bringing him to Antioch. There they labored
together unremittingly for "a whole year,"
mixing with the constant assemblies of the
believers, and "teaching much people." Al>
this time, as St. Luke would give us to under-
stand, Saul was subordinate to Barnabas. In
the mean time, according to the usual method
of the divine government, facts were silently
growing, which were to suggest and occasion
the future developments of faith and practice,
and of these facts the most conspicuous was the
unprecedented accession of Gentile proselytes
at Antioch. An opportunity soon occurred,
of which Barnabas and Saul joyfully availed
themselves, for proving the affection" of these
new disciples towards their brethren at Jeru-
salem. 1 here came " prophets " from Jerusa-
lem to Antioch : " and there stood up one of
them, named Agabus, and signified by the
Spirit that there should be great dearth through-
out all the world." It is obvious that the ful-
filment followed closely upon the intimation
of the coming famine, tor tlio disciples at
Antioch determined to send contributions im-
mediately to Jerusalem : and the gift was con-
veyed to the elders of that Church by the hands
of* Barnabas and Saul. It could not have been
necessary for the mere safe conduct of the con-
tribution that Barnabas and Saul should go in
person to Jerusalem. We are bound to see
in the relations between the Mother-church
and that of Antioch, of which this visit is illus-
trative, examples of the deep feeling of the
necessity of union which dwelt in the heart of
the early Church. Having discharged their
errand, Barnahas and Saul returned to Antioch,
bringing with them another helper, John sur-
named Mark, sister's son to Barnabas. The
work of prophesying and teaching was resumed.
Antioch was in constant communication with
Cilicia, with Cyprus, with all the neighboring
countries. The question must have forced it-
self upon hundreds of the " Christians " at
Antioch, " What is the meaning of this faith
of ours, of this baptism, of this incorporation,
of this kingdom of the Son of God, for the
world t The gospel is not for Judasa alone :
here are we called by it at Antioch. Is it
meant to stop here? " The Church was preg-
nant with a great movement, and tne time of
her delivery was at hand. Something of direct
expectation seems to be implied in what is said
of the leaders of the Church at Antioch, that
they were " ministering to the Lord, and fast-
ing," when the Holy Ghost spoke to them.
Without doubt, they knew it for a seal set npon-
previous surmises, when the voice time clearly
to the general mind, " Separate me Barnahas
and Saul for the work whereunto I have called
them." Every thing was done with orderly
gravity in the sending-forth of the two mission-
aries. Their brethren, after fasting and prayer,
laid their hands on them, and so they depart
ed. The First Missionary journey. — M uch must
have been hid from Barnahas and Saul as to
the issues of the journey on which they em-
barked. But one thing was clear to them, that
the;/ were sent forth to s/ieak the. word of God. The
first characteristic feature of St. Paul's teaching
was the absolute conviction that he was only
the bearer of a heavenly message. The writer
of the Acts proceeds npon the same assumption.
He tells ns that, as soon as Barnahas and Saul
reached Cyprus, they began to " announce tho
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word of God." The second fact to be observed
is, that for the present they delivered their
message in the synagogues of the Jews only.
They trod the old path till they should be
drawn out of it. But when they had gone
through the island, from Salamis to Paphos,
they were called upon to explain their doctrine
to an eminent Gentile, Sergius Paulus, the pro-
consul. A Jew, named Barjesus, or Elymas,
a magut and false prophet, had attached himself
to the governor, and had no doubt interested
hia mind, for he was an intelligent man, with
what he had told him of the history and hopes
of the Jews. [Elymas. J Accordingly, when
Sergius Paulus heard of the strange teachers
who were announcing to the Jews the advent
of their true Messiah, he wished to see them,
and sent for them. The impostor, instinctively
huting the apostles, and seeing his influence
over the proconsul in danger of perishing, did
what he could to withstand them. Then Saul,
" who is also called Paul," denouncing Elymas
in remarkable terms, declared against him God's
sentence of temporary blindness. The blind-
ness immediately falls upon him ; and the pro-
consul, moved by the scene, and persuaded by
the teaching of the apostle, becomes a believer.
This point is made a special crisis in the
history of the apostle by the writer of the
Acts. Saul now becomes Paul, and begins to
take precedence of Barnabas. Nothing is said
to explain the change of name. No reader
could resist the temptation of supposing that
there mast be some connection between Saul's
new name and that of his distinguished Ro-
man convert. But on reflection it does not
seem probable that St. Paul would cither have
wished, or have consented, to change his own
name for that of a distinguished convert There
is no reason, therefore, why Saul should not
have borne from infancy the other name of
Paul. In that case, he would be Saul amongst
his own countrymen, Paulus amongst the Gen-
tiles. The conversion of Sergius Paulus may
be said, perhaps, to mark the beginning of the
work amongst the Gentiles ; otherwise, it was
not in Cyprus that any change took place in
the method hitherto followed by Barnabas and
Saul in preaching the gospel. Their public
addresses were as yet confined to the syna-
gogues ; but it was soon to be otherwise. From
Paphos, " Paul and his company " set sail for
the mainland, and arrived at Perga in Pnm-
Jihvlia. Here the heart of their companion
fohn failed him, and he returned to Jerusalem.
From Per^n they travelled on to a place, ob-
scure in secular history, but most memorable
in the historv of the kingdom of Christ, —
Antioth in Pisidia. Here " they went into the
synagogue on the sabbath day, and sot down."
Small as the place was, it contained its colony
of Jews, and with them proselytes, who wor-
shipped the God of the Jews. What took
place here in the synagogue and in the city
is interesting to ns not only on account of its
!>earin<r on the history, but also because it rep-
resents more or less exactly what afterwards
occurred in many other places. The ii|K>stles
of Christ sat still" with the rest of the assembly
whilst the Law and the Prophets were rend.
They and their audience were united in rev-
erence for the sacred books. Then the ralert
of the synagogue sent to invite them, as stran-
gers but brethren, to speak any word of exhor-
tation which might be in them to toe people.
Paul stood up, and, beckoning with his hand, be
spoke. The speech is given in Acts xiii. 16-
41. The discourse produced a strong impres-
sion ; and the hearers (not " the Gentiles ")
requested the apostles to repeat their message
on the next sabbath. During the week, so
much interest was excited by the teaching of
the apostles, that on the sabbath day "tlmort
the whole city came together to hear the Word
of God." It was this concern of the Gentiles
which appears to have first alienated the minds
of the Jews from what they had heard. They
were filled with envy. The eagerness of the
Gentiles to hear may have confirmed their in-
stinctive apprehensions.
The Jewish envy once roused became a pow-
er of deadly hostility to the gospel ; and these
Jews at Antioch set themselves to oppose bit-
terly the words which Paul spoke. The new
opposition brought out new action on the pert
of the apostles. Rejected by the Jews, they
became bold and outspoken, and turned from
them to the Gentiles. Henceforth, Fan! and
Bnmabas knew it to be their commission, not
the less to present their message to Jews firet,
but, iu the absence of an adequate Jewish me-
dium, to deal directly with the Gentiles. But
this expansion of the gospel work brought
with it new difficulties and dangers. At An-
tioch now, as in every city afterwards, tbe
unbelieving Jews used their influence with tbeir
own adherents amongst the Gentiles, and
especially the women of the higher class, to
persuade the authorities or the populace to
persecute the apostles, and to drive them from
the place. With their own spirits raised, and
amidst much enthusiasm of their disciples, Paul
and Barnabas now travelled on to leonium,
where the occurrences at Antioch were repeated,
and from thence to the Lycaonian country
which contained the cities Lystra and Dcrbe.
Here they had to deal with uncivilized hea-
thens. At Lystra the healing of a cripple
took place, the narrative of which runs very
parallel to the account of the similar act done
by Peter and John at the gate of the Temple.
1 he same truth was to be conveyed to the
inhabitants of Jerusalem, and to the heathens
of Lycaonia. The act was received naturally
by these pagans. They took the apostles for
gods, calling Barnabas, who was of the more
imposing presence, Zeus (Jupiter), and Paul,
who was the chief speaker, Hermes (Meren-
rius). This mistake, followed up by the attempt
to offer sacrifices to them, gives occasion to the
recording of an address, in which we see a type
of what the apostles would say to an ignorant
pagan audience.
Although the people of Lystra had been
so ready to worship Paul and Barnabas, tbe
repulse of their idolatrous instincts appears to
have provoked them, and they allowed them-
selves to be persuaded into hostility by Jews
who came from Antioch and Iconinm, so that
they attacked Paul with stones, and thought
they had killed him. He recovered, however,
as the disciples were standing round him, and
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jrent again into the city. The next day he
left it with Barnabas, and went to Derbe, and
thence they returned once more to Lystra, and
so to Iconium and Antioch. In order to es-
tablish the churches after their departure, they
solemnly appointed "elders" in every city.
Then they came down to the coast, ana from
Attalia they sailed home to Antioch in Syria,
where they related the successes which had been
granted to them, and especially the " opening of
the door of faith to the Gentiles." And so
the First Missionary Journey ended.
The Council at Jerusalem (Acts xv. ; Gala-
tians ii.). — Upon that missionary journey fol-
lows most naturally the next important scene
which the historian sets before us, — the council
held at Jerusalem to determine the relations
of Gentile believers to the Law of Moses. In
following this portion of the history, we en-
counter two of the greater questions which the
biographer of St. Paul has to consider. One
of these is historical, What were the relations
between the Apostle Paul and the Twelve' 1
The other is critical, How is Galatians ii. to be
connected with the narrative of the Acts *
The relations of St Paul and the Twelve will
best be set forth in the narrative. But we
most explain here why we accept St. Paul's
statements in the Galatian Epistle as additional
to the history in Acts xv. The first impression
of any reader would be a supposition that the
two writers might be referring to the same
event. The one would at least bring the other
to his mind. On looking more closely into
both, the second impression upon the reader's
mind may possibly be that of a certain incom-
patibility between the two. Another view will
remain, that St. Paul refers to a visit not re-
corded in the Acts at all. This is a perfectly
legitimate hypothesis; and it is recommended
by the vigorous sense of Paley. But where are
we to place the visit ' The only possible place
for it is some short time before the visit of ch.
xv. But it can scarcely be denied, that the
language of ch. xv. decidedly implies that the
visit there recorded was the first paid by Paul
and Barnabas to Jerusalem, after their great
success in preaching the gospel amongst the
Gentiles.
We suppose the reader, therefore, to recur to
his first impression. He will then have to ask
himself, " Granting the considerable differences,
are there, after all, any plain contradictions be-
tween the two narratives, taken to refer to the
tame occurrences 7 " The answer must be,
" There are no plain contradictions." We pro-
ceed then to combine the two narratives.
Whilst Paul and Barnabas were staving at
Antioch, "certain men from Judssa came
there, and taught the brethren that it was ne-
cessary for the Gentile converts to be circum-
cised. This doctrine was vigorously opposed
bv the two apostles, and it was determined
that the question should be referred to the
apostles and elders at Jerusalem. Paul and
Barnabas themselves, and certain others, were
selected for this mission. In Gal. ii. 2, St.
Paul says that he went up " by revelation."
On their way to Jerusalem, they announced to
the brethren in Phoenicia and Samaria the con-
version of the Gentiles ; and the news was re-
ceived with great joy (Acts xv. 4). St. Paul
adds that he communicated his views " pri-
vately to them which were of reputation,"
through anxiety as to the success of his work
(Gal. ii. 2). The apostles and the Church in
general, it appears, would have raised no diffi-
culties; but certain believers who had been
Pharisees thought fit to maintain the same doc-
trine which had caused the disturbance at An-
tioch. In either place, St. Paul would not give
way to such teaching for a single hour (Gal.
ii. 5).
It became necessary, therefore, that a for-
mal decision should be come to upon the ques-
tion. The apostles and elders came together,
and there was much disputing. Arguments
would be used on both sides ; but when the
persons of highest authority spoke, they ap-
pealed to what was stronger than arguments,
— the course of facts, through which the will of
God had been manifestly shown. After they
had done, St. James, with incomparable sim-
plicity and wisdom, binds up the testimony of
recent facts with the testimony of ancient
prophecy, and gives a practical judgment upon
the question. The judgment was a decisive
one. The injunction that the Gentiles should
abstain from pollutions of idols and from forni-
cation explained itself. The abstinence from
things strangled and from blood is desired as
a concession to the customs of the Jews, who
were to be found in every city, and for whom
it was still right, when they had believed in
Jesus Christ, to observe the Law. St. Paul
had completely gained his point. The older
apostles, James, Cephas, and John, perceiving
the grace which had been given him (his effect-
ual apostleship), gave to him and Barnabas
the right hand of fellowship.
At this point it is very important to observe
precisely what was the matter at stake between
the contending parties. The case stood thus :
Circumcision and the ordinances of the Law
were witnesses of a separation of the chosen
race from other nations. The Jews were proud
of that separation. But the gospel of the Son
of man proclaimed that the time had come in
which the separation was to be done away, and
God's good will manifested to all nations alike.
It spoke of a union with God, through trust,
which gave hope of a righteousness that the
Law had been powerless to produce. There-
fore to insist upon Gentiles being circumcised
would have been to deny the gospel of Christ.
If there was to be simply an enlarging of the
separated nation by the receiving of indi-
viduals into it, then the other nations of the
world remained as much on the outside of
God's covenant as ever. Then there was no
gospel to mankind ; no justification given to
men. The loss, in such a case, would have
been as much to the Jew as to the Gentile.
St. Paul felt this the most strongly ; but St
Peter also saw that if the Jewish believers
were thrown bock on the Jewish Law, and gave
up the free and absolute grace of God, the Law
became a mere burden, just as heavy to the
Jew as it would be to the Gentile. The only
hope for the Jew was in a Saviour who must be
the Saviour of mankind. It implied therefore
no difference of belief when it was agreed that
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Paul and Barnabas should go to the heathen,
while James and Cephas and John undertook
to be the apostles of the circumcision. The
judgment of the Church was immediately re-
corded in a letter addressed to the Gentile
brethren in Antioch and Syria and Cilicia. It
is usual to connect with this period of the his-
tory that rebuke of St. Peter which St. Paul
records in Gal. ii. 1 1-14. The connection of the
subject makes it convenient to record the inci-
dent in this place, although it is possible that it
took place before the meeting at Jerusalem, and
perhaps most probable that it did not occur till
later, when St. Paul returned from his long
tour in Greece to Antioch (Acts xviii. 22, 23).
Second Missionary Journey. — The most res-
olute courage, indeed, was required tor the
work to which St Paul was now publicly
pledged. He would not associate with himself
in that work one who had already shown a
want of constancy. This was the occasion of
what must have been a most painful difference
between him and his comrade in the faith and
in past perils, Barnabas (Acts xv. 35-40).
Silas, or Silvanus, becomes now a chief com-
panion of the apostle. The two went together
through Syria and Cilicia, visiting the churches,
and so came to Derbe and Lystra. Here they
find Timotheus, who had become a disciple
on the former visit of the apostle. Him St.
Paul took and circumcised. Paul and Silas
w«re actually delivering the Jerusalem decree
to all the churches tbey visited. They were, no
doubt, triumphing in the freedom secured to
the Gentiles. Yet at this very time our apostle
hod the wisdom and largeness of heart to con-
sult the feelings of the Jews by circumcising
Timothy.' St. Luke now steps rapidly over
a considerable space of the apostle's life and
labors. " They went throughout Phrygia and
the region of Galatia" (xvi. 6). At this time
St. Paul was founding " the churches of Ga-
latia" (Gal. i. 2). He himself gives us hints
of the circumstances of his preaching in that
region, of the reception he met with, and of
the ardent though unstable character of the
people (Gal. iv. 13-15).
It is not easy to decide as to the meaning of
the words " through infirmity of the flesh."
Undoubtedly their grammatical sense implies
that "weakness of the flesh" — an illness —
was the occasion of St. Paul's preaching in
Galatia. On the other hand, the form and or-
der of the words are not what we should hare
expected if the apostle meant to say this ; and
Prof. Jowett prefers to assume an inaccuracy
of grammar, and to understand St. Paul as
saying that it was in weakness of the flesh that
he preached to the Galatians. In either case,
St. Paul must be referring to a more than ordi-
nary pressure of that bodily infirmity which
he speaks of elsewhere as detracting from the
influence of his personal address. It is hope-
less to attempt to determine positively what
this infirmity was. St. Paul at this time had
not indulged the ambition of preaching his
gospel in Europe. His views were limited to
the Peninsula of Asia Minor. Having gone
i Because Timothy was by birth a Jew. and cir-
cumcision was not abolished for the Jewish nation.
-Ed.
through Phrygia and Galatia, he intended to
visit the western coast ; but " they were for-
bidden by the Holy Ghost to preacli the word "
there. Then, being on the borders of Mysia,
they thought of going back to the north-east
into Bithynia; but again the Spirit of Jests
" suffered them not" So they passed by Mysia.
and came down to Troas. St. Paul saw in a
vision a man of Macedonia, who besought him,
saying, " Come over into Macedonia, and help
us." The vision was at once accepted as a
heavenly intimation ; the help wanted by the
Macedonians was believed to be the preaching
of the gospel.
It is at this point that the historian, speaking
of St. Paul's company, substitutes " we " for
" they." He says nothing of himself; we can
only infer that St. Luke, to whatever country
he belonged, became a companion of St. Paul
at Troas. The party, thus re-enforced, imme-
diately set sail from Troas, touched at Samo-
thrace, thtn landed on the continent at Neapolis,
and from thence journeyed to Philippi. rhil-
ippi was no inapt representative of the West-
ern World. A Greek: city, it had received a
body of Roman settlers, and was politically
a Colon ia. There were a few Jews, if not
many, at Philippi ; and when the sabbath came
round, the apostolic company joined their
countrymen at the place by the river-side where
prayer was wont to be made. The narrative
in this part is very graphic (xvi. 13). The
first convert in Macedonia was but an Asiatic
woman who already worshipped the God of
the Jews ; but she was a very earnest believer,
and besought the apostle and his friends to
honor her by staying in her house. Tbey
could not resist her urgency, and during their
stay at Philippi they were the guests of Lydia
(ver. 40). But a proof was given before Mug
that the preachers of Christ were come to
grapple with the powers in the spiritual world
to which heathenism was then doing homage.
A female slave, who brought gain to her mas-
ters by her powers of prediction when >he was
in the possessed state, beset Paul and his com-
pany. Paul was vexed by her cries, and,
addressing the spirit in the girl, he said, "1
command thee, in the name of Jesus Christ, to
come out of her."
The girl's masters saw that now the hope of
their gains was gone. Paul and Silas were
dragged before the magistrates, the multitude
clamoring loudly against them, upon the
vague charge of " troubling the city, and in-
troducing observances which were unlawful for
Romans. If the magistrates had desired to
act justly, they might have doubted how tbey
ought to deal with the charge. But the pra-
ters or duumviri of Philippi were very unwor-
thy representatives of the Roman magistracy.
They yielded without inquiry to the clamor
of the inhabitants, caused the clothes of Paul
and Silas to be torn from them, and themselves
to bo beaten, and then committed them to
prison. This cruel wrong was to be the occa-
sion of a signal appearance of the God of
righteousness and deliverance. The narrative
tells of the earthquake, the jailer's terror, his
conversion and baptism (xvi. 26-34). In the
morning, the magistrates, either having beard
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of what had happened, or having repented of
their injustice, or having done all they meant
to do by way of pacifying the multitude, sent
word to the prison that the men raifjht be let
go. But St. Paul denounced plainly their
unlawful acts, informing them moreover that
those whom they had beaten and imprisoned
without trial were Roman citizens. The ma-
gistrates, in great alarm, saw the necessity of
humbling themselves. They came and begged
them to leave the city. Paul and Silas con-
sented to do so, and, after paying a visit to
" the brethren " in the house of Lydia, they
departed. Leaving St. Luke, and perhnps Tim-
othy for a short time, at Philippi, Paul and
Silas travelled through Amphipolis and Apol-
lonia, and stopped again at Thcssalonica, At
this important city there was a synagogue of
the Jews. True to his custom, St. Paul went
in to them, and for three sabbath days pro-
claimed Jesus to be the Christ, as he would
have done in a city of Judaea. Again, as in
PL.iJi.tn Antioch, the envy of the Jews was
excited. The mob assaulted the house of Jason,
with whom Paul and Silas were staying as
f nests, and, not finding them, dragged Jason
inuelf and some other brethren before the
magistrates. In this case, the magistrates seem
to have acted wisely and justly, in taking se-
curity of Jason and 'the rest, and letting them
go. After these signs of danger, the brethren
immediately sent away Paul and Silas by night.
The Epistles to the Thessalonians were writ-
ten very soon after the apostle's visit, and con-
tain more particulars of his work in founding
that churcn than we find in any other Epistle.
The whole of these letters ought to he read for
die information they thus supply. When Paul
and Silas left Thcssalonica, they came to Beroea.
Here they found the Jews more noble than
those at Thcssalonica had been. Accordingly
th_»v gained many converts, both Jews and
Gritk-i ; but the Jews of Thessalonica, hearing
of it, sent emissaries to stir up the people, and
it was thought best that St. Paul should him-
self leave the city, whilst Silas and Timothy
remained behind. Some of " the brethren
went with St. Paul as far as Athens, where
they left him, carrying hack a request to Silas
and Timothy that they would speedily join
him. There he witnessed the most profuse
idolatry side bv side with the most pretentious
philosophy. Either of these would have been
enoujrh to stimulate his spirit. To idolaters
and philosophers he felt equally urged to pro-
claim his Master and the living God. So he
went to his own countrymen and the proselytes
in the synagogue, and declared to them that
the Messiah had come ; but he also spoke, like
another Socrates, with people in the market,
and with the followers of the two great schools
of philosophy, Epicureans and Stoics, naming,
to all, Jesus and the Resurrection.
The philosophers encountered him with a
mixture of curiosity and contempt. But any
one with a novelty was welcome to those who
"spent their time in nothing else but either
to bear or to tell some new thing." They
brought him therefore to the Areopagus, that
he might make a formal exposition of his doc-
trine to an assembled audience. Here the
apostle delivered that wonderful discourse, re-
ported in Acts xvii. 22-31, which seems a*
fresh and instructive for the intellect of the 19th
century as it was for the intellect of the first.
In this we have the Pauline Gospel as it ad-
dressed itself to the speculative mind of the
cultivated Greeks. St. Paul, it is well under-
stood, did not begin with calling the Athe-
nians " too superstitious." " I perceive you,"
he said, " to be eminently religious." He had
observed an altar inscribed " To the unknown
God." It meant, no doubt, "To tame un-
known God." "I come," he said, "as the
messenger of that unknown God." And then
he proceeds to speak of God in terms which
were not altogether new to Grecian ears. The
apostle gained but few converts at Athens, and
he soon took his departure, and came to Cor-
inth. Athens still retained its old intellectual
predominance; but Corinth was the political
and commercial capital of Greece. Here, as at
Thessalonica, he chose to earn his own subsist-
ence by working at his trade of tent-making.
This trade brought him into close connection
with two persons who became distinguished as
believers in Christ, Aquiln and Priscilla. La-
boring thus on the six days, the apostle went
to the synagogue on the sabbath, and there, by
expounding the Scriptures, sought to win both
Jews and proselytes to the belief that Jesus
was the Christ. He was testifying with un-
usual effort and anxiety, when Silas and Tim-
othy came from Macedonia, and joined him.
We are left in some uncertainty as to what the
movements of Silas and Timothy had been,
since they were with Paul at Beroea. From
the statements in the Acts (xvii. 15, 16) com-
pared with those in 1 Thcss. (Hi. 1, 2), Pnley
reasonably argues that Silas and Timothy had
come to Athens, hut had soon been despatched
thence, Timothy to Thessalonica, and Silas to
Philippi or elsewhere. From Macedonia they
came together, or about the same time, to Cor-
inth ; and their arrival was the occasion of the
writing of the First Epistle to the Thessalo-
nians.
This is the first extant example of that work
bv which the Apostle Pnul das served the
Church of all ages in as eminent a degree as he
labored at the founding of it in his lifetime. It
is notorious that the order of the Epistles in
the book of the N. T. is not their real or
chronological order. The two Epistles to the
Thessalonians belong — and these alone — to
the present missionary journey. The Epistles
to the Gnlatians, Romans, and Corinthians,
were written during the next journey. Those
to Philemon, the Colossians, the Ephesians,
and the Philippians, belong to the captivity at
Rome. With regard to the Pastoral Epistles,
there arc considerable difficulties, which require
to be discussed separately. Two general re-
marks relating to St. Paul's Letters may find a
place here. (1) There is no reason to assume
that the extant Letters are all that the apostle
wrote. (2) We must be on our guard against
concluding too much from the contents and
style of any Epistle, as to the fixed bent of the
apostle's whole mind at the time when it was
written. The First Epistle to the Thessalo-
nians was probably written soon after his arri-
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val at Corinth, and before he turned from the
Jews to the Gentiles. It was drawn from St.
Paul by the arrival of Silas and Timothy. The
largest portion of it consists of an impassioned
recalling of the facts and feelings of the time
when the apostle was personally with them.
What interval of time separated the Second
Letter to the Thcssalonians from the First, we
have no means of judging, except that the later
one was certainly written before St. Paul's de-
parture from Corinth.
Wo return now to the apostle's preaching
at Corinth. When Silas ana Timotheus came,
he was testifying to the Jews with great ear-
nestness, but with little success. So "when
they opposed themselves and blasphemed, he
shook out his raiment," and said to them, in
words of warning taken from their own proph-
ets (Ezck. xxxin. 4), "Your blood be upon
your own heads ; I am clean, and henceforth
will go to the Gentiles." The apostle went,
as he threatened, to the Gentiles, and began to
preach in the house of a proselyte named Jus-
tus. Corinth was the chief city of the province
of Achain, and the residence of the proconsul.
During St. Paul's stay, we find the proconsu-
lar office held by Gnlho, a brother of the phi-
losopher Seneca. Before him the apostle was
summoned by his Jewish enemies, who hoped
to bring the Roman authority to bear upon
him as an innovator in religion. But Gallio
perceived at once, before Paul could " open his
mouth " to defend himself, that the movement
was due to Jewish prejudice, and refused to go
into the question. "If it be a question of
words and names and of your law, he said to
the Jews, speaking with the tolerance of a Ro-
man magistrate, " look ye to it ; for I will be
no judge of snch matters." Then a singular
scene occurred. The Corinthian spectators,
either favoring St. Paul, or actuated only by
anger against the Jews, seized on the principal
person of those who had brought the charge,
and beat him before the judgment-seat. Gal-
lio left these religious quarrels to settle them-
selves. The apostle, therefore, was not al-
lowed to be " hurt," and remained some time
longer at Corinth unmolested.
Having been the instrument of accomplish-
ing this work, St. Paul took his departure for
Jerusalem, wishing to attend a festival there.
Before leaving Greece, he cut off his hair at
Cenehrsea, in fulfilment of a vow (Acts xviii.
18). He may have followed in this instance,
for some reason not explained to us, a custom
of his countrymen. When he sailed from the
Isthmus, Aquila and Priscilla went with him
as far as Ephcsns. Paul paid a visit to the
synagogue at Ephesus, but would not stay.
Leaving Ephesus, he sailed to Ceesarea, and
from thence went up to Jerusalem and "sa-
luted the Church." It is argued, from consid-
erations founded on the suspension of naviga-
tion during the winter months, that the festival
was probably the Pentecost. From Jerusalem,
almost immediately, the apostle went down to
Antioch, thus returning to the same place from
which he had started with Silas.
Third Missionary Journey, including tht Stay at
Ephesus (Acts xvlii. 23-xxi. 17). — We may
connect with this short visit of St. Paul to Je-
rusalem a very serious raising of the whole
question, What was to be the relation of the new
kingdom of Christ to the law and covenant of
the Jews ? To vindicate the freedom, as regarded
the Jewish law, of believers in Christ ; but to
do this, for the very sake of maintaining tie
unity of tht Church, was to be the earnest la-
bor of the apostle for some years. The great
Epistles which belong to this period, those to
the Galatians, Corinthians, and Romans, show
how the " Judaizing " question exercised at this
timo the apostle's mind. St. Paul " spent
some time at Antioch, and during this stay,
as we are inclined to believe, his collision with
St. Peter (Gal. ii. 11-14), of which we have
spoken above, took place. When he left Anti-
och, he " went over all the country of Galatia
and Phrvgia in order, strengthening all the
disciples,*' and giving orders concerning the
collection for the saints (1 Cor. xvi. 1). It is
probable that the Epistle to the Galatians iu
written soon after this visit. This Letter was,
in all probability, sent from Ephesus. This
was the goal of the apostles journey infs
through Asia Minor. He came down upon
Ephesus from the iv per districts of Phrygia.
With reference to the spread of the Church
catholic, Ephesus occupied the central position
of all. This was the meeting-place of Jew, of
Greek, of Roman, and of Oriental. A new
element in the preparation of the world for the
kingdom of Christ presents itself at the begin-
ning of the apostle's work at Ephesus. He
finds there certain disciples, — about twelve in
number, — of whom he is led to inquire, " Did
ye receive the Holy Ghost when ye believed »
They answered, No, we did not even hear of
there being a Holy Ghost Unto what, then,
asked Paul, were ye baptized f And they said.
Unto John's baptism. Then said Panl, John
baptized with the baptism of repentance, saving
to the people that they should believe on Him
who was coming after him ; that is, on Jesus.
Hearing this, they were baptized into the name
of the Lord Jesus ; and when Paul had laid
his hands upon them, the Holy Ghost came
upon them, and they began to speak with
tongues and to prophesy " (Acts xix. 1-7).
It is obvious to compare this incident with
the apostolic act of Peter and John in Samaria,
and to see in it an assertion of the full apostolic
dignity of Paul. But besides this bearing of
it, we see in it indications, which suggest more
than they distinctly express, as to the spiritual
movements of that age. These twelve disciples
are mentioned immediately after Apollos, who
also had been at Ephesus just before St. Paul's
arrival, and who had taught diligently concern-
ing Jesus, knowing only the baptism of John.
What the exact belief of Apollos and these
twelve " disciples " was concerning the charac-
ter and work of Jesus, we have no means of
knowing. The apostle now entered upon his
usual work. He went into the synagogue, and
for three months he spoke openly, disputing
and persuading concerning " the kingdom of
God. At the end of this time, the obstinacy
and opposition of some of the Jews led him to
give up frequenting the synagogue, and he
established the believers as a separate society,
meeting "in the school of Tyrannus." This
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continued for two years. Darin? tins time,
ninny things occurred, of which the historian
of the Acts chooses two examples, the triumph
over magical arts, and the great disturbance
raised by the silversmiths who made shrines for
Artemis; and amongst which wo are to note
further the writing ot the First Epistle to the
Corinthians. Whilst St. Paul was at Ephesus
his communications with the Church in Achaia
were not altogether suspended. There is
strong reason to believe that a personal visit to
Corinth was made by him, and a letter sent,
neither of which is mentioned in the Acts.
The visit is inferred from several allusions in
the 2d Epistle to the Corinthians (2 Cor. xii.
14, xiii. 1). The visit he is contemplating is
plainly that mentioned in Acts xx. 2, which
took place when he finally left Ephesus. If
that was the third, he must have paid a second
during the time of his residence at Ephesus.
The prima facie sense of 2 Cor. ii. 1, xii. 21,
xiii. 2, implies a short visit, which wo should
place in the first half of the stay at Ephesus.
And there are no strong reasons why we should
not accept that prima) facie sense. Whether
the 1st Epistle to the Corinthians was written
before or after the tumult excited by Demetrius
cannot be positively asserted. He makes an
allusion, in that Epistle, to a " battle with wild
beasts" fought at Ephesus (1 Cor. xv. 32),
which it is usual to understand figuratively,
and which is by many connected with that tu-
mult. But this connection is arbitrary, and
without much reason. And as it would seem,
from Acts xx. 1, St. Paul departed immediately
after the tumult, it is probable that the Epistle
was written before, though not long before, the
raising of this disturbance.
There were two external inducements for
writing this Epistle. (1.) St Paul had re-
ceived information from members of Chloc's
household (i. II) concerning the state of tho
Church at Corinth. (2.) That Church had
written him a letter, of which the bearers wero
Stephanas and Fortunatus and Achaicus, to
ask his judgment upon various points which
were submitted to him (vii. 1, xvi. 17). For a
detailed description of the Epistles, the reader is
referred to the special articles upon each. But
it belongs to the history of St Paul to notice
the personal characteristics which appear in
them. We must not omit to observe, therefore,
in this Epistle, how loyally the apostle repre-
sents Jesus Christ the Crucified as tho Lord of
men, the Head of the body with many mem-
bers, the Centre of Unity, the Bond of men to
the Father. We should mark at the same time
how invariably he connects the power of the
Spirit with the name of the Lord Jesns. He
meets all the evils of the Corinthian Church,
the intellectual pride, the party spirit, the loose
morality, tho disregard or decency and order,
the false belief about the Resurrection, by
recalling their thoughts to the Person of Christ
and to the Spirit of God as the Breath of a
common life to the whole bodv. We observe
also here, more than elsewhere, tho tad,
universally recognized and admired, with
which the apostle discusses the practical prob-
lems brought before him. What St. Paul here
tails us of his own doings and movements
refers chiefly to the nature of his preaching at
Corinth (i., ii.) ; to the hardships and dangers
of the apostolic life (iv. 9-13) ; to his cherished
custom of working for his own living (ix.) ; to
the direct revelations he had received (xi. 23,
xv. 8) ; and to his present plans (xvi.). He
bids the Corinthians raise a collection for the
Church at Jerusalem by laying by something
on the first day of the week, as ne had directed
the churches in Galatia to do. He suys that he
shall tarry at Ephesus till Pentecost, "and then
set out on a journey towards Corinth, through
Macedonia, so as perhaps to spend the winter
with them. He expresses his joy nt the coining
of Stephanas and his companions, and com-
mends them to the respect of the Church.
Having despatched this Epistle, ho staid on at
Ephesus, where " a great door and effectual was
opened to him, and there were mnny adversa-
ries." We have now no information as to his
work there, until that tnmult occurred which is
described in Acts xix. 24-41. St Paul is only
personally concerned in this tumult in so far us
it proves the deep impression which his teaching
had made at Ephesus, and the daily danger in
which he lived. He had been anxious to
depart from Ephesus, and this interruption of
the work which had kept him thcro determined
him to stay no longer. He set out therefore
for Macedonia, and proceeded first to Troas
(2 Cor. ii. 12), where he might have preached
the gospel with good hojje of success. But a
restless anxiety to obtain tidings concerning
the Church at Corinth urged him on, and he
advanced into Macedonia, whero he met Titus,
who brought him the news for which he was
thirsting. The receipt of this intelligence
drew from him a letter which reveals to us
what manner of man St Paul was when the
fountains of his heart were stirred to their
inmost depths.
Every reader may perceive that, on passing
from the First Epistle to the Second, tho scene
is almost entirely changed. In the first, tho
faults and difficulties of the Corinthian Church
are before us. The apostle writes of these,
with spirit indeed and emotion, as he always
does, but without passion or disturbance. In
the Second, he writes as one whose personal re-
lations with those whom he addresses have
undergone a most painful shock. What had
occasioned this excitement? We have seen
that Timothy had been sent from Ephesus to
Macedonia and Corinth. He had rejoined St.
Paul when he wrote this Second Epistle, for he
is associated with him in the salutation (2 Cor.
i. 1 ). We have no account, either in the Acts
or in the Epistles, of this journey of Timothy,
and some have thought it probable that he
never reached Corinth. Let us suppose, how-
ever, that he arrived there soon after the First
Epistle, conveyed by Stephanas and others, bad
been received by the Corinthian Church. He
found that n movement had arisen in the heart
of that Church which threw (let us suppose)
the case of tho incestuous person (1 Cor. T.
1-5) into the shade. This was a deliberate and
sustained attack upon the apostolic authority
and personal integrity of the Apostle of the
Gentiles. When some snch attack was made
openly upon the apostle, the Church had not
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immediately called the offender to account;
the better spirit of the believers being cowed,
apparently, by the confidence and assumed au-
thority ot the assailants of St. Paul. A report
of this melancholy state of things was brought
to the apostle by Timothy or by others, lie
immediately sent off Titus to Corinth, with a
letter containing the sharpest rebukes, using
the authority which had been denied, and
thrcateuing to enforce it speedily by his per-
sonal presence (ii. 2, 3, vii. 8). As soon as the
letter was gone, he began to repent of having
written it. Wo can well believe him when he
speaks of what he bad suffered : — " Out of
much affliction and anguish of heart I wrote to
you with many tears " (ii. 4) ; "I had no rest
in ray spirit (ii. 13); "Our flesh had no
rest, but we were troubled on every side ; with-
out were fightings, within were fears " (vii. 5).
It appears that ne could not bring himself to
hasten to Corinth so rapidly as he hod intended
(i. 15, 16); he would wait till he heard news
which might make his visit a happy instead of
a painful one (ii. 1). When he had reached
Macedonia, Titus, as we have seen, met him
with such re-assuring tidings. The offender
had been rebuked by the Church, and had made
submission (ii. 6, 7) ; the old spirit of love and
reverence towards St. Paul had been awakened,
and had poured itself forth in warm expres-
sions of shame and grief and penitence. The
cloud was now dispelled; fear and pain gave
place to hope and tenderness and thankfulness.
But even now the apostle would not start at
once for Corinth. He may have had important
work to do in Macedonia. But another letter
would smooth the way still more effectually for
his personal visit; and he accordingly wrote
the Second Epistle, and sent it by the hands of
Titus and two other brethren to Corinth.
The particular nature of this Epistle, as an
appeal to facts in favor of his own apostolic
authority, leads to the mention of many inter-
esting features of St. Paul's life. His summary,
in xi. 23-28, of the hardships and dangers
through which he had gone, proves to us how
little the history in the Acts is to be regarded
as a complete account of what he did and suf-
fered. The daily burden of " the care of all
the churches " seems to imply a wide and con-
stant range of communication. The mention
of " visions and revelations of the Lord," and
of the " thorn (or rather stake) in the flesh,"
side by side, is peculiarly characteristic both of
the mind and of the experiences of St. Paul.
As an instance of the visions, he alludes to a
trance which had befallen him fourteen years
before, in which he had been caught up' into
paradise, and bad heard unspeakable words.
But he would not, even inwardly with himself,
glory in visions and revelations, without remem-
bering how the Lord had guarded him from
being puffed up by them. A stake in the flesh
{oko/joi/) t$ oapKi) was given him, a messenger
of Satan to buffet him, lest he should be ex-
alted above measure. The different interpreta-
tions which have prevailed of this OKo)urnb have
a certain historical significance. (1) Roman
Catholic divines have inclined to understand
by it strong sensual temptation. (2) Luther and
Ii* followers take it to mean temptations to
unbdief. But neither of these would be " in
finnities" in which St. Paul could "glory.*
(3) It is almost the unanimous opinion of mod-
em divines — and the authority of the ancient
fathers, on the whole, is in favor of it — that the
OKohnj) represents some vexations bodih m-
Jirlnitu^ After writing this Epistle, St. Paul
travelled through Macedonia, perhaps to the
borders of Iilyncum (Rom. xr. 19), and then
carried out the intention of which he had
spoken so often, and arrived himself at Corinth.
The nurrative in the Acts tells us that " when
he had gone over those parts (Macedonia), and
had given them much exhortation, he came
into Greece, and there abode three months "
(xx. 2, 3). There is only one incident which
we can connect with this visit to Greece, but
that is a very important one, — the writing of
another great Epistle, addressed to the Church
at Rome. That this was written at this time
from Corinth appears from passages in the
Epistle itself, and has never been doubted. The
letter is a substitute for the personal visit which
he had longed " for many years " to pay ; and,
as he would have made the visit, so now be
writes the letter, because he is the Apostle of tie
Gentiles. Of this office, to speak in common
language, St. Paul was proud. All the labors
and dangers of it he would willingly en-
counter ; and he would also jealously maintain
its dignity and its powers. He "held it of
Christ, and Christ's commission should not be
dishonored. He represents himself grandly at
a priest, appointed to offer up the faith of* the
Gentile world as a sacrifice to God (xv. 16).
And he then proceeds to speak with pride of
the extent and independence of his apostolic
labors. It is in harmony with this language
that he should address the Roman Church as
consisting mainly of Gentiles ; but we find
that he speaks to them as to persons deeply
interested in Jewish questions.
Before his departure from Corinth, St. Paul
was joined again by St. Luke, as we inter from
the change in the narrative from the third to
the first person . We have seen already that he
was bent on making a journey to Jerusalem,
for a special purpose and within a limited time.
With this view, he was intending to go by sea
to Syria. But he was made aware of some
plot of the Jews for his destruction, to be car-
ried out through this voyage; and he deter-
> Still another view fa, that tyrtXot ZarsV I* to
be taken literally, as denoting an Invisible emis-
sary of the Devil.
■' Paul has elsewhere declared (Eph. vl. 12), that
his main conflict was not with flesh and blood.
His enemy, on the other hand, waa an angvl of
Satan; that is, he was one of those principalities
and power* who rule the darkness of this world.
, . . The mode of action pursued by this Satanic
antagonist Is no less distinctly set ibrth. It was
his constant effort to depress, dishearten, and
weaken Paul by hostile, contemptuous, and igno-
minious treatment. All this is Implied In the word
K<t\a*ila, to buffet. . . . 'Concerning Hm (i.e. the
hostile, spiritual antagonist), 1 thrice besought the
Lord that he might depart from me.' . . . The
word dxnffrij Is more properly referred to an Intelli-
gent person ; . . . the word is used fifteen times la
N. T., and in every ease refers to intelligent per-
sons, e.g. Lake It. 13. After the temptation, the
Devil departed (irtrrn) from Christ."
For the unanswerable establishment of this view,
tee Bib. Sac., July, 1866, pp. 489-SJ7. — Ed.
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mined to evade their malice by changing his
route. Several brethren were associated with
him in this expedition, the bearers, no donbt,
of the collections made in all the churches for
the poor at Jerusalem. These were sent on by
sea, and probably the money with them, to
Troas, where they were to await St. Paul.
He, accompanied by St Luke, went north-
wards through Macedonia. The style of an
eye-witness again becomes manifest.* During
the stay at Troas, there was a meeting on the
first day of the week " to break bread ; " and
Paul was discoursing earnestly and at length
with the brethren. He was to depart the next
morning, and midnight found them listening to
his earnest speech. A youth named Eutychus
was sitting in the window, and was gradually
overpowered by sleep, so that at last he fell into
the street or court from the third story, and
was taken up dead. The meeting was inter-
rupted by this accident, and Paul went down
and fell upon him, and embraced him, saying,
"Be not disturbed; his life is in him." His
friends then appear to have taken charge of
him, whilst Paul went up again, first presided
at the breaking of bread, afterwards took a
meal, and continued conversing until daybreak,
and so departed.
Whilst the vessel which conveyed the rest of
the party sailed from Troas to Assos, Paul
gained some time by making the journey by
land. .At Assos, he went on board again.
Coasting ilong by Mitylene, Chios, Samos,
and Trogyllium, they arrived at Miletus. At
Miletus, however, there was time to send to
Ephesos ; and the elders of the Church were
invited to come down to him there. This
meeting is made the occasion for recording
another characteristic and representative address
of St. Paul (Acts xx. 18-35). This spoken
address to the elder* of the Ephesian Church
may be ranked with the Epistles, and throws
the same kind of light upon St. Paul's apos-
tolical relations to the churches. The course
of the voyage from Miletus was by Coos and
Rhodes to Patara, and from Patara in another
vessel past Cyprus to Tyre. Here Paul and
his company spent seven days. From Tyre
they sailed to Ptolemais, where they spent one
day, and from Ptolemais proceeded, apparently
bv land, to Cssarea. In this place was settled
Philip the evangelist, one of the seven ; and
he became the host of Paul and his friends.
Philip had four unmarried daughters, who
" prophesied," and who repeated, no doubt, the
warnings already heard. They now " tarried
many days" at Cajsarea. During this interval,
the prophet Agabus (Acts xi. 28) camo down
from Jerusalem, and crowned the previous
intimations of danger with a prediction expres-
sively delivered. At this stage, a final effort
was made to dissuade Paul from going up to
Jerusalem, by the Christians of Cassarra, and
by his traveuing companions. After a while,
they went up to Jerusalem, and were gladly
received by the brethren. This is St. Paul s
fifth and last visit to Jerusalem.
St. PauTs Imprisonment: Jerusalem and Cos-
area. — He who was thus conducted into Jeru-
salem bv a company of anxious friends had
become by this time a man of considerable fame
amongst his countrymen. He was widely
known as one who bad taught with pre-emi-
nent boldness that a way into God's favor was
opened to the Gentiles, and that this way did
not lie through the door of the Jewish Law.
He had, moreover, actually founded numerous
and important communities, composed of Jews
and Gentiles together, which stood simply on
the name of Jesus Christ, apart from circum-
cision and the observance of the Law. He had
thus roused against himself the bitter enmity
of that unfathomable Jewish pride which was
almost as strong in some of those who bad pro-
fessed the faith of Jesus as in their uncon-
verted brethren. He was now approaching a
crisis in the long struggle, and the shadow of
it had been made to rest upon his mind
throughout his journey to Jerusalem. He
came " ready to die for the name of the Lord
Jesus," but he came expressly to prove himself
a faithful Jew ; and this purpose emerges at
every point of the history. St Luke does not
mention the contributions brought by Paul and
his companions for the poor at Jerusalem.
As on former occasions, the believers at Jeru-
salem could not but glorify God for what they
heard ; but they had been alarmed by the prev-
alent feeling concerning St Paul. In order to
dispel this impression, they ask him to do pub-
licly an act of homage to the Law and its ob-
servances. They had four men who were
under the Nazarito vow. The completion of this
vow involved (Num. vi. 13~21 ) a considerable
expense for the oflerJTigs to be presented in the
Temple ; and it was a meritorious act to pro-
vide these offerings for the poorer Nazantes.
St Paul was requested to put himself under
the vow with those other four, and to supply
the cost of their offerings. He at once ac-
cepted the proposal. It appears that the whole
process undertaken by St. Paul required seven
days to complete it Towards tho end of this
time, certain Jews from " Asia," who had come
up for the Pentecostal feast, and who had a
personal knowledge both of Paul himself and
of his companion Trophimus, a Gentile from
Ephesus, saw Paul in the Temple. They im-
mediately set upon him, and stirred up the peo-
ple against him, crying out, " Men of Israel,
help: this is the man that teacheth all men
everywhere against the people, and the law,
and this place; and further brought Greeks
also into the Temple, and hath polluted this
holy place." The latter charge had no more
truth in it than the first: it was only sug-
gested by their having seen Trophimus with
him, not in the Temple, but in the city. They
raised, however, a great commotion : Paul was
dragged out of the Temple, of which the doors
were immediately shut, and the people, having
him in their hands, were proposing to kill him.
But tidings were soon carried to the com-
mander of the force which was serving as a gar-
rison in Jerusalem, that " all Jerusalem was in
an uproar ; " and he, taking with him soldiers
and centurions, hastened to the scene of the
tumult. Paul was rescued from the violence of
the multitude by the Roman officer, who made
him his own prisoner, causing him to he
chained to two soldiers, and then proceeded to
inquire who he was and what he had done.
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The inquiry only elicited confused outcries;
and the " chief captain " seems to have ima-
gined that the apostle might perhaps be a cer-
tain Egyptian pretender who had recently
stirred up a considerable rising of the people.
The account in the Acts (xxi. 34-40) tells
ns with graphic touches how St. Paul obtained
leave and opportunity to address the people in
a discourse which is related at length. This
discourse was spoken in Hebrew; that is, in
the native dialect of the country, and was on
that account listened to with the more atten-
tion. It is described by St. Paul himself, in
his opening words, as his " defence," addressed
to his brethren and fathers. It is in this light
that it ought to be regarded. Until the hated
word of a mission to the Gentiles had been
spoken, the Jews had listened to the speaker.
" Away with such a fellow from the earth,"
the multitudo now shouted : " it is not fit that
he should live." The Roman commander,
seeing the tumult that arose, might well con-
clude that St. Paul had committed some hei-
nous offence; and, carrying him off, he gave
orders that he should be forced by scourging
to confess his crime. Again the apostle took
advantage of his Roman citizenship to protect
himself from such an outrage. The Roman
officer was bound to protect a citizen, and to
suppress tumult ; but it was also a port of his
policy to treat with deference the religion and
the customs of the country. St. Paul's present
history is the resultant of* these two principles.
The chief captain set him free from bonds,
but on the next day called together the chief
priests and the Sanhedrim, and brought Paul as
a prisoner before them. We need not suppose
that this was a regular legal proceeding : it
was probably an experiment of policy and
courtesy. It', on the one hand, the command-
ant of the garrison had no power to convoke
the Sanhedrim, on the other hand he would
not give up a Roman citizen to their judgment.
As it was, the affair ended in confusion, and
with no semblance of a judicial termination.
The incidents selected by St. Luke from the
history of this meeting form striking points in
the biography of St. Paul ; but they are not
easy to understand. St. Paul appears to have
been put upon his defence, and with the pecu-
liar habit, mentioned elsewhere also (Acts xiii.
9), of looking steadily when about to speak, he
began to say, " Men and brethren, I have lived
in all good conscience (or I have lived a con-
scientiously loyal life) unto God, until this
day." Here the high-priest Ananias com-
manded them that stood by him to smite him
on the mouth. With a fearless indignation,
Paul exclaimed, " God shall smite thee, thou
whitcd wall ; for sittcst thou to judge me after
the law, and coinmandest me to oc smitten
contrary to the law ? " The bystanders said,
" Rcvilcst thou God's high - priest ? " Paul
answered, " I know not, brethren, that he was
the high-priest ; for it is written, Thou shalt
not speak evil of the ruler of thy people." How
was it possible for him not to know that he
who spoke was the high-priest? The least
objectionable solutions seem to be, that for some
reason or other, — either because his sight was
not good, or because he was looking another
way, — he did not know whose voice it was
that ordered him to be smitten ; and that h*
wished to correct the impression which he saw
was made upon some of the audience by his
threatening protest, and therefore took advan-
tage of the fact that he really did not know the
speaker to be the high-priest, to explain the
deference he felt to be doc to the person hold-
ing that office. 1
The next incident which St. Luke records
seems to some, who cannot think of the apos-
tle as remaining still a Jew, to cast a shadow
upon his rectitude. He perceived, we are to'.d,
that the council was divided into two parties,
the Sadducccs and Pharisees ; and therefore he
cried out, " Men and brethren, I am a Phari-
see, the son of a Pharisee ; concerning the hope
and resurrection of the dead I am called in
question." Those who impugn the authen-
ticity of the Acts point triumphantly to this
scene as an utterly impossible one ; others con-
sider that the apostle is to be blamed for using
a disingenuous artifice. But it is not so clear
that St. Paul was using an artifice at all, at
least for his own interest, in identifying him-
self as he did with the professions of the Phari-
sees. The creed of the Pharisee, as distinguished
from that of the Sodducee, was unquestionably
the creed of St. Paul. His belief in Jesus
seemed to him to supply the ground and fulfil-
ment of that creed. He wished to lead his bro-
ther Pharisees into a deeper and more living
apprehension of their own faith.*
The immediate consequence of the dissension
which occurred in the assembly was, that Paul
was like to be torn in pieces, and was carried
off by the Roman soldiers. On the next day a
conspiracy was formed, which the historian re-
lates with a singular fulness of details. More
than forty of the Jews bound themselves under
a curse neither to eat nor to drink until they
had killed Paul. The plot was discovered, and
St. Paul was hurried away from Jerusalem.
The chief captain, Claudius Lvsias, determined
to send him to Cajsarea, to Fefix, the governor,
or procurator, of Judiea. He therefore put him
in charge of a strong guard of soldiers, who
took him by night as far as Antipatris. From
thence a smaller detachment conveyed him to
'We prefer the view of Bcngel, Wetstein, Ku-
fnoel, Olshausen, Meander, anil oilier*, who render
«t> join- "/ did not girt it a thought,'' "I forgot."
• On this point, Alford remarks, '■ Surely no de-
fence of Paul fur adopting UiU course Is required .
but all admiration f* due to l.i* skill, and presence
of mind. Nor need we hesitate to regard such skill
a* the fulnlnient of tho promise, that, lusucli an
hour, the Spiri . of wisdom should suggest words to
the accused which the securer should not bo able
to gainsay. All prospect of a fair trial was hope*
less. He well knew from fact, and fioni present
experience, that personal odium would bias liU
judges, ana violence prevail over justice : he there-
fore uses. In the cause of truth, the maxim so ofteu
perverted to (be cause of falsehood, ' Divide et
unpen.'
" In one tenet above all others did the religiou
of Jesus Christ and the belief of the Pharisees co-
incide, — that of the ravrrrctio* of the dealt. . . .
In the truest sense, this belief was tho hope of lt-
rnel s In the truest sense does Paul bring It for-
ward to confound the adversaries of Christ, while
at the same time vindicating himself from u»
charge against him." — Ed.
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Csasarea, where they delivered up their prisoner
into the hands of the governor. Felix asked of
what province the prisoner was ; and being told
that he was of Cihcia, he promised to give him
a hearing when his accusers should come. In
the mean time, he ordered him to be guarded.
Imprisonment at Ccuarea. — St. Paul was
henceforth, to the end of the period embraced
in the Acts, if not to the end of his life, in Ro-
man custody. This custody was in fact a pro-
tection to him, without which he would have
fallen a victim to the animosity of the Jews.
He seems to have been treated throughout with
humanity and consideration. The governor
before whom he was now to be tried, according
to Tacitus and Joscphus, was a mean and dis-
solute tyrant. The orator or counsel retained
by the Jews and brought down by Ananias and
the elders, when they arrived in the course of
five days at Csesarea, begins the proceedings of
the trial professionally by complimenting the
governor. The charge he goes on to set forth
against Paul shows precisely the light in which
ha was regarded by the fanatical Jews. St.
Paul mat the charge in his usual manner. He
was glad that his judge had been for some
years governor of a Jewish province ; " because
it is in thy power to ascertain that, not more
than twelve days since, I came up to Jerusalem
to worship." The emphasis is upon his com-
ing up to worship. He denied positively the
charges of stirring up strife, and of profaning
the Temple. Again tie gave prominence to the
hope of a resurrection, which he held, as he
said, in common with his accusers. His loyalty
to the faith of his fathers he had shown by
coming np to Jerusalem expressly to bring alms
for his nation, and offerings, and by under-
taking the ceremonies of purification in the
Temple. What fault, then, could any Jew pos-
sibly find in him 1 The apostle's answer was
straightforward and complete. He had not
violated the law of his fathers ; he was still a
true and loyal Israelite. Felix made an excuse
for putting off the matter, and gave orders that
the prisoner should be treated with indulgence,
and that his friends should be allowed free
access to him. After a while, he heard him
again. St Paul remained in custody until
lelix left the province. The unprincipled
governor had good reason to seek to ingratiate
himself with the Jews ; and to please them, he
handed over Paul, as an untried prisoner, to his
successor Fcstus.
Upon his arrival in the province, Festus went
up without delay from Cassarca to Jerusalem ;
and the leading Jews seized the opportunity of
asking that Paul might be brought up there for
trial, intending to assassinate him by the way.
But Fustus would not comply with their re-
quest. He invited them to follow him on his
speedy return to Caesarea, and a trial tookplace
there, closely resembling that before Felix.
" They had certain questions against him,"
Festus says to Agrippa, " of their own super-
stition (or religion), and of one Jesus, who was
dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive. And
being puzzled for my part as to such inquiries,
I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem
to be tried there." This proposal, not a very
likely one to be accepted, was the occasion of
St. Paul's appeal to Caesar. The appeal hav
ing been allowed, Festus reflected that he must
send with the prisoner a report of " the crimes
laid against him." He therefore took advan-
tage of an opportunity which offered itself in a
few days to seek some help in the matter. The
Jewish prince Agrippa arrived with his sister
Berenice on a visit to the new governor. To
him Festus communicated his perplexity, to-
gether with an account of what had occurred
before him in the case. Agrippa, who must
have known something of the sect of the Nuza-
rencs, and had probably heard of Paul himself,
expressed a desire to hear him speak. Paul
therefore was to give an account jf himself to
Agrippa; and when he had received from hiin
a courteous permission to begin, he stretched
forth his hand and made his defence. In this
discourse (Acts xxvi.), we have the second ex-
planation from St. Paul himself of the manner
in which he had been led, through his conver-
sion, to serve the Lord Jesus instead of perse-
cuting His disciples ; and the third narrative
of the conversion itself. When it was con-
cluded, Festus and the king, and their compan-
ions, consulted together, and came to the con-
clusion that the accused was guilty of nothing
that deserved death or imprisonment. And
Agrippa's final answer to the inquiry of Festus
was, " This man mi'^ht have been set at liberty,
if he had not appealed unto Caesar."
The Voyage to Rome. — No formal trial of St.
Paul had yet taken place. After a whiU, ar-
rangements were made to carry "Paul and
certain other prisoners," in the custody of a cen-
turion named Julius, into Italy ; and amongst
the company, whether by favor or from any
other reason, we find the historian of the Acts.
The narrative of this voyage is accordingly
minute and circumstantial in a degree which
has excited much attention. The nautical and
geographical details of St. Luke's account have
been submitted to an apparently thorough in-
vestigation by several competent critics, espe-
cially by Mr. Smith of Jordanhill, in an impor-
tant treatise devoted to this subject, and by Mr.
Howson. The result of this investigation has
been, that several errors in the received version
have been corrected, that the course of the
voyage has been laid down to a very minute
degree with great certainty, and that the ac-
count in the Acts is shown to be written by an
accurate eye-witness, not himself a professional
seaman, but well acquainted with nautical mat-
ters. We hasten lightly over this voyage, re-
ferring the reader to the works above mentioned,
and to the articles in this Dictionary on the
names of places and the nautical terms which
occur in the narrative. The land on which the
wreck took place was found to belong to Malta.
The inhabitants of the island received the wet
and exhausted voyagers with no ordinary kind-
ness, and immediately lighted a fire to warm
them. This particular kindness is recorded on
account of a carious incident connected with
it. The apostle was helping to make the fire,
and had gathered a bundle of sticks, and laid
them on the fire, when a viper cam<^ out of the
heat, and fastened on his hand. When the na-
tives saw the creature hanging from his hand,
they believed him to be poisoned by the bite.
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PAUL
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and said amongst themselves, "No doubt this
man is a murderer, whom, though he has escaped
from the sea, yet vengeance suffers not to live."
But when they saw that no barm came of it,
they changed their minds, and said that he was
a god. This circumstance, as well as the honor
in which he was held by Julius, would account
for St. Paul being invited with some others to
stay at the house of the chief man of the island,
whose name was l'uhlius. By him they were
•.-ourtcously entertained for three days. After
a three-months' stay in Malta, the soldiers and
their prisoners left in an Alexandrian ship for
Italy. They touched at Syracuse, where they
staid three days, and at Rhegium, from which
place they were carried with a fair wind to Pu-
teoli, where they left their ship and the sea.
At Putcoli they found " brethren," for it was an
important place, and especially a chief port for
the traffic between Alexandria and Rome ;
and by these brethren they were exhorted to
stay a while with them. Permission seems to
have been granted by the centurion ; and, whilst
they were spending seven days at Putcoli, news
of tho apostle's arrival was sent on to Rome.
St. Paul at Rome. — On their arrival at Rome,
^he centurion delivered up his prisoners into the
proper custody, that of the praetorian prefect.
Paul was at once treated with special considera-
tion, and was allowed to dwell oy himself with
the soldier who guarded him. He was now
therefore free " to preach the gospel to them
that were at Rome also ; " and proceeded with-
out delay to act upon his rule — " to the Jew
first." He invited the chief persons amongst
the Jews to come to him, and explained to them
that, though he was brought to Rome to answer
charges made against him by the Jews in Pal-
estine, he had really done nothing disloyal to
his nation or the law, nor desired to be con-
sidered as hostile to his fellow-countrymen.
The Roman Jews replied that they had re-
ceived no tidings to his prejudice. The sect of
which he had implied he was a member they
knew to be everywhere spoken against; but
they were willing to hear what he had to say.
But, as of old, the reception of his message oy
the Jews was not favorable. He turned there-
fore a^ain to the Gentiles, and for two years he
dwelt in his own hired house. These are tho
last words of the Acts. But St. Paul's career
is not abruptly closed. Before he himself fades
out of our sight in the twilight of ecclesiastical
tradition, we have letters written by himself,
which contribute some particulars to his exter-
nal biography, and give us a far more precious
insight into his convictions and sympathies.
Period of the Later Epistles. — To that im-
prisonment to which St. Luke has introduced
us — the imprisonment which lasted for such a
tedious time, though tempered by much in-
dulgence — belongs the noble group of Letters
to Philemon, to the Colossians, to the Ephe-
sians, and to the Philippians. The three for-
mer of these were written at one time, and sent
by the same messengers. Whether that to the
Philippians was written before or after these, !
we cannot determine ; bnt the tone of it seems j
to imply that a crisis was approaching, and ■
therefore it is commonlv regarded as tho latest j
of the four. In this Epistle, St. Paul twice [
expresses a confident hope that before long be
may be able to visit the Philippians in person
(i. 25, ii. 24). Whether this hope was fulfilled
or not, belongs to a question which now pre-
sents itself to us, and which has been the oc-
casion of much controversy. According to
the general opinion, the apostle was liberated
from his imprisonment, and left Rome, soon
after the writing of the Letter to the Philip-
pians; spent some time in visits to Greece, Asia
Minor, and Spain ; returned again as a pris-
oner to Rome, and was put to death there. la
opposition to this view, it is maintained by soma
that he was never liberated, but was put to
death at Rome at an earlier period than is com-
monly supposed. The arguments adduced ia
favor of the common view are, ( 1 ) the hopes
expressed by St. Paul of visiting Philippi (al-
ready named) and Colossa; (Philemon 22) ; (£)
a number of allusions in the Pastoral Epistles,
and their general character; and (3) the testi-
mony of ecclesiastical tradition. The decision
must turn mainly upon the view taken of the
Pastoral Epistles. The difficulties which have
induced such critics as De Wctte and Ewald to
reject these Epistles are not inconsiderable, and
will force themselves upon the attention of the
careful student of St. Paul. But they are over-
powered by the much greater difficulties attend-
ing any hypothesis which assumes these Epistles
to be spurious.
We are obliged therefore to recognize the
modifications of St. Paul's style, the develop-
ments in the history of the Church, and the
movements of various persons, which have ap-
peared suspicious in the Epistles to Timothy
and Titus, as nevertheless historically true.
And then, without encroaching on the domain
of conjecture, we draw the following conclu-
sions: — (1.) St. Paul must have left Rome,
and visited Asia Minor and Greece ; for he says
to Timothy (1 Tim. i. 3), " I besought thee to
abide still at Ephesus, when I was setting out
for Macedonia. After being once at Ei.hesus,
he was purposing to go there again (1 Tim. iv.
13), and he spent a considerable time at Ephesus
(2 Tim. i. 18). (2.) He paid a visit to Crete,
and left Titus to organize chorehes there
(Titus i. S). He was intending to spend a
winter at one of the places named Niconolis
(Tit. iii. 12). (3.) He travelled bv Miletus
(2 Tim. iv. 20), Troas (2 Tim. iv. 1*3), where
he left a cloak or case and some books, and
Corinth (2 Tim. iv. 20). (4.) He is a prisoner
at Rome, " suffering unto bonds as an evil-doer "
(2 Tim. ii. 9), and expecting to be soon con-
demned to death (2 Tim. iv. 6). At this time
he felt deserted and solitary, having only Luke,
of his eld associates, to keep him company ; and
he was very anxious that Timothy should come
to him without dclav from Ephesus, and bring
Mark with him (2 Tim. i. 15, iv. 9-12).
We conclude, then, that, after a wearing
imprisonment of two years or more at Rome,
St. Paul was set free, and spent some years in
various joumeyings eastwards and westwards.
Towards the close of this time, he pours out the
warnings of his less vigorous but still brave
and faithful spirit in the Letters to Timothy and
Titus. The first to Timothy and that to Titus
were evidently written at very nearly the same
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time. After these were written he wai apprehend-
ed again and sent to Rome. The apostle appears
now to have been treated, not as an honorable
state prisoner, but as a felon (2 Tim. ii. 9). Bat
he was at least allowed to write this Second
Letter to his " dearly beloved son " Timothy ;
and though he expresses a confident expectation
of his speedy death, he yet thought it sufficiently
probable that it might be delayed for some
time, to warrant him in urging Timothy to
come to him from Ephesus. Meanwhile, though
be felt his isolation, he was not in the least
daunted by his danger. He was more than
ready to die (iv. 6), and had a sustaining ex-
perience of not being deserted by his Lord.
Once already, in this second imprisonment, he
had appeared before the authorities ; and " the
Lord then stood by him and strengthened him,"
and gave him a favorable opportunity for the
one thing always nearest to his heart, the public
declaration of his gospel. This Epistle, surely
no unworthy utterance, at such an age and in
such an hour, even of a St Paul, brings us, it
may well be presumed, close to the end of his
life. For what remains, we havo the concur-
rent testimony of ecclesiastical antiquity, that
he was beheaded at Rome about the same time
that St- Peter was crucified there. Dionysius,
bishop of Corinth (a.d. 170), says that Peter
and Paul went to Italy, and taught there to-
gether, and suffered martyrdom about the same
time. Eusebios himself entirely adopts the
tradition that St. Paul was beheaded under
Nero at Rome.
Chronology of St. Paul'i Uft. — \l is usual
to distinguish between the internal or absolute,
and the external or relative chronology of St.
Paul's life. The former is thai which we have
hitherto followed. It remains to mention the
points at which the N. T. history of the apostle
comes into contact with the outer history of
the world. There are two principal events
which serve as fixed dates for determining tho
Panlina chronology, — the death of Herod
Agrippa, and the accession of Festus. Now, it
has been proved almost to certainty that Felix
wag recalled from Judiea and succeeded by
Festus in the year 60. In the autumn, then,
of a.d. 60, St. Paul left Cassarea. In the spring
of 61, he arrived at Rome. There he lived two
years, that is till the spring of 63, with much
freedom in his own hired house. After this we
depend upon conjecture ; but the Pastoral Epis-
tles give us reasons for deferring the apostle's
death until 67, with Eusebius, or 68, with
Jerome. Similarly we can go backwards from
a.d. 60. St. Paul was two years at Cresarea
(Acts xxiv. 27); therefore he arrived at Jeru-
salem on his last visit by the Pentecost of 58.
Before this, he had wintered at Corinth (Acts
xx. 2, 3), having gone from Ephesus to Greece.
He left Ephesus, then, in the latter part of 57,
and, as be staid three years at Ephesus (Acts
xx. 31), he must have come thither in 54.
Previously to this journey, he had spent " some
time" at Antiocn (Acts xviii. 23); and our
chronology becomes indeterminate. We can only
add together the time of a hasty visit to Jeru-
salem, the travels of the great second mission-
ary journey, which included one year and a half
at Corinth, another indeterminate stay at Anti-
•0
och, the important third visit to Jerusalem,
another "long" residence at Antioch (Acts
xiv. 28), the first missionary journey, again an
indeterminate stay at Antiocn (Acts xii. 25) —
until we come to the second visit to Jerusalem,
which nearly synchronized with the death of
Herod Agrippa in a.d. 44. Within this inter-
val of some ten years, the most important date
to fix is that of the third visit to Jerusalem ;
and there is a great concurrence of the best
authorities in placing this visit in cither 50 or
51. St. Paul himself (Gal. ii. 1) places this
visit "fourteen years after" either his conver-
sion or the first visit. In the former case, we
have 37 or 38 for the date of the conversion.
The conversion was followed by three years
(Gal. i. 18) spent in Arabia and Damascus, and
ending with the first visit to Jerusalem; and
the space between the first visit (40 or 41)
and the second (44 or 45) is filled up bv an
indeterminate time, presumably two or threo
years, at Tarsus (Acts ix. 30), and one year at
Antioch (Acts xi. 26). The date of the mar-
tyrdom of Stephen can only be conjectured,
and is very variously placed between a.d. 30
and the year of St. Paul's conversion. In the
account of the death of Stephen, St. Paul is
called "a young man" (Acts vii. 58). It is
not improbable, therefore, that he was born
between a.d. and a.d. 5, so that he might be
past 60 years of age when he calls himself
" Paul the aged" in Philemon 9.
Pavement. [Gabbatha.1
Pavilion. 1. S6c, properly an enclosed
place, also rendered " tabernacle," " covert,"
and "den," once only " pavilion" (Ps. xxvii.
5). 2. Succdh, usually "tabernacle" and
"booth." 3. Shaphrur and Shaphrir, a word
used once only, in Jcr. xliii. 10, to signify glory
or splendor, and hence probably to be under-
stood of the splendid covering of the royal
throne.
Peacocks (neb. tuccit/yim). Amongst the
natural products of the land of Tarshish which
Solomon's fleet brought home to Jerusalem,
mention is mode of " peacocks : " for there can,
we think, be no doubt at all that the A. V. is
correct in thus rendering tuccigt/im, which word
occurs only in 1 K. x. 22, and 2 Clir. ix. 21 ;
most of the old versions, with several of tho
Jewish rabbis, being in favor of this transla-
tion. Some writers have, however, been dis-
satisfied with the rendering of " peacocks," and
have proposed " parrots." Kcil concludes that
the "Arcs Numidicas" (Guinea fowls) are
maant There can bo no doubt that the He-
brew word is of foreign origin. Gcsenius cites
many authorities to prove that the lucci is to
be traced to the Tamul or Malabaric toga,
"peacock," which opinion has been recently
confirmed by Sir E. Tcnnent
Pearl (Heb. gabish). The Heb. word oc-
curs, in this form, only in Job xxviii. 18, where
the price of wisdom is contrasted with that of
ramdth ("coral") and gabish; and the same
word, with the addition of the syllable «/, is
found in Ez. xiii. 11, 13, xxxviii. 22, with abne,
" stones," i.e. " stones of ice." The ancient
versions contribute nothing by way of explana-
tion. On the whole, the balance of probability
is in favor of " crystal," since gaVsh denotes
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" ice." Pearls, however, are frequently men-
tioned in the N. T. (Matt. xiii. 45; 1 Tim. ii.
9; Rev. xvii. 4, xxi. 21.) The Unio margari-
li/erut, Mytilut edutu, Oatrea edulis, of our own
country, occasionally furnish pearls ; but " the
pearl of great price " is doubtless a fine speci-
men yielded by the pearl-oyster (Ai-icula mar-
garitijira), still found in abundance in the Per-
sian Gulf, which has long been celebrated for
its pearl-fisheries.
Fed'ahel, the son of Ammihud, and prince
of the tribe of Naphtali (Num. xxxiv. 28).
Pedah'zUT ? father of Gamaliel, the chief
of the tribe of Manasseh at the time of the
Exodus (Num. i. 10, ii. 20, vii. 54, 59, x. 23).
Pedai'ah. 1. The father of Zebudah,
mother of King Jehoiukim (2 K. xxiii. 36). —
2. The brother of SalathicI, or Shealticl, and
father of Zerubbabcl, who is usually called tho
" son of Shealticl," being, as Lord A. Hcrvey
conjectures, in reality his uncle's successor ami
heir, in consequence of the failure of issue in
tie direct line (1 Chr. iii. 17-19). — 3. Son of
Parosh, that is, one of the family of that name,
who assisted Nehemiah in repairing the walls
of Jerusalem (Nch. iii. 25). — 4. Apparently a
priest; one of those who stood on the left hand
of Ezra when he read the law to the people
(Neh. viii. 4). — 5. A Bcnjamite, ancestor of
Sallu (Neh. xi. 7). — 6. A Levite in the time
of Nehemiah (Neh. xiii. 13). — 7. The father
of Joel, prince of the half-tribe of Manasseh
in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 20).
Pe"kah, son of Rumaliah, originally a cap-
tain of Pckahiah king of Israel, murdered his
master, seized the throne, mid became the 18th
sovereign of the northern kingdom. His na-
tive country was probably Gilcml, as fifty Gil-
caditcs joined him in the conspiracy against
Pckahiah. Under his predecessors, Israel had
been much weakened through the payment of
enormous tribute to tho Assyrians (see espe-
cially 2 K. xv. 20), and by internal wars and
conspiracies. Pekah seems steadily to have
applied himself to the restoration of its power
.For this purpose, he sought for the support of
a foreign alliance, and fixed his mind on the
plunder of the sister kingdom of Judah. He
must have made tho treaty by which he pro-
posed to share its spoil with Rezin king of Da-
mascus when Jotham was still on the throne of
Jerusalem (2 K. xv. 37) ; but its execution was
long delayed, probably in consequence of that
prince's righteous and vigorous administration
(2 Chr. xxvii.). When, however, his weak
son Ahaz succeeded to tho crown of David, the
allies no longer hesitated, and formed the siege
of Jerusalem. The history of the war is found
in 2 K. xvi. and 2 Chr. xxviii. It is famous
as the occasion of the great prophecies in
Isaiah vii.-ix. Its chief result was the capture
of the Jewish port of Elath on the Red Sea;
but the unnatural alliance of Damascus and
Samaria was punished through the final over-
throw of the ferocious confederates by Tiglath-
pilescr. The kingdom of Damascus was finally
suppressed, and Rezin put to death, while Pe-
kah was deprived of at least half his kingdom,
including all the northern portion, and the
whole district to the east of Jordan. Pekah
himself, now fallen into the position of an As-
•yrian vassal, was of course compelled to sV
stain from further attacks on Judah. Whether
his continued tyranny exhausted the patience
of his subjects, or whether his weakness em-
boldened them to attack him, we do not know ;
but, from one or the other cause, Hoshea the
son of Elah conspired against him, and put hint
to death. Pekah ascended the throne B.C.
757. He must have begun to war against
Judah B.C. 740, and was killed B.C. 737.
Pekahi'ah, son and successor of Mcnabcm,
was the 17th king of the separate kingdom of
Israel (b.c. 759-757). After a brief reign of
scarcely two years, a conspiracy was organized
against him by Pekah, who, at the head of fifty
Gileadites, attacked him in his palace, mur-
dered him and bis friends Argob and Arieh,
and seized the throne.
PeTtod, an appellative applied to the Chal-
deans. It occurs only twice ; viz. in Jer. 1. 21,
and Ez. xxiii. 23. Authorities are undecided
as to the meaning of the term. It is appar-
ently connected with the root pakad, " to visit,"
and in its secondary senses " to punish," and
" to appoint a ruler : " hence Pckod may be sp-
plied to Babylon in Jer. 1. as significant of its
impending punishment, as in the margin of
the A. V. " visitation." But this sense will
not suit the other passage, and hence Gesenius
here assigns to it the meaning of " prefect"
The LXX. treats it as the name of a district in
Ezekiel, and as a verb in Jeremiah.
Pelai'ah. L A son of Elicenai, of the
royal line of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 24).— 2. One
of the Lcvites who assisted Ezra in expounding
tho law (Nch. viii. 7). He afterwards scaled
the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 10).
Pelali'ah, the son of Amzi, and ancestor
of Adniah (Nch. xi. 12).
Pelati'ah. 1. Son of Hananiah the ton
of Zerubbabcl (1 Chr. iii. 21).— 2. One of the
captains of the marauding band of Simeonites,
who in the reign of Hezekiah made an expedi-
tion to Mount Scir, and emote the Amalckitei
(I Chr. iv. 42). — 3. One of the heads of the
people, and probably the name of a familv, who
sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Nch. x.
22). — 4. The son of Benaiah, and one of the
princes of the people against whom Ezckicl
was directed to utter the words of doom recorded
in Ez. xi. 5-12.
Peleg, son of Eber, and brother of Joktan
(Gen. x. 25, xi. 16). The only incident con-
nected with his history is the "statement that
" in his days was the earth divided " — an event
which was embodied in his name, Peleg meaning
" division." This refers to a division of the fam-
ilv of Eber himself, the younger branch of
whom (the Joktanids) migrated into Southern 1
Arabia, while tho elder remained in Mesopo-
tamia.
Pel'et. 1. A son of Jahdai in an obscure
genealogy (1 Chr. ii. 47). — 2. The son of As-
maveth ; that is, either a native of the place of
that name, or the son of one of David s heroes
(1 Chr. xii. 3).
Pol'eth. 1. The father of On the Reuben-
itc, who joined Dathan and Abiram in their
rebellion (Num. xvi. 1). — 2. Son of Jonathan,
and a descendant of Jerahmecl (1 Chr. ii. 33).
Pel'ethites, mentioned only in the phrase
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rendered in the A. V. " the Cherethites and
the Pelethites." These two collectives desig-
nate a force that was evidently David's body-
guard. Their names have been supposed
either to indicate their duties, or to be gentile
nouns. Gesenius renders them "executioners
and runners." On the other hand, the LXX.
and Vulg. retain their names untranslated ; and
the Svriac and Targ. Jon. translate them dif-
ferently from the rendering above and from
each other. The Egyptian monuments throw
a fresh light upon this subject. From them we
find that kings of the xixth and xxth dynasties
had in their service mercenaries of a nation
called SHAYRETANA, which Rameses III.
conquered, under the name " SHAYRETANA
of the Sea." The name SHAYRETANA, of
which the first letter was also pronounced KH,
is almost letter for letter the same as the He-
brew Cherethim; and since the SHAYRE-
TANA were evidently cognate to the Philis-
tines, their identity with the Cherethim cannot
be doubted (comp. 1 Sam. xxx. 14 ; Ez. xxv.
16; Zeph. ii. 5). The Egyptian SHAYRE-
TANA of the Sea are probably the Cretans.
The Pelethites, who, as already remarked, are
not mentioned except with the Cherethites,
have not yet been similarly traced in Egyptian
geography. The similarity, however, of the
two names would f ivor the idea which is sug-
gested by the mention together of the Chere-
thites and Pelethitcs, that the latter were of
the Philistine stock as well as the former.
Peli'as. Bedeiah (1 Esd. ix. 34; comp.
Ezr. x. 35). Ap.
Pelican (Heb. kaath). Amongst the un-
clean birds, mention is mode of the kaath (Lev.
xi. 18 ; Deut. xiv. 17). The suppliant psalmist
compares his condition to " a kaath in the wil-
derness " (Ps. cii. 6). As a mark of the deso-
^^
Petecmms onocrotaiui.
lation that was to come upon Edom, it is said
that " the kaath and the bittern should possess
it "(Is. xxxiv. 11). The same words are spoken
of Nineveh (Zeph. ii. 14). In these two last
nlacea, the A. V. has "cormorant" in the text,
and " pelican " in the margin. The best au-
thorities are in favor of the pelican being the
bird denoted by kaath. It is not quite clear
what is the particular point in the nature or
character of the pelican with which the psalmist
compares his pitiable condition. Wc are in-
clined to believe that reference is made to its
general aspect as it sits in apparent melancholy
mood, with its bill resting; on its breast. (Eu-
mann's opinion, that the Pdecanus ainculus, the
shag cormorant, and Bochart's, that the "bit-
tern," is intended, are unsupported by any
good evidence. The P. onocrotaltu (common
pelican) and the P. crispiu are often observed
in Palestine, Egypt, &c.
Pel'onite, the. Two of David's mighty
men, Helcz and Ahijah, are called Pclonitcs
(1 Chr. xi. 27, 36). From 1 Chr. xxvii. 10, it
appears that the former was of the tribe of
Ephraim ; and " Pelonite " would therefore bo
an appellation derived from his place of birth
or residence. In the list of 2 Sam. xxiii.
Helcz is called (ver. 26) " the Paltite," that is,
as Bertheau (on 1 Chr. xi.) conjectures, of
Beth-Palct, or Beth-Phelet, in the south of
Judah. But it seems probable that " Pelonite "
is the correct reading. " Ahijah the Pelonite "
appears in 2 Sam. xxili. 34 as " Eliam the son
of Ahithophel the Gilonite," of which the for-
mer is a corruption.
Pen. [Writing.]
Pen'iel, the name which Jacob gave to the
place in which he had wrestled with God : " He
called the name of the place ' Face of El,' for
I have seen Elohim face to face " (Gen. xxxli.
30). In xxxii. 31, and the other passages in
which the name occurs, its form is changed to
Pemuel. On this change, the lexicographers
throw no light. It is perhaps not impossible
that Pcnucl was the original form of the name.
Penin'nah, one of the two wives of Elka-
nah (I Sum. i. 2).
Penny, Pennyworth. In the A.V.,
in several passages of the N. T., " penny," either
alone or in the compound " pennyworth," oc-
curs as the rendering of the Greek Anvapiov,
the name of the Roman denarius (Matt. xx. 2,
xxii. 19; Mark vi. 37, xii. 15; Luke xx. 24;
John vi. 7 ; Rev. vi. 6). The denarius was the
chief Roman silver coin, from the beginning
of the coinage of the city to the early part of
the third century.
Pentateuch, the. The Greek name given
to the five books commonly called the Five
Books of Moses. The present Jews usually
call the whole by the name of Torah, i.e. " the
Law," or Torath Mosheh, " tho Law of Moses."
The rabbinical title is "the five-fifths of tho
Law." The division of the whole work into
five parts has by some writers been supposed to
be original. Others, with more probability,
think that the division was made by the Greek
translators ; for tho titles of the several books
are not of Hebrew but of Greek origin. The
Hebrew names are merely taken from the first
words of each hook, and in the first instance
only designated particular sections, and not
whole books. The MSS. of the Pentateuch
form a single roll or volume, and are divided,
not into books, but into the larger and smaller
sections called Parshiyoih and Sedarim. For
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the several names and contents of the Five
Books, we refer to the articles on each book,
where questions affecting their integrity and
genuineness are also discussed. The unity of
the work in its existing form is now generally
recognized. It is not a mere collection of loose
fragments carelessly put together at different
times, but bears evident traces of design and
purpose in its composition. The question has
been raised, whether the Book of Joshua does
not, properly speaking, constitute an integral
portion of this work. All that seems probable
is, that the Book of Joshua received a final re-
vision at the hands of Ezra, or some earlier
prophet, at the same time with the books of
the Law. At different times, suspicions hare
been entertained that the Pentateuch as we
now have it is not the Pentateuch of the earliest
age, and that the work must have undergone
various modifications and additions before it
asonracd its present shape. So early as the
second ceuturv, we find the author of the Clem-
entine Homilies calling in question the authen-
ticity of the Mosaic writings. Jerome, there
can be little doubt, had seen the difficulty of
supposing the Pentateuch to be altogether, in
its present form, the work of Moses. Aben
Ezra (tl 167), in his Comm. on Deut. i. 1, threw
out some doubts as to the Mosaic authorship
of certain passages, such as Gen. xii. 6, Deut
iii. 10, 11, xxxi. 9. For centuries, however,
the Pentateuch was generally received in the
Church without question as written by Moses.
The age of criticism had not yet come. The
first signs of its approach were seen in the
17th century. Spinoza (Tract. Theot.-Polit. c.
8, 9, published in 1679) set himself boldly to
controvert the received authorship of the Pen-
tateuch. But it was not till the middle of the
last century that the question as to the author-
ship of the Pentateuch was handled with any
thing like a discerning criticism. In the year
1 753 there appeared at Brussels a work entitled
" Conjectures sur les Memoires originaux, dont
il paroit que Moyse s'est scrvi pour composer
le Livre de Gcnese." It was written in his
69th year by Astruc, Doctor and Professor of
Medicine in the Royal College at Pnris, and
Court Physician to Louis XIV.
His critical eyo had observed that through-
out the Book of Genesis, and as far as the 6th
chapter of Exodus, traces were to be found of
two original documents, each characterized by
a distinct use of the names of God ; the one
by the name Elohim, and the other by the
name Jehovah. Besides these two principal
documents, he supposed Moses to have made
use of ten others in the composition of the ear-
lier part of his work. But this " documentary
hypothesis," as it is called, was too conserva-
tive and too rational for some critics. Vatcr
and A. T. Hartmann maintained that the Pen-
tateuch consisted merely of a number of frag-
ments loosely strung together without order or
design. This has been called the " fragment-
ary hypothesis." Both of these have now
been smx-rseded by the "supplementary hy-
pothesis," which has been adopted with various
modifications by De Wette, Bleck, Stahclin,
Tnch, Lengcrkc, Hupfcld, Knobel, Bunsen,
Kurtz, Delitzscb, Schultz, Vaihingcr, and
others. They all alike recognize two does
ments in the Pentateuch. They suppose U»
narrative of the Elohist, the more ancient
writer, to have been the foundation of the
work, and that the Jehovist, or later writer,
making use of this document, added to and
commented upon it, sometimes transcribing
portions of it intact, and sometimes incorporat-
ing the substance of it into his own work. But
though thus agreeing in the main, they differ
widely in the application of the theory. Thus,
for instance, lie Wette distinguishes between
the Elohist and the Jehovist in the first four
books, and attributes Deuteronomy to a differ-
ent writer altogether. Stahelin, on the other
hand, declares for the identity of the Dcutcrono-
mist and the Jehovist; and supposes the last
to have written in the reign of Saul, and the
Elohist in the time of the Judges. Hupfeld
finds, in Genesis at least, traces of three authors,
an earlier and a later Elohist, as well as the
Jehovist Delitzsch agrees with the authors
above mentioned in recognizing two distinct
documents as the basis of the Pentateuch,
especially in its earlier portions ; but he entirely
severs himself from them in maintaining that
Deuteronomy is the work of Moses. Ewald
distinguishes seven different authors in the
great Book of Origines or Primitive History
(comprising the Pentateuch and Joshua).
On the other side, however, stands an array
of names scarcely less distinguished for learn-
ing, who maintain not only that there is a
unity of design in the Pentateuch — which is
granted by many of those before mentioned —
but who contend that this unity of design ran
only be explained ou the stip|>osition of a
single author, and that this author could have
been none other than Moses. This is the
ground taken by Hengstcnlierg, Havcrnick,
Drcchsler, Rankc, Weltc, and Kcil.
II. We ask in the next place. What is the
testimony of the Pentateuch itself with regard
to its authorship? 1. Wc find on reference to
Ex. xxiv. 3, 4, that " Moses came and told the
people all the words of Jehovah and all the
judgments." and that he subsequently " wrote
down all the words of Jehovah. These were
written on a roll called "the book of the cove-
nant" (ver. 7), and "rend in the audience of tlic
people. These "words" and '• judgments "
were no doubt the Sinaitic legislation so far as
it had as yet been given, and which constituted
in fact the covenant l«tween Jehovah and the
jieople. Upon the renewal of this covenant
after the idolatry of the Israelites, Mows was
again commanded by Jehovah to " write tin -e
words " (xxxiv. 27). "And," it is added, '• he
wrote upon the tables the words of the cove-
nant, the ten commandments." Leaving Deu-
teronomy aside for the present, there are only
two other passages in which mention is made
of the writing of any part of the Law : and
those are Ex. xvii. 14, where Moses is com-
manded to write the defeat of Ama'.ck in a
l>ook (or rather in the hook, one already in use
for the purpose) ; and Num. xxxiii. 2, where
we are informed that Moses wrote the journey-
ings of the children of Israel in the desert, and
the various stations at which they encamped.
It obviously does not follow from these atate-
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menu that Moses wrote all the rest of the first
four books which bear his name. Nor on the
other hand does this specific testimony with re-
gard to certain portions justify us in coming to
an opposite conclusion. So far, nothing can be
determined positively one way or the other.
But it may be said that we have an express
testimony to the Mosaic authorship of the Law
in Dent. xxxi. 9-12, where we are told that
"Moses wrote this Law," and delivered it to
the custody of the priests, with a command
that it should be read before all the people at
the end of every seven years, on the Feast of
Tabernacles. In ver. 24 it is further said, that
when he " had made an end of writing the
words of this Law in a book till they were fin-
ished," he delivered it to the Lcvites to be
placed in the side of the ark of the covenant
of Jehovah, that it might be preserved as r<
witness against the people. Such a statcmo'
is no doubt decisive ; bnt the question is, Ho-
far does it extend ? Do the words " this Lw '
comprise all the Mosaic legislation as contained
in the last four books of the Pentatcv.r., or
mnst they be confined only to Deuteronomy?
The last is apparently the only tc'ino'ie view.
So far, the direct evidence from the Pentateuch
itself is not sufficient to establish the Mosaic
authorship of every portion of «ac Five Books.
Certain parts of Exodus, Lev'.ticus, and Num-
bers, and the whole of Deuteronomy to the end
of chap, xxx., are all that are expressly said to
have been written by Mcses. Two questions
are yet to be answerer. Is there evidence that
farts of the work wore not written by Moses ?
t there evidence that parts of the work are
later than his time ?
2. The next question we ask is this : Is there
any evidence to show that he did not write por-
tions of the work which goes by his name ?
We have already referred to the last chapter of
Deuteronomy, which gives an account of his
death. Is it probable that Moses wrote the
words in Ex. xi. 3, or those in Num. xii. 3?
On the other hand, ore not such words of praise
just what we might expect from the friend and
disciple who pronounced bis eulogium after his
death? (Deut. xxxiv. 10.) 3. But there is other
evidence, to a critical eye not a whit less con-
vincing, which points in the same direction.
If, without any theory casting its shadow upon
us, and without any fear of consequences before
oar eyes, we read thoughtfully only the Book
of Genesis, we can hardly escape the conviction
that it partakes of the nature of a compilation.
It has indeed a unity of plan, a coherence of
parts, a shapeliness and an order, which satisfy
us that as it stands it is the creation of a single
mind. But it bears also manifest traces of
having been based upon an earlier work ; and
that earlier work itself seems to have had em-
bedded in it fragments of still more ancient
documents. Before proceeding to prove this,
it may not be unnecessary to state, in order to
avoid misconstruction, that such a theory does
not in the least militate against the divine au-
thority of the book. The history contained in
Genesis could not have been narrated by Moses
from personal knowledge ; but whether he was
taught it by immediate divine suggestion, or
was directed by the Holy Spirit to the use of
earlier documents, is immaterial in reference to
the inspiration of the work. The question may
therefore be safely discussed on critical grounds
alone.
The language of chapter i. 1-ii. 3 is totally
unlike that of the section which follows, ii. 4-
iii. 23. This last is not only distinguished by
a peculiar use of the Divine Names — for hero
and nowhere else in the whole Pentateuch, ex-
ccp*. Ex. ix. 30, have we the combination of
the two, Jehovah Elohim — but also by a mode
of expression peculiar to itself. It is also re-
nt rkable for preserving an account of the
Creation distinct from that contained in the
first chapter. It may be said, indeed, that this
fecount does not contradict the former, and
•night therefore have proceeded from the same
pen. But, fully admitting that there is no con-
tradiction, the representation is so different, that
it is far more natural to conclude that it was
derived from some other, though not antagonis-
tic source. To take another instance. Chapter
xiv. is, beyond all doubt, an aucient monu-
ment, — papyrus-roll it may have been, or in-
scription on stone, — which has been copied and
transplanted in its original form into our present
Book of Genesis. Archaic it is in its whole
character; distinct too, again, from the rest
of the book in its use of the name of God.
We believe, then, that at least these two por-
tions of Genesis — chap. ii. 4-iii. 24, and chap,
xiv. — are original documents, preserved, it
may have been, like the genealogies, which
are also a very prominent feature of the book,
in the tents of the patriarchs, and made use
of either by the Elohist or the Jehovist for
his history. We come now to a more ample
examination of the question as to the distinc-
tive use of the Divine Names. Is it the fact, as
Astruc was the first to surmise, that this early
portion of the Pentateuch, extending from Gen.
l. to Ex. vi., does contain two original docu-
ments characterized by their separate use of
the Divine Names and by other peculiarities of
style? Of this there can bo no reasonable
doubt. We do find, not only scattered verses,
but whole sections, thus characterized. Through-
out this portion of the Pentateuch, the name
Jehovah prevails in some sections, and Elohim
in others. There are a few sections where
both are employed indifferently ; and there are,
finally, sections of some length in which neither
the one nor the other occurs. And we find
morevcr that in connection with this use of the
Divine Names there is also a distinctive and
characteristic phraseology. The style and idiom
of the Jehovah sections is not the same as the
style and idiom of the Elohim sections. After
Ex. vi. 2-vii. 7, the name Elohim almost ceases
to be characteristic of whole sections ; the only
exceptions to this rule being Ex. xiii. 17-19
and chap, xviii. Such a phenomenon as this
cannot be without significance. If, as Hcng-
stenberg and those who agree with him would
persuade us, the use of the Divine Names is to
be accounted for throughout by a reference to
their etymology — if the author uses the one
when his design is to speak of God as the
Creator and the Jndge, and the other when his
object is to set forth God as the Redeemer —
then it still cannot but appear remarkable that
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only ap to a particular point do these names
stamp separate sections of the narrative, where-
as afterwards all such distinctive criterion fails.
Still this phenomenon of the distinct use of
the Divine Names would scarcely of itself prove
the point, that there are two documents which
form the groundwork of the existing Penta-
teuch. But there is other evidence pointing
the same way. We find, for instance, the same
story told by the two writers, and their two ac-
counts manifestly interwoven ; and we find also
certain favorite words and phrases which dis-
tinguish the one writer from the other. (1.)
In proof of the first, it is sufficient to read the
history of Noah. In order to make this more
clear, we will separate the two documents, and
arrange them in parallel columns : —
Jehovah.
Gen. vt. S. And Jeho-
vah saw that the wicked-
ness of man was great
in the earth, and that
every Imagination of the
thoughts of his heart
was only evil continu-
ally. And It repented
Jehovah. Ac.
7. And Jehovah said,
I will blot out man whom
1 hare created from off
the face of the ground.
Elohui.
Gen. vi. 12. And Elo-
him saw the earth, and
behold it was corrupt;
for all flesh had cor-
rupted bis way upon the
earth.
IS. And KloMm said
to Noah, The end of all
flesh is come before me,
for the earth is filled
with violence because of
them; and behold I will
destroy them with the
earth.
vl. a. Noah a righteous
man was perfect in his
generation. With Elo-
him did Noah walk.
vl. It, And of every
living thing of all flesh,
two of all sliult thou
bring into the ark to pre-
serve alive with thee:
male and female shall
they be.
20. Of fowl after their
kind, and of cattle after
their kind, of every thing
that creepeth on the
ground after his kind,
two of all shall come un-
to thee that thou mayest
preserve (them) alive.
vl. 17. And I, behold I
do bring the flood, wa-
ters upon the earth, to
destroy all flesh, where-
in is the breath of life,
from under heaven: all
that is in the earth shall
perish.
vi. 28. And Noah did
according to all that Elo-
him commanded him ;
so did he.
Withont carrying this parallelism farther at
length, we will merely indicate by references
the traces of the two documents in the rest of
the narrative of the Flood : — vii. 1, 6, on the
Jehovah side, answer to vi. 18, vii. 11, on the
Elohim side; vii. 7, 8, 9, 17, 23, to vii. 13, U,
15, 16, 18, 21, 22; viii. 21, 22, to ix. 8, 9, 10,
U. (2.) But again we find that these duplicate
narratives are characterized by peculiar modes
of expression ; and that, generally, the Elo-
histic and Jehovistic sections have their own
distinct and individual coloring. There is
vii. 1. And Jehovah
said to Noah . . . Thee
have I seen righteous be-
fore me in this genera-
tion. "
vii. 2. Of all cattle
which is clean thou shalt
take to thee by sevens,
male and hi* female ; ana
of nil cattle which is not
clean, two, male and his
female.
3. Also of fowl of the
air by sevens, male and
female, to preserve seed
alive on the face of all
the earth.
vii. 4. For in yet seven
days I will send rain up-
on the earth forty days
and forty nights, and I
will blot out all the
substance which I have
made from off the face
of the ground.
vii. 5. And Noah did
according to all that Je-
hovah commanded him.
therefore, it seems, good ground for concluding
that, besides some smaller independent docn-
ments, traces may be discovered of two original
historical works, which form the basis of the
present Book of Genesis and of the earlier
chapters of Exodus. Of these there can be
no doubt that the Elohistic is the earlier. The
passage in Ex. vi. establishes this, as well at
the matter and style of the document itself.
Whether Moses himself was the author of
either of these works is a different question.
Both are probably in the main as old as his
time; the Elohistic certainly is, and perhaps
older. 4. Bnt we may now advance a step
farther. There are certain references of time
and place which clearly prove that the work,
in tit present form, is later than the time of
Moses. When, for instance, it is said (Gen.
xii. 6, comp. xiii. 7), " And the Canaanite was
then in the land," the obvious meaning of such
a remark seems to be that the state of things
was different in the time of the writer; and
the conclusion is, that the words must have
been written after the occupation of the land
by the Israelites. The principal notices of
time and place which have been alleged as
bespeaking for the Pentateuch a later date are
the following : — (a.) References of time. Ex.
vi. 26, 27, need not be regarded as a later
addition, for it obviously sums op the genea-
logical register given just before, and refers
back to ver. 13. But it is more naturally rec-
oncilable with some other authorship than that
of Moses. Again, Ex. xvi. 33-36, though it
must have been introduced after the rest of the
look was written, may have been added by
Moses himself, supposing him to have com-
posed the rest of the book. Moses there directs
Aaron to lay up the manna before Jehovah,
and then we read : " As Jehovah commanded
Moses, so Aaron laid it np before the Testi-
mony " (i.e. the Ark) "to be kept. And the
children of Israel did eat manna forty years,
until they came to a land inhabited ; they did
eat manna until they came unto the borders
of the land of Canaan." Then follows the
remark, " Now an omer is the tenth part of an
ephah." It is clear then that this passage wot
written not only after the Ark was made, bat
after the Israelites bad entered the Promised
Land. The difficulty is greater with a passage
in the Book of Genesis. The genealogical
tabic of Esan's family (chap, xxxvi.) can
scarcely be regarded as a later interpolation.
It does not interrupt the order and connection
of the book ; on the contrary, it is a most es-
sential part of its structure ; it is one of the
ten "generations" or genealogical registers
which form, so to speak, the backbone of the
whole. Here we find the remark (ver. SI),
" And these are the kings that reigned in the
land of Edom, before were reigned any king
over the children of Israel." No unprejudiced
person can read the words, " before there reigned
any king over the children of Israel," with-
out feeling that, when they were written, kings
had already begun to reign over Israel. Either
then we must admit that the Book of Genesis
did not exist as a whole till the times of David
and Solomon, or we must regard this particu-
lar verse as the interpolation of a later editor.
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Similar remarks may perhaps apply to Lev.
xriii. 28. This undoubtedly assumes the occu-
pation of the Land of Canaan by the Israelites.
The great difficulty connected with this pas-
sage, nowever, is that it is not a supplementary
remark of the writer's, but that the words are
the words of God directing Moses what he is to
say to the children of Israel (ver. 1). (6.) In
several instances, older names of placa give
place to those which came later into use in
Canaan. In Gen. xiv. 14 and in Dent, xxxiv.
I, occurs the name of the well-known city of
Dan. In Genesis, we can only fairly account
for its appearance by supposing that the old
name Laish originally stood in the MS., and
that Dan was substituted for it on soma later
revision. In Josh. xiv. 15 (corap. xv. 13, 54)
and Judg. i. 10, we are told that the original
name of Hebron before the conquest of Canaan
was Kirjath-Arba. In Gen. xxiii. 2, the older
name occurs, and the explanation is added .'evi-
dently by some one who wrote later thuh the
occupation of Canaan), " the same is Hebron."
Another instance of a similar kind is the occur-
rence of Hormah in Num. xiv. 45, xxi. 1-3,
compared with Judg. i. 17. So far, then, judg-
ing the work simply by what we find in it,
there is abundant evidence to show that,
though the main bulk of it is Mosaic, certain
detached portions of it are of later growth. We
are not obliged, because of the late date of these
Cirtions, to bring down the rest of the book to
ter times.
III. We are now to consider the evidence
lying outside of the Pentateuch itself, which
bears upon its authorship and the probable
date of its composition. This evidence is of
three kinds : first, direct mention of the work
as already existing in the later books of the
Bible ; secondly, the existence of a book sub-
stantially the same as the present Pentateuch
amongst the Samaritans ; and, lastly, allusions
less direct, such as historical references, quota-
tions, and the like, which presuppose its exist-
ence. 1. We hare direct evidence for the
authorship of the Law in Josh- i. 7, 8, and
viii. 31, 34, xxiii. 6, xxiv. 26, it all which
C" es Moses is said to have written it The
k of Judges does not speak of the Book
of the Law. No direct mention of it occurs in
the Books of Samuel. The first mention of
the Law of Moses after the establishment of the
monarchy is in David's charge to his son Solo-
mon, on his deathbed (1 K. ii. 3). The allu-
sion seems to be to parts of Deuteronomy, and
therefore favors the Mosaic authorship of that
book (corop. viii. 9, 53). In 2 K. xi. 12, " the
testimony is pat into the hands of Joash at
his coronation. This must hare been a book
containing either the whole of the Mosaic
law, or at least the Book of Deuteronomy,
lb the Books of Chronicles, far more fre-
3uent mention is made of " the Law of
ehovah," or " the book of the Law of Mo-
ses " — a fact which may be accounted for
partly by the priestly character of those books
(comp. 1 Chr. xvi. 40, xxii. 12, 13 ; 2 Chr.
xii. 1, xiv. 4, xv. 3, xvii. 9, xxv. 4, xxxi. 3, 4,
21, xxxiii. 8, xxxiv. 14, xxxv. 26). In Ezra
and Nehemiah, we have mention several times
made of the Law of Moses, and here there
can be no doubt that our present Penta-
teuch is meant ; for we hare no reason to sup-
pose that any later revision of it took place.
At this time, then, the existing Peutateuch
was regarded as the work of Moses. The
Books of Chronicles, though undoubtedly
based upon ancient records, are probably in
their present form as late as the time of Ezra.
Hence it might be supposed that if the refer-
ence is to the present Pentateuch in Kzra, the
present Pentateuch must also be referred to in
Chronicles. But this does not follow. The
Book of Ezra speaks of the Law as it existed in
the time of the writer ; the Books of Chroni-
cles speak of it as it existed long before.
Hence the author of the latter (who may
have been Ezra), in making mention of the
Law of Moses, refers of course to that recen-
sion of it which existed at the particular periods
over which his history travels. In Dan. ix. 1 1,
13, the Law of Moses is mentioned ; and here
again a book differing in nothing from our
present Pentateuch is probably meant. In the
Prophets and in the Psalms, though there are
many allusions to the Law, evidently as a writ-
ten document, there are none as to its authorship.
2. Conclusive proof of the early composition
of the Pentateuch, it has been argued, exists in
the fact that the Samaritans had their own
copies of it, not differing very materially from
those possessed by the Jews, except in a few
passages which had probably been purposely
tampered with and altered : such for instance as
Ex. xii. 40; Dent, xxvii. 4. If this point
could be satisfactorily established, we should
have a limit of time in one direction for the
composition of the Pentateuch. It could not
have been later than the times of the earliest
kings. It must have been earlier than the
reign of Solomon, and indeed than that of
Saul. History leaves us altogether in doubt
as to the time at which the Pentateuch was
received by the Samaritans. Copies of it
might have been left in the northern kingdom
after Shalmaneser's invasion, though this is
hardly probable; or they might have been in-
troduced thither during the religious reforms
of Hezckiah or Josiah. But the actual condi-
tion of the Samaritan Pentateuch is against anv
such supposition. It agrees so remarkably with
the existing Hebrew Pentateuch, and that too
in those passages which aro manifestly inter-
polations and corrections as late us the time of
Ezra, that we must look for sotm other period
to which to refer the adoption of the Books of
Moses by the Samaritans. This we find after
the Babylonish exile, at the time of the insti-
tution of the rival worship on Gcrizim. Till
the return from Babylon, there is no evidence
that the Samaritans regarded the Jews with
any extraordinary dislike or hostility. But
the manifest distrust and suspicion with which
Nehemiah met their advances when he was
rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem provoked
their wrath. From this time forward, they
were declared and open enemies. A full dis-
cussion of this question would be out of place
here. We incline to the view of Prideaux,
that the Samaritan Pentateuch was in fact s
transcript of Ezra's revised copy. The same
view is virtually adopted by Geaenina.
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3. We are now to consider evidence of a
more indirect kind, which bears not so much on
the Mosaic authorship as on the early existence
of the work as a whole. This last circum-
stance, however, if satisfactorily made oat, is,
indirectly at least, an argument that Moses
wrote the Pentateuch. Hengstenberg has tried
to show that all the later books, by their allu-
sions and quotations, presuppose the existence
of the Books of the Law. He traces, moreover,
the influence of the Law upon the whole life,
civil and religious, of the nation after their
settlement in the land of Canaan. Now, be-
yond all doubt, there are numerous most strik-
ing references, both in the Prophets and in the
■Books of Kings, to passages which are found
in our present Pentateuch. It is established
in the most convincing manner that the legal
portions of the Pentateuch already existed in
writing before the separation of the two king-
doms. Even as regards the historical portions,
there are often in the later books almost verbal
coincidences of expression, which render it
more than probable that these also existed in
writing. But now if, as appears from the ex-
amination of all the extant Jtwish literature,
the Pentateuch existed as a canonical book ;
if, moreover, it was a book so well known that
its words had become household words among
the people ; and if the prophets could appeal
to it as a recognized and well-known document,
— how comes it to pass that in the reign of
Josiah, one of the latest kings, its existence
as a canonical book seems to have been almost
forgotten? Yet such was evidently the fact.
How are we to explain this surprise and
alarm in the mind of Jiwiah, betraying as it
does such utter ignorance of the Book of the
Law, and of the severity of its threatenings,
except on the supposition that, as a written
document, it had well-nigh perished? This
must have been the case, and it is not so ex-
traordinary a fact perhaps as it appears at first
sight. It is quite true that, in the reign of
Jchoshaphat, pains had been taken to make the
nation at large acquainted with the Law ; but
that was 300 years before, a period equal to
that between the days of Luther and our own ;
and in snch an interval great changes must
have taken place. It is true that, in the reign of
Ahaz, the prophet Isaiah directed the people to
turn " to the Law and to the Testimony ; "
and Hezckiah, who succeeded Ahaz, had no
doubt reigned in the spirit of the prophet's
advice. But the next monarch was guilty of out-
rageous wickedness, and filled Jerusalem with
idols. How great a desolation might one wick-
ed prince effect, especially during a lengthened
reign ! To this we must add, that at no time,
in all probability, were there many copies of
the Law existing in writing. It was probably
then the custom, as it still is in the East, to
trust largely to the memory for its transmission.
The ritual would easily be perpetuated by the
mere force of observance, though much of it
doubtless became perverted, and some part of
it perhaps obsolete, through the neglect of the
priests. The command of Moses, which laid
upon the king the obligation of making a copy
of the Law for himself, had of course long been
disregarded. Here and there perhaps only
some prophet or righteous man possessed a,
copy of tie sacred book. The bulk of the
nation were without it. The oral transmission
of the Law and the living witness of the proph-
ets had superseded the written document, till
at last it had become so scarce as to be almost
unknown.
On carefully weighing all the evidence hither-
to adduced, we can hardly question, without a
literary scepticism which would be most un-
reasonable, that the Pentateuch is to a very
considerable extent as early as the time of
Moses, though it may have undergone many
later revisions and corrections, the last of these
being certainly as late as the time of Ezra.
But as regards any direct and unimpeachable
testimony to the composition of the whole
work by Moses, we have it not. Only one book
ont of the five — that of Deuteronomy — claims
in express terms to be from his hand. And
yet, strange to say, this is the very book in
which modern criticism refuses roost peremp-
torily to admit the claim. It is of importance
therefore to consider this question separately.
All allow that the Book of the Covenant in
Exodus, perhaps a great part of Leviticus and
some part of Is umbers, were written by Israel's
greatest leader and prophet. But Deuteronomy,
it is alleged, is in style and purpose so utterly
unlike the genuine writings of Moses, that it is
quite impossible to believe that he is the author.
But how then set aside the express testimony
of the book itself? How explain the fact that
Moses is there said to have written all the
words of this law, to have consigned it to the cus-
tody of the priests, and to have charged the
Levites sedulously to preserve it by the side of
the ark ? Only by the bold assertion that the
fiction was invented by a later writer, who chose
to personate the great Lawgiver in order to
give the more color of consistency to his
work ! But, besides the fact that Deuteronomy
claims to have been written by Moses there is
other evidence which establishes the great an-
tiquity of the book.
1 . It is remarkable for its allusions to Egypt,
which are just what would be expected sop-
posing Moses to have been the author. In xi.
10, there is an allusion to the Egyptian mode of
irrigation ; in xx. 5, to Egyptian regulations
in time of war ; in xxv. 2, to the Egyptian bas-
tinado. Again, among the curses threatened
are the sicknesses of Egypt, xxviii. 60 (comp.
vii. 15). According to xxviii. 68, Egypt is
the type of all the oppressors of Israel. Lastly,
references to the sojourning in Egypt are nu-
merous (vi. 21-23 ; see also vii. 8, 18, xi 3).
The phraseology of the book, and the archa-
isms found in it, stamp it as of the same age
with the rest of the Pentateuch. 2. A fond-
ness for the use of figures is another peculiari-
ty of Deuteronomy. See i. 31, 44, viii. 5,
xxviii. 13, 29, 44, 49, xxxix. 17, 18. The re-
sults are most surprising when we compear*
Deuteronomy with the Book of the Covenant
iEx. xix.-xxiv.) on the one hand, and with
*s. xc. (which is said to be Mosaic) on the other.
In addition to all these peculiarities which are
arguments for the Mosaic authorship of the
hook, we have here, too, the evidence, strong
and clear, of post-Mosaic times and writings.
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The attempt by a wrong interpretation of 2 K.
xxii. and 2 Chr. xxxiv. to bring down Deuteron-
omy as low as the time of Manassch foils utterly.
A century earlier, the Jewish prophets borrow
their words and their thoughts from Deuter-
onomy. Since, then, not only Jeremiah and
Ezekicl, but Amos and Hosca, Isaiah and Micah,
speak in the words of Deuteronomy, as well
as in words borrowed from other portions of
the Pentateuch, we see at once how untenable
is the theory of those who, like Ewald, main-
tain that Deuteronomy was composed during
the reign of Manassch, or, as Vaihingcr does,
during that of Hczckiah. But, in truth, the
book speaks for itself. No imitator could have
written in such a strain. We scarcely need
the express testimony of the work to its own
authorship. But, having it, we find all the in-
ternal evidence conspiring to show that it came
from Moses. We therefore declare unhesitat-
ingly for the Mosaic authorship of Deuterono-
my. Briefly, then, to sum up the results of
our inquiry. 1. The Book of Genesis rests
chiefly on documents much earlier than the
time of Moses, though it was probably brought
to very nearly its present shape cither by Moses
'amielf, or by one of the elders who acted un-
der him. 2. The Books of Exodus Leviticus,
and Numbers, are to a great extent Mosaic.
Besides those portions which are expressly de-
clared to have been written by him, other por-
tions, and especially the legal sections, were, if
not actually written, in all probability dictated
by him. 3. Deuteronomy, excepting the con-
cluding part, is entirely the work of Moses, as
it professes to be. 4. It is not probable that
this was written before the three preceding
books, because the legislation in Exodus and
Leviticus as being the more formal is manifest-
ly the earlier, whilst Deuteronomy is the spirit-
ual interpretation and application of the Law.
But the letter is always before the spirit ; the
thing before its interpretation. 5. The first
co>n;Kuition of the Pentateuch as a whole could
not hare taken place till after the Israelites en-
tered Canaan. It is probable that Joshua,
and the elders who were associated with him,
would provide for its formal arrangement, cus-
tody, and transmission. 6. The wholo work
did not finally assume its present shape till its
revision was undertaken by Ezra after the re-
turn from the Babylonish Captivity.
Pentecost, (Ex. xxiii. 16) "the feast of
harvest, the first-fruits of thy labors : " (Ex.
xxxiv. 22 ; Deut. xvi. 10) " the feast of weeks : "
(Num. xxviii. 26 ; cf. Lev. xxiii. 17) " the day
of first-fruits." The second of the great festi-
vals of the Hebrews. It fell in duo course on
the sixth day of Sivan, and its rites, according
to the Law, were restricted to a single day.
The most important passages relating to it arc,
Ex. xxiii. 16; Lev. xxiii. 15-22; Num. xxviii.
26-3t ; Deut. xvi. 9-12. — I. The time of the
festival was calculated from the second day of
the Passover, the 16th of Nisan. The Law
prescribes that a reckoning should be kept from
"tho morrow after the sabbath "( Lev. xxiii.
II, 15) to the morrow after the completion of
tho seventh week, which would of course be
the fiftieth day (Lev. xxiii. 15, 16; Dent. xvi.
0). The fifty days formally included the period
91
of grain-harvest, commencing with the offering
of the first sheaf of the barley-harvest in the
Passover, and ending with that of the two first
loaves which were mode from the wheat-har-
vest, at this festival. It was the offering of
these two loaves which was the distinguishing
rite of the day of Pentecost. They were to be
leavened. Each loaf was to contain the tenth
of an ephuh (i.e. about three quarts and a half)
of the finest wheat-flour of the new crop (Lev.
xxiii. 17). The flour was to be the produce of
the land. The loaves, along with a peace-
offering of two lambs of the first year, were to
be waved before the Lord, and given to the
priests. At the same time, a special sacrifice
was to be mode of seven lambs of tho first year,
one young bullock and two rams, as a burnt-
offering (accompanied by the proper meat and
drink offerings), and a kid for a sin-offering
(Lev. xxiii. 18, 19). Besides these offerings,
if we adopt the interpretation of the rabbinical
writers, it appears that an addition was made
to the daily sacrifice of two bullocks, one ram,
and seven lambs, as a burnt-offering (Num.
xxviii. 27). At this, as well as the other festi-
vals, a free-will offering was to be made by each
person who camo to the sanctuary, according
to his circumstances (Deut. xvi. 10). It would
seem that its festive character partook of a mora
free and hospitable liberality than that of the
Passover, which was rather of the kind which
belongs to the mere family gathering. In this
respect, it resembled the Feast of Tabernacles.
The Levite, the stranger, the fatherless, and the
widow, were to be brought within its influence
(Deut. xvi. 11,14). The mention of tho glean-
ings to be left in the field.; at harvest for " the
poor and the stranger," in connection with Pen-
tecost, may perhaps have a bearing on tho libe-
rality which belonged to the festival (Lev. xxiii.
22). At Pentecost (as at the Passover) the
people were to bo reminded of their bondage in
Egypt, and they were especially admonished of
their obligation to keep the divine law (Deut.
xvi. 12).
II. Of the information to be gathered from
Jewish writers respecting the observance of
Pentecost, the following particulars appear to
be the best worthy of notice. The flour for
the loaves was sifted with peculiar care twelve
times over. They were made either the day
before, or, in the event of a sabbath preceding
the day of Pentecost, two days lieforc, the occa-
sion. The two lambs for a peace-offering were
to be waved by the priest, before they were
slaughtered, along with the loaves, and after-
wards the loaves were waved a second time
along with the shoulders of the lambs. One
loaf was given to the high-priest, and the other
to the ordinary priests who officiated. The
bread was eaten that same night in the Temple,
and no fragment of it was suffered to remain
till the morning. Although, according to the
Low. the observance of Pentecost lasted but a
single day, the Jews in foreign countries, since
the Captivity, have prolonged it to two days.
III. Doubts have been cast on the common
interpretation of Acts ii. 1, according to which
the Holy Ghost was given to the apostles on the
day of Pentecost. Lightfoot contends that
the passage means, when the day of Pentecost had
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patted. The question, on what day of the week
this Pentecost fell, must of course be deter-
mined by the mode in which the doubt is
solved regarding the day on which the Last
Supper was eaten. If it was the legal paschal
supper, on the 14th of Nisan, and the sabbath
during which our Lord lay in the grave was
the day of the omcr, Pentecost must have fol-
lowed on the sabbath. But if the supper was
eaten on the 13th, and He was crucified on the
14tli, the Sunday of the Resurrection must have
been the day of the omer, and Pentecost must
have occurred on the first day of the week.
IV. There is no clear notice in the Scrip-
tures of any historical significance belonging to
Pentecost. But most of the Jews of later times
have regarded the day as the commemoration
of the giving of the Law on Mount Sinai.
V. If the feast of Pentecost stood without an
organic connection with any other rites, we
should have no certain warrant in the Old Tes-
tament for regarding it as more than the di-
vinely appointed solemn thanksgiving for the
yearly supply of the most useful sort of food.
But it was, as we have seen, essentially linked
»n to the Passover, that festival which, above
all others, expressed the fact of a race chosen
and separated from other nations. It was not
in insulated day. It stood as the culminating
point of the Pentecostal season. If the offering
ef the omer was a supplication for the divine
blessing on the harvest which was just com-
mencing, and the offering of the two loaves was
a thanksgiving for its completion, each rite was
brought into a higher significance in conse-
quence of the omcr fonning an integral part of
the Passover.
Pen'ueL The usual, and possibly the ori-
ginal, form of the name of a place which first
appears under the slightly different form of
Peniel (Gen. xxxii. 30, 31). From this nar-
rative it is evident that it lay somewhere be-
tween the torrent Jabbok and Succoth (comp.
xxxii. 22 with xiii. 17, and Jndg. vii. 5, 8).
Succoth has been identified with tolerable cer-
tainty at Sakit; but no trace has yet been
found of Penuel.
Pe'or. A mountain in Moab, from whence,
after having without effect ascended the lower
or less sacred summits of Baraoth-Baal and
Pisgah, the prophet Balaam was conducted bv
Balak for his final conjurations (Num. xxiii.
28 only). Peor — or, more accurately, "the
Poor " — was " facing Jeshimon." The same
thing is said of Pisgah. But unfortunately we
arc as yet ignorant of the position of all three,
so that nothing can be inferred from this
specification. In the Onomasticon ("Fogor; "
" Bcthphogor ; " " Danaba ") it is stated to be
above the town of Libias (the ancient Bcth-
aram), nnd opposite Jericho. — 2. In four pas-
sages (Num. xxv. 18, twice; xxxi. 16; Josh,
xxii. 17), Peor occurs as a contraction forBaal-
peor.
Per'azim, Mount. A name which oc-
curs in Is. xxviii. 21 only, unless the place
which it designates be identical with the Baal-
Perazim mentioned as the scene of one of Da-
vid's victories over the Philistines. The com-
mentators almost unanimously take the refer-
ence to be to David's victories, above alluded
to, at Baal-Pcrazim and Gibeon (Geseains;
Strachey), or to the former of these on the one
hand, and Joshua's slaughter of the Canaanites
at Gibeon and Beth-horon on the other (Eich-
horn, Rosenmiiller, Michaelis).
Per'esh. The son of Machir by his wife
Maachah (1 Cbr. vii. 16).
Perez. The " children of Perez/' or Pha-
rez, the son of Judah, appear to have been a
family of importance for many centuries ( 1 Chr.
xxvii. 3 ; Neh. xi. 4, 6).
Per'ez-Uz'za, 1 Chr. xiii. It; and
Per'ez-Uz'zan, 2 Sam. vi. 8. The title
which David conferred on the threshing-floor
of Nachon, or Cidon, in commemoration of
the sudden death of Uzzah : " And David was
wroth because Jehovah had broken this breach
on Uzzah, and he called the place ' Uzzah's
breaking' unto this day." The situation of
the spot is not known.
Perfumes. The free use of perfumes was
peculiarly grateful to the Orientals (Prov.
xxvii. 9), whose olfactory nerves are more than
usually sensitive to the offensive smells engen-
dered by the heat of their climate. The He-
brews manufactured their perfumes chiefly from
spices imported from Arabia, though to a cer-
tain extent also from aromatic plants growing
in their own country. The modes in which
they applied them were various. Perfumes en-
tered largely into the Temple service, in the
two forms of incense and ointment (Ex. xxx.
22—38). Nor were they less used in private
life : not only were they applied to the person,
but to garments (Ps. xlv. 8 ; Cant iv. 11), and
to articles of furniture, such as beds (Prov. vii.
17). On the arrival of a guest, the same com-
pliments were probably paid in ancient as in
modem times (Dan. li. 46). When a royal
personage went abroad in his litter, attendants
threw up "pillars of smoke" abont his path
(Cant. lii. 6). The use of perfumes wai
omitted in times of mourning ; whence the allu-
sion in Is. iii. 24.
Per'ga, an ancient and important city of
Pamplivfia (Acts xiii. 13), situated on tht
River Cestius, at a distance of sixty stadia from
its mouth, and celebrated in antiquity for the
worship of Artemis (Diana), wbuse temple
stood on a hill outside the town.
Per'gamOS. A city of Mysia, about three
miles to the N. of the River Balyr-tckai, the
Caicus of antiquitv, and twenty miles from its
present mouth. The name was orignallv given
to a remarkable hill, presenting a conical ap-
pearance when viewed from the plain. The
local legends attached a sacred character to this
place. Lysimachus, one of Alexander's suc-
cessors, deposited there an enormous sum — nc
less than 9,000 talents — in the care of an Asiatic
eunuch named Philctserus. In the troublous
times which followed the break-up of the Mace-
donian conquests, this officer betrayed his trust,
and succeeded in retaining the treasure, and
transmitting it, at the end of twenty years, to
his nephew Eumcncs, a petty dynast in the
neighborhood. Eumcnes was succeeded bv
his cousin Attains, the founder of the Attalfc
dynasty of Pergamene kings, who, by allying
himself with the rising Roman power, laid the
foundation of the future greatness of his house.
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Hi* successor, Eumenes II., wis rewarded for
hid fidelity to the Romans in their wars with
Antiocbus and Perseus bv a gift of all the ter-
ritory which the former had possessed to the
north of the Tanrus range. The Attalic dy-
nasty terminated B.C. 133, when Attains III.,
dying at an early age, made the Romans his
heirs. His dominions formed the province of
Asia propria. The samptuousness of the At-
talic princes had raised Pergamos to the rank
of the first city in Asia as regards splendor.
It was a sort of union of a pagan cathedral
city, a university town, and a royal residence,
embellished during a succession of years by
kings who all had a passion for expenditure,
and ample means of gratifying it. Under the
Attalic kings, Pergamos became a city of tem-
ples, devoted to a sensuous worship ; and being
in its origin, according to pagan notions, a sa-
cred place, might not unnaturally be viewed
by Jews and Jewish Christians, as one " where
was the throne of Satan " (Rev. ii. 13). After
the extinction of its independence, the sacred
character of Pergamos seems to have been put
even more prominently forward. In the tune
of Martial, ^Esculapius had acquired so much
prominence, that he is called Payameia dan.
From the circumstance of this notoriety of the
Pergamene .lEsculapius, from the title Suriip
being given to him, from the serpent being his
characteristic emblem, and from the fact that
the medical practice of antiquity included
charms and incantations among its agencies, it
has been supposed that the expressions "the
throne of Satan," and " where Satan dwelleth,"
have an especial reference to this one pagan
deity, and not to the whole city as a sort of
focus of idolatrous worship. But although
undoubtedly the jEsculapius worship of Per-
gamos was the most famous, yet an inscription
of the time of Marcus Antoninus distinctly
puts Zeus, Athene, Dionysus, and Asclepius
in a co-ordinate rank, as all being special tute-
lary deities of Pergamos. It seems unlikely,
therefore, that the expressions above quoted
should be so interpreted as to isolate one
of them from the rest. It may be added,
that the charge against a portion of the Perga-
mene Church, that some among them were of
the school of Balaam, whose policy was to pnt
a stumbling-block before the children of Israel,
by inducing them to eat things sacrificed to
idols, and to commit fornication (Rev. ii. 14),
is in both its particulars very inappropriate to
the vEscolapian ritual. It points rather to the
Dionysus and Aphrodite worship.
Per'ida. The children of Ferida returned
from Babylon with Zerubbahel (Neh. vii. 57).
Per'izzite, the, and Per'izzites. One
of the nations inhabiting the Land of Promise
before and at the time of its conquest by Israel.
They are continually mentioned in the formula
so frequently occurring to express the Promised
Land (Gen. xv. 20; Ex. iii. 8, 17, xxiii. 23,
xxxiii. 2, xxxiv. 11 ; Dent. vii. 1, xx. 17; Josh,
iii. 10, ix. 1, xxiv. 1 1 ; Judg. iii. 5 ; Ezr. ix. 1 ;
Neh. ix. 8). They appear, however, with some-
what greater distinctness on several occasions
(Gen. xiii. 7, xxxir. 30; Judg. i. 4, 5 ; 2 Esd.
L 21). The notice in the Book of Judges lo-
cates them in die southern part of the Holy
Land. Another independent and equally re-
markable fragment of the history of the con-
quest seems to speak of them as occupying, with
the Rephaim, or giants, the " forest-country "
on the western flanks of Mount Carmel (Josh,
xvii. 15-18). The signification of the name is
not by any means clear. It possibly meant
rustics, dwellers in open, un walled villages,
which are denoted by a similar word.
Persep'olifl is mentioned only in 2 Mace,
ix. 2. It was the capital of Persia Proper, and
the occasional residence of the Persian court
from the time of Darius Hystaspis, who seems
to have been its founder, to the invasion of
Alexander. Its wanton destruction by that
conqueror is well known. Persepolis has been
regarded by many as identical with Pasargadae,
the famous capital of Cyrus. But the positions
are carefully distinguished by a number of
ancient writers; ana the ruins, which are iden-
tified beyond any reasonable doubt, show that
the two places were more than forty miles apart
Pasargadas was at Murgaub, where the tomb of
Cyrus may still be seen ; Persepolis was forty-
two miles to the south of this, near Istakher,
on the site now called the Chehl-Minar or Forty
Pillars. Here, on a platform hewn out of the
solid rock, the sides of which face the four car-
dinal points, are the remains of two great pal-
aces, built respectively by Darius Hystaspis and
his son Xerxes, besides a number of other edi-
fices, chiefly temples. They are of great extent
and magnificence, covering an area of many
acres. Ap.
Per'seus, the eldest son of Philip V., and
last king of Macedonia. After his father's
death (B.C. 179), he continued the preparations
for the renewal of the war with Rome, which
was seen to be inevitable. In B.C. 1 68, ho was
defeated by L. Emilias Paulus at Pvdna, and
shortly afterwards surrendered with his family
to his conquerors. The defeat of Perseus pnt
an end to the independence of Macedonia, and
extended even to Syria the terror of the Roman
name (1 Mace. viii. 5). Ap.
Persia was strictly the name of a tract of
no very large dimensions on the Persian Gulf,
which is still known as Fart, or Farsittan, a
corruption of the ancient appellation. This
tract was bounded, on the west, by Susiana or
Elam, on the north by Media, on 'the south by
the Persian Gnlf, and on the east by Carmania,
the modern Kerman. Above this miserable
region is a tract very far superior to it, con-
sisting of rocky mountains — the continuation
of Zagros ; among which are found a good many
fertile valleys and plains, especially towards the
north, in the vicinity of Sniraz. Here is an
important stream, the Bendamir, which flowing
through the beautiful Valley of Merdashl, and
by the ruins of Persepolis, is then separated
into numerous channels for the purpose of irri-
gation, and, after fertilizing a targe tract of
country (the district of Kurjan), ends its course
in the salt lake of Baldujan. Farther north an
arid country again succeeds, the outskirts of
the Great Desert, which extends from Kerman
to Mazenderan, and from Keshan to Lake
Zerrah. The chief towns were Pasargadas, the
ancient, and Persepolis, the later capital. While
the district of Fart is the true original Persia,
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the name is more commonly applied, both in
Scripture and by profane authors, to the entire
tract which came by degrees to be included
within the limits of the Persian Empire. This
empire extended at one time from India on the
east to Egypt and Thrace upon the west, and
included, besides portions of Europe and Africa,
the whole of Western Asia between the Black
Sea, the Caucasus, the Caspian, and the Jaxar-
tes upon the north, the Arabian Desert, the
Persian Gulf, and the Indian Ocean, upon
the south. The only passage in Scripture
where Persia designates the tract which has
been called above " Persia Proper " is Ez.
xxxviii. 5. Elsewhere the Empire is intended.
Persians. The name of the people who
inhabited the country called above "Persia
Proper," and who thence conquered a mighty
empire. There is reason to believe that the
Persians were of the same race as the Medes,
both being branches of the great Aryan stock.
1 . Character of the nation. — -The Persians were
a people of lively and impressible minds, brave
and impetuous in war, witty, passionate, for
Orientals truthful, not without some spirit of
generosity, and of more intellectual capacity
than the generality of Asiatics. In the times
anterior to Cyrus, "they were noted for the sim-
plicity of their habits, which offered a strong
contrast to the luxuriousness of the Medes ; but
from the date of the .Median overthrow, this
simplicity began to decline. Polygamy was
commonly practised among them. Thev were
fond of the pleasures of the table. In war
they fought bravely, but without discipline.
2. Religion. — The religion which the Per-
sians brought with them into Persia Proper
teems to have been of a very simple character,
differing from natural religion in little, except
that it was deeply tainted with Dualism. Like
the other Aryans, the Persians worshipped one
Supreme God, whom they called Auramazda
(Oromasdes) — a term signifying (as is be-
lieved) " the Great Giver of Life. The royal
inscriptions rarely mentioned any other god.
Occasionally, however, they indicate a slight
and modified Polytheism. Oromasdes is " the
chief of the gods, so that there are other gods
besides him ; and the highest of these is evi-
dently Mithra, who is sometimes invoked to
protect the monarch, and is, bevond a doubt,
identical with " the sun." Entirely separate
from these — their active resister and antago-
nist — was Ahriman (Arimanius) "the Death-
dealing" — the powerful, and (probably) self-
existing Evil Spirit, from whom war, disease,
frost, hail, poverty, sin, death, and all other
evils, had their origin. The character of the
original Persian worship was simple. They
were not destitute of temples, as Herodotus as-
serts ; but they had probably no altars, and
certainly no images. Neither do they appear
to have had anv priests. From the first en-
trance of the Persians, as immigrants, into
their new territory, they were probably brought
into contact with a form of religion very differ-
ent from their own. Magianism. the religion
of the Scythic or Turanian population of West-
ern Asia, had long been dominant over the
greater portion of the region lying between
Mesopotamia and India. The essence of this
religion was worship of the elements — men
especially, of the subtlest of all, — fire. The
simplicity of the Aryan religion was speedilj
corrupted by its contact with this powerful
rival. There was a short struggle for pre-emi-
nence, after which the rival svstems came to
terms. 3. Language. — The language of the
ancient Persians was closely akin to the San-
scrit, or ancient language of India. Modem
Persian is its degenerate representative, being,
as it is, a motley idiom, largely impregnated
with Arabic. 4. Division into triUs, fr —
Herodotus tells us that the Persians were di-
vided into ten trilies, of which three were no-
ble, three agricultural, and lour nomadic.
5. History- — In remote antiquity, it would ap-
pear that the Persians dwelt in the region east
of the Caspian, or possibly in a tract still nearer
India. The first Fargard of the Vcndidad
seems to descrilie their wanderings in these
countries, and shows the general line of their
progress to have been from east to wen, down
the course of the Oxus, and then, along the
southern shores of the Caspian Sea, to Rha^es
and Media. It is impossible to determine the
period of these movements ; but there ran be
no doubt that they were anterior to B.C. 880, it
which time the Assyrian kings seem for the
first time to have come in contact with Aryan
tribes east of Mount Zagros. It is uncertain
whether they are to be identified with the tiirt-
su or Partm of the Assyrian monuments. If so,
we may say that from* the middle of the 9th to
the middle of the 8th centurv B.C. titer occu-
pied South-eastern Armenia, but by the end of
the 8th century had removed into the country,
which thenceforth went by their name. The
leader of this last migration would seem to
have been a certain Acho-mencs, who was rec-
ognized as king of the newly-occupied terri-
tory, and founded the famous dyna-ty of the
Actissmenidss, about B.C. 700. 'Very little i»
known of the history of Persia between this
date and the revolt and accession of Cyrus the
Great, near a century and a half later. Of the
circumstances nndcr which this revolt took
place, we have no certain knowledge. We must
oe content to know that, after aliout seventy or
eighty years of subjection, the Persians revolted
from the Medes, engaged in a bloody stnu.'vle
with them, and finally succeeded, not only in
establishing their independence, but in dun-
ging places with their masters, and becoming
the ruling people. The probable date of the
revolt is B.C. 558. Its success, bv transferring
to Persia the dominion previously in the pos-
session of the Medes, placed her at the head of
an empire, the bounds of which were tlic Hairs
upon the west, the Euxine npon the north,
Babylonia npon the south, and upon the east
the salt desert of Iran.
As usual in the East, this success led on l»
others. Cyrus defeated Crcesus, and added the
Lydinn Empire to his dominions. This con-
quest was followed closely by the siil|mis*ton
of the Greek settlements "on "the Asiatic coast,
and by the reduction of Caria, ("annus, anJ
Lycia. The empire was soon afterwards ex-
tended greatly towards the north-east and east-
Cvrus rapidly overran the flat countries hcyond
the Caspian; after which he seems to ha"
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pushed hi* conquests (till farther to the east,
adding to liis dominion* the district* of Herat,
Ci'juI, Candaliar, Scistan, aud Buloochistan,
which were thenceforth included in the empire.
In B.C. 5 J9 or 538, Babylon was attacked, and
after a itout defence fell before hi* irresistible
binds. This victory iir.->t brought the Persians
into contact with the Jews. The conquerors
found in Babylon an oppressed race — like
themselves, abhorrcrs of idols — and professor*
of a religion in which, to a great extent, they
could sympathize. This race Cyrus determined
to restore to their own country ; which he did
by the remarkable edict recorded in the first
chapter of Ezra (Ezr. i. 2-4).
lie was slain in an expedition against the
M-usa^eta or the Derbiccs, after a reign of
twenty-nine years. Under his son and succes-
sor, Cambyses HI., the conquest of Egypt took
plica ( B.C. 525). This prince appears to be the
Alix<uerus of Ezra (iv. 6). In the absence
of Cambyses with the army, a conspiracy was
formed against him at court, and a Magian
priest, Gomates ( Gaumata) by name, professing
to be Smjniis (Bardiya), the son of Cvrus,
whom hi* brother, Cambyses, had put to death
secretly, obtained quiet possession of the throne.
Cambyses, despairing of the recovery of his
crown, ended his life by suicide. His reign had
lasted seven years and five months. Gomates
the Marian found himself thus, without a strug-
gle, master of Persia (b.c. 522). His situation,
however, was one of great danger and difficulty.
There is reason to believe that he owed his ele-
vation to his fellow-religionists, whose object
in placing him upon the throne was to secure
the triumph of Mogianism over the Dualism of
the Persians. He reversed the policy of Cyrus
with respect to the Jews, and forbade by an edict
the further building of the Temple ( Ezr. iv. 17-
22). Darius, the son of Hystaspes, headed a
revolt against him, which in a short time was
crowned with complete success. The reign of
Gomates lasted seven months. The first efforts
of Darius were directed to the re-establishment
of the Oromasdian religion in all its purity.
Appealed to, in hi* second year, by the Jews,
who wished to resume the construction of their
Temple, be not only allowed them, confirming
the decree of Cyrus, but assisted the work by
grant* from his own revenues, whereby the
Jew* were able to complete the Temple as early
a* hi* sixth year (Ezr. vi. 1-15).
During the first part of the reign of Darius,
the tranquillity of the empire was disturbed by
numerous revolts. His courage and activity,
however, seconded by the valor of his Persian
troop* and the fidelity of some satraps, carried
him successfully through these and other simi-
lar difficulties ; and the result was, that, after
five or six years of struggle, he became as firm-
ly seated on hi* throne as any previous mon-
arch. His talents as an administrator were,
upon this, brought into play. On the whole, ho
must be pronounced, next to Cvrus, the great-
est of the Persian monarchs. The latter part
of his reign was, however, clouded by reverses.
The disaster of Mardonius at Mount Athos was
followed shortly by the defeat of Datis at Mara-
thon ; and before any attempt could he made to
•avenge that blow, Egypt rose in revolt (b.c.
486), massacred it* Persian garrison, and de-
clared itself independent. In the palace, at the
same time, there was dissension ; and when,
after a reign of thirty-six years, the fourth Per-
sian monarch died (b.c. 485), leaving his throne
to a yonng prince of strong and ungoverned
passions, it was evident that the empire had
reached its highest point of greatness, and was
already verging towards its decline. The first
act of Xerxes was to reduce Egypt to subjec-
tion (B.C. 484), after which he began at once
to make preparations for his invasion of Greece.
It is probable that he was the Ahasuerus of
Esther. It is unnecessary to give an account
of the well-known expedition against Greece,
which ended so disastrously for the invaders.
During the rest of the reign of Xerxes, and
during part of that of his son and successor,
Artaxerxcs, Persia continued at war with the
Greeks, who destroyed her fleets, plundered her
coasts, and stirred up revolt in her provinces ;
but at last, In b.c. 449, a peace was concluded
between the two powers, who then continued
on terms of amity for half a century.
A conspiracy in the seraglio having carried
off Xerxes ( B.C. 465), Artaxerxes his son, called
by the Greeks Ma«p6,rap, or " Long-Handed,"
succeeded him, after an interval of seven
months, during which the conspirator Arta-
ban us occupied the throne. This Artaxerxes,
who reigned forty years, is beyond a doubt the
king of that name who stood in such a friendly
relation towards Ezra (Ezr. vii. 11-28) and
Nchemiah (Neh. ii. 1-9, 4c). He is the last
I of the Persian kings who had any special con-
nection with the Jews, and the last but one
mentioned in Scripture. His successors were
Xerxes II., Sogdianus, Darius Nothus, Arta-
xerxes Mnemon, Artaxerxes Ochus, and Darius
Codomannus, who is probably the " Darius the
Persian " of Neiiemiah (xii. 22). These mon-
archs reigned from B.C. 424 to b.c. 330. The
collapse of the empire under the attack of
Alexander is well known, and requires no de-
scription here. On the division of Alexander's
dominions among his generals, Persia fell to
the Seleucidss, under whom it continued till
after the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, when
the conquering Parthians advanced their fron-
tier to the Euphrates, and the Persians became
included among their subject-tribes (B.C. 164).
Still their nationality was not obliterated. In
a.o. 226, the Persians shook off the yoke of
their oppressors, and once more became a
nation.
Penis. A Christian woman at Rome
(Rom. xvi. 12) whom St. Paul salutes.
Per'uda. The same as Pkkida (Ezr. ii.
55).
Pestilence. [Plague.]
Peter. His original name was Simon, i".«.
"hearer." He was the son of a man named
Jonas (Matt xvi. 17 ; John i. 43, xxi 16), and
was brought up in his father's occupation, — a
fisherman on the Sea of Tiberias. He and his
brother Andrew were partners of John and
James, the sons of Zebedee, who had hired ser-
vants; and from various indications in the
sacred narrative, we are led to the conclusion
that their social position brought them into
contact with men of education. The apostle
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did not live, as a mere laboring man, in a but
by the seaside, but first at Bvthsaida, and after-
wards in a house at Capernaum, belonging to
himself or his mother-in-law, which most have
been rather a large one, since he received in it
not only our Lord and his fellow-disciples, but
multitudes who were attracted by the miracles
and preaching of Jesus. It is not probable that
he and his orother were wholly uneducated.
The statement in Acts iv. 13, that " the coun-
cil perceived they (i'.«. Peter and John) were
unlearned and ignorant men," is not incompa-
tible with this assumption. The translation of
the passage in the A. V. is rather exaggerated,
the word rendered " unlearned " being nearly
equivalent to " laymen," i.e. men of ordinary
education, as contrasted with those who were
specially trained in the schools of the rabbis.
The language of the apostles was of course the
form of Aramaic spoken in Northern Palestine,
a sort of patois, partly Hebrew, but more near-
ly allied to the Syriac. It is doubtful whether
our apostle was acquainted with Greek in early
life. Within a few years after his call, he seems
to have conversed fluently in Greek with Cor-
nelius. The style of both of Peter's Epistles
indicates a considerable knowledge of Greek —
it is pure and accurate, and in grammatical
structure equal to that of Paul. That may, how-
ever, be accounted for by the fact, for which
there is very ancient authority, that Peter em-
ployed an interpreter in the composition of his
Epistles, if not in his ordinary intercourse with
foreigners. It is on the whole probable that he
had some rudimcntal knowledge of Greek in
early life, which may have been afterwards ex-
tended when the need was felt.
That he was an affectionate husband, married
in early life to a wife who accompanied him in
his apostolic journeys, are facts inferred from
Scripture, while very ancient traditions, record-
ed by Clement of Alexandria and by other early
but less trustworthy writers, inform us that her
name was Pcrpetua ; that she bore a daughter,
or perhaps other children, and suffered martyr-
dom. It is uncertain at what age he was called
by our Lord. The general impression of the
Fathers is that he was an old man at the date
of his death, a.d. 64 ; but this need not imply
that he was much older than our Lord. He
was probably between thirty and forty years of
age at the date of his call. That call was pre-
ceded by a special preparation. He and his
brother Andrew, together with their partners
James and John, the son9 of Zebedee, were dis-
ciples of John the Baptist (John i. 35). They
were in attendance upon him when they were
first called to the service of Christ. From the
circumstances of that call, which are recorded
with graphic minuteness by John, we learn
some important facts touching their state of
mind and the personal character of our apos-
tle. This first call led to no immediate change
in Peter's external position. He and his fellow-
disciples looked henceforth upon our Lord as
their teacher, but were not commanded to fol-
low him as regular disciples They returned to
Capernaum, where they pursued their nsual
business, waiting for a further intimation of
His will.
The second call is recorded by the other
three evangelists ; the narrative of Luke being
apparently supplementary to the brief, and, so
to speak, official accounts given by Matthew
and Mark. It took place on the Sea of Galilee
near Capernaum, where the four disciples,
Peter and Andrew, James and John, were fish-
ing. Peter and Andrew were first called. Oar
Lord then entered Simon Peter's boat, and ad-
dressed the multitude on the shore. Immedi-
ately after that call our Lord went to the house
of Peter, where He wrought the miracle of
healing on Peter's wife's mother, which pro-
duced a deep impression upon the people-
Some time was passed afterwards in attendance
upon our Lord's public ministrations in Galilee,
Dccapolis, Peraea, and Judaea. The special
designation of Peter and his eleven fellow-dis-
ciples took place some time afterwards, when
they were set apart as our Lord's immediate
attendants (see Matt. x. 8-4; Mark iii. 13-
19, the most detailed account; Luke vi. IS).
They appear then first to have received for-
mally the name of apostles ; and, from that
time Simon bore publicly, and, as it would
seem, all but exclusively, the name Peter, which
had hitherto been used rather as a character-
istic appellation than as a proper name. From
this time there can be no doubt that Peter held
the first place among the apostles, to whatever
cause his precedence is to be attributed. The
precedence did not depend upon priority of call,
or it would have devolved upon his brother
Andrew, or that other disciple who first fol-
lowed Jesus. It seems scarcely probable that
it depended upon seniority. The special desig-
nation by Christ alone accounts in a satisfac-
tory way for the facts, that he is named first in
every list of the apostles, is generally addressed
by our Lord as their representative, and on the
most solemn occasions speaks in their name.
Primus inter pares, Peter held no distinct office,
and certainly never claimed any powers which
did not equally belong to all his fellow-apostles.
This great triumph of Peter, however, brought
other points of his character into strong relief.
The distinction which he then received, and it
may be his consciousness of ability, energy,
zeal, and absolute devotion to Christ's person,
seem to hare developed a natural tendency to
rashness and forwardness bordering upon pre-
sumption. On this occasion, the exhibition of
such feelings brought upon him the strongest
reproof ever addressed to a disciple by our
Lord. It is remarkable that on other occasions,
when Peter signalized his faith and devotion,
he displayed at the time, or immediately after-
wards, a more than usual deficiency in spiritual
discernment and consistency. Towards the
close of our Lord's ministry, Peter's character-
istics become especially prominent Together
with his brother, and the two sons of Zebedee,
he listened to the last awful predictions and
warnings delivered to the disciples, in reference
to the second advent (Matt. xxiv. 3; Mark
xiii. 3, who alone mentions these names ; Lake
xxi. 7). At the last supper, Peter seems to
have been particularly earnest in the request
that the traitor might be pointed out. After
the supper, his words drew out the meaning of
the significant, almost sacramental act of onr
Lord in washing His disciples' feet. Then too
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it was that he made those rejeated protesta-
tions of unalterable fidelity, so soon to be
falsified by his miserable fall.
On the morning of the resurrection, we hare
proof that Peter, though humbled, was not
crushed, by his fall. He and John were the
first to visit the sepulchre ; he was the first who
entered it. We are told by Luke and by Paul
that Christ appeared to him first among the
apostles. It is observable, however, that on
that occasion he is called by his original name,
Simon, not Peter : the higher designation was
not restored until he had been publicly re-in-
stituted, so to speak, by his Master. That re-
institution took place at the Sea of Galilee
(John xxi.), an event of the very highest im-
port. Slower than John to recognize their
Lord, Peter was the first to reach Him : he
brought the net to land. The thrice-repeated
question of Christ, referring doubtless to tho
three protestations and denials, was thrice met
by answers full of love and faith. He then
received tho formal commission to feed Christ's
sheep, rather as one who had forfeited his
place, and could not resume it without such an
authorization. Then followed the prediction
of his martyrdom, in which he was to And the
fulfilment of his request to be permitted to
follow the Lord. With this event closes the
first part of Peter's history. Henceforth, he
and his colleagues were to establish and govern
the Church founded by their Lord, without the
support of His presence. The first part of the
Acts of the Apostles is occupied by the record
of transactions, in nearly all of which Peter
stands forth as the recognized leader of the
apostles ; it being, however, equally clear that
he neither exercises nor claims any authority
apart from them, much less over them. Peter
is the most prominent person in the greatest
event after the resuToction, when on the day
of Pentecost the Chutvh was first invested with
the plenitude of gifts and powers. The first
miracle after Pentecost was wrought by him
(Auts Hi.). This first miracle of healing was
toon followed by the first miracle of judgment.
Peter was the minister in that transaction. He
is not specially named in connection with the
appointment of deacons, an important step in
the organization of the Church ; but when the
gospel was first preached beyond the precincts
of Judaea, he and John were at once sent by the
apostles to confirm the converts at Samaria.
Henceforth he remains prominent, but not ex-
clusively prominent, among the propagators of
the gospel. At Samaria he was confronted
with Simon Magus, the first teacher of heresy.
About three years later (compare Acts ix. 26
and Gal. i. 17, 18), we have two accounts of the
first meeting of Peter and Paul. This inter-
view was followed by other events marking
Peter's position — a general apostolical tour of
visitation to the churches hitherto established
(Acts ix. 32), in the course of which two great
miracles were wrought on JEneas and Tabitha,
and in connection with which the most signal
transaction after the day of Pentecost is re-
corded, — the baptism of Cornelius. That was
the crown and consummation of Peter's min-
istry.
The establishment of a church in great part
of Gentile origin at Antioch, and the mission
of Barnabas, between whose family and Peter
there were the bonds of near intimacy, set the
seal upon the work thus inaugurated by Peter.
This transaction was soon followed by the im-
Srisonment of our apostle. His miraculous
eliveranee marks the close of this second great
period of his ministry. The special work as-
signed to him was completed. From that time,
we have no continuous history of him. It is
quite clear that he retained his rank as the
chief apostle; equally so, that he neither ex-
ercised nor claimed any right to control their
proceedings. He left Jerusalem, but it is not
said where he went. Certainly not to Rome,
where there are no traces of his presence before
the last years of his life : he probably remained
in Judsa. Six years later we find him once
more at Jerusalem, when the apostles and
elders came together to consider the question
whether converts should be circumcised. Peter
took the lead in that Oiscussion, and urged with
remarkable cogency the principles settled in the
case of Cornelius. His arguments, adopted
and enforced by James, decided that question
at once and fbiever. It is a disputed point
whether the mewing between Paul and Peter,
of which we have an account in Galatians ii.
1-10, took place at this time. The great ma-
jority of critics believe that it did ; and this
hypothesis, though not without difficulties,
seems more probable than any other which has
been suggested. The only point of real im-
portance was certainly determined before the
apostles separated, tho work of converting the
Gentiles being henceforth specially intrusted to
Paul and Barnabas, while the charge of preach-
ing to the circumcision was assigned to the
elder apostles, and more particularly to Peter
(Gal. ii. 7-9). This arrangement cannot, how-
ever, have been an exclusive one. Paul always
addressed himself first to the Jews in every
city : Peter and his old colleagues undoubtedly
admitted and sought to make converts among
the Gentiles. It may have been in full force
only when the old and new apostles resided in
the same city. Such at least was the case at
Antioch, where Peter went soon afterwards.
There the painful collision took place between
the two apostles; the most remarkable, and,
in its bearings upon controversies at critical
periods, one of the most important events in
the history of the Church.
From this time until the date of his Epistles,
we have no distinct notices in Scripture of
Peter's abode or work. Peter was probably
employed for the most part in building up and
completing the organization of Christian com-
munities in Palestine and the adjoining dis-
tricts. There is, however, strong reason to
believe that he visited Corinth at an early
period. The name of Peter as founder, or
joint founder, is not associated with any local
church save those of Corinth, Antioch, or
Rome, by early ecclesiastical tradition. That
of Alexandria may have been established by
Mark after Peter's death. That Peter preached
the gospel in the countries of Asia, mentioned
in his First Epistle, appears from Origen's own
words to be a mere conjecture. From that
epistle, however, it is to be inferred that,
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towards the end of his life, Peter either visited,
or resided for some time at Babylon, which at
that time, and for some hundreds of years
afterwards, was a chief seat of Jewish culture.
More important in its bearings upon later con-
troversies is the question of Peter's connection
with Rome. It may be considered as a settled
point that he did not visit Rome before the last
year of his life. The evidence for his martyr-
dom there is complete, while there is a total
absence of any contrary statement in the writ-
ings of the early Fathers. Clement of Rome,
writing before the end of the first century,
speaks of it, but does not mention the place,
that being of course well known to his readers.
Ignatius, in the undoubtedly genuine Epistle
to the Romans (ch. iv.), speaks of Peter in
terms which imply a special connection with
their church. In the second century, Diony-
sius of Corinth, in the Epistle to Soter, bishop
of Rome (ap. Euseb. H.E. ii. 25), states, as a
fact universally known, and accounting for the
intimate relations between Corinth and Rome,
that Peter and Paul both taught in Italy, and
suffered martyrdom about the same time. In
short, the churches most nearly connected with
Rome, and those least affected by its influence,
which was at yet but inconsiderable in the
East, concur in the statement that Peter was a
point founder of that church, and suffered death
in that city.
The time and manner of the apostle's mar-
tyrdom are less certain. The early writers
imply, or distinctly state, that he suffered at or
about the same time with Paul, and in the
Neronian persecution. All agree that he was
crucified. Origen says that at his own request
he was crucified with his head downwards.
Thus closes the apostle's life. Some additional
facts, not perhaps unimportant, may be accepted
on early testimony. His wife accompanied nim
in his wanderings. She is believed to have
suffered martyrdom, and to have been supported
in the hour of trial by her husband's exhorta-
tion. The apostle is said to have employed
interpreters. Of far more importance is the
statement, that Mark wrote his Gospel under
the teaching of Peter, or that he embodied in
that Gospel the substance of our apostle's oral
instructions. The fact is doubly important in
its bearings upon the Gospel, and upon the
character of our apostle. The only written
documents which Peter has left are the First
Epistle, about which no doubt has ever been
entertained in the Church; and the Second,
which has both in early times, and in our own,
been a subject of earnest controversy.
First Epistle. — The external evidence of
authenticity is of the strongest kind. Referred
to in the Second Epistle (iii. 1); known to
Polycarp, and frequently alluded to in his Epis-
tle to the Pliilippians ; recognized by Papias
(ap. Euseb. //. E. iii. 39) ; repeatedly quoted
by Ircnasus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian,
and Origen ; it was accepted without hesitation
by the universal Church. The internal evi-
dence is equally strong. It was addressed to
the churches of Asia Minor, which had for the
most part been founded bv Paul and his com-
panions. Supposing it to have been written at
Babylon, it is a probable conjecture that Sil-
vanus, by whom it was transmitted to those
churches, had joined Peter after a tour of visi-
tation, either in pursuance of instructions from
Paul, then a prisoner at Rome, or in the capa-
city of a minister of high authority in the
Church, and that his account of the condition
of the Christians in those districts determined
the apostle to write the Epistle. The assump-
tion that Silvan us was employed in the com-
position of the Epistle is not Lome out by the
expression, " by Silranus I have written unto
you," such words according to ancient usage
applying rather to the bearer than to the writer
or amanuensis. Still it is highly probable that
Silvanus wonld be consulted by Peter through-
out, and that they would together read the
Epistles of Paul, especially those addressed to
the churches in those districts. We have thus
a not unsatisfactory solution of the difficulty
arising from correspondences both of style and
modes of thought in the writings of two apostles
who differed so widely in gifts and acquire-
ments.
The objects of the Epistle, as deduced from
its contents, coincide with these assumptions.
They were: — 1. To comfort and strengthen
the Christians in a season of severe trial. 2.
To enforce the practical and spiritual duties
involved in their calling. 3. To warn them
against special temptations attached to their
position. 4. To remove all doubt as to the
soundness and completeness of the religious
system which they had already received. Soch
an attestation was especially needed by the
Hebrew Christians, who were wont to appeal
from Paul's authority to that of the elder apos-
tles, and above all to that of Peter. The fast,
which is perhaps the very principal object, is
kept in view throughout the Epistle, and is
distinctly stated, ch. v. ver. 12. The harmony
of such teaching with that of Paul is sufficiently
obvious, nor is the general arrangement or mode
of discussing the topics unlike that of the
Apostle of the Gentiles; still the indications
of originality and independence of thought are
at least equally conspicuous, and the Epistle is
full of what the Gospel narrative and the dis-
courses in the Acts prove to have been charac-
teristic peculiarities of Peter. He dwells more
frequently than Paul upon the future manifes-
tation of Christ, upon which he bases nearly all
his exhortations to patience, self-control, 'and
the discharge of all Christian duties. The
apostle's mind is rail of one thought, — the
realization of Messianic hopes. In this he is
the true representative of Israel, moved by those
feelings wnicb were best calculated to enable
him to do his work as the apostle of the cir-
cumcision. But while Peter thus shows him-
self a genuine Israelite, his teaching is directly
opposed to Judaizing tendencies. He belongs
to the school, or, to speak more correctly, is
the leader of the school, which at once vindi-
cates the unity of the Law and Gospel, and
puts the superiority of the latter on its true
oasis, — that of spiritual development The
apostle of the circumcision says not a word in
this Epistle of the perpetual obligation, the
dignity, or even the hearings, of the Mosaic Law.
He is 'full of the Old Testament; his style and
thoughts are charged with its imagery ; bat he
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PETER
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PHARACIM
contemplates and applies its teaching in the
light ol the gospel ; he regards the privileges
and glory of the ancient people of God entirely
in their spiritual development in the Church
of Christ.
Sbcoxd Epistle. — The Second Epistle of
Peter presents questions of far greater difficulty
than the former. We have few references, anil
none of a very positive character, in the writings
of the early Fathers ; the stylo differs materially
fro:n th.it of the First Epistle, and the resem-
blance, amounting to a studied imitation, be-
tween this Epistle and that of Judc, seems
scarcely reconcilable with the position of Peter.
Doubts as to its genuineness were entertained
by tlu greatest critics of the early Church ; in
the tiinj of Eusebius it was reckoned among
tlu disputed books, and was not formally ad-
mitted into the Canon until the year 393, at
the Council of Hippo. The contents of the
Epistle seem quite in acordance with its asserted
origin. Wo may now state briefly the answers
to the objections above stated: — 1. With re-
gard to its recognition by the early Church, we
observe that it was not likely to be quoted
frequently; it was addressed to a portion of
the Church not at that time much in inter-
course with the rest of Christendom : the docu-
ments of the primitive Church are far too scanty
to give weight to the argument from omission.
Although it cannot be proved to have been
referred to by any author earlier than Origcn.
yet passages from Clement of Rome, Hurmis,
Justin Martyr, Tlieophilus of Antioch, ami
Ireu.eus, surest an acquaintance with this
Epistle It is also distinctly stated by Eusebius
a:U by Photius that Clement of Alexandria
wrote a co.u.n xitary on all the disputed Epis-
tles, in which this was certainly included, Did-
ymis refers to it very frequently in his great
work on the Trinity. It was certainly included
in the collection of Catholic Epistles known to
Eusebius and Origon. The historical evidence
is certainly inconclusive, but not such as to
require or to warrant the rejection of the
Epistle. The silence of the Fathers is ac-
counted for more easily than its admission into
the Canon alter the question as to its genuine-
ness had been raised.
2. The difference of style may be admitted.
The only question is, whether it is greater than
can be satisfaetorily accounted for, supposing
that the apostle employed a different person
as his am mueusis. If we admit that some time
intervened between the composition of the two
works, that in writing the first the apostle was
ai led by Silvanus, and in the second by another,
perhaps by M irk, that the circumstances of the
churches addressed by him wore considerably
changed, and that the second was written in
gruutur haste, not to speak of a possible decay
n( faculties, the differences may be regarded as
insu.Beient to justify more than hesitation in
admitting its genuineness. The resemblance
to the Epistle of Judo may he admitted without
affecting our judgment unfavorably. 3. The
doubts as to its genuineness appear to have
originated with the critics of Alexandria, where,
however, the Epistle itself was formally recog-
nized at a very early period. The opinion* of
modern commentators may be summed up
M
under three heads. Many reject the Epistle
altogether as spurious. A few consider that
the first and last chapters were written by Peter
or under his dictation, but that the second
chapter was interpolated. But a majority of
names may be quoted in support of the genu-
ineness and authenticity of this Epistle.
Some apocryphal writings of very early date
obtained currency in the Church as containing
the substance ol the apostle's teaching. The
Preaching or Doctrine of Peter, probably iden-
tical with a work called tho Preaching ol Paul,
or of Paul and Peter, quoted by Lactantius,
may have contained some traces of the apostle's
teaching. Another work, called the Revelation
of Peter, was held in much esteem for centuries.
[Cephas occurs in the following passages :
John i. 42; 1 Cor. i. 12; Hi. 22, ix. 5, xv. 5;
i ful. i. 18, ii. 9, 10, 14. Cephas is the Chaldee
word Cepha, itself a corruption of, or derivation
from, the Hebrew Ceph, " a rock," a rare word,
found only in Job xxx. 6 and Jer. iv. 29. It
must have been the word actually pronounced
by our Lord in Matt. xvi. 18, and on subse-
quent occasions when the apostle was addressed
by Him or other Hebrews by his new name.
By it he was known to the Corinthian Chris-
tians.)
Pethahi'ah. 1. A priest, over the 19th
course in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 16).
— 2. A Levite in the time of Ezra, who had
married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 23). He is
probably the same who is mentioned in Neh.
ix. 5. — 3. The son of Meshezabeel, and de-
scendant of Zerah (Neh. xi. 24).
Pe'thor, a town of Mesopotamia where
Balaam resided (Num. xxii. 5 ; Deut. xxiii. 4).
Its position is wholly unknown.
Peth'uel. The father of the prophet Joel
(Jocli. 1).
Peultha'i. Properly " Peullethai ; " the
eighth son of Obcd-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 5).
Pha'ath Mo'ab, l Esd. v. 1 1 = Pahath
Mo.vn. Ap.
Phacar'eth = Pochebeth cf Zebaim (1
Esd. v. 34). An.
Phai'sur. Pashdr, the prie»tly family (1
Esd. ix. 22). Ap.
Phaldai'us = Pedaiah 4 (1 Esd. ix. 44).
Phale'as = Padon (i Esd. v. 29). Ap.
Phaleo. Pklko the son of Eber (Luke
iii. 35).
Phallu. Pallu the son of Reuben is so
called in the A. V. of Gen. xlvi. 9.
Phal'tL The son of Lnish of Oallim, to
whom Saul gave Miehal in marriage after his
mud jealousy had driven David forth as an
outlaw (1 Sam. xxv. 44). In 2 Sam. iii. 15, he
is called Piialtiel. With the exception of
this briof mention of his name, and the touch-
ing little cspiodc in 2 Sam. iii. 16, nothing
more is heard of Phalti.
Phol'tiel. The same as Phalti (2 Sam.
iii. 15).
Phan'uel. The father of Anna, the proph-
etess of the tribe of Aser (Luke ii. 36).
Phar'aeim. The " sons of Pharacim "
were among the servants of the Temple who
returned with Zorohabel, according to the list
in 1 Esd. v. 31. Ap.
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PHARAOH
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PHARAOH
Pha'raoh, the common title of the native
kings of Egypt in the Bible, corresponding to
P-KAorPH-RA, "the Sun," of the hiero-
glyphics. As several kings are only mentioned
By the title " Pharaoh " in the Bible, it is im-
portant to endeavor to discriminate them. We
shall therefore here state what is known res-
pecting them in order. 1. The Pharaoh of
Abraham. — The Scripture narrative does not
afford us any clear indications for the identi-
fication of the Pharaoh of Abraham. At the
time at which the patriarch went into Egypt,
according to Hales's as well as Ussher's chronol-
ogy, it is generally held that the country, or at
least Lower Egypt, was ruled by the shepherd
kings, of whom the first and most powerful
line was the xvth dynasty, the undoubted terri-
tories of which would be first entered by one
coming from the east. The date at which
Abraham visited Egypt was about B.C. 2081,
which would accord with the time of Salatis,
the head of the xvth dynasty, according to our
reckoning. 2. The Pharaoh of Joseph. — The
chief points for the identification of the line to
which this Pharaoh belonged are that he was
a despotic monarch, ruling all Egypt, who fol-
lowed Egyptian customs, but did not hesitate
to set them aside when he thought fit; that he
seems to have desired to gain complete power
over the Egyptians ; and that he favored stran-
gers. These particulars certainly appear to
lend snpport to the idea that he was an Egyp-
tianized foreigner rather than an Egyptian.
Baron Bunscn supposed that he was Htser-
tesen I., the head of the xiith dynasty, on
account of the mention in a hieroglyphic in-
scription of a famine in that king's reign.
This identification, although receiving some
support from the statement of Herodotus, that
Sesostris, a name reasonably traceable to Sescr-
tesen, divided the land, and raised his chief
revenue from the rent paid by the holders, must
be abandoned, since the calamity recorded does
not approach Joseph's famine in character, and
the age is almost certainly too remote.
If, discarding the idea that Joseph's Pharaoh
was an Egyptian, we turn to the old view that
he was one of the shepherd kings, — a view
almost inevitable if we infer that he ruled dur-
ing the shepherd period, — we are struck with
the fitness of all the circumstances of the bib-
lical narrative. It is stated by Eusebius that
the Pharaoh to whom Jacob came was the
shepherd Apophis. Apophis belonged to the
xvtn dynasty, which was certainly of shep-
herds, and the most powerful foreign line, for
it seems clear that there was at least one if not
two more. This dynasty, according to our
view of Egyptian chronology, ruled for either
284 years {African us), or 259 years 10 months
(Josephas), from about B.C. 2080. If Hales's
chronology, which we would slightly modify,
be correct, the government of Joseph fell under
this dynasty, commencing about B.C. 1876,
which would be during the reign of the lost
but one or perhaps the last king of the dynasty ;
was possibly in the time of Apophis, who ended
the line according to Africanus. It is to be
remarked that this dvnasty is said to hove been
»f Phoenicians. This king appears to have
reigned from Joseph's appointment (or, per-
haps, somewhat earlier) until Jacob's death, a
period of at least twenty-six years, from ».a
cir. 1876 to 1850, and to 'have been the fifth or
sixth king of the xvth dynasty.
3. The Pharaoh of the Oppression.— The
first persecutor of the Israelites may be distin-
guished as the Pharaoh of the Oppression,
from the second, the Pharaoh of the Exodus,
especially as he commenced, and probably long
carried on, the persecution. The general view
is that he was an Egyptian. He has been gen-
erally supposed to have been a king of the
xviiith or xixth dvnasty : we believe that he
was of a line earlier than either. The chief
points in the evidence in favor of the former
opinion are the name of the city Raamses,
whence it has been argued that one of the op-
pressors was a king Kameses. The first king
of this name known was head of the xixth dy-
nasty, or last king of the xviiith. Manctlio
says the Israelites left Egypt in the reign of
Menptah, who was great-grandson of the first
Ramcses, and son and successor of the second.
The view that this Pharaoh was of the begin-
ning or middle of the xviiith dynasty seems at
first sight extremely probable, especially if it
lie supposed that the Pharaoh of Joseph was a
shepherd king. If we assign him to the age
before the xviiith dynasty, which our view of
Hebrew chronology would probably oblige as
to do, we have still to determine whether he
were a shepherd or an Egyptian. If a shep-
herd, he most have been of the xvith or the
xviith dynasty. The reign of this kin? prob-
ably commenced a little before the birth of
Moses, which we place B.C. 1732, and seems to
have lasted upwards of forty years, perhaps
much more.
4. The Pharaoh aft)* Exodus. — What is
known of the Pharaoh of the Exodus is rather
biographical than historical. It does not add
much to oar means of identifying the line of
the oppressors, excepting by the indications of
race his character affords. His character finds
its parallel among the Assyrians rather than
the Egyptians. Respecting the time of this
king, we can only say that he was reigning for
about a year or more before the Exodus, which
we place B.C. 1652. 5. Pharaoh, fatker-mJaw
of Mired. — In the genealogies of the tribe of
Judah, mention is made of the daughter of a
Pharaoh, married to an Israelite ; " Bithiah
the daughter of Pharaoh, which Mered took "
(1 Cbr. iv. 18). This marriage may tend to
aid us in determining the age of the sojourn in
Egypt It is perhaps less probable that an
Egyptian Pharaoh would have given his daugh-
ter "in marriage to an Israelite, than that a shep-
herd king would have done so, before the oppres-
sion. 6. Pharaoh, father-in4aw of Uadad the
Edomite. — For the identification of this Pha-
raoh, we have chronological indications, and the
name of his wife. Unfortunately, however, the
history of Egypt at this time is extremely ob-
scure, neither the monuments nor Manetho giv-
ing us clear information as to the kings. It ap-
pears that, towards the latter part of the xxth
dynasty, the high-priests of Amen, the god
of Thebes, gained great power, and at last
snpplanted the Rameses family, at least in
Upper Egypt. At the same time, a line of
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PHARAOH
731
PHARAOH, WIFE OF
Tmnite kings, Manetho's xxist dynasty, seems
to hare ruled in Lower Egypt. It may be rea-
sonably supposed that the Pharaoh or Pha-
raohs spoken of in the Bible as ruling in the
time of David and Solomon were Tanites, as
Tanis was nearest to the Israelite territory.
According to Africanus, the list of the xxist
dynasty is as follows : — Smendes, twenty-six
years ; Psusennes, forty - six ; Nephelcheres,
four ; Amenothis, nino ; Osochor, six ; Psi-
naches, nine ; Psusennes, fourteen : but Euse-
bius gives the second king forty-one, and the
last, thirty-live years, and his numbers make
np the sum of 130 years, which Africanus
and be agree in assigning to the dynasty.
If we take the numbers of Eusebius, Osochor
would probably be the Pharaoh to whom Ha-
dad fled, and Psusennes II. the father-in-law of
Solomon ; but the numbers of Africanus would
substitute Psusennes I., and probably Psinaches.
7. Phamoh, futher-in-law of Solomon. — The
mention that the queen was brought into the
city of David, while Solomon's house, and the
Temple, and the city-wall, were building, shows
that the marriage took place not later than the
eleventh year of the king, when the Temple
was finished, having been commenced in the
fourth year (1 K. vi. 1, 37, 38). It appears
that the marriage must have taken place be-
tween about eleven and twenty -four years
before Shishak's accession. It must be recol-
lected that it seems certain that Solomon's
father-in-law was not the Pharaoh who was
reigning when Hadad left Egypt. Both Pha-
raohs cannot yet be identified in Manetho's
list. This Pharaoh led an expedition into
Palestine (I K. ix. 16). The next kings of
Egypt mentioned in the Bible are Sbishak,
probably Zerah, and So. The first and second
of these were of the xxiid dynasty, if the iden-
tification of Zerah with Userken be accepted ;
and the third was doubtless one of the two She-
beks of the xxvth dynasty, which was of Ethi-
opians.
8. Pharaoh, the opponent of Sennacherib. —
This Pharaoh (Is. xxxvi. 6) can only be the
Sethos whom Herodotu.'. mentions as the oppo-
nent of Sennacherib, and who may be reason-
ably supposed to be the Zet of Manctho, the
last king of bis xxiiid dynasty. Tirhakah, as
an Ethiopian, whether then ruling in Egypt or
not, is, like So, apparently not called Pharaoh.
9. Pharaoh Necho. — The first mention in the
Bible of a proper name with the title Pharaoh
is in the case of Pharaoh Necho, who is also
called Necho simply. His name is written
Necho and Nechoh; and in hieroglyphics,
NEKU. This king was of the Sa'ite xxvith
dynasty, of which Manet ho makes him either
the fifth ruler (Africanus) or the sixth (Euse-
bius). Herodotus calls him Nekos, and assigns
to him a reign of sixteen years, which is con-
firmed by the monuments. He seems to have
been an interprising king, as he is related to
have attempted to complete the canal connect-
ing the Red Sea with the Nile, and to have
sent an expedition of Phoenicians to circum-
navigate Africa, which was successfully accom-
plished. At the commencement of his reign
(B.C. 610), he made war against the king of
Assyria, and, being encountered on his way by
Josiah, defeated and slew the king of Judah at
Megiddo (2 K. xxiii. 29, 30; 2 Chr. xxxv.
20-24). Necho seems to have soon returned
to Egypt : perhaps he was on his way thither
when he deposed Jehoahaz. The army was
probably posted at Carchemish, and was there
defeated by Nebuchadnezzar in the fourth year
of Necho (B.C. 607), that king not being, as it
seems, then at its head (Jer. xlvi. 1, 2, 6, 10).
This battle led to the loss of all the Asiatic
dominions of Egypt (2 K. xxiv. 7).
10. Pharaoh Hophra. — The next king of
Egypt mentioned in the Bible is Pharaoh
Hophra, the second successor of Necho, from
whom he was separated by the six-years' reign
of Psammetichus II. The name Hophra is in
hieroglyphics WAH-(P)RA-HAT, and the
last syllable is equally omitted by Herodotus,
who writes Apries, and by Manetho, who writes
Uaphris. He came to the throne about B.C.
589, and ruled nineteen years. Herodotus
makes him son of Psammetichus H., whom
he calls Psammis, and great-grandson of Psam-
metichus I. In the Bible, it is related that
Zedekiah, the last king of Judah, was aided by
a Pharaoh against Nebuchadnezzar, in fulfil-
ment of a treaty, and that an army came out
of Egypt, so that the Chaldauns were obliged
to raise the siege of Jerusalem. The city was
first besieged in the ninth year of Zedckiah,
b.c. 590, and was captured in his eleventh year,
B.C. 588. It was evidently continuously in-
vested for a length of time before it was taken,
so that it is most probable that Pharaoh's expe-
dition took place during 590 or 589. There
may, therefore, be some doubt whether Psam-
metichus II. be not the king here spoken of;
but it must be remembered that the siege may
be supposed to have lasted some time before the
Egyptians could have heard of it, and marched
to relieve the city; and also that Hophra may
have come to the throne as early as b.c 590.
The Egyptian army returned without effecting
its purpose (Jer. xxvii. 5-8; Ez. xvii. 11-18;
comp. 2 K. xxv. 1-4). No subsequent Pharaoh
is mentioned in Scripture; but there are predic-
tions doubtless referring to the misfortunes of
later princes until the second Persian conquest,
when the prophecy, " there shall be no more a
prince of the land of Egypt" (Ex. xxx. 13),
was fulfilled.
Pharaoh's Daughter ; Pharaoh, the
Daughter Of. Three Egyptian princesses,
daughters of Pharaohs, are mentioned in the
Bible. — 1. The preserver of Moses, daughter
of the Pharaoh who first oppressed the Israel
ites (Ex. ii. 5-10). She appears from her con-
duct towards Moses to have been heiress to the
throne. Artapanus, or Artabanus, an historian
of uncertain date, calls this princess Merrhis,
and her father, the oppressor, Palmanothes,
and relates that she was married to Chcnephres,
who ruled in the country above Memphis.
The tradition is apparently of little value. —
2. Bithiah, wife of Mered an Israelite, daughter
of a Pharaoh of an uncertain age, probably
of about the time of the Exodus (1 Chr. iv.
18). — 3. A wife of Solomon, most probably
daughter of a king of the xxist dynasty (1 K.
iii. 1, vii. 8, ix. 24). [See Pharaoh 7.]
Pharaoh, the wife of. The wife of
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PHARISEES
732
PHARISEES
one Pharaoh, the king who received Hadad the
Edomite, is mentioned in Scripture. She is
called "queen;" and her name, Tahpenes, is
given. Her husband was most probably of the
xxist dynasty. [Tahpenes ; Pharaoh 6.1
Pharatho'ni, properly Pharathon. One
of the cities of Judaea fortified by Bacchides
during his contests with Jonathan Mnccabseus
(1 Mace. ix. 50). It doubtless represents un
ancient Pirathon, though hardly that of the
Judges. Ap.
Pha'res, Pharez or Perez, the son of
Juduli (Matt. i. 3 ; Luke iii. 33).
Pha'rea. 1. (Perez, 1 Chr. xxvii. 3;
Phases, Matt. i. 3 ; Luke iii. 33 ; 1 Esd. v.
5.) Twin son, with Zarah, or Zerah, of Judah,
and Tamar bis daughter-in-law. The circum-
stances of his birth arc detailed in Gen. xxxviii.
Pharez seems to have kept the right of primo-
geniture over his brother, as, in the genealogi-
cal lists, his name comes first. The house also
which he founded was far more numerous and
illustrious than that of the Zarhites. Its re-
markable fertility is alluded to in Ruth iv. 12,
" Let thy house be like the house of Pharez,
whom 'I amar bare unto Judah." Of Pharez's
personal history or character, nothing is known.
After the death, therefore, of Er and Onan
without children, Pharez occupied the rank of
Judah's second son, and moreover from two
of his sons sprang two new chief houses, those
of the Hezronites and Hamulites. From
Hczron's second son Ram, or Aram, sprang
David and the kings of Judah, and eventually
Jesus Christ In the reign of David, the house
of Pharez seems to have been eminently dis-
tinguished. A considerable number of his
mighty men seem, from their patronymic or
gentile names, to have been of the same house ;
and the royal house itself was the head of the
family. — 2. Parosh (1 Esd. viii. 36; comp.
Ezr. viii. 3).
Phar'ira = Perida or Percda (1 Esd.
v. 33). Ap.
Pharisees, a religious party or school
amongst the Jews at the time of Christ, so
called from PeriMn, the Aramaic form of the
Hebrew word Periahim, "separated." The
name does not occur either in the Old Testa-
ment or in the Apocrypha ; but it is usually
considered that the Pharisees were essentially
the same with the Assideans mentioned in the
1st Book of Maccabees, ii. 42, vri. 13-17 ; and
in the 2d Book, xiv. 6. Authorities. — The
sources of information respecting the Pharisees
are mainly threefold. 1st The writings of
Josephus, who was himself a Pharisee ( Vit. 2),
and who in each of his great works professes
to give a direct account of their opinions (B. J.
ii. 8, § 2-14; Ant. xviii. 1, § 2, and compare
xiii. 10, § 5-6, xvii. 2, § 4, xiii. 16, § 2, and Vit.
38). The value of Josephus's accounts would
he much greater, if he had not accommodated
them, more or less, to Greek ideas. 2dlv.
The New Testament, including St. Paul's
Epistles, in addition to the Gospels and Acts
of the Apostles. Sdly. The first portion of the
Talmud called the Mishna, or " second law."
This is by far the most important source of in-
formation respecting the Pharisees ; and it may
safely be asserted that it is nearly impossible
to have adequate conceptions respecting them,
without consulting that work. It is a digest
of the Jewish traditions, and a compendium of
the whole ritual law, reduced to writing in its
present form by Rabbi Jehudah the Holy, a Jew
of great wealth and influence, who flouri.-lied in
the 2d century. He succeeded his father Simo-
on as patriarch of Tiberias, and held that ofhee
at least thirty years. The precise date ol bis
death is disputed; some placing it in a vi-ur
somewhat antecedent to 194 ad., while others
place it as late as 220 A.D., when lie would
nave been about 81 years old. There is no
reasonable doubt, that although it may include
a few passages of a later date, the MUhna was
composed, as a whole, in the 2d century, and
represents the traditions which were current
amongst the Pharisees at the time of Christ.
Referring to the Mishna for details, it is pro-
posed in this article to give a general view of
the peculiarities of the Pharisees ; afterwards
to notice their opinions on a future life and on
free-will ; and nnally, to make some remarks
on the proselytizing spirit attributed to them
at the time of Christ.
I. The fundamental principle of the Phari-
sees common to them with all orthodox modern
Jews is, that, by the side of the written law re-
garded as a summary of the principles and
general law of the Hebrew people, there was an
oral law to complete and to explain the written
law. It was an article of faith that in the Pen-
tateuch there was no precept, and no regulation,
ceremonial, doctrinal, or legal, of which God
had not given to Moses all explanations neces-
sary for their application, with the order to
transmit them by word of mouth. The classi-
cal passage in the Mishna on this subject is the
following- — "Moses received the (oral) law
from Sinai, and delivered it to Joshua, and
Joshua to the eldeis, and the eldcra to the
prophets, and the prophets to the men of the
Great Synagogue A (Pirlx Abith, i.). It is not
to be supposed that all the traditions which
bound the Pharisees were believed to be direct
revelations to Moses on Mount Sinai. In ad-
dition to such revelations, which were not dis-
puted, although there was no proof from the
written law to support them, and in addition
to interpretations received from Moses, which
were either implied in the written law or to be
elicited from it by reasoning, there were three
other classes of traditions. 1st. Opinions on
disputed points, which were the result of a
majority of votes. 2dly. Decrees made by
prophets nnd wise men in different ages. These
carried prohibitions farther than the written
law or oral law of Moses, in order to protect
the Jewish people from temptations to sin or
pollution. 3dly. Legal decisions of proper
ecclesiastical authorities on disputed questions.
Viewed as a whole, they treated men like chil-
dren, formalizing and defining the minutest
particulars of ritual observances. The expres-
sions of " bondage," of " weak and beggarly
elements," and of "burdens too heavy for men
to hear," faithfully represent the impression
produced by their multiplicity. An ekborass
argument might be advanced for many of then
individually ; but the sting of them consisted
in their aggregate number, which, would have
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PHARISEES
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PHARISEES
a tendency to quench the fervor and the fresh-
ness of a spiritual religion. They varied in
character, and instances may be given of three
different classes : — 1st, of those which, admit-
ting certain principles, were points reasonable
to define; 2uly, of points defined which were
superfluously particularized; and 3dly, of
points defined where the discussion of them at
all was superstitious and puerile. In order,
however, to observe regulations on points of
this kind, mixed with others less objectionable,
and with some which, regarded from a certain
point of view, were in themselves individually
not unreasonable, the Pharisees formed a kind
of society. A member was called a choker ; and
those among the middle and lower classes who
were not members were called " the people of
the land," or the vulgar. Each member under-
took, in the presence of three other members,
that he would remain true to the laws of the
association.
Perhaps some of the most characteristic laws
of the Pharisees related to what was clean
{labor) and unclean (tame). Whether their
origin was symbolical, sanitary, religious, fan-
ciful, or conventional, it was a matter of vital
importance to a Pharisee that he should be well
acquainted with the Pharisaical regulations
concerning what was clean and what was un-
clean ; for, as among the modern Hindoos (some
of whoju customs arc vory similar to those of
the Pharisees), every one technically unclean
is cut off from almost every religious ceremony,
so, according to the Levitical law, every un-
clean person was cut off from all religious
privileges, and was regarded as defiling the
sanctuary of Jehovah (Num. xix. 20). On
principles precisely similar to those of the
Levitical laws (Lev. xx. 25, xxii. 4-7), it was
possible to incur these awful religious penalties
either by eating or by touching what was unclean i
in the Pharisaical sense. In reference to eating, i
independently of the slaughtering of holy sacri-
fices, which is the subject of two other treatises, I
the Mislina contains one treatise called Cholin, j
which is specially devoted to the slaughtering I
of fowls and cattle for domestic use. One '
point in its very first section is bv itself vitally j
distinctive. This point is, " that any thing j
slaughtered by a heathen should be deemed
unfit to be caton, like the carcass of an animal
that hail died of itself, and, like such carcass,
should pollute the person who carried it." In
reference likewise to touching what is unclean,
the Mishna aliounds with prohibitions and dis-
tinctions no less minute. It is proper to add
that it would be a great mistake to suppose
that the Pharisees were wealthy and luxurious,
much more that they had degenerated into the
vices which were imputed to some of the Ro-
man popes and cardinals during the 200 years
preceding the Reformation. Josephus com-
pared the Pharisees to the sect of the Stoics.
He says that they lived frugally, in no respect
giving in to luxury, but that they followed the
leadership of reason in what it had selected
and transmitted as a good {Ant. xviii. 1, § 3).
Althongh there would be hypocrites among
them, it would be unreasonable to charge all
the Pharisees as a body with hypocrisy, in the
sense wherein we at the present day use the
word. They must be regarded as having been
some of the most intense formalists whom the
world has ever seen. It was alleged against
them, on the highest spiritual authority, that
they " made the word of God of none effect by
their traditions." This would be true in the
largest sense, from the purest form of religion
in the Old Testament being almost incompati-
ble with such endless forms (Mic. vi. 8) ; but it
was true in another sense, from some of the
traditions being decidedly at variance with gen-
uine religion. An analogy has been pointed
out by Geiger between the Pharisees and our
own Puritans; and in some points there are
undoubted features of similarity, beginning
even with their names. Both were innovators,
both of them had republican tendencies, and
even in their zeal for religious education there
was some resemblance. But here comparison
ceases. In the most essential points of reli-
gion, they were not only not alike, but they
were directly antagonistic.
II. In regard to a future state, Josephus
firesents the ideas of the Pharisees in such a
ight to his Greek readers, that, whatever inter-
pretation his ambiguous language might possi-
bly admit, he obviously would nave produced
the impression on Greeks that the Pharisees
believed in the transmigration of souls. Thus
his statement respecting them is, " They say
that every soul is imperishable, but that the
soul of good men only passes over (or transmi-
grates) into another body, while the soul of
bad men is chastised by eternal punishment "
{B. J. ii. 8, § 14). And there are two passages
in the Gospels which might countenance this
idea : one in Matt. xiv. 2, where Herod the
tetrarch is represented as thinking that Jesus
was John the Baptist risen from the dead
(though a different color is given to Herod's
thoughts in the corresponding passage, Luke
ix. 7-9) ; and another, in John ix. 2, wbeie the
question is put to Jesus, whether the blind man
himself had sinned, or his parents, that he was
born blind. Notwithstanding these passages,
however, there does not appear to be sufficient
reason for doubting that the Pharisees believed
in a resurrection of the dead very much in the
same sense as the early Christians. This is
most in accordance with St. Paul's statement
to the chief priests and council (Acts xxiii. 6) ;
and it is likewise almost implied in Christ's
teaching, which does not insist on the doctrine
of a future life as any thing new (Matt. xxii. 30;
Mark xii. 25 ; Luke xx. 34-36). On this head,
the Mishna is an illustration of the ideas in the
Gospels, as distinguished from any mere trans-
migration of souls ; and the peculiar phrase,
" the world to come," frequently occurs in it
III. In reference to the opinions of the Phari-
sees concerning the freedom of the will, a difficul-
ty arises from the very prominent position which
they occupy in the accounts of Josephus, where-
as nothing vitally essential to the peculiar
doctrines of the Pharisees seems to depend on
those opinions; and some of his expressions
are Greek rather than Hebrew. " There were-
three sects of the Jews," he says, " which had
different conceptions respecting human affairs,
of which one was called Pharisees, the second
Sadducees, and the third Essenes. The Phari-
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PHARPAB
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PHICHOL
sees say that some things, and not all things,
ate the" work of fate ; but that some things are
in our own power to be and not to be. Bnt
the Esaenes declare that fate rules all things,
and that nothing happens to man except by its
decree. The Sadducees, on the other hand, take
away fate, holding that it is a thing of nought,
and that human affairs do not depend upon it ;
but in their estimate all things arc in the power
of ourselves, as being ourselves the causes of
our good things, and meeting with evils through
our own inconsidcrateness " (comp. xviii. 1 , § 3,
and B. J. ii. 8, § 14). In reference to this
point, the opinion of Grretz (Geacluclde der
Jmlen, iii. 509) seems not improbable, that the
real difference between the Pharisees and Sad-
ducees was at first practical and political.
[Saddcckks.]
IV. In reference to the spirit of proselytism
among the Pharisees, there is indisputable
authority for the statement that it prevailed to
a very great extent at the time of Christ (Matt,
xxiii. IS) ; and attention is now called to it on
account of its probable importance in having
paved the way for the early diffusion of Chris-
tianity. Jews at the time of Christ had become
scattered over the fairest portions of the civil-
ized world. On the day of Pentecost, Jews are
said to have been assembled with one accord in
one place at Jerusalem, "from every region
under heaven." Admitting that this was an
Oriental hyperbole (comp. John xxi. 25), there
must have been some foundation for it in fact.
Now, it is not unlikely, though it cannot be
prmtd from Josephus (Ant. xx. 2, § 3), that
missions, and organized attempts to produce
conversions, although unknown to Greek phi-
losophers, existed among the Pharisees. But,
at any rate, the then existing regulations or
customs of synagogues afforded facilities which
do not exist now either in synagogues or Chris-
tian churches tor presenting new views to a
congregation (Acts xvii. 2 ; Luke iv. 16).
Under such auspices, the proselytizing spirit of
the Pharisees inevitably stimulated a thirst for
inquiry, and accustomed the Jews to theologi-
cal controversies. Thus there existed prece-
dents and favoring circumstances for efforts to
make proselytes, when the greatest of all mis-
sionaries, a Jew by race, a Pharisee by educa-
tion, a Greek by language, and a Roman citizen
by birth, preaching the resurrection of Jesus to
those who for the most part already believed in
the resurrection of the dead, confronted the
elaborate ritnal-system of the written and oral
law by a pure spiritual religion ; and thus
obtained the co-operation of many Jews them-
selves in breaking down every barrier Iwtween
Jew, Pharisee, Greek, and Roman, and in en-
deavoring to unite nil mankind by the brother-
hood of a common Christianity.
Phar'OSh. Elsewhere Pab'omi (Ezr. viii. 3).
Fhar'par. The second of the " two rivers
of Damascus" — Abanaand PhRrpar — allud-
ed to by Naaman (2 K. v. 12). The two prin-
cipal streams in the district of Damascus arc
the llarada and the Awaj: in fact, there are
no others worthy of the name of " river."
There arc good grounds for identifying the
Barada with the Abana, and there seems there-
fore to be no alternative but to consider the
Awaj as being the Pharpar. It takes its rise
on the S. E. slopes of Hermon, some five or
six miles from Bat Jam, close to a village
called Arm/, the name of which it bears daring
the first part of its course. It then runs S. E.
by Kefr llauwar and Saaa, but, soon recovering
itself by a turn northwards, ultimately ends in
the Bahrel Hijanth, the most southerly of the
three lakes or swamps of Damascus, nearly due
east of, and about forty miles from, the point
at which it started.
Phar'ziteS, the. The descendants of
Pharcz, the son of Judah (Num. xxvi. 20).
Phase ah. Pabeah 2 (Nch. vii. 51 ).
Phaselis. A town on the coast of Asia
Minor, on the confines of Lycia and Parophy-
lia, and consequently ascribed by the ancient
writers sometimes to one and sometimes to the
other. Its commerce was considerable in the
sixth century, B.C. ; for in the reign of Amasis
it was one of a number of Greek towns which
carried on trade somewhat in the manner of
the Hanseatic confederacy in the middle ages.
In later times, Phaselis was distinguished as a
resort of the Pamphylian and Cilician pirates.
Phaselis itself stood on a rock of 50 or 100 feet
elevation above the sea, and was joined to the
main by a low isthmus, in the middle of which
was a lake, now a pestiferous marsh. On the
eastern side of this were a closed port and a
roadstead, and on the western a larger artificial
harbor, formed by a mole run out into the sea.
The remains of this may still be traced to a
considerable extent below the surface of the
water. For a time, the Phaselitcs confined
their relations with the Pamphylians to the
purposes just mentioned ; but they subsequently
joined the piratical league, and suffered in con-
sequence the loss of their independence, and
their town lands, in the war which was wa<:cd
by the Roman consul, Publius Servilius lsaa-
ncus, in the years 77-75 B.C. It is in the
interval between the growth of the Cilician
piracy, and the Servilian expedition, that the
incidents related in the First Book of Macca-
bees occurred (1 Mace. xv. 23). Ap.
Phas'iron, the name of the licad of an
Arab tribe, " the children of l'hasiron " ( 1
Mace. ix. 6G), defeated by Jonathan. Ap.
Phas'saron. Pashub (i Esd. t. 25).
PheTje. [Pbcsbe.]
Pheni'ce. I. See Proinicb, Pboxxicia
II. (Acts xxvii. 12), more properly Phoxnix
Phenice, in Acts xxvii. 12, is the name of a
haven in Crete, on the south coast; and the
name was doubtless derived from the Greek
word for the palm-tree, which Theophnutus
says was indigenous in the island. Both Ptol-
emy and Strabo mention a town Phoenix ;
while Ptolemy alone mentions a haven of a
similar name. Mr. James Smith places Phe-
nice at the modern Lutrd.
Pher'esites, 1 Esd. viii. 69 = Pcbizzitbs ;
comp. Ezr. ix. 1. Ap.
Pher'ezite, Pher'ezites (Jud. t. 16 ; a
Esd. i. 21), Perizzite, Perizzites. Ap.
Phi'chol, chief captain of the army of
Abimelech, king of the Philistines of Gerar
in the days of both Abraham (Gen. xxi. 22,
32) and Isaac (xxvi. 26). Josephus men dona
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PHILEMON
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PH1LETUS
him on the second occasion only. On the
other band, the LXX. introduce Ahuzzath,
Abimelech's other companion, on the first also.
Philadel'phia. A town on the confines
of Lydia and Phrygia Catakecanmene, built by
Attains II., king of Pergamus. It was situ-
ated on the lower slopes of Tmolus, on the
sonthern side of the Valley of the Ain-e~-ghiul
Sou, a river which is probably the Cogamus of
antiquity, and tails into the Wadit4chai (the
Hermus) in the neighborhood of Sart-Kalai
(Sardis), about twenty-fire miles to the west of
the site of Philadelphia. This latter is still
represented by a town called AUah-thekr (city
of God). Its elevation is 952 feet above the
sea. The region around is highly volcanic,
and, geologically speaking, belongs to the dis-
trict of Phrygia Catakecauraenc, on the western
edge of which it lies. The original population
of Philadelphia seems to have been Macedonian,
and the national character to have been re-
tained even in the time of Pliny. There was
however, as appears from Rev. iii. 9, a syna-
gogue of Hellenizing Jews there, as well as a
Christian Church. The locality continued to
be subject to constant earthquakes, which in
the time of Strabo rendered even the town-
walls of Philadelphia unsafe. The expense of
reparation was constant, and hence, jerhaps,
the poverty of the members of the Christian
Church (Rev. iii. 8).
Pbilar'ches. This word occurs as a
proper name in A. V. in 2 Mace. viii. 32, where
it is really the name of an office, " the com-
mander of the cavalry." Ap.
Phile'mon, the name of the Christian to
whom Paul addressed his Epistle in behalf of
Onesimus. He was a native probably of Co-
lossss, or at all events lived in that city when
the apostle wrote to him ; first, because Onesi-
mus was a Colossian (Col. iv. 9) ; and sec-
ondly, because Archippus was a Colossian
(Col. iv. 17), whom Paul associates with Phil-
emon at the beginning of his letter ( Philem. 1 ,
2). It is related that Philemon became bishop
of Colossaj, and died as a martyr, under Nero.
It is evident, from the letter to bim, that Phil-
emon was a man of property and influence,
since he is represented as the head of a numer-
ous household, and as exercising an expensive
liberality towards his friends, and the poor in
general. He was iudebted to the apostle Paul
as the medium of his personal participation in
the gospel. It is not certain under what cir-
cumstances they became known to each other.
It is evident that, on becoming a disciple, he
gave no common proof of the sincerity and
power of his faith. His character, as shadowed
forth in the Epistle to him, is one of the noblest
which the sacred record makes known to us.
Phile'mon, the Epistle of Paul to,
is one of the letters (the others are Ephesians,
Colossians, Philippians) which the apostle wrote
during his first captivity at Rome. The time
when Paul wrote may be fixed with much pre-
cision. The apostle, at the close of the letter,
expresses a hope of his speedy liberation. Pre-
suming, therefore, that he had good reasons for
such an expectation, and that he was not disap-
pointed in the result, we may conclude that
this letter was written by him about the year
a.d. 63, or early in a.d. 64. Nothing is want-
ing to confirm the ganuntnen of the Epistle.
The external testimony is unimpeachable. The
Canon of Muratori enumerates this as one of
Paul's Epistles. Tertullian mentions it, and
says that Marcion admitted it into his collec-
tion. Origen and Eusebius include it among
the universally acknowledged writings of the
early Christian times. Nor does the Epistle it-
self offer any thing to conflict with this decision.
Banr would divest it of its historical character,
and make it the personified illustration from
some later writer, of the idea that Christianity
unites and equalizes in a higher sense those
whom outward circumstances have separated.
He does not impugn the external evidence.
But, not to leave his theory wholly unsupported,
he suggests some linguistic objections to Paul's
authorship of the letter, which must be pro-
nounced unfounded and frivolous.
Our knowledge respecting the occasion and
object of the letter we must derive from declara-
tions or inferences furnished by the letter itself.
Paul, so intimately connected with the master
i.ud the servant, was anxious naturally to effect
a reconciliation between them. Paul used his
influence with Onesimus (in ver. 12) to induce
him to return to Colons*:, and place himself
again at the disposal of his master. On his de-
parture, Paul put into his hand this letter as
evidence that Onesimus was a true and ap-
proved disciple of Christ, and entitled as such
to be received not as a servant, but above a ser-
vant, as a brother in the faith, as the representa-
tive and equal in that respect of the apostle
himself, and worthy of the same consideration
and love. He intercedes for him as his own
child, promises reparation if he had done any
wrong, demands for him not only a remission
of all penalties, but the reception of sympathy,
affection, Christian brotherhood. Such was the
purpose and such the argument of the Epistle.
The rault of the appeal cannot be doubted. It
may be assumed from the character of Phile-
mon that the apostle's intercession for Onesi-
mus was not unavailing. Surely hi fitting
response to his pleadings for Onesimus could
involve less than a cessation of everv thing op-
pressive and harsh in his civil condition, ai far
as it depended on Philemon to mitigate or neu-
tralize the evils of a legalized system of bond-
age, as well as a cessation of every thing which
violated his rights as a Christian. How much
further than this an impartial explanation of
the Epistle obliges us or authorizes us to go
has not yet been settled by any very general
consent of interpreters. The Epistle to Phile-
mon has one peculiar feature — its ttsthetical
character it may be termed — which distin-
guishes it from ail the other epistles. The wri-
ter had peculiar difficulties to overcome; but
Paul, it is confessed, has shown a degree of
self-denial, and a tact in dealing with them,
which, in being equal to the occasion, could
hardly be greater.
Phile'tus was possibly a disciple of Hy-
menals, with whom he is associated in 2 Tim.
ii. 17, and who is named without him in an
earlier epistle (1 Tim. i. 20). Waterland con-
denses in a few lines the substance of many
dissertations which have been written concern-
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PHILIP THE APOSTLE
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PHILIP THE EVANGELIST
mg their opinions, and the sentence which was
inflicted upon at least one of them. " They
appear to nave been persons who believed the
Scriptures of the O. T., but misinterpreted
them, allegorizing away the doctrine of the
Resurrection, and resolving it all into figure
and metaphor. The delivering over unto Satan
seems to nave been a form of excommunication,
declaring the person reduced to the state of a
heathen ; and in the apostolical age it was ac-
companied with supernatural or miraculous
effects upon the bodies of the persons so de-
livered." The names of Philetus and Hyme-
nals occur separately among those of Csjsar's
household whose relics have been found in the
Columbaria at Rome.
Philip. 1. The father of Alexander the
Great (I Mace, i. 1 ; vi. 2), king of Macedonia,
B.C. 359-336. — 2. A Phrygian, left by An ti-
ochus Epiph. as governor at Jerusalem "(c. B.C.
170), where he behaved with great cruelty (2
Mace. v. 22, vi. 11, viii. 8). He is commonly
identified with —3. The foster-brother (2 Mace,
ix. 29) of Antiochus Epiph., whom the king
upon his death-bed appointed regent of Syria,
and guardian of his son Antiochus V., to the
exclusion of Lvsias (h.c. 164, 1 Mace. vi. 14,
IS, 55). — 4. Philip V., king of Macedonia,
B.C. 220-1 79. His wide and successful endea-
vors to strengthen and enlarge the Macedonian
dominion brought him into conflict with the
Romans, when they were engaj.-ed in the criti-
cal war with Carthage. In 1 Mace. viii. 5, the
defeat of Philip at Cynosccphala! (n.c. 197) is
coupled with that of Perseus as one of the no-
blest triumphs of the Romans.
Philip the Apostle. The Gospels con-
tain comparatively scanty notices of this disci-
ple. He is mentioned as being of Bethsaida,
the city of Andrew and Peter (John i. 44), and
apparently was among the Galiliean peasants
of that district who flocked to hear the preach-
ing of the Baptist. The manner in which St.
John speaks of him, the repetition by him of
the selfsame words with which Andrew had
brought to Peter the good news that the Christ
had at last appeared, all indicate a previous
friendship with the sons of Jona and of Zebedee,
and a consequent participation in their Mes-
sianic hopes. The close union of the two in
John vi. and xii. suggests that he may have
owed to Andrew the first tidings that the hope
had been fulfilled. The statement that Jesus
found him (John i. 43) implies a previous seek-
ing. To him first in the whole circle of the
disciples were spoken the words so full of mean-
ing, "Follow me" (ibid.). As soon as he has
learnt to know his Master, he is eager to com-
municate his discovery to another who had also
shared the same expectations. He speaks to
Nathanael, probably on his arrival in Cana
(comp. John xxi. 2), as though they had not
seldom communed together, of the intimations
of a better time, of a divine kingdom, which
thev found in their sacred books. We may
well believe that he, like his friend, was nn
" Israelite indeed in whom there was no guile."
In the lists of the twelve apostles, in the Synop-
tic Gospels, his name is as uniformly at the
head of the second group of four as the name
of Peter is at that of the first (Matt. x. 3 ;
Mark iii. 18 ; Lnke vi. 14) ; and the facta re-
corded by St. John give the reason of thia
priority. Philip apparently was among the
first company of disciples who were with the
Lord at the commencement of His ministry, at
the marriage of Cana, on His first appearance
as a prophet in Jerusalem (John ii.). When
John was cast into prison, and the work of de-
claring the glad tidings of the kingdom required
a new company of preachers, we may believe
that he, like His companions and friends, re-
ceived a new call to a more constant disciple-
ship (Matt. iv. 1 8-22). When the Twelve were
specially set apart for their office, he was num-
bered among them. The first three Gospels
tell us nothing more of him individually. St.
John, with his characteristic fulness of personal
reminiscences, records a few significant utter-
ances (John vi. 5-9, xii. 20-22, xiv. 8). No
other fact connected with the name of Philip is
recorded in the Gospels. The close relation in
which we have seen him standing to tlie sons
of Zchcdec and Nathanael might lead us to
think of him as one of the two unnamed dis-
ciples in the list of fishermen on the Sea of Ti-
berias who meet us in John xxi. He is among
the company of disciples at Jerusalem after the
Ascension (Acts i. 13), and on the day of Pen-
tecost.
Philip the Evangelist. The first men-
tion of this name occurs in the account of the
dispute between the Hebrew and Hellenistic
disciples in Acts vi. He is one of the seven
appointed to superintend the daily distribution
of food and alms, and so to remove all suspi-
cion of partiality. Whether the office to which
he was thus appointed gave him the position
and the title of a deacon of the Church, or was
special and extraordinary in its character, most
remain uncertain. The after-history of Philip
warrants the belief, in any case, that his office
was not simply that of the Utcr diaronate. It
is no great presumption to think of him as con-
tributing hardly less than Stephen to the great
increase of disciples which followed on this fresh
organization, as sharing in that wider, more
expansive teaching which shows itself for the
first time in the oration of the proro-martyr,
and in which he was the forerunner of St Paul.
The persecution of which Saul was the leader
must have slopped the " daily ministrations **
of the Church. The teachers who had been
most prominent were compelled to take to
flight, and Philip was among them. It is no-
ticeable that the city of Samaria is the first
scene of his activity (Arts viii.) He is the
precursor of St. Paul in his work, as Stephen
had been in his teaching. It falls to his lot,
rather than to that of an apostle, to take that
first step in the victory over Jewish prejudice
and the expansion of the Church, according to
its Lord's command. The scene which brings
Philip and Simon the Sorcerer into contact
with each other, in which the magician has to
acknowledge n power over nature greater than
his own, is interesting, rather as ljelonging to
the life of the heresiarch than to that of the
evangelist. This step is followed by another.
He is directed hv an angel of the Lord to take
the road that led down from Jerusalem to (!»*»
on the way to Egypt. A chariot passes by in
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PHILIPPI
737 PHILIPPIANS, EPISTLE TO
which there is a man of another race, whose
complexion or whose dress showed him to be a
native of Ethiopia. The history that follows is
interesting as one of the few records in the
N. T. of the process of individual conversion,
and one which we mar believe St. Luke ob-
tained, during his residence at Cassarca, from
the evangelist himself. A brief sentence tells
us that Philip continued his work as a preacher
at Axotus (Ashdod) and among the other cities
that had formerly belonged to the Philistines,
and, following the coast-Tine, came to Cassarca.
Here for a long period, not less than eighteen
or nineteen years, we lose sight of him. The
last glimpse of him in the N. T. is in the ac-
count of St. Paul's journey to Jerusalem. It
is to his house, as to one wall known to them,
that St. Paul and his companions turn for shel-
ter. He has four daughters, who possess the
gift of prophotic utterance, and who apparently
give themselves to the work of teaching in-
stead of entering on the life of home (Acts xxi.
8, 9). He is visited by the prophets and elders
of Jerusalem. One tradition places the scene
of his death at Hiurapolis in Phrygia. Accord-
ing to another, he died bUhop of Tralles. The
house in which he and his daughters had lived
was pointed out to travellers in the time of Je-
rome.
Philip Horod I., II. [Herod.]
Philippi. A city of Macedonia, about
nine miles from the sea, to the N. W. of the
Island of Thosos, which is twelve miles distant
from its port Neapolis, the modern Kaoalla. It
U situated in a plain between the ranges of
Pangseus and Hasmus. St. Paul, when, on his
first visit to Macedonia in company with Silas,
he embarksd at Troas, made a straight run
to Samothrace, and from thence to Xcapolis,
which he reached on the second day (Acts xvi.
II). This was built on a rocky promontory,
on the western side of which is a roadstead,
furnishing a safe refuge from the Etesian winds.
The town is cut off from the interior by a steep
line of hills, anciently called Symbolum, con-
nected towards the N. K. with the western
extremity of Hsemus, and towards the S. W.,
less continuously, with the eastern extremity
of Pangasus. A steep track, following the
course of an ancient paved road, leads over
Symbolum to Philippi, the solitary pass being
about 1 ,600 feet above the sea-level. Between
the foot of Symbolum and the site of Philippi,
two Turkish cemeteries are passed, the grave-
stones of which are all derived from the ruins
of the ancient city, and in the immediate neigh-
borhood of the one first reached is the modern
Turkish village Beretetli. This is the nearest
village to the ancient ruins, which are not at
the present time inhabited at all. The Philippi
which St. Paul visited was a Roman colony
founded by Augustus, and the remains which
strew the ground are no doubt derived from
that city. The establishment of Philip of
Macedonia was probably not exactly on the
same site. Philip, when he acquired possession
of the site, found there a town named Dolus or
Datum, which was in all probability in its origin
a factory of the Phoenicians, who were the
first that worked the gold-mines in the moun-
tains here, as in the neighboring Thasos. The
proximity of the gold-mines was of course
the origin of so large a city as Philippi ; but the
plain in which it Ties is of extraordinary fer-
tility. The position too was on the main road
from Rome to Asia, the Via Egnatia, which
from Thessalonica to Constantinople followed
the same course as the existing post-road. The
ruins of Philippi are very extensive, but present
no striking feature except two gateways, which
nre considered to belong to the time of Clau-
dius. Traces of an amphitheatre, theatre, or
stadium — for it does not clearly appear which
— arc also visible in the direction of the hills on
the N. E. side. Inscriptions both in the Latin
and Greek languages, but more generally in
the former, are found.
Philippians, Epistle to the. l. The
canonical authority, Pauline authorship, and
integrity of this Epistle, were unanimously ac-
knowledged up to the end of the 18th century.
Marcion (a.d. 140) in the earliest known Canon
held common ground with the Church touching
the authority of this Epistle : it appears in the
Muratorian Fragment ; among the " acknowl-
edged " books in Eusebius ; in the lists of the
Council of Laodicea, a.d. 365, and the Synod
of Hippo, 393 ; and in all subsequent lists, as
well as in the Peshito and later versions. Even
contemporary evidence may be claimed for it.
pi>:i!'«nan Christians who had contributed to
the collections for St. Paul's support at Rome,
who had been eye and ear witnesses of the re-
turn of Epaphroditus and the first reading of
St. Paul's Epistle, may have been still alive at
Philippi when Polycorp wrote (a.d. 107) his
letter to them, in which (ch. 2, 3) he refers to
St. Paul's Epistle as a well-known distinction
belonging to the Philippian Church. It is
quoted as St. Paul's by Irenanis, Clement of
Alexandria, and Tertullian. A quotation from
it (Phil. ii. 6) is found in the Epistle of the
Churches of Lyons and Vienne, a.d. 177. The
testimonies of" later writers are innumerable.
But F. C. Baur, followed by Schwejrler, has
argued, from the phraseology of the Epistle and
other internal marks, that it is the work, not of
St. Paul, but of some Gnostic forger in the
2d century. 2. Where written. — The constant
tradition that this Epistle was written at Rome
by St. Paul in his captivity was impugned
first by CEder (1731), who, disregarding the
fact that the apostle was in prison (i. 7, 13, 14)
when he wrote, imagined that he was at Cor-
inth ; and then by Paul us (1799), Schulz
(1829), Bottger (1837), and Rillict (1841), in
whose opinion the Epistle was written during
the apostle's confinement at Cassarca (Acts
xxi v. 23 ) ; but the references to the " palace "
(prsetorium, i. 13), and to " Caesar's house-
hold," iv. 22, seem to point to Rome rather
than to Cassarca.
3. When written. — Assuming, then, that the
Epistle was written at Rome during the im-
prisonment mentioned in the last chapter of
the Acts, it may be shown from a single fact
that it could not have been written long before
the end of the two years. The distress of the
Philippians on account of Epaphroditus's sick-
ness was known at Rome when the Epistle was
written ; St. Luke was absent from Rome ; and
lastly, it is obvious from Phil. i. 20 that St.
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PHILIPPIANS, EPISTLE TO 788 PHILIPPIANS, EPISTLE TO
Paul, when he wrote, felt his position to be
very critical, and we know that it became more
frecarious as the two years drew to a close,
n a.d. 62, the infamous Tigellinus succeeded
Burma the upright prstonan prefect in the
charge of St. Paul's person ; and the marriage
of Poppaea brought his imperial judge under an
influence which, if exerted, was hostile to St.
Paul. Assuming that St. Paul's acquittal and
release took place in 63, we may date the Epistle
to the Philippians early in that year. 4. The
writer's acquaintance with the Philippians. — St.
Paul's connection with Philippi was of a pecu-
liar character, which gave rise to the writing
•f this Epistle. St. Paul entered its walls, a.d.
52 (Acts xvi. 12), accompanied by Silas, who
had been with him since he started from Anti-
och, and by Timothy and Luke, whom he had
afterwards attached to himself; the former
at Dcrbe, the latter quite recently at Troas.
There, at a greater distance from Jerusalem
than any apostle had yet penetrated, the long-
restrained energy of St. Paul was again em-
ployed in laying the foundation of a Christian
church. Philippi was endeared to St. Paul,
not only by the hospitality of Lydia, the deep
sympathy of the converts, and the remarkable
miracle which set a seal on his preaching, but
also by the successful exercise of his mission-
ary activity after a long suspense, and by the
happy consequences of his undaunted endur-
ance of ignominies, which remained in his
memory (Phil. i. 30) after the long interval of
eleven years. Leaving Timothv and Luke to
watch over the infant Church, Paul and Silas
went to Thessalonica (1 Thess. ii. 2), whither
they were followed by the alms of the Philip-
pians (Phil. iv. 16), and thence southwards.
The next six years of his life are a blank in
our records. At the end of that period, he is
found again (Acts xx. 6) at Philippi. After
the lapse of five years, spent chiefly at Corinth
tnd Ephesus, St. Paul, escaping from the in-
tensed worshippers of the Epnesian Diana,
passed through Macedonia, a.d. 57, on his way
to Greece, accompanied by the Ephesians Ty-
chicus and Trophimus, and probably visited
Philippi for the second time, and was there
joined by Timothy. He wrote at Philippi his
Second Epistle to the Corinthians. On return-
ing from Greece (Acts xx. 4), he again found a
refuge among his faithful Philippians, where he
spent some days at Easter, a.d. 58, with St.
Luke, who accompanied him when he sailed
from Neapolis. Once more, in his Roman
captivity (a.d. 62) their care of him revived
again. They sent Epaphroditus, bearing their
alms for the apostle s support, and ready also
to tender his personal service (Phil. ii. 25).
5. Scope and contents of the Epistle. — St
Paul's aim in writing is plainly this : while
acknowledging the alms of the Philippians and
the personal services of their messenger, to give
them some information respecting his own con-
dition, and some advice respecting theirs. After
the inscription (i. 1, 2), in which Timothy as
the second father of the Church is joined with
Paul, he sets forth his own condition (i. 3-26),
his prayers, care, and wishes for his Philip-
pians, with the troubles and uncertainty of his
imprisonment, and his hope of eventually seeing
them again. Then (i. 27— ii. 18) he exhorts
them to those particular virtues which he would
rejoice to see them practising at the present
time. He hopes soon to hear a good report of
them (ii. 19-30), either by sending Timothv,
or by going himself to them, as he now sends
Epaphroditus, whose diligent service is highly
commended. Reverting (iii. 1-21) to the tone
of joy which runs through the preceding de-
scriptions and exhortations — as in i. 4, 18, 25,
ii. 2, 16, 17, 18, 28 — he bids them take heed that
their joy be in the Lord, and warns them, as he
had often previously warned them (probably in
his last two visits), against admitting itinerant
Judaizing teachers, the tendency of whose doc-
trine was towards a vain confidence in mere
earthly things : in contrast to this, be exhorts
them to follow him in placing their trust hum-
bly but entirely in Christ, and in pressing for-
ward in their Christian course, with the res-
urrection-day constantly before their minds.
Again (iv. 1-9), adverting to their position in
the midst of unbelievers, he beseeches them,
even with personal appeals, to be firm, united,
joyful in the Lord ; to be full of prayer and
peace, and to lead am h a life as must approva
itself to the moral sense of all men. Lastly (iv.
10-23), he thanks them for the contribution
sent by Epaphroditus for his support, and con-
cludes with salutations and a benediction. 6.
Effect of the Epistle. — We have no account of
the reception of this Epistle by the Philip-
pians. Except doubtful traditions that Eras-
tus was their first bishop, and with Lydia and
Parmenas was martyred in their city, nothing
is recorded of them for the next forty-four
years. Now, though we cannot trace the im-
mediate effect of St Paul's Epistle on the
Philippians, yet no one can doubt that it con-
tributed to form the character of their Church
as it was in the time of Polycarp. It is evi-
dent from Polycarp's Epistle, that the Church,
by the grace of God and the guidance of the
apostle, had passed through those trials of
which St Paul warned it, and had not gone
back from the high degree of Christian attain-
ments which it reached under St Paul's oral
and written teaching (Polyc i., iii., ix., xi.j.
7. The Church at Rome. — The state of the
Church at Rome should be considered before
entering on the study of the Epistle to the
Philippians. Something is to he learned of its
condition about a.d. 58 from the Epistle to the
Romans, about a.d. 61 from Acts xxviii. St
Paul's presence in Rome, the freedom of speech
allowed to him, and the personal freedom of
his fellow-laborers, were the means of infusing
fresh missionary activity into the Church (Phil,
i. 12-14). It was in the work of Christ that
Epaphroditus was worn out (ii. 30). 8. Char-
acteristic features of the Epistle. — Strangely full
of joy and thanksgiving amidst adversity", like
the apostle's midnight hymn from the depth
of his Philippian dungeon, this Epistle went
forth from his prison at Rome. In most other
epistles, he writes with a sustained effort to in-
struct, or with sorrow, or with indignation ; he
is striving to supply imperfect, or to correct
erroneous teaching ; to put down scandalous
impurity, or to heal schism in the church which
he addresses. But in this Epistle, though be
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PHILISTINES
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PHILISTINES
knew the Philippians intimately, and was not
blind to the faults, and tendencies to fault, of
tome of them, yet he mentions no evil so char-
acteristic of the whole Church as to call for
general censure on his part, or amendment on
theirs. Of all his Epistles to churches, none
has so little of an official character as this.
Philistia (Hcb. Pdaheth). The word thus
translated (in Ps. Ix. 8, lxxxvii. 4, cviii. 9) is
in the original identical with that elsewhere
rendered Palestine.
Philistines. The origin of the Philis-
tines is nowhere expressly stated in the Bible ;
but as the prophets describe them as " the Phi-
listines from Caphtor" (Am. ix. 7), and " the
remnant of the maritime district of Caphtor "
(Jer. xlrii. 4), it is primi facie probable that
tbey weTe the " Caphtorims which came out of
Caphtor " who expelled the Avim from their
territory, and occupied it in their place (Deut.
ii. 23) ; and that these again were the Capb-
torim mentioned in the Mosaic genealogical
table among the descendants of Mizraim (Gen.
x. 14). But, in establishing this conclusion,
certain difficulties present themselves: in the
first place, it is observable that, in Gen. x. 14,
the Philistines are connected with the Caslu-
him rather than the Caphtorim. The clause
seems to have an appropriate meaning in its
present position : it looks like an interpolation
into the original document with the view of
explaining when and where the name Philis-
tine was first applied to the people whose
proper appellation was Caphtorim. But a
second and more serious difficulty arises out of
the language of the Philistines ; for while the
Caphtorim were Hamitic, the Philistine lan-
tuage is held to have been Shemitic. The dif-
culty arising out of the question of language
may be met by assuming either that the Caph-
torim adopted the language of the conquered
Avim, or that they diverged from the Hamitic
stock at a period when the distinctive features
of Hamitism and Shemitism were yet in em-
bryo. A third objection to their Egyptian
origin is raised from the application of the term
" uncircumcised " to them (1 Sam. xvii. 26;
2 Sam. i. 201, whereas the Egyptians were cir-
cumcised (Herod, ii. 36). But this objection is
answered by Jer. ix. 25, 26, where the same
term is in some sense applied to the Egyptians,
however it may be reconciled with the state-
ment of Herodotus. The next question that
arises relates to the early movements of the
Philistines. It has been very generally assumed
of late years that Caphtor represents Crete, and
that the Philistines migrated from that island,
cither directly or through Egypt, into Pales-
tine. This hypothesis presupposes the She-
mitic origin of the Philistines. Moreover, the
name Caphtor can only be identified with the
Egyptian Coptos. But the Cretan origin of
the Philistines has been deduced, not so much
from the name Caphtor as from that of the
Cherethites. This name in its Hebrew form
bears a close resemblance to Crete, and is ren-
dered Cretans in the LXX. But the mere
coincidence of the names cannot pass for much
without some corroborative testimony. With-
out, therefore, asserting that migrations may
not have taken place from Crete to Philistia, we
hold that the evidence adduced to prove that
they did is insufficient
The last point to be decided in connection
with the early history of the Philistines is the
time when they settled in the land of Canaan.
If we were to restrict ourselves to the state-
ments of the Bible, we should conclude that
this took place before the time of Abraham ;
for they are noticed in his day as a pastoral
tribe in the neighborhood of Gcrar (Gen. xxi.
32, 34, xxvi. 1, 8). The interval that elapsed
between Abraham and the Exodus seems suffi-
cient to allow for the alteration that took place
in the position of the Philistines, and their
transformation from a pastoral tribe to a settled
and powerful nation. Between the times of
Abraham and Joshua, the Philistines had
changed their quarters, and had advanced
northwards into the Shefelah or Plain of
Philistia. This plain has been in all ages re-
markable for the extreme richness of its soil : its
fields of standing corn, its vine-yards and olive-
yards, are incidentally mentioned in Scripture
(Jndg. xv. 5) „ and in time of famine the land
of the Philistines was the hope of Palestine (2
K. viii. 2). It was also adapted to the growth
of military power; for while the plain itself
permitted the use of war-chariots, which were
the chief arm of offence, the occasional eleva-
tions which rise out of it offered secure sites for
towns and strongholds. It was, moreover, a
commercial country ; from its position it must
have been at all times the great thoroughfare
between Phoenicia and Syria in' the north, and
Egypt and Arabia in the south. The Philis-
tines probably possessed a navy; for they had
ports attached to Gaza and Ashkelon: the
LXX. speaks of their ships in its version of Is.
xi. 14; and they are represented as attacking
the Egyptians out of ships. They had at an
early period attained proficiency in the arts of
peace. Their wealth was abundant ( Judg. xvi.
5, 18), and they appear in all respects to have
been a prosperous people. Possessed of such
elements of power, the Philistines had attained
in the time of the Judges an important position
among Eastern nations. About B.C. 1209, we
find them engaged in successful war with the
Sidonians (Justin, xviii. 3). About the same
period, but whether before or after is uncertain,
they were engaged in a naval war with Ba-
rneses III. of Egypt, in conjunction with other
Mediterranean nations.
And now to recur to the biblical narrative :
— The territory of the Philistines, having been
once occupied by the Canaanitea, formed a por-
tion of the promised land, and was assigned to
the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 2, 12, 45-47).
No portion, however, of it was conquered in
the lifetime of Joshua (Josh. xiii. 2), and even
after his death no permanent conquest was
effected (Judg. iii. 3); though, on the authority
of a somewhat doubtful passage, we are in-
formed that the three cities of Gaza, Ashkelon,
and Ekron, were taken (Judg. i. 18). The
Philistines, at all events, soon recovered these,
and commenced an aggressive policy against
the Israelites, by which tbey gained a complete
ascendency over them. Individual heroes wero
raised up from time to time whose achievements
might well kindle patriotism, such as Shamgar
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PHILISTINES
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PHILISTINES
the son of Anath (Judg. Hi. 31 ), and still more
Samson (Judtf. xiii.-xvi.); but neither of these
men succeeded in permanently throwing off the
yoke. Under Eli, there was an organized but
unsuccessful resistance to the encroachments
of the Philistines, who were met at Aphek (1
Sam. iv. I ). The production of the ark on this
occasion demonstrates the greatness of the
emergency, and its loss marked the lowest
depth of Israel's degradation. The next ac-
tion took place under Samuel's leadership, and
the tide of success turned in Israel's favor.
The Israelites now attributed their past weak-
ness to their want of unity ; and they desired a
king, with the special object of leading them
against the foe (1 Sam. viii. 20). As soon as
Saul was prepared to throw off the yoke, he
occupied with his army a position at Michmash,
commanding the defiles leading to the Jordan
Valley ; and his heroic son Jonathan gave the
signal for a rising by overthrowing the pillar
which the Philistines had placed were. The
challenge was accepted ; the Philistines invaded
the central district with an immense force, and,
having dislodged Saul from Michmash, occu-
pied it themselves, and sent forth predatory
bands into the surrounding country. The Is-
raelites shortly after took up a position on the
other side of the ravine at Geba, and, availing
themselves of the confusion consequent upon
Jonathan's daring feat, inflicted a tremendous
slaughter upon the enemy (1 Sam. xiii., xiv.).
No attempt was made by the Philistines to
vegain their supremacy for about twenty-five
years, and the scene of the next contest shows
the altered strength of the two parties : it was
no longer in the central country, but in a ravine
leading down to the Philistine Plain, the Valley
of Elah, the position of which is about 14 miles
S. W. of Jerusalem : on this occasion the prow-
ess of young David secured success to Israel,
and the foe was pursued to the gates of Gath
and Ekron ( 1 Sam. xvii.). The power of the
PhiUstincs was, however, still intact on their
own territory. The border warfare was con-
tinued. The scene of the next conflict was far
to the north, in the Valley of Esdraclon. The
battle on this occasion proved disastrous to the
Israelites : Saul himself perished, and the Phi-
listines penetrated across the Jordan, and occu-
pied the forsaken cities (1 Sam. xxxi. 1-7).
On the appointment of David to be king over
the united tribes, the Philistines attempted to
counterbalance the advantage by an attack on
the person of the king : they therefore pene-
trated into the Valley of Rephaim, S. W. of
Jerusalem, and even pushed forward an ad-
vanced post as far as Bethlehem (1 Chr. xi. 16).
David twice attacked them at the former spot,
and on each occasion with signal success, in
the first case capturing their images, in the
second pursuing them " from Geba until thou
come to Gazer" (2 Sam. v. 17-25; 1 Chr. xiv.
8-16). Henceforth the Israelites appear as the
aggressors : about seven years after the defeat
at Rephaim, David, who had now consolidated
his power, attacked them on their own soil, and
took Gath with its dependencies (1 Chr. xviii.
1 ), and thus (according to one interpretation
of the obscure expression " Metheg-ammah "
in 2 Sam. viii. 1) "he took the arm-bridle out
of the hand of the Philistines," or (according
to another) " he took the bridle of the me-
tropolis out of the hand of the Philistines" —
meaning in cither case that their ascendency
was utterly broken.
The whole of Philistia was included in Solo-
mon's empire. The division of the empire at
Solomon's death was favorable to the Philis-
tine cause. Rehoboam secured himself against
them by fortifying Gath and other cities bor-
dering on the plain (2 Chr. xi. 8) : the Israelite
monarchs were either not so prudent, or not so
powerful ; for they allowed the Philistines to
get hold of Gibbcthon (1 K. xv. 27, xvi. 15).
Judah meanwhile had lost the tribute (2 Chr.
xvii. II). The increasing weakness of the
Jewish monarchy, under the attacks of Hazael,
led to the recovery of Gath, which was after-
wards dismantled and probably destroyed by
Uzziah (2 Chr. xxvi. 6; 2 K. xii. 17). We
have reason to suppose that the Philistines
were kept in subjection until the time of Ahax
(2 Chr. xxviii. 18). A few years later, the Phi-
listines, in conjunction with the Syrians and
Assyrians, and perhaps as the subject-allies of
the latter, carried on a series of attacks on the
kingdom of Israel (Is. ix. 11, 12). Hezekiah
formed an alliance with the Egyptians, as a coun-
terpoise to the Assyrians, ana the possession of
Philistia became henceforth the turning-point
of the struggle between the two great empires
of the East The Assyrians nnder Tartan, the
general of Sargon, made an expedition against
Egypt, and took Ashdod, as the key of that
country (Is. xx. 1, 4, 5). Under Sennacherib,
Philistia was again the scene of important
operations. The Assyrian supremacy was re-
stored by Esar-haddon, and it seems probable
that the Assyrians retained their hold on Ash-
dod until its capture, after a long siege, by
Psammetichus. It was about this time that
Philistia was traversed by a vast Scythian
horde on their way to Egypt. The Egyptian
ascendency was not as yet re-established; for
we find the next king, Necho, compelled to be-
siege Gaza on his return from the battle of Me-
giddo. After the death of Necho, the contest
was renewed between the Egyptians and the
Chaldseans, under Nebuchadnezzar, and the
result was specially disastrous to the Philis-
tines. The " old hatred " that the Philistines
bore to the Jews was exhibited in arts of hos-
tility at the time of the Babylonish captivity
(Ez. xxv. 15-17) ; but on the return this was
somewhat abated, for some of the Jews married
Philistine women, to the great scandal of then-
rulers (Neh. xiii. 23, 24). From this time, the
history of Philistia is absorbed in the straggles
of the neighboring kingdoms. The latest no-
tices of the Philistines as a nation occur in
1 Mace, iii.-v. With regard to the institutions
of the Philistines, our information is very
scanty. The five chief cities had, as early ma
the days of Joshua, constituted themselves into
a confederacy, restricted, however, in all proba-
bility, to matters of offence and defence. Each
was under the government of a prince, whose
official title was term (Josh. xiii. 3 ; Judg. iii.
3, &c), and occasionally sir (1 Sam. xviii. 30,
xxix. 6). Each town 'possessed its own terri-
tory. The Philistines appear to have been
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PHILOSOPHY
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deeply imbued with superstition : the; carried
their idols with them on their campaigns (2
Sam. v. 21), and proclaimed their Victoria* in
their presence (1 Sam. xxxi. 9). The gods
whom they chiefly worshipped were Dagon
(Judg. xvi. 23 ; 1 Sam. v. 3-5 ; 1 Chr. x. 10 ;
1 Mace. x. 83) ; Ashtaroth (1 Sam. xxxi. 10;
Herod, i. 105); Baal-zebub (2 K. i. 2-6); and
Decerto, who was honored at Ashkelon (Diod.
Sic. ii. 4), though unnoticed in the Bible.
Priests and diviners (1 Sam. vi. 2) were at-
tached to the various seats of worship.
Philol'OKUS. A Christian at Rome to
whom St. Paul sends his salutation (Rom.
xvi. 15). Pseudo-Hippolytus makes him one
of the seventy disciples, and bishop of Si-
nope.
Philosophy. It is the object of the fol-
lowing article to give some account (I.) of
that development of thought among the Jews
which answered to the philosophy of the West ;
(U.) of the recognition of the preparatory
(propedeutic) office of Greek philosophy in
relation to Christianity ; (HI.) of the system-
atic progress of Greek philosophy as forming
a complete whole ; and (IV.) of the contact of
Christianity with philosophy. I. The Phil-
osophic Discipline of the Jews. — Philos-
ophy, if we limit the word strictly to describe
the free pursuit of knowledge of which truth is
the one complete end, is essentially of Western
growth. In the East, the search alter wisdom
has always been connected with practice. The
history of the Jews offers no exception to this
remark : there is no Jewish philosophy proper-
ly so called. Yet, on the other hand, specu-
lation and action meet in truth; and perhaps
the most obvious lesson of the Old Testament
lies in the gradual construction of a divine
philosophy by fact, and not by speculation.
The methrd of Greece was to proceed from life
to God ; the method of Israel (so to speak ) was
to proceed from God to life. The axioms of
one system are the conclusions of the other.
The one led to the successive abandonment of
the noblest domains of science which man had
claimed originally as his own, till it left bare
systems of morality ; the other, in the fulness
of time, prepared many to welcome the Christ
— the Truth. The philosophy of the Jews,
using the word in a large sense, is to be sought
for rather in the progress of the national life
than in special books. Step by step the idea of
the family was raised into that of the people;
and the kingdom furnished the basis of those
wider promises which included all nations in
one kingdom of heaven. The social, the polit-
ical, the cosmical relations of man were traced
out gradually in relation to God. The philos-
ophy of the Jews is thus essentially a moral
philosophy, resting on a definite connection
with God. The doctrines of Creation and
Providence, of an Infinite Divine Person, and
of a responsible human will, which elsewhere
form the ultimate limits of speculation, are
here assumed at tho outset. The fundamental
ideas of the divine government found expres-
sion in words as well as in life. The Psalms,
which, among the other infinite lessons which
they convey, give a deep insight into the need
*f a personal apprehension of truth, everywhere
declare the absolute sovereignty of God over
the material and moral worlds.
One man among all is distinguished among
the Jews as " the wise man." The description
which is given of his writings serves as a com-
mentary on the national view of philosophy
(1 K. iv. 30-33). The lesson of practical duty,
the full utterance of " a large heart" (ibid. 29),
the careful study of God's creatures, — this is the
sum of wisdom. Yet in fact the very practical
aim of this philosophy leads to the revelation
of the most sublime truth. Wisdom was grad-
ually felt to be a Person, throned by God, and
holding converse with men (Prov. viii.). She
was seen to stand in open enmity with " the
strange woman," who sought to draw them
aside by sensuous attractions ; and thus a new
step was mode towards the central doctrine of
Christianity — the Incarnation of the Word.
Two books of the Bible, Job and Ecclesiastes,
of which the latter at any rate belongs to the
period of the close of the kingdom, approach
more nearly than any others to tho type of
philosophical discussions. But in both the
problem is moral, and not metaphysical. The
one deals with the evils which afflict " the
perfect and upright; " the other with the vanity
of all the pursuits and pleasures of earth. The
method of inquiry is in both cases abrupt and
irregular. The Captivity necessarily exercised
a profound influence upon Jewish thought.
The teaching of Persia seems to have been
designed to supply important elements tn the
education of the chosen people. But it did yet
more than this. The imagery ot Ezekiel (chap.
i. ) gave an apparent sanction to a new form of
mystical speculation. It is uncertain at what
date this earliest Kabbala [i.e. tradition) re-
ceived a definite form ; but there can be no
doubt that the two great divisions of which it
is composed, "the chariot " [Mercabah, Ez. i.)
and "the creation" [Berahit/i, Gen. i.j, found
a wide development before the Christian era.
The first dealt with the manifestation of God
in Himself; the second with His manifestation
in Nature ; and as the doctrine was handed
down orally, it received naturally, both from its
extent and form, great additions from foreign
sources. On the one side, it was open to the
Persian doctrine of emanation ; on the other, to
the Christian doctrine of the Incarnation ; and
the tradition was deeply impressed by both be-
fore it was first committed to writing in the
seventh or eighth century. At present, the ori-
ginal sources for the teaching of the Kabbala
are the Sr/ihrr Jetzirah, or Book of Creation,
and the Sv/thtr Ilazohar, or Book of Splendor.
The contact of the Jews with Persia thus gave
rise to a traditional mysticism. Their con-
tact with Greece was marked by the rise of
distinct sects. In the third century B.C., the
great doctor Anthiomis of Socho bears a Greek
name; and popular belief pointed to him as the
teacher of Sadoc and Boethus, the supposed
founders of Jewish rationalism. At any rate,
we may date from this time the twofold division
of Jewish speculation which corresponds to the
chief tendencies of practical philosophy. The
Sadducces appear as the supporters of human
freedom in its widest scope ; the Pharisees, of a
religious stoicism. At a later time, the cycle
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PHILOSOPHY
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PHILOSOPHY
of doctrine was completed, when by a natural
re-action the Essenes established a mystic ascet-
icism. The conception of wisdom "which ap-
pears in the Book of Proverbs was elaborated
with greater detail afterwards [Wisdom of
Solomon], both in Palestine [Ecclesiasti-
ccs] and in Egypt ; but the doctrine of the
Word is of greater speculative interest. The
first use of the term Word (Memra), based upon
the common formula of the prophets, is in the
Targuin of Onkelos (first cent. B.C.), in which
" the Word of God " is commonly substituted for
God in His immediate, personal relations with
man ; and it is probable that round this tra-
ditional rendering a fuller doctrine grew up.
But there is a clear difference between the idea
of the Word then prevalent in Palestine and
that current at Alexandria. In Palestine, the
Word appears as the outward Mediator between
God and man, like the Angel of the Covenant :
at Alexandria it appears as the spiritual con-
nection which opens the way to revelation.
The preface to bt. John's Gospel includes the
element of truth in both.
II. Tub Patristic Recognition of the
Propedeutic Office of Greek Philoso-
phy. — The divine discipline of the Jews was
in nature essentially moral. The lessons which
it was designed to teach were embodied in the
family and the nation. Yet this was not in it-
self a complete discipline of our nature. The
reason, no less than the will and the affections,
had an office to discharge in preparing man for
the Incarnation. The process and the issue in
the two cases were widely different ; but they
were in some sense complementary. Even in
time, this relation holds good. The divine king-
dom of the Jews was just overthrown when free
speculation arose in the Ionian colonies of
Asia. The teaching of the last prophet near-
ly synchronized with the death of Socrates.
All other differences between the discipline of
reason and that of revelation are implicitly in-
cluded in their fundamental difference of
method. Philosophy failed as a religious
teacher practically (Rom. i. 21, 22), but it
bore noble witness to an inward law (Rom. ii.
14,15). In its purest and grandest forms, it
was " a schoolmaster to bring men to Christ."
This function of ancient philosophy is distinctly
recognized by many of the greatest of the
Fathers. But the same writers in other places
sought to explain the partial harmony of phi-
losophy and revelation by an original connec-
tion of the two. The use which was made
of heathen speculation by heretical writers was
one great cause of its disparagement by their
catholic antagonists. This variety of judgment
in the heat of controversy was inevitable. The
frill importance of the liistory of ancient phi-
losophy was then first seen when all rivalry was
over, and it became possible to contemplate it
as a whole, animated by a great law, often
trembling on the verge of truth, and some-
times by a " bold venture " claiming the herit-
age of faith.
III. The Development of Greek Phi-
losophy. — The various attempts which have
been made to derive Western philosophy from
Eastern sources have signally failed. It is
true that in some degree the character of
Greek speculation may have been influenced,
at least in its earliest stages, by religious
ideas which were originally introduced from
the East; but this indirect" influence does not
affect the real originality of the great Greek
teachers. The very value of Greek teaching
lies in the fact that it was, as far as is possi-
ble, a result of simple reason ; or, if faith
asserts its prerogative, the distinction is sharp-
ly marked. Of the various classifications of
the Greek schools which have been proposed,
the simplest and truest seems to be that which
divides the history of philosophy into threr
great periods, the first reaching to the era of'
the Sophists, the next to the death of A rinotle,
the third to the Christian era. In the fir-l
period, the world objectively is the great centre
of inquiry ; in the second, the " ideas " of
things, truth, and being ; in the UiirJ, th«
chief interest of philosophy falls back upon
the practical conduct of life. After the Chris-
tian era, philosophy ceased to have any tnw
vitality in Greece ; but it made fresh efforts t«
meet the changed conditions of life at Alex-
andria and Rome.
1. The pre-Socratic Sc/wols. — The first Greek
philosophy was little more than an attempt to
follow out in thought the mythic cosmogonies
of earlier poets. What is the one permanent
element which underlies the changing form* of
things ? — this was the primary inquiry to
which the Ionic school endeavored to find an
answer. Thales (cir. B.C. 610-625) pointed
to moisture (water) as the one source and sup-
porter of life. Anaximenes (cir. b.c. 520-
480) substituted air for water. At a much later
date (cir. b.c. 450), Diogenes of Apollonia
represented this elementary " air " as endowed
with intelligence. The atomic theory of D«-
mocritcs (cir. B.C. 460-357) offered another
and more plausible solution. The motion of
his atoms included the action of force ; but he
wholly omitted to account for its source. Mean-
while another mode of speculation had arisen
in the same school. In place of one definite
element, Axaximander (b.c 610-547) sug-
gested the unlimited as the adequate origin of
all special existences. And, somewhat more
than a century later, Anax agokah summed up
the result of such a line of speculation : " All
things were together; then mind came, and
disposed them in order." Thus we are lift
face to face with an ultimate dualism. The
Eleatic school started from an opposite point of
view. Xenophanes (cir. b.c. 550-30) " looked
up to the whole heaven, and said that the One
is God." " Thales saw gods in all things :
Xenophanes saw all things in God " (Thirl-
wall, Hist, of Gr. ii. 133). Parmemdks of
Elea (B.C. 500) substituted abstract " being "
for " God " in the system of Xenophanes, and
distinguished with precision the functions of
sense and reason, /eno of Elea (cir. b.c. 450)
developed with logical ingenuity the contra-
dictions involved in our perceptions of things,
and thus formally prepared the way for scep-
ticism. The teaching of Heraclitus (b.c.
500) offers a complete contrast to that of toe
Elcatics. So far from contrasting the existent
and the phenomenal, he boldly identified being
with change. Rest and continuance is death.
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PHILOSOPHY
743
PHILOSOPHT
Tluit which is is the ivistantaneous balance of
contending powers. The philosophy of Pv-
tuagoras (cir. B.C. 580-510) is subordinate in
interest to his social and political theories,
though it supplies a link in the course of spec-
ulation : others had labored to trace a unit/ in
the world in the presence of one underlying ele-
ment or in the idea of a whole ; he sought to
combine the separate harmony of parts with
total unity. Numerical unity includes the
finite and the infinite ; and in the relations of
number there is a perfect symmetry, as all
spring out of the fundamental unit. Thus
numbers seemed to Pythagoras to be not only
" patterns " of things, but causes of their being.
2. The Soeralic Schools. — In the second
period of Greek philosophy, the scene and sub-
ject were both changed. A philosophy of ideas,
lining the term in its widest sense, succeeded a
philosophy of nature. In three generations,
Greek speculation reached its greatest glory in
the teaching of Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle.
The famous sentence in which Aristotle charac-
terizes the teaching of Socrates ( B.C. 468-399)
£ laces his scientific position in the clearest
ght. There are two things, he says, which
we may rightly attribute to Socrates, inductive
reasoning and general definition. By the first
he endeavored to discover the permanent ele-
ment which underlies the changing forms of
appearances and the varieties of opinion ; by
the second he fixed the truth which he had
thus gained. But, besides this, Socrates ren-
dered another service to truth. Ethics occupied
in his investigations the primary place which
had hitherto been held by physics. The great
aim of his induction was to establish the
sovereignty of virtue. He affirmed the exist-
ence of a universal law of right and wrong.
He connected philosophy with action, both in
detail and in general. On the one side he up
held the supremacy of conscience, on the other
the working of Providence. Not the least
fruitful characteristic of his teaching was what
may be called its desultoriness. As a result of
this, the most conflicting opinions were main-
tained by some of his professed followers who
carried ont isolated fragments of his teaching
to extreme conclusions. The truths which they
distorted were embodied at a later time in more
reasonable forms. Plato alone (B.C. 430-
347), by the breadth and nobleness of his teach-
ing, was the true successor of Socrates : with
fuller detail and greater elaborateness of parts,
his philosophy was as many-sided as that of
his master. Plato possessed two commanding
powers, which, though apparently incompati-
ble, are in the highest sense complementary, —
a matchless destructive dialectic and a creative
imagination. His famous doctrines of ideas
and recollection are a solution by imagination {
of a logical difficulty. The " myths " of Plato j
play a most important part in his system.
They auswer in the philosopher to faith in the !
Christian. The great difference between Plato j
and Aristotle (b.c. 384-322) lies in the use I
which Plato thus made of imagination as the !
exponent of instinct. The dialectic of Plato
is not inferior to that of Aristotle, and Aristotle
exhibits traces of poetic power not unworthy
of Plato ; but Aristotle never allows imagina-
tion to influence his final decision. He elabo-
rated a perfect method, and he used it with
perfect fairness. His writings, if any, contain
the highest utterance of pure reason. Look-
ing back on all the earlier efforts of philosophy,
he pronounced a calm and final judgment. It
follows necessarily that the Platonic doctrine
of ideas was emphatically rejected by Aristotle,
who gave, however, the final development to
the original conception of Socrates. With
Socrates, "ideas" (general definitions) were
mere abstractions ; with Plato, they had an
absolute existence; with Aristotle, they had
no existence separate from things in which
they were realized, though the form which an-
swers to the Platonic idea was held to be the
essence of the thing itself. There is one feature
common in essence to the systems of Plato and
Aristotle which has not yet been noticed. In
both, ethics is a part of politics.
3. The post-Socratic Srhools. — After Aris-
totle, philosophy took a new direction. Specu-
lation became mainly personal. Epicurus
(b.c. 352-270) defined the object of philosophy
to be the attainment of a happy life. The
pursuit of truth for its own sake he regarded
as superfluous. He rejected dialectics as a
useless study, and accepted the senses, in the
widest acceptation of the term, as the criterion
of truth. Physics he subordinated entirely to
ethics. But he differed widely from the Cy-
renaics in his view of happiness. The happi-
ness at which the wise man aims is to be found,
he said, not in momentary gratification, but in
lifelong pleasure. It docs not consist necessa-
rily in excitement or motion, but often in
absolute tranquillity. The gods, who were as-
sumed to be supremely happy and eternal, were
absolutely free from the distractions and emo-
tions consequent on any care for the world or
man. All things were supposed to come into
being by chance, and so pass away. The indi-
vidual was left master of his own life. While
Epicurus asserted in this manner the claims of
one part of man's nature in the conduct of life,
Zkno of Citium (cir. B.C. 280), with equal
partiality, advocated a purely spiritual (intel-
lectual) morality. The opposition between the
two was complete. The infinite, chance-formed
worlds of the one stand over against the one
harmonious world of the other. On the one
side arc gods regardless of material things, on
the other a Being permeating and vivifying all
creation. This difference necessarily found
its chief expression in ethics. Fot when the
Stoics taught that there were only two princi-
ples of things, Matter and God, — Fate and
Keason, — it followed that the active principle
in man is of divine origin, and that his duty
is to live conformably to nature. All external
things were indifferent. Reason was the abso-
lute sovereign of man. In one point, the
Epicureans and Stoics were agreed. They both
regarded ihe happiness and culture of the indi-
vidual as the highest good. Meanwhile, in
the New Academy, Platonism degenerated into
scepticism. Epicurus found an authoritative
rule in the senses. The Stoics took refuge in
what seems to answer to the modern doctrine of
"common sense," and maintained that the
senses give a direct knowledge of the object.
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PHILOSOPHY
744
PHINEHAS
Cakneades (b.c. 213-129) combated these
views, und showed that sensation cannot be
proved to declare the real nature, but only some
or the effects, of things. Scepticism remained
as the last issue of speculation. But, though
the Greek philosophers fell short of their high-
est aim, it needs no words to show the work
which they did as pioneers of a universal
church. Step by step great questions were pro-
posed, — Fate, Providence — Conscience, Law
— the State, the Man, — and answers were given,
which are the more instructive because they
are generallv one-sided. The complete course
of philosophy was run before the Christian
era, but there were yet two mixed systems after-
wards which offered some novel features. At
Alexandria, Plntonism was united with various
elements of Eastern speculation, and for several
centuries exercised an important influence on
Christian doctrine At Rome, Stoicism was
vivified by the spirit of the old republic, and
exhibited the extreme Western type of phi-
losophy. Of the first, nothing can be said here.
But the Roman Stoicism calls for brief notice
from its supposed connection with Christian
morality (Seneca, t a.d. 65; Epictetcs,
t cir. a.d. 115; M. Acrelius Antoninus,
121-180). The superficial coincidences of Sto-
icism with the N. T. are certainly numerous.
Coincidences of thought, and even of language,
might easily be multiplied. But, beneath this
external resemblRneeof Stoicism to Christianity,
the later Stoics were fundamentally opposed
to it. For good and for evil, they were the
Pharisees of the Gentile world. Their worship
was a sublime egotism. The Stoicism of
M. Anrelius gives manv of the moral precepts
of the gospel, but without their foundation,
which can find no place in his system. The
real elements of greatness in M. Aurelius are
many, and truly Roman ; but the stndy of his
Meditations by the side of the N. T. can leave
little doubt that he could not have helped to
give a national standing-place to a Catholic
Church.
IV. Christianity in Contact with An-
cient Philosophy. — The only direct trace
of the contact of Christianity "with Western
philosophy in the N. T. is in" the account of
St. Paul's visit to Athens (Acts xvii. 18) ; and
there is nothing in the apostolic writings to
show that it exercised any important influence
upon the early Church (comp. 1 Cor i. 22-24).
But it was otherwise with Eastern speculation,
which penetrated more dceplv through the mnss
of the people. The " philosophy " against
which the Colossians were warned (Col. ii. 8)
seems undoubtedly to have been of Eastern
origin, containing elements similar to those
which were afterwards embodied in various
shapes of Gnosticism, as a selfish asceticism,
and a superstitious reverence for angels (Col.
ii. 16-23) ; and in the Epistles to Timothy,
addressed to Ephesus, in which city St. Paul
anticipated the rise of false teaching (Acts xx.
30), two distinct forms of error may be traced
in addition to Judaism, due more or less to the
same influence. The writings of the sub-apos-
tolic age, with the exception of the famous
anecdote of Justin Martyr (Dial. 2-4), throw
little light upon the relations of Christianity ,
and philosophy. One book, however, has been
preserved in various shapes, which, though still
unaccountably neglected in Church histories,
contains a vivid delineation of the speculative
struggle which Christianity had to maintain
with Judaism and Heathenism. The Clemen-
tine Homilies and Recognitions are a kind of
philosophy of religion, and in subtlety and
richness of thought yield to no early Christian
writings. At the close of the second century,
when the Church of Alexandria came into
marked intellectual pre-eminence, the mutual
influence of Christianity and Kco-Platonism
opened a new field of speculation, or rather the
two systems were presented in forms designed
to meet the acknowledged wants of the time.
Neo-Platonism was, in fact, an attempt to seize
the spirit of Christianity apart from its historic
basis and human elements. The want which
the Alexandrine Fathers endeavored to satisfy
is in a great measure the want of our own time.
If Christianity be truth, it must have points
of special connection with all nations and all
periods. Christian philosophy may be in one
sense a contradiction in terms, for Christianity
confessedly derives its first principles from rrve-
lation, and not from simple reason ; but there
is no less a true philosophy of Christianity,
which aims to show how completely these meet
the instincts and aspirations of all ages. The
exposition of such a philosophy would be
the work of a modern Origen.
Fbin'ees. 1. The son of Eleazar, son of
Aaron (1 Esd. v. 5; viii. 2, 29 ; 2 Esd. i. 24.-
Ecclns. xlv. 23 ; 1 Mace. ii. 26). — 2. Phin-
ehas, the son of Eli, 8 Esd. i. 2o. — 3. A
priest or Lcvite of the time of Ezra, father of
Eleazar (1 Esd. viii. 63). — 4. 1 Esd. v. 31.
[Paseah 2.] An.
Phin'ehas. Son of Eleazar and grandson
of Aaron (Ex. vi. 25). His mother is recorded
as one of the daughters of Ptiticl. Phinehas is
memorable for having, while quite a yonth, by
his zeal and energy at the critical moment of
the licentious idolatry of Shittim, appeased the
divine wrath, and put a stop to the plague,
which was destroying the nation (Num. xxr.
7). For this he was rewarded by the special
approbation of Jehovah, and by a promise that
the priesthood should remain in his family
forever (10-13). He was appointed to accom-
pany as priest the expedition by which the Mid-
lanites were destroyed (xxxi. 6). Many years
later, he also headed the party who were de-
spatched from Shiloh to remonstrate against
tne Altnr which the trans-Jordanic tribes were
reported to have built near Jordan (Josh. xxii.
13-32). In the partition of the counti-T, he
received an allotment of his own — a hill on
Mount Ephraim, which bore his name —
Gibeath-Pinehas. Here his father was buried
(Josh. xxiv. 33). During the life of Phine-
has, he appears to have liccn the chief of the
great family of the Korahites or Korhitcs, who
guarded the entrances to the sacred tent and
the whole of the sacred camp (I Chr. ix. 20).
After Eleazar's death, he became high-priest —
the third of the series. In this rapacity he is
introduced as giving oracles to the nation dur-
ing the whole strngglo with the Benjamites on
the matter of Gibeah (Judg. xx. 28). The
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PHOENICIA
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PHOENICIANS
Terse which closes the Book of Joshua is
ascribed to Phinehas, as the description of the
death of Moses at the end of Deuteronomy is
to Joshua. The tomb of Phinehas, a place of
great resort to both Jews and Samaritans, is
shown at Auxrtah, four miles S. E. of Nablus.
2. Second son of Eli (1 Sam. i. 3, ii. 34, iv. 4,
11, 17, 19, xiv. 3). Phinehas was killed with
his brother by the Philistines when the ark
was captured. He is introduced, apparently
by mistake, in the genealogy of Ezra, in 9
Esd. i. 2a. — 3. A Lerite of Ezra's tim« (Ear.
viii. 33), unless the meaning b°i that Eleazar
was of the family of the great Phinehas.
Phi'son. The Greek form of the name
Pisom (Kcclus. xxiv. 25). Ap.
Phleg"OD. A Christian at Rome, whom
St. Paul salutes (Rom. xvi. 14). Pseudo-Hip-
poly tus makes him one of the seventy disciples,
and bishop o< Marathon.
PhCD"oe, the first, and one of the most im-
portant, of the Christian persons the detailed
mention of whom fills nearly all the last chap-
ter of the Epistle to the Romans. What is said
of her (Rom. xvi. 1, 2) is worthy of especial
notice, because of iu bearing on the question
of the deaconesses of the Apostolic Church.
PhCBdi'ce, PhOBni'Cia, a tract of coun-
try, of which Tyre and Sidon were the prin-
cipal cities, to the north of Palestine, along the
coast of the Mediterranean Sea; bounded by
that sea on the west, and by the mountain-
range of Lebanon on the east. The name was
not the one by which its native inhabitants
called it, but was given to it by the Greeks.
The native name of Phoenicia was Kenaan
(Canaan) or Kna, signifying lowland, so named
in contrast to the adjoining Aram, i.e. High-
land ; the Hebrew name of Syria. The length
of coast to which the name of Phoenicia was
applied varied at different times, and may be
regarded under different aspects before and
after the loss of its independence. 1. What
may be termed Phoenicia Proper was a narrow
undulating plain, extending from the pass of
liat d-Beyad or Abyad, the " Promontorium
Album " of the ancients, about six miles south
of Tyre, to the Nahr d-Auly, the ancient Bostre-
nus, two miles north of Sidon. The plain is
only twenty-eight miles in length. Its average
breadth is about a mile; but near Sidon the
mountains retreat to a distance of two miles,
and near Tyre to a distance of five miles. 2.
A still longer district, which afterwards became
fairly entitled to the name of Phoenicia, ex-
tended up the coast to a point marked by the
Island of Aradus, and by Antaradus towards
the north ; the southern boundary remaining
the same as in Phoenicia Proper. Phoenicia,
thus defined, is estimated to have been about
120 miles in length ; while its breadth, between
Lebanon and the sea, never exceeded twenty
miles, and was generally much less. Scarcely
sixteen geographical miles farther north than
Sidon was Berytus ; with a roadstead so well
suited for the purposes of modern navigation,
that, under the modern name of Beirout, it has
eclipsed both Sidon and Tyre as an emporium
for Syria. Still farther north was Byblus, the
Gebal of the Bible (Ez. xxvii. 9), inhabited
fcy seamen and calkers. It still retains in Ara-
94
bic the kindred name of JebeU. Then came
Tripolis (now Tar&bulut), said to have been
founded by colonists from Tyre, Sidon, and
Aradus, with three distinct towns. And
lastly, towards the extreme point north was
Arsoni! itself, the Arvad of Gen. x. 18 and
E/. vxvii. 8 ; situated, like Tyre, on a small
island near the mainland, and founded by exiles
irjtu Sidon. The whole of Phoenicia Proper
is well watered by various streams from the
adjoining hills. The havens of Tyre and
Sidon afforded water of sufficient depth for all
the requirements of ancient navigation, aud
the neighboring range of the Lebanon, in its
extensive forests, furnished what then seemed
a nearly inexhaustible supply of timber for
ship-building. In reference to the period when
the Phoenicians had lost their independence,
scarcely any two Greek and Roman writers
give precisely the same geographical bounda-
ries to Phoenicia. In the Old Testament, the
word Phoenicia does not occur, as might be
expected from its being a Greek name. In the
Apocrypha it is not defined, though spoken of
as being, with Ccele-Syria, under one military
commander (2 Mace. iii. 5, 8, viii. 8, x. 11 ;
3 Mace. iii. IS). In the New Testament, the
word occurs only in three passages, Acts xi. 19,
xv. 3, xxi. 2 ; and not one of these affords a
clew as to how far the writer deemed Phoenicia
to extend.
PhOBni'cians. The name of the race who
in earliest recorded history inhabited Phoenicia,
and who were the great maritime and com-
mercial people of the ancient world. Without
dwelling on matters which belong more strictly
to the articles Tyre and Sidon, it may be
proper to touch on certain points connected
with the language, race, trade, and religion of
the Phoenicians, which may tend to throw light
on biblical history and literature. — I. The
Phoenician language belonged to that family of
languages which, bv a name not altogether
free from objection, hut now generally adopted,
is called " Shemitic." Under this "name are
included three distinct branches : — 1st, Arabic,
to which belongs ./Ethiopian as an offshoot of
the Southern Arabic or Himyaritic. 2dly,
Aramaic, the vernacular language of Palestine
at the time of Christ. 3dly, Hebrew, in which
by far the greatest part of the Old Testament
was composed. Now, one of the most inter-
esting points to the biblical student connected
with Phoenician is, that it does not belong to
either of the two first brandies, but to the
third ; and that it is in fact so closely allied to
Hebrew, that Phoenician and Hebrew, though
different dialects, may practically be regarded
as the same language. This may be shown in
the following way: — 1st. Testimony is borne
to the kinship of the two languages fcy Augus-
tine and Jerome, in whose time Phoenician or
Carthaginian was still a living language.
2dly. These statements are fully confirmed by
a passage of Carthaginian preserved in the
Pamtdus of Plautus, act v. scene 1, and accom-
panied by a Latin translation as part of the play.
3dly. The close kinship of the two languages is,
moreover, strikingly confirmed by very many
Phoenician and Carthaginian names of places
and persons, which, destitute of meaning in
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PHCENICIANS
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PHCENTC1ANS
Greek and Latin, through which languages
they have become widely known, and having
sometimes in those languages occasioned false
etymologies, become really significant in He-
brew. 4thly. The same conclusion arises from
the examination of Phoenician inscriptions
E reserved to the present day : all of which can
e interpreted, with more or less certainty,
through Hebrew. Such inscriptions are of
three kinds: — 1st, on gems and seals; 2dly,
on coins of the Phoenicians and of their colo-
nies ; 3dly, on stone.
II. Concerning the original race to which
the Phoenicians belonged, nothing can be
known with certainty, because they are found
already established along the Mediterranean Sea
at the earliest dawn of authentic history, and
for centuries afterwards there is no record of
their origin. According to Herodotus (vii. 89),
they said of themselves in his time that they
came in days of old from the shores of the Red
Sea ; and in this there would be nothing in the
slightest degree improbable, as they spoke a
language cognate to that of the Arabians, who
inhabited the east coast of that sea ; and both
Hebrew and Arabic, as well as Aramaic, are
seemingly derived from some one Shemitic
language now lost. Still neither the truth nor
the falsehood of the tradition can now be
proved. But there is one point respecting their
race which can be proved to be in the highest
degree probable, and which has peculiar inter-
est as bearing on the Jews, viz. that the Phoe-
nicians were of the same race as the Canaanites.
This remarkable fact, which, taken in connec-
tion with the language of the Phoenicians, leads
to some interesting results, is rendered prob-
able by the following circumstances: — 1st.
The native name of Phoenicia was Canaan, a
name signifying "lowland." This was well
given to the narrow slip of plain between the
Lebanon and the Mediterranean Sea, in con-
trast to the elevated mountain-range adjoining.
2dly. This is further confirmed through the
name in Africa whereby the Carthaginian
Phoenicians called themselves, as attested by
Augustine, who states that the peasants in his
part of Africa, if asked of what race they were,
would answer, in Punic or Phoenician, " Ca-
naanites." 3dly. The conclusion thus sug-
gested is strongly supported bv the tradition
that the names of persons and places in the
land of Canaan — not only when the Israelites
invaded it, but likewise previously, when " there
were yet but a few of them," and Abraham is
said to have visited it — were Phoenician or
Hebrew : such, for example, as Ahimelek,
" Father of the king" (Gen. xx. 2) ; Melchize-
dek, " King of righteousness" (xiv. 18); Kir-
jath-scpher, "city of the book" (Josh. xv. 15).
III. In regard to Phoenician trade, as con-
nected with the Israelites, the following points
are worthy of notice. I. Up to the time of
David, not one of the twelve tribes seems to
have possessed a single harbor on the sea-coast ;
it was impossible therefore that they could be-
come a commercial people . But from the time
that David had conquered Edom, an opening
for trade was afforded to the Israelites. The
command of Ezion-geber near Elath, in the
land of Edom, enabled them to engage in the
navigation of the Red Sea. As they were
novices, however, at sailing ; as the navigation
of the Red Sea, owing to its currents, winds,
and rocks, is dangerous even to modern sailors ;
and as the Phoenicians, during the period of
the independence of Edom, were probably al-
lowed to trade from Ezion-gcbcr, — it was politic
in Solomon to permit the Phoenicians of Tvr..
to have docks, and build ships at Ezion-gcWr
on condition that his sailors and vessels mi^ht
have the benefit of their experience. The re-
sults seem to have been strikingly successful.
2. After the division into two kingdoms, the
curtain falls on any commercial relation be-
tween the Israelites and Phoenicians until a re-
lation is brought to notice, by no means broth-
erly, as in the fleets which navigated the Red
Sea, nor friendly, as between buyers and sellers,
but humiliating and exasperating, as between
the buyers and the bought The relation is
meant which existed between the two nations
when Israelites were sold as slaves by Phoeni-
cians. It was a custom in antiquity, when one
nation went to war against another, for mer-
chants to be present in one or other of the
hostile camps, in order to purchase prisoners
of war as slaves (1 Mace. lii. 41 ; 2 Mace. v.
14). Now, this practice is alluded to in a
threatening manner against the Phoenician*
by the prophets (Joel iii. 4 and Am. i. 9, 10),
about 800 years before Christ. The circum-
stances which led to this state of things may be
thus explained. After the division of the two
kingdoms, there is no trace of any friendly re-
lation between the kingdom of Judah and the
Phoenicians. The attempt of Jchoshaphat to
renew the trade of the Jews in the Red Sea
failed ; and in the reign of Jchoram, Jehosh-
aphat's son, Edom revolted from Judah, and
established its independence : so that, if the
Phoenicians wished to despatch trading-vessels
from Ezion-geber, Edom was the power which
it was maimy their interest to conciliate, and
not Judah. Under these circumstances, the
Phoenicians seem not only to have purchased
and to have sold again as slaves, and probably
in some instances to have kidnapped, inhabit-
ants of Judah, but even to have sold them to
their enemies the Edoraites. 3. The only other
notice in the Old Testament of trade between
the Phoenicians and the Israelites is in the ac-
count given by the prophet Ezckiel of the trade
of Tyre (xxvii. 17). While this account sup-
plies valuable information respecting the vari-
ous commercial dealings of the most illustrious
of Phoenician cities, it likewise makes direct
mention of the exports to it from Palestine.
It is suggested by Hccren in his Historical Re-
searches, ii. 117, that the fact of Palestine being,
as it were, the granary of Phoenicia, explains
in the clearest manner the lasting peace that
prevailed between the two countries.
IV. The religion of the Phoenicians is a sub-
ject of vast extent and considerable perplexity
in details ; but of its general features as bearing
upon the religion of the Hebrews there can be
no doubt. As opposed to Monotheism, it was
a Pantheistical personification of the forces of
nature, and, in its most philosophical shadowing
forth of the Supreme powers, it may be said to
have represented the male and female principle*
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PHtENICIANS
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PHOT
vf prod action. In its popular form, it was
especially a worship of the snn, moon, and fire
planets, or, as it might have been expressed
according to ancient notions, of the seven
planets — the most beautiful, and perhaps the
most natural, form of idolatry ever presented
to the human imagination. These planets,
however, were not regarded as lifeless globes
of matter, obedient to physical laws, but as
intelligent animated powers, influencing the
human will, and controlling human destinies.
It will be proper here to point out certain
effects which the circumstance of their being
worshipped in Phoenicia produced upon the
Hebrews. 1 . In the first piace, their worship
was a constant temptation to Polytheism and
idolatry. It can scarcely be doubted that the
Phoenicians, as a great commercial people, were
more generally intelligent, and as we should now
say civilized, than the inland agricultural popu-
lation of Palestine. When the simple-minded
Jews, therefore, came in contact with a people
more versatile, and apparently more enlight-
ened, than themselves, but who, nevertheless
either in a philosophical or in a popular form,
admitted a system of Polytheism, an influence
would be exerted on Jewfsh minds, tending to
make them regard their exclusive devotion to
their own one God, Jehovah, however tran-
scendent His attributes, as unsocial and morose.
2. The Phoenician religion was likewise in
other respects deleterious to the inhabitants of
Palestine, being in some points essentially do-
moralizing, for example, it sanctioned the
dreadful superstition of burning children as
sacrifices to a Phoenician god. Again, parts of
the Phoenician religion, especially the worship
of Astarte, tended to encourage dissoluteness
in the relations of the sexes, and even to sanc-
tify impurities of the most abominable descrip-
tion.
V. The most important intellectual inven-
tion of man, that of letters, was universally as-
serted by the Greeks and Romans to have been
communicated by the Phoenicians Ur the Greeks
(Her. v. 57, 58; Lucan, Phan. iii 220, 221).
This belief, however, ~.:as not universal ; and
Pliny the Elder expresses his own opinion that
they were of Assyrian origin, while he relates
the opinion of Gellius that they were invented
by the Egyptians, and of others that they were
invented by the Syrians. The names of the
letters in the Hebrew alphabet are in accord-
ance with the belief that the Phoenicians com-
municated the knowledge of letters to the
Greeks. Moreover, as to writing, the ancient
Hebrew letters, substantially the same as Phoe-
nician, agree closely with ancient Greek letters.
As to the mode in which letters were invented,
some clew is afforded by some of the early He-
brew and the Phoenician characters, which evi-
dently aimed, although very rudely, like the
drawing of very young children, to represent
the object which the name of the letter signi-
fied. [Writing.] In conclusion, it may not
be unimportant to observe, that although so
many letters of the Greek alphabet hare a
meaning in Hebrew or Phoenician, yet their
Greek names are not in the Hebrew or Phoe-
nician, bat in the Aramaic form ; and al-
though this fact by itself i» not sufficient to
support an elaborate theory on the subject, It
seems in faror, as far as it goes, of the conjec-
ture that, when the Greeks originally received
the knowledge of letters, the names by which
the several letters were taught to them were
Aramaic. Still this must not be regarded in
any way as proving that the alphabet was in-
vented by those who spoke the Aramaic lan-
guage. This is a wholly distinct question, and
far more obscure.
Phor'OS = Parosh (1 Esd. v. 9, ix. 26).
Phry'gia. Perhaps there is no geographi-
cal term in the New Testament which is less
capable of an exact definition. In fact there
was no Roman province of Phrygia till con-
siderably after the first establishment of Chris-
tianity in the peninsula of Asia Minor. The
word was rather ethnological than political,
and denoted, in a vague manner, the western
part of the central region of that peninsula.
Accordingly, in two of the three places where
it is used, it is mentioned in a manner not in-
tended to be precise (Acts xvi. 6, xviii. 23).
By Phrygia we must understand an extensive
district, which contributed portions to several
Roman provinces, and varying portions at dif-
ferent times.
Phud - Phut (Jud. ii 23 ; comp. Ez.
xxvii. 10). Ap.
Phu'rah, Gideon's servant, probably his
armor-bearer (comp. 1 Sam. xiv. 1), who ac-
companied him in his midnight visit to the
camp of the Midionites (Judg. vii. 10, 11).
Pnu'rim, Esth. xi. l. [Pdbim.J
Phut, Put, the third name in the list of
the sons of Ham (Gen. x. 6 ; 1 Chr. i. 8), else-
where applied to an African country or people.
In the list, it follows Cush and Mizraini, and
precedes Canaan. We cannot place the tract
of Phut out of Africa, and it would thus teem
that it was almost parallel to that of the Miz-
raites, as it could not be farther to the north :
this position would well agree with Libya.
The few mentions of Phut in the Bible clearly
indicate a country or people of Africa, and, it
must be added, probably not far fron Eg.-pt
(Is. lxvi. 19; Nah. iii. 9; Jer. xlvi. 9; Ez.
xxvii. 10, xxx. 5, xxxviii. 5). From these
passages, we cannot infer any thing a9 to tlio
exact position of this country or people ; un-
less indeed in Nalium, Cush and Phut, Miz-
raim and Lubim, are respectively connected,
which might indicate a position south of Egypt.
In the ancient Egyptian inscriptions, we find
two names that may be compared to the bibli-
cal Phut. The tribes or peonies called the
Nine Bows, IX PETTJ or IX NA-PETIT,
might partly or wholly represent Phut. Their
situation is doubtful, and they are never found
in a geographical list. The second name is
that of Nubia. TO-PET, " the reirion of the
Bow," also called TO-MERU-PET, " the re-
gion, the island of the Bow," whence we con-
jecture the name of Meroe to come. In the
geographical lists, the latter form occurs in that
of a people, ANTJ-MERU-PET. The Coptic
niphaiat must also be compared with Phut.
The first syllable being the article, the word
nearly resembles the Hebrew name. It is ap-
plied to the western part of Lower Egypt b»-
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PICTURE
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PIGEON
yond the Delta ; and Champollion conjectures
it to mean the Libyan part of Egypt, so called
by the Greeks. To take a broad view of the
question, all the names which we have men-
tioned may be reasonably connected with the
Hebrew Phut; and it may be supposed that
the Nuphtuhim were Mizraites in the territory
of Phut, perhaps intermixed with peoples of
the latter stock. It is, however, reasonable to
suppose that the PET of the ancient Egyp-
tians, as a geographical designation, corre-
sponds to the Phut of the Bible, which would
therefore denote Nubia or the Nubians, the for-
mer, if we are strictly to follow the Egyptian
usage.
Phu'vah, one of the sons of Issachar (Gen.
xlvi. 13), and founder of the family of the
Puniteb.
Phygellus (2 Tim. i. 15), a Christian
connected with those in Asia of whom St. Paul
speaks as turned away from himself. It is
open to question whether their repudiation of
the apostle was joined with a declension from
the faith, and whether the open display of the
feeling of Asia took place — at least so far as
Phvgellus and Hermogencs were concerned —
at Home. Phvgellus may have forsaken (sec 2
Tim. iv. 16) the apostle at some critical time
when his support was expected ; or he may
have been a leader of some party of nominal
Christians at Borne, such as the apostle de-
scribes at an earlier period (Phil. l. 15, 16)
opposing him there.
Phylactery. [Frontlets.]
Pl-oe8'eth, a town of Lower Egypt, men-
tioned but once in the Bible (Ez. xxx. 17).
In hieroglyphics its name is written BAHEST,
BAST, and H A-BAH KST. The Coptic forms
are Bast, with the article Pi prefixed, Pou-
baste, Poubast, &c., and the Greek Bovpaoris,
Bot'/iaoroc. Bubastis was situate on the west
bank of the Pclusiac or Bubastite branch of
the Nile, in the Bubastite Nome, about 40 miles
from the central part of Memphis. Herodotus
speaks of its site as having been raised by those
who dug the canals for Sesostris, and after-
wards bv the labor of criminals under Sabacos
the Ethiopian, or rather the Ethiopian domin-
ion. He mentions the temple of the goddess
Bubastis as well worthy of description, being
more beautiful than any other known to him.
The temple is entirely ruined ; but the names
of Rnmcscs II. of the xixth dynastv, Userken I.
(O^orchon I.) of the xxiid, and Nckht-har-heb
(Nectancbo I.) of the xxxth, have l>een found
here, as well as that of the eponymous goddess
BAST. There are also remains of the ancient
houses of the town, and "amidst the houses
on the N. W. side are the thick walls of a fort
which protected the temple Wow " (Notes by
Sir G. Wilkinson in Rawlinson's Herodotus,
vol. ii. pp. 219, plan, and 102). Bubastis thus
iiad a fort, besides being strong from its height.
The goddess BAST, who was here tin? chief
object of worship, was the same as PESHT, the
goddess of fire. Both names accompany a
lion-headed figure, and the cut was sacred to
them. Herodotus considers the goddess Bu-
bastis to be the same as Artemis (ii. 137).
Picture. In two of the three passages in
which " picture " is used in A. V. it denotes
idolatrous representations, either independent
images, or more usually stones " portrayed,"
i.e. sculptured in low relief, or engraved and
colored (Ez. xxiii. 14 ; Layard, Nin. j- Bab. ii.
306, 308). Movable pictures, in the modern
sense, were doubtless unknown to tbe Jews.
The "pictures of silver" of Prov. xxr. 11
were probably wall-surfaces or cornices with
carvings.
Piece Of Gold. The A. V., in rendering
the elliptical expression " six thousand of gold,
in a passage respecting Naaman, relating that
he " took with him ten talents of silver, and
six thousand of gold, and ten changes of rai-
ment " (2 K. v. 5), supplies "pieces" as tbe
word understood. The rendering " pieces of
gold " is very doubtful ; and " shekels of gold,"
as designating the value of the whole quantity,
not individual pieces, is preferable.
Piece of Silver. Tne passages in the O. T.
and those in the N. T. in which the A. V. uses
this term must be separately considered. I. In
the O. T., the word "pieces" is used in the
A. V. for a word understood in the Hebrew, if we
except one case to be afterwards noticed. The
phrase is always " a thousand " or the like
" of silver" (Gen. xx. 16, xxxvii. 28, xlr. 22;
Judg. ix. 4, xvi. 5 ; 2 K. vi. 25 ; Hos. iii. 2 ;
Zech. xi. 12, 13). In similar passages, the word
" shekels " occurs in the Hebrew. There are
other passages in which the A. V. supplies tbe
word "shekels" instead of " pieces (Deot
xxii. 19, 29 ; Judg. xvii. 2, 3, 4, 10 ; 2 Sam.
xviii. 11,12); and of these the first two require
this to be done. The shekel, be it remembered,
was the common weight for money, and there-
fore most likely to be understood* in an ellipti-
cal phrase. The exceptional case in which a
word corresponding to " pieces " is found in the
Hebrew is in the Psalms (lxviii. 3)). Tha
word rats, which occurs nowhere else, if it pre-
serve its radical meaning, must signify a piece
broken off, or a fragment : there is no reason to
suppose that a coin is meant. II. In the N. T.
two words are rendered by the phrase "piece
of silver," drachma, ipaxftl, and up) iptov. ( I .)
The first (Luke xv. 8, 9) should be represented
by drachma. It was a Greek silver coin, equiv-
alent, at the time of St. Luke, to the Koman
denarius. (2.) The second word is very prop-
erly thus rendered. It occurs in the account of
the betraval of our Lord for "thirty pieces of
silver" (Matt. xxvi. 15, xxvii. 3, 5," 6, 9). It
is difficult to ascertain w hat coins arc here in-
tended. If the most common silver pieces he
meant, they would be denarii. The parallel
passage in Zcchariah (xi. 12, 13) must, how-
ever, lie taken into consideration, where, if our
view lie correct, shekels must be understood.
It is more probable that the thirty pieces of
silver were tetradrachms than that they were
denarii.
Piety. This word occurs but once in tbe
A. V.: "Let them learn first to show /*<(» at
home ; " better, " towards their own household"
(1 Tim. v. 4). The choice of this word here
instead of the more usual equivalents of "god-
liness," " reverence," and the like, was proliably
determined by the special sense of pittas, as
" ertra parcntes."
Pigeon. [Tobtle-Dotb.]
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PILATE
Pi-hahi'roth, a place before or at which
the Israelites encamped, at the close of the
third march from Rameses, when they went
out of Egypt (Ex. xiv. 2, 9; Num. xxiii. 7, 8).
The name is probably that of a natural locality.
Jablonsky proposed the Coptic pi-achi-rot, " the
{dace where sedge grows ; and this or a simi-
ar name the late M. Fresnel recognized in
the modern Ghuuxybd el-boot, " the bed of
reeds."
Pilate, Pon'tillS. The name indicates
that he was connected, by descent or adoption,
with the gens of the Pontii, first conspicuous in
Roman history in the person of C. Pontius
Telesinus, the great Samnite general. He was
the sixth Roman procurator of Judam, and un-
der him our Lord worked, suffered, and died,
as we leant, not only from the obvious scrip-
tural authorities, but from Tacitus {Ann. xv.
44). He was appointed a.d. 25-26, in the
twelfth year of Tiberius. One of his first acts
was to remove the headquarters of the army
from Ctesarca to Jerusalem. The- soldiers of
course took with them their standards, bearing
the image of the emperor, into the Holy City.
No previous governor had ventured on such an
outrage. The people poured down in crowds
to Cauarea, where the procurator was then re-
tiding, and besought him to remove the images.
After five days of discussion, he gave the signal
to some concealed soldiers to surround the peti-
tioners, and put them to death, unless they
ceased to trouble him ; but this only strength-
ened their determination, and they declared
themselves ready rather to submit to death
than forego their resistance to an idolatrous
innovation. Pilate then yielded, and the stand-
arils were by his orders brought down to
Caesarea.
On two other occasions, he nearly drove the
Jews to insurrection. To these specimens of
his administration, which rest on the testimony
of profane authors, we must add the slaughter
of certain Galileans, which was told to our
Lord as a piece of news (Luke xiii. 1), and on
which He founded some remarks on the connec-
tion between sin and calamity. It must have
occurred at some feast at Jerusalem, in the outer
court of the Temple. It was the custom for
the procurators to reside at Jerusalem during
the great feasts, to preserve order ; and accord-
ingly, at the time of our Lord's last passovcr,
Pilate was occupying his official residence in
Herod's palace ; and to the gates of this palace,
Jesus, condemned on the charge of blasphemy,
was brought early in the morning by the chief
priests and officers of the Sanhedrim, who were
unable to enter the residence of a Gentile, lest
they should be defiled, and unfit to eat the pass-
over (John xviii. 28). Pilate therefore came
out to learn their purpose, and demanded the
nature of the charge. At first they seem to
have expected that he would have carried out
their wishes without further inquiry, and there-
fore merely described our Lord as a disturber
of the public peace ; but as a Roman procura-
tor had too much respect for jnstice, or at least
understood his business too well to consent to
inch a condemnation, they were obliged to de-
vise a new charge, and therefore interpreted our
Lord's claims in a political sense, accusing him
of assuming the royal title, perverting the na-
tion, and forbidding the payment of tribute to
Rome (Luke xxiii. 3; an account plainly pre-
supposed in John xviii. 33). It is plain that
from this moment Pilate was distracted between
two conflicting feelings : a fear of offending the
Jews, and a conscious conviction that Jesus
was innocent. Moreover, this last feeling was
strengthened by his own hatred of the Jews,
whose religious scruples had caused him fre-
quent trouble; and by a growing respect for the
calm dignity and meekness of the sufferer.
First he examined our Lord privately, and
asked Him whether He was a king. At the
close of the interview, he came out to the Jews
and declared the prisoner innocent. To this
they replied that His teaching had stirred up
all the people from Galilee to Jerusalem. The
mention ot Galilee suggested to Pilate a new
way of escaping from Ms dilemma, by sending
on the case to Herod A.uipas; but Herod,
though propitiated by this act of courtesy, de-
clined to enter into the matter. So Pilate was
compelled to come to a decision ; and first, hav-
ing assembled the chief priests and also the
people, he announced to them that the accused
had done nothing worthy of death ; but at the
same time, in hopes of pacifying the Sanhe-
drim, he proposed to scourge Him before he
released Him. But as the accusers were re-
solved to have His blood, they rejected this
concession, and therefore Pilate had recourse
to a fresh expedient. It was the custom for
the Roman governor to grant every year, in
honor of the passover, pardon to one con-
demned criminal. Pilate therefore offered the
people their choice between two, the murderer
Barabbas, and the prophet whom a few davs
before they had hailed as the Messiah. To
receive their decision he ascended the fiiifia, a
portable tribunal which was carried about with
a Roman magistrate to be placed wherever he
might direct.
As soon as Pilate had taken his seat, he re-
ceived a mysterious message from his wife, who
had " suffered many things in a dream," which
impelled her to entreat her husband not to con-
demn the Just One. But he bad no longer
any choice in the matter ; for the rabble, insti-
gated of course by the priests, chose Barabbas
for pardon, and clamored for the death of Jesus :
insurrection seemed imminent, and Pilate reluc-
tantly yielded. But, before issuing the fatal
order, he washed his hands before the multi-
tude, as a sign that he was innocent of the
crime, in imitation probably of the ceremony
enjoined in Deut. xxi. As it produced no
effect, Pilate ordered his soldiers to inflict the
scourging preparatory to execution ; but the
sight of unjust suffering so patiently borne
seems again to have troubled his conscience,
and prompted a new effort in favor of the vic-
tim. But the priests only renewed their clam-
ors for His death, and, fearing that the political
charge of treason might be considered insuffi-
cient, returned to their first accusation of blas-
phemy, and quoting the law of Moses (Lev.
xxiv. 16), which punished blasphemy with
stoning, declared that He must die " because He
made himself the Son of God." But this title
augmented Pilate's superstitious fears, already
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PILLAR
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PINNACLE
aroused by his wife's dream (John xix. 7) ; he
feared that Jesus might be one of the heroes or
demigods of his own mythology ; he took Him
again into the palace, and inquired anxiously
into His descent ("Whence art thou?") and
His claims. The result of this interview was
one last effort to save Jesus by a fresh appeal
to the multitude ; but now arose the formidable
cry, " If thou let this man go, thou art not
Caesar's friend ; " and Pilate, to whom politi-
cal success was as the breath of life, again
ascended the tribunal, and finally pronounced
the desired condemnation.
So ended Pilate's share in the greatest crime
which has been committed since the world be-
gan. We learn from Josephus that his anx-
iety to avoid giving offence to Caesar did not
save him from political disaster. The Samari-
tans were unquiet and rebellious. Pilate led
his troops against them, and defeated them
easily enough. The Samaritans complained to
Vitellius, now president of Syria, and he sent
Pilate to Borne to answer their accusations be-
fore the emperor. When he reached it, he
found Tiberius dead, and Cains (Caligula) on
the throne, a.d. 36. Eusebins adds that soon
afterwards, "wearied with misfortunes," he
killed himself. As to the scene of his death,
there are various traditions. One is, that he
was banished to Vienna Allobrogum (Vienne
on the Khoue), where a singular monument — a
pyramid on a quadrangular base, fifty-two feet
high — is called Pontius Pilate's tomb. An-
other is, that he sought to bide his sorrows on
the mountain by the Lake of Lucerne, now
called Mount Pilatus ; and there, after spending
years in its recesses, in remorse and despair
rather than penitence, plunged into the dismal
lake which occupies its summit. We learn from
Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Eusebius, and others,
that Pilato made an official report to Tiberius
of our Lord's trial and condemnation ; and in a
homily ascribed to Chrysostom, though marked
as spurious by his Benedictine editors {Bom.
viii. in Patch, vol. viii. p. 968, D), certain
inroitv^iiara (Acta, or Commentarii Pilati) are
spoken of as well-known documents in common
circulation. The Acta Pilati now extant in
Greek, and two Latin epistles from him to the
emperor, arc certainly spurious.
Pil'dash, one of the eight sons of Nahor,
Abraham's brother, by his wife and niece, Mil-
cah (Gen. xxii. 22).
Pll'eha, the name of one of the chief of
the people, probably a family, who signed the
covenant with Nehemiah (Nen. x. 24).
Pillar. The notion of a pillar is of a shaft
or isolated pile, either supporting or not sup-
porting a roof. Pillars form an important
feature in Oriental architecture, partly perhaps
as a reminiscence of the tent with its supporting
poles, and partly also from the use of flat roofs,
in consequence of which the chambers were
either narrower, or divided into portions by
columns. The general practice in Oriental
buildings of supporting flat roofs by pillars, or
of covering open spaces by awnings stretched
from pillars, led to an extensive use of them in
construction. At Nineveh, the pillars were
probably of wood, and it is very likely that the
*ame construction prevailed in the "house of
the forest of Lebanon," with its hall and porta
of pillars ( 1 K. vii. 2, 6). The " chapiters " of
the two pillars Jachin and Boax resembled the
tall capitals of the Persepolitan columns. But
perhaps the earliest application of the pillar
was the votive or monumental. This in early
times consisted of nothing but a single stone
or pile of stones (Gen. xxviii. 18, xxxi. 46,
&c.j. The stone Ezel (1 Sam. xx. 19) was
probably a terminal stone or a waymark. The
" place set up by Saul (1 Sam. xv. 12) is ex-
plained by St. Jerome to be a trophy. The
word used is the same as that for Absalom's
pillar. So also Jacob set up a pillar over Ra-
chel's grave (Gen. xxxv. 20). The monolithic
tombs and obelisks of Petra are instances of
similar usage. But the word MatMsebak, " pil-
lar," is more often rendered " statue " or " im.
age" (eg. Deut vii. 5, xii. 3, xvi. 22; Lev.
xxvi. 1 ; &c.). [Idol.] Lastly, the figurative
use of the term " pillar," in reference to the
cloud and fire accompanying the Israelites on
their march, or as in Cant lii. 6, and Rev. x. 1,
is plainly derived from the notion of an isolated
column not supporting a roof.
Pillar. Plain of the. or rather " oak of
the pillar — that being the real signification
of the Hebrew word eUm. A tree which stood
near Shechem, and at which the men of She-
chem and the house of Millo assembled to
crown Abimelech, son of Gideon (Judg. ix. 6).
There is nothing said by which its position can
be ascertained. It possibly derived its name
of Muttmb from a stone or pillar set up under
it [Meokknim.] The terms in which Joshua
speaks of this very stone (Josh. xxiv. 27) al-
most seem to overstep the bounds of mere
imagery.
Pilled (Gen. xxx. 37, 38) ; Pbkled (Is.
xviii. 2 ; Ez. xxix. 18). The verb " to pill "
appears in old Eng. as identical in meaning
with " to peel = to strip," and in this sense is
used in the above passages from Gen. Of the
next stage in its meaning as = plunder, we
have traces in the words '* pillage," " pilfer." If
the difference between the two forms be more
than accidental, it would seem as if, in the
English of the 17th century, " peel " was used
for the latter signification.
Pil'taL the representative of the priestly
house of Moadiah, or Maadiah, in the time of
Joiakim the son of Jeshua (Nen. xii. 17).
Pine-tree. I. Heb. Tidhar (Is. xii. 19,
lx. 13). What tree is intended is not certain.
Gesenius inclines to think the oak, as implying
duration. It has been variously explained to
be the Indian plane, the larch, and the elm ;
bnt the rendering *' pine " seems least probable
of any. — 2. Shane* (Neh. viii. 15) is probably
the wild olive.
Pinnacle (only in Matt it. 5 and Luke
iv. 9). It is plain, 1. that rd mtpiytov is not a
pinnacle, but the pinnacle. 2. That by the
word itself we should understand an edge or
border, like a feather or a fin. The only part
of the Temple which answered to the modern
sense of pinnacle was the golden spikes erected
on the roof to prevent birds from settling there.
Lightfoot suggests the porch or vestibule, which
projected like shoulders on each side of the
Temple. Perhaps rd imp. means the battle-
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PIRAM
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PIT
ment ordered by law to be added to every
Toof.
Pi'noil, one of the " dukes " of Edom ;
that is, head or founder of a tribe of that nation
(Gen. xxxvi. 41 ; 1 Chr. i. 52). Euscbius and
Jerome call it Pinion, and identify it with
Phssno. No name answering to Pinon appears
to have been yet discovered in Arabic litera-
ture, or amongst the existing tribes.
Pipe (Heb. chalil). The Hebrew word so
rendered is derived from a root signifying " to
bore, perforate," and is represented with suffi-
cient correctness by the English " pipe " or
" flute," as in the margin of I K. i. 40. It is
one of the simplest, and therefore probably one
of the oldest, of musical instruments ; and in
consequence of its simplicity of form there is
reason to suppose that the " pipe " of the He-
brews did not differ materially from that of the
ancient Egyptians and Greeks. It is associated
with the tabret (tdph) as an instrument of a
peaceful and social character. The pipe and
tabret were used at the banquets of the Hebrews
(Is. v. 12), and their bridal processions (Mishna,
Baba mctsia, vi. 1), and accompanied the sim-
pler religious services, when the young proph-
ets, returning from the high-place, caught their
inspiration from the harmony (I Sam. x. 5);
or the pilgrims, on their way to the great festi-
vals of their ritual, beguiled the weariness of
the march with psalms sung to the simple
rauaie of the pipe (Is. xxx. 29). The sound of
the pipe was apparently a soft wailing note,
which made it appropriate to be used in mourn-
ing and at funerals (Matt. ix. 23), and in the
lament of the prophet over the destruction of
Moab (Jer. xlviii. 36). It was even used in
the Temple choir, as appears from Ps. lxxxvii.
7, where "the players on instruments" are
properly "pipers." Twelve days in the year,
according to the Mishna, the pipes sounded
before the altar. They were of reed, and not
of copper or bronze, because the former gave a
softer sound. Of these there were not loss than
two nor more than twelve. In later times,
the funeral and death-bed were never without
the professional pipers or flute-players (Matt.
ix. 23), a custom which still exists. In the
social and festive life of the Egyptians, the pipe
played as prominent a part as among the He-
brews. In the different combinations of instru-
ments used in Egyptian bands, we generally
find either the double pipe or the flute, and
sometimes both ; the former being played both
br men and women, the latter exclusively by
women. Anv of the instruments above de-
scribed would have been called by the Hebrews
br the general term chalil, and it is not improb-
able that they might have derived their knowl-
edge of them from Egypt The single pipe is
said to have been the invention of the Egyp-
tians alone, who attribute it to Osiris. Barte-
nora identifies the chalil with the French
chalumeau, which is the German achalmde, and
our thawm or shalm, of which the clarionet is
a modern improvement.
Pi'ra, l Esd. v. 19. Apparently a repeti-
tion of the name Caphira. Ap.
Pi'ram. The Amorite king of Jarmuth at
the time of Joshua's conquest of Canaan
(Josh. x. 3, 27).
Pi'rathon, "in the land of Ephraim ia
the mount of the Amalekite ; " a place named
nowhere but in Judg. xii. 15. It is mentioned
by the accurate old traveller hap-Parchi as
lying about two hours west of Shechem, and
called Fer'ata. It was reserved for Dr. Robin-
son to rediscover it on an eminence about a
mile and a half south of the road from Jaffa
by ffableh to Nabli*.
Pirath'OIlite, the native of, or dweller in,
Pirathoh. Two such are named in tho Bible.
1. Abdon ben-Hillel (Judg. xii. 13, 15). — 2.
From the same place came " Bcnaiah the
Pirathonite of the children of Ephraim"
(I Chr. xxvii. 14).
Pis'gah. An ancient topographieal name
which is found, in the Pentateuch and Joshua
only, in two connections. 1 . The top, or head,
of the Pisgah, Num. xxi. 20, xxiii. 14 ; Deut.
iii. 27, xxxiv. 1. 2. Ashdoth hap-Pisgah, per-
haps the springs, or roots, of the Pisgah, Deut.
iii. 17, iv. 49; Josh. xii. 3, xiii. 20. The
latter has already been noticed under its own
head. Of the former but little can be said.
"The Pisgah" must have been a mountain
range or district, the same as or a part of that
called the mountains of Abarim (comp. Deut.
xxxii. 49 with xxxiv. I). It lay on the east
of Jordan, contiguous to the field of Moab, and
immediately opposite Jericho. The field of
Zophim was situated on it, and its highest point
or summit — its " head " — was the Mount
Nebo. If it was a proper name, we can only
conjecture that it denoted the whole or part of
the range of tho highlands on the east of the
Lower Jordan. No traces of the name Pisgah
have been met with in later times on the east of
Jordan, but in the Arabic garb of Rat d-Fahkah
(almost identical with the Hebrew Rosh hap-
Pisgah) it is attached to a well-known head-
land on the north-ioEsteni end of the Dead Sea,
a mass of mountain bounded on the south by
the Wady en-Nar, and on the north by the
Wady Star, and on the northern part of which
is situated the great Mussulman sanctuary of
Neby ifusa (Moses). This association of the
names of Moses and Pisgah on the wot side of
the Dead Sea is extremely startling. No ex-
planation of it has yet been offered.
Piflid'ia was a district of Asia Minor, which
cannot be vcrv exactly defined. But it may be
described sufficiently by saying that it was to
the north of Pamphylia, and stretched along
the range of Taurus. Northwards it reached
to and was partly included in Phbtoia, which
was similarly an indefinite district, though far
more extensive.
Pi'son. One of the four "heads" into
which the stream flowing through Eden was
divided (Gen. ii. 11). [Eden.]
Pis'pah. An Asherite, son of Jether, or
Ithran (1 Chr. vii. 36).
Pit. In the A. V., this word appears with
a figurative as well as a literal meaning. 1.
ShKl, in Num. xvi. 30, 33; Job xvii. 16.
Here the word is one which is used only of
the hollow, shadowy world, the dwelling of the
dead, and as such it has been treated of nnder
Hell. 2. Shachatk. Here the sinking of the
pit is the primary thought. It is dug into
the earth (Ps. ix. 16, cxix. 85). It thus be-
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PITHOM
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PLAGUES
came a type of sorrow and confusion (Job
xxxiii. 18, 24,28,30). 8. Bor. In this word,
as in the cognate Bier, the special thought is
that of a pit or well dug for water. The
process of dcsynonymizing, which goes on in
all languages, seems to hare confined the
former to the state of the well or cistern, dug
into the rock, bat no longer filled with water.
In the phrase, " they that go down to the pit,"
it becomes, even more constantly than the syn-
onymes already noticed, the representative of
the world of the dead (Ezek. xxxi. 14, 16,
xxxii. 18, 24; Ps. xxviii. I, cxliii. 7). There
■nay have been two reasons for this transfer.
1 . The wide, deep excavation became the place
of burial (Ezek. xxxii. 24). 2. The pit, how-
ever, in this sense, was never simply equivalent
to burial-place. There is always implied in it
a thought of scorn and condemnation (Zcch.
ix. 11 ; Is. li. 14 ; Jer. xxxviii. 6, 9). It is not
strange that, with the associations of material
horror clustering round, it should have involved
more of the idea of a place of punishment for
the haughty or unjust than did the sheol or the
grave. In Rev. ix. 1, 2, and elsewhere, the
pit of the abyss is as a dungeon.
Fitch. The three Hebrew words all repre-
sent the same object, viz. mineral pitch or
asphalt, in its different aspects: zephetk (the
zift of the modern Arabs) in its liquid state ;
chtfmiir, in its solid state, from its red color;
and copher, in reference to its nse in overlaying
wood- work (Gen. vi. 14). Asphalt is an opaque,
inflammable substance, which bubbles up from
sub ten .mean fountains in a liquid state, and
hardens by exposure to the air, but readily
melts under the influence of heat. In the latter
state, it is very tenacious, and was used as a
cement in lieu of mortar in Babylonia (Gen.
xi. 3), as well as for coating the outsides of
vessels (Gen. vi. 14), and particularly for mak-
ing the papyrus boats of the Egyptians water-
tight (Ex. li. 3). The Babylonians obtained
their chief supply from the springs of Is
(the modern Hit), which are still in existence.
The Jews and Arabians got theirs in large
quantities from the Dead Sea, which hence
received its classical name of Laau Asphaltites.
Pitcher. The word " pitcher " is used in
A. V. to denote the watcr-jnrs or pitchers with
one or two handles, used chiefly by women for
carrying water, as in the story of Rebecca
iGen. xxiv. 15-20; but see Mark xiv. 13;
mkc xxii. 10). This practice has been, and
is still, usual both in the East and elsewhere.
The vessels used for the purpose arc generally
carried on the head or the shoulder. The
Bedouin women commonly use skin-bottles.
Such was the " bottle " carried by Hagar (Gen.
xxi. 14). The same word is used of the pitch-
ers employed by Gideon's 300 men (Judg.
vii. 16).
Pi'thom, one of the store-cities built by the
Israelites for the first oppressor, the Pharaoh
" which knew not Joseph " (Ex. i. 11). It is
probable that Pithom lay in the most eastern
part of Tx>wer Egypt. Herodotus mentions a
town called Patumus, which seems to be the
same as the Thoum or Thou of the Itinerary
of Antoninus, probably the military station
Thohu of the Natitia. Whether or not Patu-
mus be the Pithon of Scripture, there can be
little doubt that the name is identical.
Pi'thon. One of the four sons of Mieah,
the son of Mephiboeheth (1 Chr. viii. 35, ix.
41).
Plague, the. The disease now called the
plague, which has ravaged Egypt and neighbor-
ing countries in modern times, is supposed to
have prevailed there in former ages. Manetho,
the Egyptian historian, speaks of " a very great
plague in the reign of Semempses, the seventh
king of the first dynasty, B.C. cir. 2500. The
difficulty of determining the character of the
pestilences of ancient and mediaeval times,
even when carefully described, wams us not to
conclude that every such mention refers to the
plague. The plague in recent times has not
extended far beyond the Turkish Empire and
the kingdom of Persia. As an epidemic, it
takes the character of a pestilence, sometimes
of the greatest severity. The plague when
most severe usually appears first on the north-
ern coast of Egypt, having previously broken
out in Turkey of North Africa west of Egypt.
It ascends the river to Cairo, rarely going much
farther. The mortality is often enormous, and
Mr. Lane remarks of* the plague of 1835, —
"It destroyed not less than eighty thousand
persons in Cairo, that is, one-third of the popu-
lation ; and far more, I believe , than two hun-
dred thousand in nil Egypt.-' The plague is
considered to be a severe kind of typhus, accom-
panied by buboes. Like the cholera, it is most
violent at the first outbreak, causing almost in-
stant death ; later it may last three days, and even
longer, but usually it is fatal in a few boars.
Several Hebrew words are translated " pesti-
lence " or " plague ; " but not one of these
words can be considered as designating by its
signification the plague. Whether the disease
be mentioned must be judged from the sense of
passages, not from the sense of words. Those
pestilences which were sent as special judg-
ments, and were either supcrnaturally rapid in
their effects, or in addition directed against
particular culprits, are beyond the reach of hu-
man inquiry. But we also read of pestilences
which, although sent as judgments, have the
characteristics of modem epidemics, not being
rapid beyond nature, nor directed against in-
dividuals (Lev. xxvi. 25; Deut. xxviii. 21).
In neither of these passages docs it seem certain
that the plague is specified. The notices in
the prophets present the same difficulty ; for
they do not seem to afford sufficiently positive
evidence that the plague was known in those
times. Hezekiah's disease has been thought to
have been the plague, and its fatal nature, as
well as the mention of a boil, makes this not
improbable. On the other hand, there is no
mention of a pestilence among his people at
the time. There does not seem, therefore, to be
anv distinct notice of the plague in the Bible.
Plagues, the Ten. I. The Plmt.~
Although it is distinctly stated that the plagues
prevailed throughout Egypt, yet the descrip-
tions seem principally to apply to that part of
Egypt which lay nearest to Goshen, and more
especially to " the field of Zoan," or the tract
about that city. We must look especially to
Lower Egypt for oar illustrations, while bear-
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PLAGUES
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PLAGUES
ing in mind the evident prevalence of the
plagues throughout the land. II. The occa-
sion on which the plagues were sent is described
in Ex. iii.-xii. Ill The Plague*. 1. The
Plague of Blood. — When Moses and Aaron
came before Pharoah, a miracle was required
of them. Then Aaron's rod became " a ser- >
pent" (A. V.), or rather "a crocodile." Its'
being changed into an animal reverenced by
all the Egyptians, or by some of them, would
h.uo been an especial warning to Pharaoh.
The Egyptian magicians called by the king
produced what seemed to be the same wonder,
yet Aaron's rod swallowed up tho others (vii.
3-12). This passage, taken alone, would ap-
pear to indicate that the magicians succeeded
in working wonders, but, if it is compared with
tha others which relate their opposition on the
occasions of the first three plagues, a contrary
inference seems more reasonable. A compari-
son with other passages strengthens us in the
inference that the magicians succeeded merely
by juggling. Not only was the water of the
Nile smitten, but all the water, even that in
vessels, throughout the country. The fish died,
and the river stank. The Egyptians could not
drink of it, and digged around it for water.
This plague was doubly humiliating to the re-
ligion of the country, as the Nile was held
sacred, as well as some kinds of its fish, not to
speak of the crocodiles, which probably were
destroyed. Those who have endeavored to
explain this plague by natural causes have
referred to the changes of color to which the
Nile is subject, the appearance of the Red Sea,
and the so-called rain and dew of blood of the
middle ages ; the last two occasioned by small
fungi of very rapid growth. But such theories
do not explain why the wonder happened at a
time of year when the Nile is most clear, nor
why it killed the fish, and made the water unfit
to be drunk.
S. The Plague of Frogs. — When seven days
had passed after the first plague, the river and
all the open waters of Egypt brought forth
countless frogs, which not only covered the
land, bat Ailed the houses, even in their dryest
parts, and vessels ; for the ovens and kneading-
troughs are specified. The magicians again
hod a seeming success in their opposition. This
must have been an especially trying judgment
to the Egyptians, as frogs were included among
the sacred animals. The frog was sacred to tin
goddess HEKT, who is represented with tho
bead of this reptile.
3. The Plague of Lice. — The account of the
third plague is not preceded by the mention of
any warning to Pharaoh. We read that Aaron
was commanded to stretch out his rod and
smite the dust, which became, as the A. V.
reads the word, " lice " in man and beast. The
magicians again attempted opposition ; but,
(ailing, confessed that trie wonder was of God
(viii. 16-19). There is much difficulty as to
the animals meant The LXX. has ami^ee,
and the Vnlg. tcimphes, mosquitoes. The nar-
rative does not enable us to decide which is the
more probable of the two renderings. In this
case, the plague does not seem to be especially
directed against the superstitions of the Egyp-
tians.
16
4. The Plague of Flies. — In the case of tha
fourth plague, as in that of the first, Moses was
commanded to meet Pharaoh in the morning as
he came forth to the water, and to threaten him
with a judgment if he still refused to give the
Israelites leave to go and worship. He was
to be punished by what the A. V. renders
" swarms [of flies], " a swarm [of flies]," or,
in the margin, " a mixture [of noisome beasts]."
The proper meaning of the word 'ardb is a
question of extreme difficulty. The explana-
tion of Josephus, and almost all the Hebrew
commentators, is, that it means " a mixture,"
and here designates a mixture of wild animals.
It is almost certain, from two passages (lix.
viii. 29, 31 ; Hebrew, 25, 27), that a single crea-
ture is intended. CEdmann proposes the Blatta
orientalis, a kind of beetle, instead of a dog-fly.
Yet our experience does not bear out the idea
that any kind of beetle is injurious to man in
Egypt. If we conjecture that a fly is intended,
perhaps it is more reasonable to infer that it
was the common fly, which in the present day is
probably the most troublesome insect in Egypt.
5. The Plague of the Murrain of Beasts. —
Pharaoh was next warned that, if he did not
let the people go, there should be on the day
following " a very grievous murrain " upon the
horses, asses, camels, oxen, and sheep of Egypt,
whereas those of the children of Israel should
not die. This plague would have been a heavy
punishment to the Egyptians as falling upon
their sacred animals of two of the kinds spe-
cified, the oxen and the sheep; but it would
have been most felt in the destruction of the
greatest part of their useful beasts. In modem
times, murrain is not an [infrequent visitation
in Egypt, and is supposed to precede the plague
6. The Plague of Boils. — The next judg-
ment appears to have been preceded bv no warn
ing, excepting indeed that, when Moses pub-
licly sent it abroad in Egypt, Pharaoh might
no doubt have repented at the last moment
We read that Moses and Aaron were to take
ashes of the furnace, and Moses was to " sprin-
kle it toward the heaven in the sight of Pha-
raoh." It was to become " small dust "
throughout Egvpt, and "be a boil breaking
forth [with] hlains upon man, and upon beast.
This plague may be supposed to have been
cither an infliction of boils, or a pestilence like
tho plague of modern times, which is an ex-
tremely severe kind of tvphus-fever, accompa-
nied by swellings. The former is, however, the
more likely explanation.
7. The Plague of Hail. — The account of the
seventh plague is preceded bv n warning which
Moses was commanded to deliver to Pharaoh,
respecting the terrible nature of the plagues
that were to ensue if he remained obstinate.
Man and beast were smitten, and the herbs and
every tree broken, save in the land of Goshen.
The ruin caused by the hail was evidently far
greater than that effected by any of the earlier
plagues. Hail is now extremely rare, but not
unknown, in Egypt, and it is interesting that
the narrative seems to imply that it sometimes
falls there.
8. The Plague of Locusts. — Pharaoh was now
threatened with a plague of locusts, to begin
the next day, by which every thing the hail had
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left was to be devoured. This was to exceed
any liko visitations that had happened in the
time of the king's ancestors. " And the locusts
went up over all the land of Egypt, and rested
in all the coasts of Egypt : very grievous [were
they] ; before them there were no such locusts
as they, neither after them shall be such. For
they covered the face of the whole earth, so
that the land was darkened ; and they did eat
every herb of the land, and all the fruit of the
trees which the hail had left: and there re-
mained not any green thing in the trees, or in
the herbs of the field, through all the land of
Egypt." This plague has not the unusual
nature of the one that preceded it, but it even
exceeds it in severity, and so occupies its place
in the gradation of the more terrible judgments
that form the later part of the series. Its se-
verity can be well understood by those who
have been in Egypt in a part of the country
where a flight of locusts has alighted. In this
case, the plague was greater than an ordinary
visitation, since it extended over a far wider
•pace, rather than because it was more intense ;
for it is impossible to imagine any more com-
plete destruction than that always caused by a
■warm of locusts.
9- The Plague of Darknett. — After the pUgne
of locusts, we read at once of a fresh judgment.
" There was a thick darkness in all tho land of
Egypt three days: thev saw not one another,
neither rose any from his place for three days :
bnt all the children of Israel had light in their
dwellings." It has been illustrated bv refer-
ence to the Samoom and the hot wind of the
Khamascen. The former is a sand-storm which
occurs in the desert, seldom lasting more than
a quarter of an hour or twenty minutes, but
for the time often causing the darkness of twi-
light, and affecting man and beast. The hot
wind of tho Khamiseen usually blows for three
days and nights, and carries so much sand with
it, that it produces the appearance of a yellow
fog. It thus resembles the Samoom, though
far less powerful and far less distressing in its
effects. It is not known to cause actual dark-
ness. The plague may have been an extremely
severe sand-storm, miraculous in its violence and
its duration ; for the length of three days docs
not make it natural, since the severe storms are
always very brief.
10. The Death of the Firtt-horn. — Before the
tenth plague, Moses went to warn Pharaoh.
"And Moses said, Thus saith the Loud,
About midnight will I go out into the midst of
Egypt : and all the first-born in the land of
Egypt shall die, from the first-born of Pharaoh
that sitteth upon his throne, even unto the first-
born of the maid-servant th.it [is] behind the
mill ; and all the first-born of beasts. And
there shall be a great cry throughout all the
land of Egypt, such as there was none like it,
nor shall be like it any more." Tho clearly
miraculous nature of this plague in its se-
verity, its falling upon man and beast, and the
singliii£-out of the first-born, puts it wholly
licyonil comparison with any natural pestilence,
even tho severest recorded in history, whether of
the peculiar Egyptian plague, or other like epi-
demics. The history of the ton plagues strictly
ends with the death of the first-born. Hero it
is only necessary to notice that with the cvcM
last mentioned the recital of the wonder*
wrought in Egypt concludes, and the historv
of Israel as a separate people begins. The grad-
ual increase in severity of the plagues isper-
haps the best key to their meaning. They
seem to have been sent as warnings to the op-
pressor, to afford him a means of seeing God's
will, and an opportunity of repenting before
Egypt was ruined. The lesson that Pharaoh's
career teaches us seems to be, that there an
men whom the most signal judgments do not
affect so as to cause any lasting repentance. In
this respect, the after-history of the Jewish
people is a commentary upon that of their
oppressor.
Plains. This one term does duty in the
Authorized Version for no less than seven dis-
tinct Hebrew words. — 1. Abel. This word
perhaps answers more nearly to our word
" meadow " than any other. It occurs in the
names of Abel-maim, Abel-meholah, Abel
shittim, and is rendered " plain " in Judg. xi.
33, "plain of vineyards." — 2. Bik'ah. For-
tunately we are able to identify the most re-
markable of the Bik'ahs of the Bible, and thus
to ascertain the force of the term. The Great
Plain or Vallev of Ccele-Syria, the "hollow
land " of the Greeks, which separates the two
ranges of Lebanon and anti-Lebanon, is the
most remarkable of them all. It is called in
the Bible the Bik'ath Aven (Am. i. 5), and
also probably the Bik'ath Lebanon (Josh. xi.
17, xii. 7) and Bik'ath Mizpeb (xi. 8), and is
still known throughout Syria by its old name,
as el-Beka'a, or Ard el-Btka'a. Ont of Pales-
tine we find denoted bv the word Bik'ah " the
Plain of the Land of Shinar " (Gen. xi. 2), the
" Plain of Mesopotamia" (Ez. iii. 22, 23, Tiii.
4, xxxvii. 1, 2), and the "Plain in the Prov.
ince of Dura" (Dan. iii. 1).— 3. Hac-drcar.
This, though applied to a plain, has not the
force of flatness or extent, but rather seems ta
be derived from a root signifying roundness.
In its topographical sense, it is confined to the
Jordan Valley (Gen. xiii. 10, 11, 12, xix. 17,
25-29 ; Dent, xxxiv. 3 ; 2 Sam. xviii. 23 ; 1 K.
vii. 46 ; 2 Chr. iv. 17 ; Neh. iii. 22, xii. 28).
4. Ham-MUhdr. This is by the lexicogra-
phers explained as meaning " straightforward,"
" plain, as if from the root yashar, to be just
or upright ; bnt this seems far-fetched, and it
is more probable that in this case, as in the cam
of the preceding, we have an archaic term ex-
isting from a prehistoric date. It occurs in
the Bible in the following passages : — Dent,
iii. 10, iv. 43 ; Josh. xiii. 9, 16, 17, 21, xx. 8;
1 K. xx. 23, 25 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 10; Jer. xlviii.
8, 21. In each of these, with one exception,
it is used for the district in the neighborhood
of Heshbon and Dibon — the Belka of the mod-
ern Arabs, their most noted pasture-ground.
And therefore it is puzzling to find it used in
one passage (I K. xx. 23, 25) apparently with
the mere general sense of low land, or rather
flat land, in which chariots could be manoeuvred
— as opposed to uneven mountainous ground.
Perhaps the word was used by the Syrians of
Damascus without any knowledge of its strict
signification. — 5. Ba-Arabdh. This again had
an absolutely definite meaning, being restricted
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to the Valley of the Jordan, and to its contin-
uation south of the Dead Sea. [Akabah ;
Palestine.] — 6. Ha-Shejelah, the invariable
designation of the depressed, flat, or gently un-
dulating region which intervened between the
highlands of Juduh and the Mediterranean,
and was commonly in possession of the Philis-
tines. — 7. Eton. Onr translators have uni-
formly rendered this word " plain," doubtless
following the Vulgate, which in about half the
passages has conmilis. But this is not the ver-
dict of the majority or the most trustworthy of
the ancient versions. They regard the word as
meaning an " oak " or " grove of oats," a ren-
dering supported by all, or nearly all, the com-
mentators and lexicographers of the present
day. The passages in which the word occurs
erroneously translated " plain " are as follows :
— Plain of Moreh (Gen. xii. 6; Deut. xi. 30),
Plain of Mamre (Gen. xiii. 18, xiv. 13, xviii.
1), Plain of Zaanaim (Judg. iv. 11), Plain of
the Pillar (Judg. ix. 6), Rain of Meonenim
(ix. 37), Plain of Tabor (I Sam. x. 3). — 8.
The Plain of Esdraelon, which to the modern
traveller in the Holy Land forms the third of
its three most remarkable depressions, is desig-
nated in the original by neither of the above
terms, but by 'emek, an appellative noun fre-
quently employed in the Bible for the smaller
valleys of the country — " The Valley of Jez-
reeL
Plaster. The mode of making plaster-
cement has been described above. [Mortar.]
Plaster is mentioned thrice in Scripture: 1.
(Lev. xiv. 42, 48). 2. The words of the law
were ordered to be engraved on Mount Ebal
on stones which had Men previously coated
with plaster (Deut. xxvii. 2, 4; Josh. viii. 32).
The process hero mentioned was probably of
a similar kind to that adopted in Egypt for
receiving bass-reliefs. The wall was first made
smooth, and its interstices, if necessary, filled
ap with plaster. When the figures had been
drawn, and the stone adjacent cut away so as
to leave them in relief, a coat of lime white-
wash was laid on, and followed by one of var-
nish after the painting of the figures was com-
plete. 3. It was probably a similar coating of
cement, on which the fatal letters were traced
by the mystic hand " on the plaster of the
wall " of Belshozzar's palace at Babylon (Dan.
r. &).
Fledge. [Loah.I
Pleiades. The Heb. word (amah ) so ren-
dered occurs in Job ix. 9, xxxviii. 31, and Am.
v. 8. In the last passage, our A. V. has " the
seven stars," although the Geneva version
translates the word " Pleiades " as in the other
cases. In Job, the LXX. has TVteuic, the order
of the Hebrew words having been altered,
while in Amos there is no trace of the original,
and it is difficult to imagine what the transla-
tors had before them. The Vulgate in each
passage has a different rendering : Hyades in
Job ix. 9, Pleiades in Job xxxviii. 31, and Arc-
tuna in Am. v. 8. The Jewish commentators
are no less at variance. R. David Kimchi in
his Lexicon says, " R. Jonah wrote that it was
a collection of stars called in Arabic Al Thu-
raiyd." That Al Thnraiyi and the Pleiades are
tha same is proved by the words of Aben
Ragel. " Al Thnraiya is the mansion of the
moon, in the sign Taurus, and it is called the
celestial hen with her chickens." With this,
Hyde compares the Fr. pulsiniert, and Eng.
lien and chickens, which are old names for the
same stars. The opinion of Alien Ezra has
been frequently misrepresented. He held that
Cimah was a single large star, Aldebaran, the
brightest of the Hyades, while Cesil [A. V.
" Orion "1 was Antares, the heart of Scorpio.
On the whole, though it is impossible to arrive
at any certain conclusion, it appears that our
translators were perfectly justified in rendering
Cimah by " Pleiades." ilea, or Hoa, the third
god of the Assyrian triad, was known among
the stars by the name of Kimmut, which Raw-
linson compares with the Heb. Cimah, and
identifies with the constellation Draco.
Plough. [Agriculture.]
Pocber / eth. The children of Pochereth
of Zebaim were among the children of Solo-
mon's servants who returned with Zerubbabel
(Ezr. ii. 57; Neh. vii. 59).
Poetry, Hebrew. The attributes which
are common to all poetry, and which the poetry
of the Hebrews possesses in a higher degree
perhaps than the literature of any other people,
it is unnecessary here to describe. But the
points of contrast are so numerous, and the
peculiarities which distinguish Hebrew poetry
so remarkable, that these alone require a full
and careful consideration. It is a phenomenon
which is universally observed in the literatures
of all nations, that the earliest form in which
the thoughts and feelings of a people find
utterance is the poetic. Prose is an after-
growth, the vehicle of less spontaneous, because
more formal, expression. And so it is in the
literature of the Hebrews. Of the three kinds
of poetry which are illustrated by tho Hebrew
literature, the lyric occupies tho foremost place.
The Shemitic nations nave nothing approach-
ing to an epic poem, and in proportion to this
defect the lyric element prevailed more greatly,
commencing in the pre-Mosaic times, flourish-
ing in rude vigor during tho earlier periods of
the Judges, the heroic age of the Hebrews,
growing with the nation's growth and strength-
ening with its strength, till it reached its high-
est excellence in David, the warrior-poet, and
from thenceforth began slowly to decline.
Gnomic poetry is the product of a more ad-
vanced age. It arises from the desire felt by
the poet to express the results of the accumu-
lated experiences of life in a form of beauty
and permanence. Its thoughtful character re-
quires for its development a time of peaccful-
ncss and leisure ; for it gives expression, not like
the lyric to the sudden and impassioned feel-
ings of the mdment, but to calm and philo-
sophic reflection. Being less spontaneous in its
origin, its form is of necessity more artificial.
The period during which it flourished among
the Hebrews corresponds to its domestic and
settled character. We meet with it at intervals
up to the time of the Captivity, and, as it is
chiefly characteristic of the age of the mon-
archy, Ewald has appropriately designated this
era the " artificial period " of Hebrew poetry,
From the end of tne 8th century B.C., the de-
cline of the nation was rapid, and with its
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glory departed the chief glories of its literature.
After the Captivity, we bare nothing but the
poems which formed part of the liturgical ser-
vices of the Temple. Whether dramatic poetry,
properly so called, ever existed among the He-
brews, is, to say the least, extremely doubtful.
In the opinion of some writers, the Song of
Songs, in its external form, is a rude drama,
designed for a simple stage. But the evidence
for this view is extrcmelv slight.
I. Lyrical Poetry. — The literature of the He-
brews abounds with illustrations of all forms of
lyricnl poetry, in its most manifold and wide-
embracing compass, from such short ejacula-
tions as the Songs ot the two Lamcchs and Ps.
xv., cxvii., and others, to the longer chants of
victory and thanksgiving, like the Songs of
Deborah and David ( Judg. v. ; Ps. xviii. ). The
names by which the various kinds of songs
were known among the Hebrews will supply
some illustration of this. I. Skir, a song in
general, adapted for the voice alone. 2. Ma-
mdr, a psalm, or song, to be sung with any
instrumental accompaniment. 3. Ntj/inah is
probably a melody expressly adapted for
stringed instruments. 4. Matcti probably de-
notes a lyrical song requiring nice musical
skill. [Mascbil.] 5. Mictarn, a term of ex-
tremely doubtful meaning. [Michtam.} 6.
Shigijaydn (Ps. vii. 1), a wild, irregular, dithy-
rambic song, as the word appears to denote ;
or, according to some, a song to be sung with
variations. But, besides these, there arc other
divisions of lyrical poetry of great importance,
which have regard rather to the subject of the
poems than to their form, or adaptation for
musical accompaniments. Of these we notice :
— 1. Ttliilldh, a hymn of praise. The plural
teliillim is the title of the Book of Psalms in
Hebrew. The 145th Psalm is entitled " Da-
vid's (Psalm) of praise." To this class belong
the songs which relate to extraordinary deliv-
erances, such as the Songs of Moses (Ex. xv.)
and of Deborah (Judg. v.), and the Psalms
xviii. and Ixviii., which have all the air of
chants to be sung in triumphal processions.
Such were the hymns sung in the Temple ser-
vices. Next to the hymn of praise may be
noticed, 2. Kinah, the lament, or dirge, of
which there are many examples, whether
uttered over an individual or as an outburst of
grief for the calamities of the land (2 Snm. i.
19-27, iii. 33, 34, xviii. 33). 3. SMr yedidolh,
a love-song (Ps. xlv. 1 ), in its external form at
least. Other kinds of poetry there are, which
occupy the middle ground between the lyric
and gnomic, being lyric, in form and spirit, but
gnomic in subject. These may be classed as 4.
Maalml, properly a similitude, and then a para-
ble, or sententious saying, conched in poetic
language. Such are the Songs of Balaam
(Num. xxiii. 7, 18, xxiv. 3, 15, 20, 21, 23),
which are eminently lyrical in character ; the
mocking ballad in Snm. xxi. 27-30, which has
been conjectured to be a fragment of an old
Amorite war-song ; and the apologue of Jotham
(Judg. ix. 7-20), both which last are strongly
satirical in tone. But the finest of all is the
magnificent prophetic song of triumph over
the fall of Babylon (Is. xiv. 4-27). Chidoh, an
enigma (like the riddle of Samson, Judg. xiv.
14), or " dark saving," as the A. V. has it n
Ps. xlix. 5, lxxviii. 2. Lastly, to this class be-
longs militsdh, a mocking, ironical poem ( Hab.
ii. 6). 5. TtphiUah, prayer, is the title of Ps.
xvii., lxxxvi., xc, cii., cxlii., and Hab. iii. AH
these are strictly lyrical compositions, and the
title may have been assigned to them either
as denoting the object with which they were
written, or the use to which they were ap-~
plied.
II. Gnomic Poetry. — The second grand di-
vision of Hebrew poetry is occupied by a class
of poems which are peculiarly Shemitic, and
which represent the nearest approaches msde
by the people of that race to any thing like
philosophic thought. Reasoning tlicrc is none :
we have only results, and those rather the
product of observation and reflection than of
induction or argumentation. As lyric poctrt is
the expression of the poet's own "feelings and
impulses, so gnomic poetry is the form in
which the desire of communicating knowledge
to others finds vent It has been already
remarked that gnomic poetry, as a whole, re-
quires for its development a period of national
tranquillity. Its germs are the floating prov-
erbs which pass current in the mouths of the
people, and embody the experiences of many
with the wit of one. The saver of sententious
sayings was to the Hebrews the wise man, the
philosopher. Of the earlier isolated proverbs,
but few examples remain.
HI. Dramatic Poetry. — It is impossible t»
assert that no form of the drama existed among
the Hebrew people ; the most that can be done
is to examine such portions of their literature
as have come down to us, for the purpose of
ascertaining how far any traces of the drama
proper are discernible, and what inferences
may be made from them. It is unquestionably
trne, as Ewaltl observes, that the Arab reciters
of romances will many times in their own per.
sons act out a complete drama in recitation,
changing their voice and gestures with the
change of person and subject. Something of
this kind may possibly have existed among the
Hebrews ; but there is no evidence that it did
exist, nor any grounds for making even a
probable conjecture with regard to it. But the
mere fact of the existence of these rude exhibi-
tions among the Arabs and Egyptians of the
present day is of no weight when the question
to be decided is, whether the Song of Songs
was designed to be so represented as a simple
pastoral drama. Of course, in considering
such a question, reference is made only to the
external form of the poem, and, in order to
prove it, it must be shown that the dramatic is
the only form of representation which it could
assume! and not that, by the help of two actors
and a chorus, it is capable of being exhibited in
a dramatic form. All that has been done, in
our opinion, is the latter. The latest work on
the subject is that of M. Renan (Le Cantioae
des Cantirptes), who has given a spirited trans-
lation of the poem, and arranged it in acts and
scenes, according to his own theory of the
manner in which it was intended to De repre-
sented. He divides the whole into sixteen
cantos, which form five acts and an epilogue-
But M. Renan, who is compelled, in accord-
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ance with his own theory of the mission ot the
Shcmitic races, to admit that no trace of any
thing approaching to the regular drama is
found among them, does not regard the Song
of Songs as a drama in the same sense as the
products of the Greek and Roman theatres,
out as dramatic poetry in the widest applica-
tion of the term, to designate any composition
conducted in dialogue and corresponding to an
action. He conjectures that it is a libretto in-
tended to be completed by the play of the
actors and by music, and represented in private
families, probably at marriage-feasts, the repre-
sentation being extended over the several days
of the feast We must look for a parallel to it
in the middle ages, when, besides the mystery
plays, there were scenic representations suffi-
ciently developed. The ground-work of this
hypothesis is taken away by M. Renan's own
admission that dramatic representations are
alien to the spirit of the Shemitic races. The
simple corollary to this proposition must be
that the Song of Songs is not a drama, bnt in
its external form partakes more of the nature
of an eclogue or pastoral dialogue.
It is scarcely necessary after this to discuss
the question, whether the Book of Job is a dra-
matic poem or not Inasmuch as it represents
an action and a progress, it is a drama as truly
and really as any poem can be which develops
the working of passion, and the alternations of
faith : hope, distrust, triumphant confidence,
and black despair, in the struggle which it de-
picts the human nund as engaged in, while
attempting to solve one of the most intricate
problems it can be called upon to regard. It
is a drama as life is a drama, the most power-
ful of all tragedies ; but that it is a dramatic
poem, intended to be represented upon a stage,
or capable of being so represented, may be con-
fidently denied. One characteristic of Hebrew
poetry, not indeed peculiar to it, but shared by
it in common with the literature of other na-
tions, is its intensely national and local coloring.
The writers were Hebrews of the Hebrews,
drawing their inspiration Iron the mountains
and rivers of Palestine, which they have im-
mortalized in their poetic figures, and, even
while littering the subfimest and most universal
truths, never forgetting their own nationality
'in its narrowest and intensest form. Examples
might easily be multiplied in illustration of
this remarkable characteristic of the Hebrew
poets : they stand thick upon every page of
their writings, and in striking contrast to the
vague generalizations of the Indian philosophic
poetry. In Hebrew, as in other languages,
there is a peculiarity about the dictio.i nsed in
poetry, — a kind of poetical dialect, character-
ized by archaic and irregular forms of words,
abrupt constructions, and unusual inflections,
which distinguish it from the contemporary
prose or historical style. It is universally ob-
served that archaic forms and usages of words
linger in the poetry of a language after they
have fallen out of ordinary use. But the form
•of Hebrew poetry is its distinguishing charac-
teristic, and what this form is has been a vexed
question for many ages. The Therapeutic, as
described by Philo, sang hymns and psalms of
thanksgiving to God in divers measures and
strains ; and these were either new or ancient
ones composed by the old poets, who had left
behind them measures and melodies of trimeter
verses. According to Josephus, the Song of
Moses at the Red Sea (Ex. xr.) was composed
in the hexameter measure ; and again, the song
in Dent, xxxii. is described as an hexameter
poem. The Psalms of David were in various
metres, some trimeters and some pentameters.
Eusebius characterizes the great Song of Moses
and the 118th (119th) Psalm as metrical com-
positions in what the Greeks call the heroic
metre. They are said to be hexameters of six-
teen syllables. The other verse compositions
of the Hebrews are said to be in trimeters.
Jerome says that the Book of Job, from iii. 3
to xlii. 6, is in hexameters, with dactyls and
spondees. The conclusion seems inevitable,
that these terms are employed simply to denote
a general external resemblance.
There are, says Jerome, four alphabetical
Psalms, the 110th (111th), 111th (112th), U8th
(119th), and the 144th (USth). In the first
two, one letter corresponds to each clause or
versicle, which is written in trimeter iambics.
The others are in tcrameter iambics, like the
song in Deuteronomy. In Ps. 1 18 ( 1 19), eight
verses follow each letter: in Ps. 144 (145), a
letter corresponds to a verse. In Lamentations
we have four alphabetical acrostics, the first
two of which are written in a kind of Sapphic
metre ; for three clauses which are connected
together, and oegin with one letter (i.e. in the
first clause), close with a period in heroic meas-
ure (Heroici comma). The third is written in
trimeter, and the verses in threes each begin
with the same letter. The fourth u like the
first and second. The Prorerbs end with an
alphabetical poem in tetrameter iambics. Then
can be little doubt that these terms are mere
generalities, and express no more than a certain
rough resemblance. Joseph Sculiger was one
of the first to point out the fallacy of Jerome's
statement with regard to the metres of the
Psalter and the Lamentations, and to assert
that these books contained no verse bound by
metrical laws, bnt that their language was
merely prose, animated by a poetic spirit
Gerhard Vossius says, that in Job and the
Proverbs there is rhvthm, but no metre ; that
is, regard is had to the number of syllables, but
not to their quantity. But, in spite of the
opinions pronounced by these high authorities,
there were still many who believed in the exist-
ence of a Hebrew metre, and in the possibility
of recovering it The theories proposed for
this purpose were various, and the enumeration
of them forms a curious chapter in the history
of opinion. The opinions of Lowth, with ro-
gara to Hebrew metre, are summed np by Jebb
iSacr. Lit. p. 16) as follows: "He begins by
asserting, that certain of the Hebrew writings
are not only animated with the true poetic
spirit, but, in some degree, couched in poetic
numbers; yet he allows that the quantity, the
rhythm, or modulation of Hebrew poetry, not
only is unknown, but admits of no investiga-
tion by human art or industry ; he states, after
Abrabanel, that the Jews themselves disclaim
the very memory of metrical composition ; he
acknowledges that the artificial conformation
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of the sentences is the sole indication of metre
in these poems ; he barely maintains the credi-
bility of attention having been paid to numbers
or feet in their compositions ; and, at the same
time, he confesses the utter impossibility of de-
termining whether Hebrew poetry was modu-
lated by the ear alone, or according to any
definite and settled rules of prosody." On the
subject of the rhythmical character of Hebrew
poetry, as opposed to metrical, the remarks of
Jebb are remarkably appropriate. " Hebrew
poetry," he says (Sacr. Lit. p. 20), " is universal
poetry ; the poetry of all languages, and of all
peoples : the collocation of words (whatever
may have been the sound, for of this we are
quite ignorant) is primarily directed to secure
the best possible announcement and discrimi-
nation of the sense. Let, then, a translator only
be literal, and, so far as the genius of his lan-
guage will permit, let him preserve the original
order of the words, and he will infallibly put
the reader in possession of all, or nearly all,
that the Hebrew text can give to the best He-
brew scholar of the present day. Now, had
there been originally metre, ... the poetry
could not have been, as it unquestionably and
emphatically is, a poetry, not of sounds, or of
words, but of things."
Rabbi Azariah de Rossi appears to have an-
ticipated Bishop Lowth in his theory of par-
allelism : at any rate, his treatise contains the
germ which Lowth developed, and may be con-
sidered the technical basis of his system. But
Lowth's system of parallelism was more com-
pletely anticipated by Schocttgen in a treatise,
of the existence of which the bishop does not
appear to have been aware. It is found in his
Hone Hebraicar., vol. i. pp. 1249-1263, diss, vi.,
" De Exergasia Sacra. This exergasia he de-
fines to be the conjunction of entire sentences
signifying the same thing: so that exergasia
bears the same relation to sentences that synon-
ymy does to words. But whatever may have
been aehicved by his predecessors, there can be
no question that the delivery of Lowth's lec-
tures on Hebrew Poetry, and the subsequent
publication of his translation of Isaiah, formed
an era in the literature of the subject, more
marked than any that had preceded it. Of his
system it will be necessary to give a somewhat
detailed acconnt ; for whatever may have been
done since his time, and whatever modifications
of his arrangement may have been introduced,
all subsequent writers have confessed their obli-
gations to the two works above mentioned, and
nave drawn their inspiration from them. Start-
ing with the alphabetical poems as the basis of
his investigation, because that in them the
verses or stanzas were more distinctly marked,
Lowth came to the conclusion that they consist
of verses properly so called, " of verses regu-
lated by some observation of harmony or ca-
dence ; of measure, numbers, or rhythm ; " and
that this harmony does not arise from rhyme,
but from what fie denominates parallelism.
Parallelism he defines to be the correspondence
of one verse or line with another, and divides
it into three classes, — synonymous, antithetic,
and synthetic. 1. Parallel lines synonymous
correspond to each other by expressing the
same sense in different bnt equivalent terms, as
in the following examples, which are only tw»
of the many given by Lowth : —
" O-Jebovah. ln-thy-etrength the klnR ahall-rcjofc* ;
And-ui-Uiy-aalvation how greatly shall-he-exult !
The-destre of-hia-heart thou-hast-granted onto-htm ;
And-the-request-of-hls-Ups thou-hast-net denied."
Pa. ill 1. z.
" For the-moth tbaU-consume-them llke-a-garment ;
And-the-worui shall-eat-tbem like wool :
But-my-rlghteoiisness thall-endure for-ever:
And~niy -salvation to-the-age of-agea." — la, U. 7. 8.
To this first division of Lowth's, Jebb objects
that the name synonymous is inappropriate ; for
the second clause, with few exceptions, " diver-
sifies the preceding clause, and generally so as
to rise above it, forming a sort of climax in the
sense." He suggests, as a more appropriate
name for parallelism of this kind, cognate paral-
lelism (Sacr. Lit. p. 38). 2. Lowth's second
division is antithetic parallelism ; when two lines
correspond with each other by an opposition of
terms and sentiments ; when the second is con-
trasted with the first, sometimes in expressions,
sometimes in sense only, so that the degrees of
antithesis are various. As for example : —
" A wise son rejolceth hi* father;
But a foollah aon U the grief of hU mother."
Prov. x. 1.
" The memory of the Just Is a Meaning ;
But the name of the wicked shall rot." — Prov. x. t.
The gnorrtc poetry of the Hebrews abounds
with illustrations of antithetic parallelism. 3.
Synthetic or constrvctiee parallelism, where the
parallel " consists only in the similar form of
construction ; in which word does not answer
to word, and sentence to sentence, as equivalent
or opposite ; but there is a correspondence and
equality between different propositions, in re-
spect of the shape and torn of the whole sen-
tence, and of the constructive parts, — such as
noun answering to noun, verb to verb, member
to member, negative to negative, interrogative
to interrogative." One of the examples of
constructive parallels given by Lowth is Is. 1.
5,6: —
" The Lord Jehovah hath opened mine ear.
And I was not rebellious ;
Neither did I withdraw mvse«f backward, —
I gave my back to the smiters.
And my cheeks to them that plucked off the hair;
My free 1 hid not (Tom shame and spitting."
Jebb gives as an illustration Pa. xix. 7-10,
4. To the three kinds of parallelism above de-
scribed Jebb adds a fourth, which seems rather
to be an unnecessary refinement upon than dis-
tinct from the others. He denominates it tnfro-
verted parallelism, in which he says, '* There
are stanzas so constructed, that, whatever be tbe
number of lines, the first line shall be paral-
lel with the last ; the second with the penulti-
mate ; and so throughout in an order that looks
inward, or, to borrow a military phrase, from
flanks to centre " (Sacr. Lit. p. 53). Thus : —
"Mi son. If thine heart be wise.
My heart also shall rejoice ;
Yea, my reins shall rejoice
When thy lips speak right things."
PTOV.XXill.lS.Se.
" Unto Thee do I lift up mine eyes. O Thou that dwell.
est In the heavens .'
Behold as the eyes of servants to the hand of then*
masters.
As the eyes of a maiden to the hands of bermk un ee.
Even so look our eyes to Jehovah our Ood. auntU ha
have mercy upon us. " — Ps. cxxUL 1, x-
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POMEGRANATE
A few words may now be added with respect to
the classification proposed by De Wette, in
which more regard was had to the rhythm.
The four kinds of parallelism are — 1. That
which consists in an equal number of words in
each member, as in Gen. iv. 23. Under this
head are many minor divisions. 2. Unequal
parallelism, in which the number of words in
the members is not the same. 3. Out of the
parallelism which is unequal in consequence
of the composite character of one member
another is developed, so that both members are
composite (Ps. xxxi. 11). 4. Rhythmical par-
allelism, which lies merely in the external form
of the diction. De Wette also held that there
were (n Hebrew poetry the beginnings of a
composite rhythmical structure like our stro-
phes. Thus, in Ps. xlii., xliii., a refrain marks
the conclusion of a larger rhythmical period.
It is impossible here to do more than refer to
the essay of Koester on the strophes, or the par-
allelism of verses in Hebrew poetry ; in which
he endeavors to show that the verses are sub-
ject to the same laws of symmetry as the verse
members ; and that, consequently, Hebrew
SHitry is essentially strophical in character,
wald's treatise requires more careful consid-
eration ; but it must be read itself, and it is
impossible here to give a fair idea of it. It
remains now only to notice the rules of Hebrew
poetry as laid down by the Jewish grammarians,
to which reference was made in remarking upon
the system of R. Azariah. They have the
merit of being extremely simple, and are to be
fonnd at length, illustrated by many examples,
in Mason and Bernard's Heb. Gram., vol. ii.
let. 57, and accompanied by an interesting ac-
count of modern Hebrew versification. The
rules are briefly these : — I. That a sentence
may be divided into members, some of which
contain two, three, or even four words, and are
accordingly termed binary, ternary, and quar-
ternary members respectively. 2. The senten-
ces are composed either of binary, ternary, or
quartemary members entirely, or of these dif-
ferent members intermixed. 3. That in two
consecutive members it is an elegance to ex-
press the same idea in different words. 4. That
• word expressed in cither of these parallel mem-
bers is often not expressed in the alternate
member. 5. That a word without an accent,
being joined to another word by Makkiph, is
generally (though not always) reckoned with
that second word as one. In conclusion, after
reviewing the various theories which have been
framed with regard to the structure of Hebrew
poetry, it must be confessed, that, beyond the
discovery of very broad general laws, little has
been done towards elaborating a satisfactory
system.
Poison. Two Hebrew words are thus ren-
dered in the A. V. ; but they are so general as
to throw little light upon the knowledge and
practice of poisons among the Hebrews. 1.
The first of these, chim&h, from a root signify-
ing " to be hot." It in all cases denotes ani-
mal poison, and not vegetable or mineral. The
only allusion to its application is in Job vi. 4,
when, reference seems to be made to the custom
of anointing arrows with the venom of a snake ;
a practice the origin of which is of very re-
mote antiquity. 2. R&sh, if a poison at all,
denotes a vegetable poison primarily, and is
only twice (Deut. xxxii. 33 ; Job xx. 16) used
of the venom of a serpent. In other passages
where it occurs, it is translated "gall in the
A. V. ; except in Hos. x. 4, where it is rendered
" hemlock." Beyond the fact that, whether
poisonous or not, it was a plant of bitter taste,
nothing can be inferred. Gesenius, on the
ground that the word in Hebrew also signifies
"head," rejects the hemlock, colocynth, and
darnel of other writers, and proposes the
" poppy " instead, from the " heads in which
its seeds are contained. " Water of ritk " is
then " opium ; " but it must be admitted that
there appears in none of the above passages to
be any allnsion to the characteristic effects of
opium. There is a clear case of suicide by
poison related in 2 Mace. x. 13, where Ptole-
nueus Macron is said to have destroyed himself
by this means. It has been suggested, indeed,
that the fap/mxtia of Gal. v. 20 (A. V. " witch-
craft ") signifies poisoning ; but it more prob-
ably refers to the concoctfcn jf magical potions
and love-philters.
Pollux. [Castob and Pollux.]
Polygamy. [Marriage.]
Pomegranate, by universal consent, is ac-
knowledged to denote the Heb. rimmbn, a word
which occurs frequently in the O. T., and is
used to designate either the pomegranate-tree
or its fruit. The pomegranate was doubtless
early cultivated in Egypt: hence the complaint
of the Israelites in the wilderness of Zin (Num.
xx. 5), this " is no place of figs, or of vines, or
of pomegranates." The tree, with its charac-
teristic calyx-crowned fruit, is easily recognized
on the Egyptian sculptures. Mention is made
of " an orchard of pomegranates " in Cant. iv.
1 3. Carved figures of the pomegranate adorned
the tops of the pillars in Solomon's Temple
(1 K. vii. 18, 20, &c); and worked represen-
tations of this fruit, in blue, purple, and scarlet,
ornamented the hem of the robe of the epbod
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POBCR
(Ex. xxviii. 33, 34). Russell (Nat. Hist, of
Aleppo, i. 85, 2d cd.) states " that the pome-
granate " (rummdn in Arabic, the same word as
the Heb.) "is common in all the gardens."
The pomegranate-tree (Punica granatum) de-
rires its name from the Latin pomum granatum,
"grained apple." The Romans gave it the
name of Punica, as the tree was introduced
from Carthage : it belongs to the natural order
Myrtaceat ; being, however, rather a bush than
a tree.
Pommels, only in 2 Chr. iv. 12, 13. In
I K. vii. 41, " bowls." The word signifies con-
rex projections belonging to the capitals of
pillars.
Pond. The ponds of Egypt (Ex. yii. 19,
viii. 5) were doubtless water left by the inunda-
tion of the Nile. Ponds for fish are mentioned
in Is. xix. 10.
Pon'tiUS Pilate. [Pilate.]
PontUS, a large district in the north of
Asia Minor, extending along the coast of the
Pontus Euxinus, from which circumstance the
name was derived. It is three times mentioned
in the N. T. (Acts ii. 9, 10, xviii. 2 ; 1 Pet. i.
1.) All these passages agree in showing that
there were many Jewish residents in the district.
As to the annals of Pontus, the one brilliant
passage of its history is the life of the great
Mithndates. Under Nero, the whole region
was made a Roman province, bearing the name
of Pontus.
Pool. 1. Again, see Pond. 2. Ber&cah, in
pi. once only, pool* (Ps. lxxxiv. 6). 3. The
usual word is Berecah, closely connected with
the Arabic Birkeh, a reservoir for water. These
pools, like the tanks of India, are in many
parts of Palestine and Syria the only resource
tor water during the dry season, and the failure
of them involves drought and calamity (Is.
xlii. 15). Of the various pools mentioned in
Scripture, perhaps the most celebrated are the
pools of Solomon near Bethlehem, called by the
Arabs el-Burak, from which an aqueduct was
carried which still supplies Jerusalem with
water (Eccl. ii. 6; Ecclus. xxiv. 30, 31).
Poor. The general kindlv spirit of the law
towards the poor is sufficiently shown by such
passages as Dent. xv. 7, for the reason that
(ver. 11) "the poor shall never cease out of
the land." Among the special enactments in
their favor, the following must be mentioned.
I. The right of gleaning (Lev. xix. 9, 10;
Deut. xxiv. 19, 21). 2. From the produce of
the land in sabbatical years, the poor and the
stranger were to have their portion (Ex. xxiii.
II ; Lev. xxv. 6). 3. Re-entry upon land in
the jubilee year, with the limitation as to town
homes (Lev*, xxv. 25-30). 4. Prohibition of
usury, and of retention of pledges (Lev. xxv. 35,
37; Ex. xxii. 25-27, &c.). 5. Permanent bond-
age forbidden, an1 manumission of Hebrew
bondsmen or bondswomen enjoined in the sab-
batical and jubilee years ( Dent x v. 1 2-1 5 ; Lev.
xxv. 39-42, 47-54). 6. Portions from the tithes
be shared by the poor after the Levites (Deut.
xiv. 28, xxvi. 12, 13). 7. The poor to partake
to in entertainments at the Feasts of Weeks and
Tabernacles (Deut. xvi. 11, 14; see Neh. viii.
10). 8. Daily payment of wages (Ley. xix.
'3). On tne law" of gleaning, the rabbinical
writers lOonded a variety of definitions ant
refinements. Principles similar to those laid
down by Moses are inculcated in N. T., as Luke
iii. 11, xiv. 13 ; Acts vi. 1 ; Gal. U. 10; James
ii. 15. In later times, mendicancy, which does
not appear to have been contemplated by
Moses, became frequent.
Poplar (Heb. libneh), the rendering of the
above-named Hebrew word, which occurs only
in Gen. xxx. 37 and Hos. iv. 13. Several au-
thorities, Celsius amongst the number, are
in favor of the rendering of the A. V., ana
think the " white poplar " (Popuhu alba) is the
tree denoted ; others understand the " storax-
irce " (Styrax officinale, Linn.). Both popltrs
and styrax or storax trees are common in
Palestine, and either would snit the passages
where the Hebrew term occurs. Storax is
mentioned in Ecclus. xxiv. 15, together with
other aromatic substances. The Styrar offici-
nale is a shrub from nine to twelve feet high,
with ovate leaves, which are white underneath:
the flowers are in racemes, and are white or
cream-colored. This while appearance agrees
with the etymology of the Heb. libneh.
Styrax ojfenob.
Po'ratha. One of the ten sons of Hainan
slain by the Jews in Shushan the palace
(Esth. ix. 8). ..
Porch. 1. Olam, or Slam (1 Chr. xxviii.
11). 2. Mitderdn Ham (Judg. iii. 23), strictly
a vestibule, was probably a sort of veranda
chamber in the works of Solomon, open in
front and at the sides, but capable of being
enclosed with awnings or curtains. Mitderdn
was perhaps a corridor or colonnade connecdnj
the principal rooms of the house. The porch
(Matt. xxvi. 71) may have been the passage
from the street into the first court of the house,,
in which, in Eastern houses, is the mattdbak ojr
stone-bench, for the porter or persons waiting,
and where also the master of the house oft- va
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POTIPHERAH
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receives visitors and transacts business. Jose-
ph us describes the porticoes or cloisters which
surrounded the Temple of Solomon, and also
the royal portico.
Foroiua Festus. [Festcs.1
Porter. This word wlien used in the A. V.
docs not bear its modern signification of a
carrier of burdens, but denotes in every case
• gate-keeper, from the Latin portarius, the man
who attended to the porta.
Posido'niUS, an envoy sent by Nicanor to
Judos (2 Mace, xiv. 19). Ap.
Possession. [Demoniacs.]
Post. I. — 1 . A'/il, a word indefinitely ren-
dered by LXX. and Vnlg. Probably, as Gese-
nius argues, the door-case of a door, including
the Untel and side-posts. Akin to this is aildm
(Ez xl. 16, 4c.), probably a portico. 2. Ammdh,
usually "cubit," once only "post" (Is. vi. 4).
3. Hezuzak, from a root signifying to shine, i.e.
implying motion (on a centre). 4. Saph, usu-
ally " threshold." The posts of the doors of
the Temple were of olive-wood (1 K. vi. 33).
— II. Rati, A. V. "post" (Esth. iii. 13), else-
where " runner," and also "guard."
Pot. The term " pot " is applicable to so
ir.any sorts of vessels, that it can scarcely be
restricted to any one in particular. 1. Asuc
(2 1C. iv. 2), an earthen jar, deep and narrow,
without handles, probably like the Roman nnd
Egyptian amphora, inserted in a stand of wood
or stone. 2. Chert*, an earthen vessel for stcw-
insr or seething (Ez. iv. 9; Lev. vi. 28). 3.
Did, a vessel for culinary purposes, perhaps of
smaller size (I Sam. ii. 14). 4. Sir is com-
bined with other words to denote special uses
( Ex. xvi. 3 ; Ps. Ix. 8 ; Prov. xxvii. 21 ). The
" pots " set before the Rechabi tes ( Jer. xxxv.
5) were probably bulging jars or bowls. The
water-pots of Cana appear to have been large
amphora, such as are in usr at the present day
in Syria. These were of stone or hard earthen-
ware. The water-pot of the Samaritan woman
miy have been a leathern bucket, such as
Bedouin women use.
Potiphar, an Egyptian name, also written
PoTiruKKAii. That these are but two forms
of one name is shown by the ancient Egyptian
equivalent, PET-P-RA, which may have been
pronounced, at least in Lower Egvpt, PET-
PH-ltA. It signifies " Belonging to the Sun."
Potiphar is described as " an officer of Pharaoh,
chief of the executioners, an Egyptian" (Gen.
zxxix. 1 ; comp. xxxvii. 36). The word i «
render "officer," as in the A. V., is literally
"eunuch ; " but it is also used for an officer of
the court, and this is almost certainly the
meaning here. He is called an Egyptian,
though his master was probably a shepherd-
king of the xvth dynasty. He appears to have
been a wealthy man (xxxix. 4-6). The view
we have of Potiphar*s household is exactly in
accordance with the representations on the
monuments. When Joseph was accused, his
master contented himself with casting him into
prison (19, 20). After this we hear no more
of Potiphar.
Potiphe'rah, an Egyptian name, also
written Potiphar, corresponding to the PET-
P-RA, " Belonging to the Sun," ol the hiero-
glyphics. Potipherah was priest or prince of
90
On, and his daughter Asenath was given Joseph
to wife by Pharaoh (Gen. xli. 45, 50, xlvi.
20).
_ Potsherd, also in A. V. " sherd," a broken
piece of earthenware (Prov. xxvi. 23).
Potter's-field, the. A piece of ground
which, according to the statement of St. Mat-
thew (xxvii. 7), was purchased by the priests
with the thirty pieces of silver rejected by
Judas, and converted into a burial-place for
Jews not belonging to the city. St. Matthew
adduces this (vcr. 9) as a fulfilment of an
ancient prediction. What that prediction was,
and who made it, is not, however, at all clear.
St. Matthew names Jeremiah : but there is no
passage in the Book of Jeremiah, as we possess
it, resembling that which he gives ; and that in
Zechariah (xi. 12), which is usually supposed
to be alluded to, has only a very imperfect
likeness to it. Three explanations suggest
themselves: — 1. That the evangelist uninten-
tionally substituted the name of Jeremiah for
that or Zechariah, at the same time altering
the passage to suit his immediate object. 2.
That this portion of the Book of Zccliariah
was in the time of St. Matthew attributed to
Jeremiah. 3. That the reference is to some
passage of Jeremiah which has been lost from
its place in his book, and exists only in the
evangelist. Some support is afforded to this
view dv the fact that potters and the localities
occupied by them are twice alluded to by Jere-
miah. Its partial correspondence with* Zccb.
xi. 12, 13, is no argument against its having at
one time formed a part of the prophtcy of
Jeremiah : for it is well known to every student
of the Bible that similar correspondences are
continually found in the prophets. See, for
instance, Jer. xlviii. 45 ; comp. with Num. :<xi.
27, 28, xxiv. 17; Jer. xlix. 27, comp. with
Am. i. 4.
Pottery. The art of pottery is one of the
most common and most ancient of all manu-
factures. It is abundantly evident, both that
the Hebrews used earthenware vessels i- 1 the
wilderness, and that the potters' trad* was
afterwards carried on in Palestine. They had
themselves been concerned in the potters' trade
in Egypt (Ps. lxxxi. 6), and .the wall-paintings
minutely illustrate the Egyptian process. The
clay, when dug, was trodden by men's foet so
as to fonn n paste (Is. xli. 25 ; Wisd. xv. 7) ;
then placed by the potter on the wheel, beside
which he sat, and shaped by him with his hands.
How early the wheel came into use in Palestine,
we know not; but it seems likely that it was
adopted from Egypt (Is. xlv. 9; Jer. xviii 3).
The vessel was then smoothed and coated with
a glaze, and finally burnt in a furnace. There
was at Jerusalem a royal establishment of pot-
ters (1 Chr. iv. 23), from whose employment,
and from the fragments cast away in the pro-
cess, the Potter's Field perhaps received its
name (Is. xxx. 14).
Pound. 1. A weight. Sec Weights aitd
Measures. — 2. A money of account, men-
tioned in the parable of the Ten Pounds (Luke
xix. 12-27), as the talent is in the parable of
the Talents (Matt. xxv. 14-30). The reference
appears to be to a Greek pound, a weight used
as a money of account, of which sixty went ut
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the talent, the weight depending npon the
■weight of the talent.
Prseto'rium. The headquarters of the
Roman military governor, wherever he hap-
pened to be. In time of peace, some one of the
best buildings of the city which was the resi-
dence of the proconsul or praetor was selected
for this purpose. Thus Verres appropriated
the palace of King Hiero at Syracuse ; at Caesa-
rea, that of Herod the Great was occupied by
Felix (Acts xxiii. 35) ; and at Jerusalem, the
new palace erected by the same prince was the
residence of Pilate. This last was situated on
the western or more elevated hill of Jernsi-
lem, and was connected with a system of forti-
fications, the aggregate of which constituted
the irapefifioXv, or fortified barrack. It was the
dominant position on the western hill, and —
at any rate on one side, probably the eastern
— was mounted by a flight of steps (the same
from which St. Paul made his speech in He-
brew to the angry crowd of Jews, Acts xxii. 1
seqq.). From the level below the barrack, a
terrace led eastward to a gate opening into the
western side of the cloister surrounding the
Temple, the road being carried across the Val-
ley of Tyropoeon (separating the western from
the Temple hill) on a causeway built up of
enormous stone blocks. At the angle or the
Temple cloister, just above this entrance, i.e.
the N. W. corner, stood the old citadel of the
Temple hill, the (topic, or Bj/na, which Herod
rebuilt, and called by the name Antonia, after
his friend and patron the triumvir. After the
Roman power was established in Judaea, a
Roman guard was always maintained in the
Antonia, the commander of which for the time
being seems to be the official termed arpariiydc
roi upov in the Gospels and Acts. The guard
in the Antonia was probably relieved regularly
from the cohort quartered in the napcpfhA)t.
The pratorian camp at Rome, to which St.
Paul refers (Phil. i. 13), was erected by the
Emperor Tiberius, acting under the advice of
Scjanus. Before that time, the guards were
billeted in different parts of the city. It stood
outside the walls, at some distance short of the
%urth milestone, and near either to the Sala-
rian or the Nomcntanc Road. From the first,
buildings must have sprung up near it for
tutlers and others. St. Paul appears to have
been permitted for the space of two years
to lodge, so to speak, " within the rules " of
the Pnetorium (Acts xxviii. 30), although still
under the custody of a soldier.
Prayer. The object of this article will be
to touch briefly on ( 1 ) the doctrine of Scrip-
ture as to the nature and efficacy of prayer ; (2)
its directions as to time, place, and manner of
prayer ; (3) its types and examples of prayer.
(I.) Scripture does not give any theoretical
explanation of the mystery which attaches to
prayer. The difficulty of understanding its
real effiency arises chiefly from two sources :
from the belief that man lives under general
laws, which in all cases must be fulfilled un-
alterably ; and the opposing belief that he is
master of his own destiny, and need pray for
no external blessing. Now Scripture, while,
by the doctrine of spiritual influence, it entirely
lisposes of the latter difficulty, does not so en-
tirely solve that part of the mystery which d*
pends on the nature of God. It places it clear!}
before us, and emphasizes most strongly those
doctrines on which the difficulty turns. Yet,
while this is so, on the other band the instinc:
of prayer is solcmuly sanctioned and enforced
in every page. Not only is its subjective effect
asserted, but its real objective efficacv, as a
means appointed by God for obtaining blessing,
is both implied and expressed in the plainest
terms. Thus, as usual in the case of such mys-
teries, the two apparently opposite truths ire
emphasized, because they are needful to man'*
conception of his relation to God ; their recon-
cilement is not, perhaps cannot be, fully re-
vealed. For, in fact, it is involved in that in-
scrutable mystery which attends on the con-
ception of any free action of man as necessary
for the working-out of the general laws of God s
unchangeable will. At the same time, it is
clearly implied that such a reconcilement exists,
and that all the apparently isolated and inde-
pendent exertions of man's spirit in prayer are
in some way perfectly subordinated to the one
supreme will of God, so as to form a part of
His scheme of Piovidcnce. It is also implied
that the key to the mystery lies in the fait of
man's spiritual unity with God in Christ, and
of the consequent gift of the Holy Spirit So
also is it said of the spiritual influence of the
Holy Ghost on each individual mind, thit
while " we know not what to pray for," the in-
dwelling " Spirit makes intercession for the
saints, according to tie will of God" (Rom. viii.
26, 27). Here, as probably in all other cases,
the action of the Holy Spirit on the soul is
to free agents what the laws of Nature are to
things inanimate, and is the power which har-
monizes free individual action with the univer-
sal will of God.
(2.) There are no directions as to pravcr
given in the Mosaic Law : the duty is rather
taken for granted, as an adjunct to sacrifice,
than enforced or elaborated. It is hardly con-
ceivable that, even from the beginning, public
prayer did not follow every public sacrifice.
Such a practice is alluded to as common in
Luke i. 10 ; and in one instance, at the offering
of the first-fruits, it was ordained in a striking
form (Dent. xxvi. 12-15). In later times, it
certainly grew into a regular service, both in
the Temple and in the Svnagogue. But, be-
sides this public prayer, it was the custom of
all at Jerusalem to go up to the Temple, at
regular hours if possible, for private prayer
(see Luke xviii. 10; Acts iii. 1); and those
who were absent were wont to " open their
windows towards Jerusalem," and pray "to-
wards " the place of God's presence ( 1 K. viii.
46-49 ; Dan vi. 10 ; Ps. v. 7. xxviii. 2, exxx-
viii. 2). The regular hours of prayer seem to
have been three (see Ps. lv. 17 ; Dan. vi. 10),
"the evening," that is, the ninth hour (Acts
iii. 1, x. 3), the hour of the evening sacrifice
(Dan. ix. 21); the "morning," that is, the
third honr (Acts ii. 15), that of the morning
sacrifice; and the sixth honr, or "noonday.
Grace before meat would seem to have been a
common practice (see Matt xv. 36 ; Acts xxvii.
35). The posture of prayer among the Jews
seems to have been most often standing ( I Sao.
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i. 26 ; Matt. vi. 5 ; Mark xi. 25 ; Luke xviii.
1 1 ) ; unless the prayer were offered with especial
solemnity and humiliation, which was naturally
expressed by kneeling (1 K. viii. 54 ; corap. 2
Chr. vi. 13 ; Ezr. ix. 5 ; Ps. xcv. 6 ; Dan. vi.
10), or prostration (Josh.vii. 6; 1 K. xviii. 42;
Neh. viii. 6). (3.) The only form of prayer
given for perpetual use in the O. T. is the one
in Dent. xxvi. 5-15, connected with the offer-
ing of tithes and first-fruits, and containing in
simple form the important elements of prayer,
acknowledgment of God's mercy, self-dedica-
tion, and prayer for future blessing. To this
may perhaps be added the threefold blessing
of Num. vi. 24-26, couched as it is in a preca-
tory form; and the short prayer of Moses
(Num. x. 35, 36) at the moving and resting of
the cloud, the former of which was the germ
of the 68th Psalm. But of the prayers re-
corded in the O. T., the two most remarkable
are those of Solomon at the dedication of the
Temple (I K. viii. 23-53), and of Joshua the
high-priest, and his colleagues, after the cap-
tivity (Neh. ix. 5-38). It is clear that both
are likely to have exercised a strong liturgical
influence. It appears from the question of the
disciples in Luke xi. 1, and from Jewish tra-
dition, that the chief teachers of the day gave
special forms of prayer to their disciples, as
the badge of their discipleship and the jest
fruits of their learning. All Christian prayer
is, of course, based on the Lord's Prayer ; out
its spirit is also guided by that of His prayer
in Gcthsemane, and of the prayer recorded by
St. John (ch. xvii.), the beginning of His great
work of intercession. The influence of these
prayers is more distinctly traced in the prayers
contained in the Epistles (see Eph. iii. 14-21 ;
Rom. xvi. 25-27 ; Phil. i. 3-1 1 ; Col. i. 9-15 ;
Heb. xiii. 20, 21 ; 1 Pet. v. 10, 11, &c.) than
in those recorded in the Acts. The public
prayer probably in the first instance took much
of its form and stylo from the prayers of the
synagogues. In the record of prayers accepted
and granted by God, we observe, as always, a
special adaptation to the period of His dispen-
sation to which they belong. In the patriarchal
period, they have the simple and childlike tone
of domestic supplication for the simple and ap-
parently trivial incidents of domestic life. In
the Mosaic period, they assume a more solemn
tone and a national bearing; chiefly that of
direct intercession for the chosen people. More
rarely are they for individuals. A special class
are those which precede, and refer to the exercise
of miraculous power. In the New Testament,
they have a more directly spiritual bearing.
It would seem the intention of Holy Scripture
to encourage all prayer, more especially inter-
cession, in all relations, and for all righteous
objects.
Presents. [Gifts.]
President. Same, or Sarfca, only used
Dan. vi., the Chaldee equivalent for Hebrew
Shdter, probably from Sara, Zend, a " head."
Priest. (Heb. cdhin). It is unfortunate
that there is nothing like a consensus of interpret-
ers as to the etymology of this word. Its root-
meaning, uncertain as far as Hebrew itself is
concerned, is referred by Gesenins to the idea
of prophecy. The cmen delivers a divine
message, stands as a mediator between God
and man, represents each to the other. This
meaning, however, belongs to the Arabic, not
to the Hebrew form ; ana Ewald connects the
latter with the verb hecin, to array, put in
order. According to Saalschiitz, the primary
meaning of the word = minister, and he thus
accounts for the wider application of the name.
Bahr connects it with an Arabic root = to
draw near. Of these etymologies, the last has
the merit of answering most closely to the re-
ceived usage of the word. In some remarkable
passages, it takes a wider range. It is applied
to the priests of other nations or religious, to
Melchizedek (Gen. xiv. 18), Potipherah (Gen.
xli. 45), Jethro (Ex. ii. 16), to those who dis-
charged priestly functions in Israel before the
appointment of Aaron and his sons (Ex. xix.
22). A case of greater difficulty presents it-
self in 2 Sam. viii. 18, where the sons of David
are described as " priests." The received ex-
planation is, that the word is used here in
what is assumed to be its earlier and wider
meaning, as equivalent to rulers. Ewald sees
in it an actual suspension of the usual law in
favor of members of the royal house. De
Wette and Gescnius, in like manner, look on
it as a .evival of the old household priesthoods.
A conjecture midway between these two ex-
tremes is perhaps permissible. David and his
sons may have been admitted, not to distinc-
tively priestly acts, such as burning incense
(Num. xvi. 40; 2 Chr. xxvi. 18), but to an
honorary, titular priesthood.
Origin. — The idea of a priesthood connects
itself, in all its forms, pure or corrupted, with
the consciousness, more or less distinct, of sin.
Men feel that they have broken a law. The
power above them is holier than they are, and
they dare not approach it. Thev crave for the
intervention of some one of" whom they can
think as likely to be more acceptable than them-
selves. He must offer up their prayers, thanks-
givings, sacrifices. He becomes their represen-
tative in " things pertaining un.o God." He
may become also (though this dott not always
follow) the representative of God to man. The
functions of the priest and prophet mav exist
in the same person. No trace of an heredi-
tary or caste-priesthood meets us in the worship
of the patriarchal age. Once, and once only,
does the word cdhen meet us as belonging to a
ritual earlier than the time of Abraham. Mel-
chizedek is " the priest of the Most High God "
(Gen. xiv. 18). In the worship of the patri-
archs themselves, the chief of the family, as
snch, acted as the priest. The office descended
with the birthright, and might apparently be
transferred with it. In Egypt, the Israelites
came into contact with a priesthood of another
kind, and that contact mnst have been for a
time a very close one. The marriage of Jo-
seph with the danghter of the priest of On — a
pnest, as we may infer from her name, of the
goddess Neith — (Gen. xli. 45), the special fa-
vor which he showed to the priestly caste in
the years of famine (Gen. xlvii. 26), the train-
ing of Moses in the palace of the Pharaohs,
probably in the colleges and temples of the
priests (Acts vii. 22) — all this must have im-
pressed the constitution, the dress, the outward
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form of life, upon the minds of the lawgiver
and his contemporaries. There is scarcely any
room for doubt that a connection of some kind
existed between the Egyptian priesthood and
that of Israel. The latter was not indeed an
^outgrowth or imitation of the former. The
symbolism of tbeone was cosmic, " of tbo earth,
earthy; " that of the other, chiefly, if not alto-
gether, ethical and spiritual. At the time of
the Exodus, there was as yet no priestly caste.
The continuance of solemn sacrifices (Ex. v.
1, 3) implied, of course, a priesthood of some
kind, and priests appear as a recognized body
before the promulgation of the Law on Si-
nai (Ex. xix. 22). There are signs that the
priests of the older ritual were already dealt
with as belonging to an obsolescent system.
Though they were known as those that " come
near" to the Lord (Ex. xix. 22), yet they are
not permitted to approach the Divine Presence
on Sinai. It is noticeable also that at this
transition-stage, when the old order was pass-
ing away, and the new was not yet established,
there is the proclamation of ttie truth, wider
and higher than both, that the whole people
was to be "a kingdom of priests" (Ex. xix.
6). The idea of the life of the nation was, that
it was to be as a priest and a prophet to the
rest of mankind.
Consecration. — The functions of the High-
pbiest, the position and history of the Levites
as the consecrated tribe, have been discussed
fully under those heads. It remuins to .notice
the characteristic facts connected with " the
priests, the sons of Aaron," as standing be-
tween the two. Solemn as was the subsequent
-dedication of the Levites, that of the priests
involved a yet higher consecration. A special
word (kadaslt) was appropriated to it. The cerc-
monv is described in Ex. xxix., Lev. viii. The
whofe of this mysterious ritual was to be re-
peated for seven days, during which the priests
remained within the Tabernacle, separated from
the people, and not till then was the consecra-
tion perfect. The consecrated character thus
imparted did not need renewing. It was a per-
petual inheritance transmitted from father to
son through all the centuries that followed.
Dress. — The " sons of Aaron " thus dedicated
were to wear during their ministrations a spe-
cial apparel — at other times apparently they
wore the common dress of the people. The
material was linen ; but that word included
probably, as in the case of the Egyptian priests,
the bvssus, and the cotton stuffs of that coun-
try (Ex. xxviii. 42; comp. Cotton). Linen
drawers from the loins to the thighs were " to
cover their nakedness." Over the drawers was
worn the dloneth, or close-fitting cassock, also
of fine linen, white, but with a diamond or
chess-bonrd pattern on it. This came nearly
to the feet, and was to he worn in its garment
shape (comp. John xix. 23). The white cas-
sock was gathered round the body with a girdle
of needle-work, into which, as in the more gor-
geous belt of the high-priest, blue, purple, and
scarlet were intermingled with white, and
worked in the form of flowers (Ex. xxviii. 39,
40, xxxix. 2 ; Ezek. xliv. 17-19). Upon their
heads they were to wear caps or bonnets in the
Torra of a cup-shaped flower, also of fine linen.
They had besides other " clothes of •errics,"
which were probablv simpler, but are not de-
scribed (Ex. xxxi.'lO; Ez. xlii. 14). In all
their acts of ministration, they were to be bare-
footed. In the earlier liturgical costume, the
Dm of EpptUn High pilMt
ephod is mentioned as belonging to the high-
priest only (Ex. xxviii. 6-12, xxxix. 2-5).
llajulations. — The idea of a consecrated life,
which was thus asserted at the outset, was car-
ried through a multitude of details. Each
probably had a symbolic meaning of its own.
Before they entered the tabernacle, they were to
wash their hands and their feet (Ex. xxx. 17-
21 , xl. 30-32). During the time of their minis-
tration, they were to drink no wine or strong
drink (Lev. x. 9 ; Ez. xliv. 21). Their func-
tion was to be more to them than the tics of
friendship or of blood, and, except in the case
of the nearest relationships (six degrees are
specified, Lev. xxi. 1-5 ; Ez. xliv. 25), they
were to make no mourning for the dead. They
were not to shave their heads. Tbcy were to
go through their ministrations with the serenity
of a reverential awe, not with the orgiastic
wildness which led the priests of Baal in their
despair to make cuttings in their flesh (Lev.
xix. 28 ; IK. xviii. 28), and carried those of
whom Atys was a type to a more terrible mu-
tilation (Dcut. xx iii. I). The same thought
found expression in two other forms affecting
the priests of Israel. The priest was to be one
who, as the representative of other men, was
to be physically as well as liturgicallv perfect.
The marriages of the sons of Aaron were
hedged round with special rules. There is in-
deed no evidence for what has sometimes been
asserted, that either the high-priest or the other
sons of Aaron were limited in their choice to
the women of their own tribe, and we have
some distinct instances to the contrary. It is
probable, however, that the priestly families
frequently intermarried, and it is certain that
they were forbidden to marry an unchaste wo-
man, or one who had been divorced, or lbs
widow of any but a priest (Lev. xxi. 7, 14;
Ezek. xliv. 22). The prohibition of marriage
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with one of an alien race was assumed, Chough
not enacted in the law. The age at which the
tons of Aaron might enter upon their duties
was not defined by the law, as that of the Le~
vites was. The boy Aristobulus at the age of
seventeen ministered in the Temple in his pon-
tifical robes, the admired of all observers, and
thus stirred the treacherous jealousy of Herod
to remove so dangerous a rival (Joseph. Ant.
xv. 3, §3). This may have been exceptional ;
but the language of the rabbis indicates that
the special consecration of the priest's life be-
gan with the opening years of manhood.
Functions. — Tho work of the priesthood of
Israel was, from its very nature, more stereo-
typed by the Mosaic institutions than any other
element of the national life. The duties de-
scribed in Exodus and Leviticus are the same
as those recognized in the books of Chronicles,
as those which the prophet-priest Ezekicl sees
in his vision of the Temple of the future. They,
assisting the high-priest, were to watch over the
lire on the altar of burnt-offerings, and to keep
it burning evermore both by day and night
(Lev. vi. 12; 2 Chr. xiii. U),"to feed the golden
lamp outside the veil with oil (Ex. xxvii. 20,
21 ; Lev. xxiv. 2), to offer the morning and
evening sacrifices, each accompanied with a
meat-offering and a drink-offering, at tho door
of the tabernacle (Ex. xxix. 38-44). These
were the fixed, invariable duties ; but their
chief function was that of being always at hand
to do the priest's office for any guilty, or peni-
tent, or rejoicing Israelite. The worshipper
might come at any time. Other duties of n
higher and more ethical character were hinted
at, but were not, and probably could not be,
the subject of a special regulation. They were
to teach the children of Israel the statutes of
the Lord (Lev. x. 11 ; Deut. xxxiii. 10; 2 Chr.
xv. 3; Ezek. xliv. 23, 24). The "priest's
lips" (in the language of the last prophet look-
ing back upon the ideal of the order) were to
" keep knowledge" (Mai. ii. 7). Through the
whole history, with the exception of the peri-
ods of national apostasy, these acts, and others
like them, formed the daily life of the priests
who were on duty. The three great festivals
of the year were, however, their seasons of
busiest employment. Other acts of the priests
of Israel, significant as they were, were less
distinctively sacerdotal. They were to bless
the people at every solemn meeting (Num. vi.
22-27). During the journeys in the wilder-
ness, it belonged to them to cover the ark and
all the vessels of the sanctuary with a purple
or scarlet cloth before the Levites might ap-
proach them (Num. iv. 5-15). As the people
started on each day's march, they were to blow
"an alarm" with long silver trumpets (Num.
x. 1-8). Other instruments of music might
be used by the more highly-trained Levites and
the schools of the prophets ; but the trumpets
belon-fdl only to the priests. The presence of
the priests on the field of battle (1 Chr. xii. 23,
27; 2 Chr. xx. 21, 22) led, in the later periods
ol Jewish history, to the special appointment
at such times of a war-priest. Other functions
were hinted at in Deuteronomy which might
have given them greater influence as the edu-
cators and civilizers of the people. They were
to act (whether individually or collectively doe»
not distinctly appear) as a court of appeal in
the more difficult controversies in criminal or
civil cases (Deut. xvii. 8-13). It must remain
doubtful, however, how far this order kept its
ground during the storms and changes that fol-
lowed.
Maintenance. — Functions such as these were
clearly incompatible with the common activities
of men. On these grounds, therefore, a distinct
provision was made for them. This consisted
— (1) of one-tenth of the tithes which tho peo-
ple paid to the Levites, one per cent, i.e., on the
whole produce of the country (Num. xviii.
26-28). (2) Of a special tithe everv third
year (Deut. xiv. 28, xxvi. 12). (3) Of the re-
demption-money, paid at the fixed rate of five
shekels a head, for the first-born of man or
beast (Num. xviii. 14-19). (4) Of the redemp-
tion-money, paid in like manner for men or
things specially dedicated to the Lord (Lev.
xxvii.). (5) Of spoil, captives, cattle, and the
like, taken in war (Num. xxxi. 25-47). (6)
Of the show-bread, the flesh of the burnt-offer-
ings, peace-offerings, trespass-offerings (Num.
xviii. 8-14 ; Lev. vi. 26, 29, rii. 6-10), and, in
particular, the heave-shoulder and the wave-
breast (Lev. x. 12-15). (7) Of an undefined
amount of the first-fruits of corn, wine, and oil
(Ex. xxiii. 19; Lev. ii. 14; Deut. xxvi. 1-10).
Of some of these, as " most holy," none but the
f>ricsts were to partake (Lev. vi. 29). It was
awful for their sons and daughters (Lev. x.
14), and even in some cases for their home-
born slaves, to eat of others (Lev. xxii. 11).
The stranger and the hired servant were in all
cases excluded (Lev. xxii. 10). (8) On their
settlement in Canaan, the priestly families had
thirteen cities assigned them, with " suburbs "
or pasture-grounds for their flocks (Josh. xxi.
13-19). These provisions were obviously in-
tended to secure the religion of Israel against
the dangers of a caste of pauper-priests, needy
and dependent, and unable to bear their wit-
ness to the true faith. They were, on the
other hand, as far as possible removed from the
condition of a wealthy order. The standard
of a priest's income, even in the earliest days
after the settlement in Canaan, was miserably
low (Judg. xvii. 10).
Classification and Statistics. — The earliest
historical trace of anv division of the priest-
hood, and corresponding cycle of services, be-
longs to the time of David. Jewish tradition
indeed recognizes an earlier division, even dur.
ing the life of Aaron, into eight houses, aug-
mented during the period of the Shiloh-worship
to sixteen, the two families of Eleozar and
Ilhamar standing in both cases on an equality.
To the reign of David belonged the division
of the priesthood into the four and twenty
" courses " or orders ( 1 Chr. xxiv. I -1 9 ; 2 Chfc
xxiii. 8 ; Luke i. 5), each of which was to
serve in rotation for one week, while the fur-
ther assignment of special services during the
week was determined by lot (Luke i. 9). Each
course appears to have commenced its work on
the sabbath, the outgoing priests taking the
moming sacrifice, and leaving that of the even-
ing to their successors (2 Chr. xxiii. 8). In
this division, however, the two great priestly
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houses did not stand on an equality. The de-
scendants of Ithamar were found to have fewer
representatives than those of Eleazar, and six-
teen courses accordingly were assigned to the
latter, eight only to the former (I Chr. xxiv.
4). The division thus instituted was confirmed
by Solomon, and continued to be recognized
as the typical number of the priesthood. On
the return from the Captivity, there were found
but four courses out of the twenty-four, each
containing, in round numbers, about a thou-
sand (Ezr. ii. 36-39). Out of these, however,
to revive at least the idea of the old organiza-
tion, the four and twenty courses were recon-
stituted, bearing the same names as before, and
so continued till the destruction of Jerusalem.
If we may accept the numbers given by Jew-
ish writers as at all trustworthy, the proportion
of the priesthood to the population of Pales-
tine, (luring the last century of their existence
as an order, must have been far greater than
that of the clergy has ever been in any Chris-
tian nation. Over and above those that were
scattered in the country, and took their turn,
there were not fewer than 24,000 stationed per-
manently at Jerusalem, and 12,000 at Jericho.
It was almost inevitable that the great mass of
the order, under such circumstances, should
sink in character and reputation. The rab-
binic classification of the priesthood, though
belonging to a somewhat later date, reflects
the contempt into which the order had fallen.
There were — ( 1 ) the heads of the twenty-four
courses, known sometimes as upx u P"{; (2)
the large number of reputable officiating but
inferior priests ; (3) the plebeii, or (to use the
extremist formula of rabbinic scorn) the
" priests of the people of the earth," ignorant
and unlettered ; (4) those that, through physi-
cal disqualifications or other causes, were non-
efficient members of the order, though entitled
to receive their tithes.
History. — The new priesthood did not es-
tablish itself without a struggle. The rebellion
of Korah, at the bead of a portion of the Levites
as representatives of the first-born, with Dathan
and Ahiram as leaders of the tribe of the first-
born son of Jacob (Num. xvi. 1), showed that
some looked back to the old patriarchal order
rather than forward to the new. Prominent
as was the part taken by the priests in the
dailv march of the host of Israel (Num. x. 8),
in the passage of the Jordan (Josh. Hi. 14, 15),
in the destruction of Jericho (Josh. vi. 12-16),
the history of Micah shows that within that
century there was a strong tendency to relapse
into the system of a household instead of an
hereditary priesthood (Judg. xvii.). The fre-
quent invasions and conquests during the
jieriod of the Judges must have interfered with
the pavment of tithes, with the maintenance of
worship, with the observance of all festivals,
nnd with this the influence of the priesthood
must have been kept in the background. For a
time, the prerogative of the line of Aaron was
in abeyance. The capture of the Ark, the
removal of the Tabernacle from Shiloh, threw
every thing into confusion ; and Samuel, a Le-
vitt, but not within the priestly family, sacri-
fices, and " comes near to the Lord ; his
training under Eli, his Nazarite life, his pro-
phetic office, being regarded apparently u a
special consecration. Though Shiloh had be-
come a deserted sanctuary, Nob (1 Sam. xxi.
1 ) was made for a time the centre of national
worship, and the symbolic ritual of Israel wa>
thus kept from being forgotten. The reign of
Saul was, however, a time of suffering for
them. He had manifested a disposition to
usurp the priest's office (1 Sam. xih. 9). The
massacre of the priests at Nob showed how in-
secure their lives were against any unguarded
or savage impulse. They could but wait in si-
lence for the coming of a deliverer in David.
When the death of Saul set them free, tbev
came in large numbers to the camp of David,
prepared apparently not only to testify their
allegiance, but also to support him, armed for
battle, against all rivals (1 Chr. xii. 27). They
were summoned from their cities to the great
restoration of the worship of Israel, when the
Ark was brought up to the new capital of thf
kingdom (1 Cnr. xv. 4). Fora time, however,
the older order of sacrifices was carried on by
the priests in the tabernacle on the high-place
at Gibcon (1 Chr. xvi. 37-89, xxi. 29 ; 2 Chr.
i. 3). We cannot wonder that first David and
then Solomon should have sought to guard
against the evils incidental to this separation
of the two orders, and to unite in one great
Temple, by the priests and Levites, the svm-
bolic worsliip of sacrifice and the spiritual offer-
ing of praise. The reigns of these two kings
were naturally the culminating period of the
glorv of the Jewish priesthood.
The position of the priests under the mon-
archy of Judah deserves a closer examination
than it has yet received. The system which
has been described above gave them for every
week of service in the Temple twenty-three
weeks in which they had no appointed work.
To what employment could they turn? (1)
The more devout and thoughtful found proba-
bly, in the schools of the prophets, that which
satisfied them. They became teaching priests
(2 Chr. xv. 3), students, and interpreters of the
Divine Law. (2) Some perhaps served in the
king's army. (3) A few chosen ones might
enter more deeply into the divine life, and so
receive, like Zecnariah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel. a
special call to the office of a prophet. (4) We
can hardly escape the conclusion that many did
their work in the Temple of Jehovah with a
divided allegiance, and acted at other times as
priests of the high-pla.es. Those who ceased
to be true shepherds of he people found nothing
i in their ritual to sustai i or elevate them. They
! lieeamc as sensual, covetous, tyrannical, as ever
the clergy of the Romish Church became in its
darkest periods ; conspicnous as drunkards and
| adulterers (Is. xxviii. 7, 8, lvi. 10-12). The
j prophetic order, instead of acting as a check,
became sharers in the corruption (Jer. r. 31 ;
; Lam. iv. 13; Zeph. iii. 4). The discipline of
, the Captivity, however, was not without its
fruits. A large proportion of the priests had
I either perished or were content to remain in the
i land of their exile ; but those who did return
were active in the work of restoration. No
great changes affected the outward position of
the priests under the Persian government
Both the Persian government and Alexander
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had respected the religion of their subject*;
and the former had conferred on the priests
immunities from taxation (Ezr. vi. 8, 9, vii.
24). The degree to which this recognition was
carried by the immediate successors of Alexan-
der is shown by the work of restoration accom-
flished by Simon the son of Onias (Ecclus. 1.
2-20) ; and the position which they thus occu-
Sied in the eyes of the people, not less than the
ovotion with which his zeal inspired them,
prepared them doubtless for the great struggle
which was coming, and in which, under the
priestly Maccabees, they were the chief defend-
ers of their country's freedom. Some indeed,
at that crisis, were fonnd among the apostates.
The majority, however, were true-hearted.
It will be interesting to bring together the
few facts that indicate their position in the N. T.
period of their history. The division into four
and twenty courses is still maintained (Luke i.
5), and the heads of these courses, together with
those who hare held the high-priesthood (the
office no longer lasting for life), are "chief
priests " by courtesy, and take their place in the
Sanhedrim. The number scattered throughout
Palestine was, as has been stated, very large.
Of these the greater number were poor and
ignorant- The priestly order, like the nation,
was divided between contending sects. The
influence of Hyrcanns, himself in the latter
part of his life a Sadducee, had probably made
the tenets of that party popular among the
wealthier and more powerful members; and
the chief priests of the Gospels and the Acts,
the whole ipxuparuetn> yevof (Acts iv. I, 6,
t. 17), were apparently consistent Saddncees.
The great multitude, on the other hand, who
received that testimony (Acts vi. 7), must hare
been free from, or must have overcome, Snd-
d ocean prejudices. In the scenes of the last
tragedy of Jewish history, the order passes
away, without honor, " dying as a fool dieth."
The high-priesthood is given to the lowest and
vilest of the adherents of the frenzied Zealots.
Other priests appear as deserting to the enemy.
The destruction of Jerusalem deprived the order
at one blow of all bat an honorary distinction.
Their occupation was gone. Many families
must have altogether lost their genealogies.
The influence of the rabbis increased with the
fall of the priesthood. The language of the
N. T. writers in relation to the priesthood
onght not to be passed over. They recognize in
Christ, the First-born, the King, the Anointed,
the Representative of the true primeval priest-
hood after the order of Mclrhizedck (Hen. vii.,
viii.), from which that of Aaron, however
necessary for the time, is now seen to have
been a deflection. 1 Bnt there is no trace of
an order, in the new Christian society, bearing
the name and exercising functions like those of
the priests of the older Covenant. The idea
which pervades the teaching of the Epistles is
that of a universal priesthood. It was the
thought of a succeeding age that the old classi-
fication of the high-priest, priests, and Levitcs,
was reproduced in the bishops, priests, and
leacons of the Christian Church.
i Of which, rather, that of Aaron Is now ma
to have been the dlrlDeir-ordaiaed and perfect
type.— -En.
Prince, Prince*. ' The only special uses
of the word "prince" are — 1. "Princes of
firovinces" (1 K. xx. 14), who were probably
ocal governors or magistrates. 2. The " prin-
ces" mentioned in Dan. vi. 1 (see Esth. i. 1)
were the predecessors of the satraps of Darius
Hystaspis.
Pris'oa (2 Tim. iv. 19). [Pbiscilla.]
Prisoillia. To what has been said else-
where under the head of Aqoila, the following
may be added. The name is Prieca in 2 Tim.
iv. 19, and (according to the true reading) in
Rom. xvi. 3, and also (according to some of the
best MSS.) in I Cor. xvi. 19. Such variation
in a Roman name is by no means unusual.
Wo find that the name of the wife is placed
before that of the husband in Rom. xvi. 3,
2 Tim. iv. 19, and (according to some of the
best MSS.) in Acts xviii. 26. It is only in
Acts xviii. 2, and 1 Cor. xvi. 19, that Aquila
has unequivocally the first place. Hence we
should be disposed to conclude that Priscilla
was the more energetic character of the two.
Yet we observe that the husband and the wife
are always mentioned together. In fact we may
say that Priscilla is the example of what the
married woman may do for the general service
of the Church, in conjunction with home duties,
as Phoxbb is the type of the unmarried servant
of the Church, or deaconess.
Prison. For imprisonment at, a punish-
ment, see Punishments. In Egypt, it u plain
both that special places were used as prisons,
and that they were under the custody of a mili-
tary officer (Gen. xl. 3, xlii. 17). During the
wandering in the desert, we read on two occa-
sions of confinement "in ward" (Lev. xxiv.
12 ; Num. xv. 34) ; but as imprisonment was
not directed by the Law, so wo hear of none
till the time of the kings, when the prison ap-
pears as an appendage to the palace, or a special
port of it (1 K. xxii. 27). Later still it is dis-
tinctly described as being in the king's house
(Jer. xxxii. 2, xxxvii. 21 ; Neh. iii. 25). This
was the case also at Babylon (2 K. xxv. 27).
But private houses were sometimes nsed as
filaces of confinement (Jer. xxxvii. 15). Pub-
ic prisons other than these, though in use by
the Canaanitish nations (Judg. xvi. 21, 25),
were unknown in Judiea previous to the Cap-
tivity. Under the Herods, we hear again of
royal prisons attached to the palace, or in royal
fortresses (Luke iii. 20; Acts xii. 4, 10) By
the Romans, Antonia was used as a prison at
Jerusalem (Acts xxiii. 10), and at Cessarca the
pnetorium of Herod (ib. 35).
Proch'orus, one of the seven deacons,
bring the third on the list, and named next
after Stephen and Philip (Acts vi. 5).
Proconsul. The Greek ivtomirof, for
which this is the true equivalent, is rendered
uniformly " deputy " in the A. V. of Acts xiii.
7, 8, 12, xix. 38; and the derived verb av(h>-
imrivu, in Acts xviii. 12, is translated " to be
deputy." At the division of the Roman prov-
inces by Augustus, in the year B.C. 27, into
senatorial and imperial, the emperor assigned
to the senate such portions of territory as
were peaceable, and could be held without force
of arms (Suet. Oct. 47; Strabo, xvii. p. 840;
Dio Cass. liii. 12), — an arrangement which
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remained with frequent alterations till the 3d
century. Over these senatorial provinces, the
senate appointed by lot yearly an officer, who
was called " procousul " (Oio Cass. liii. 13),
and who exercised purely civil functions. The
provinces were in consequence called " procon-
sular." Among the senatorial provinces in the
first arrangement by Augustus were Cyprus,
Aehaia, and Asia within the Halys and laurus
(Strabo, xvii. p. 840). Aehaia became an im-
perial province in the second year of Tiberius,
a.j>. 16, and was governed by a procurator
(Tac. Ann. i. 76), but was restored to the
senate by Claudius (Suet. Claud. 25), and
therefore * Gallio, before whom M. Paul was
brought, is rightly termed '* proconuil " in Acts
xviii. 12. Cyprus also, after the battle of
Actium, was first made an imperial province
(Dio Cass. liii. 12) ; but five years afterwards
(B.C. 22) it was given to the senate.
Procurator. The Greek tiycpvv, rendered
" governor " in the A. V., is applied in the
N. T. to the officer who presided over the im-
perial province of Judsea. It is used of Pontius
Pilate (Matt, xxvii.), of Felix (Acts xxiii.,
xxiv.), and of Kestus (Acts xxvi. 30). In all
these cases, the Vulgate equivalent is praxes.
The office of procurator is mentioned in Luke
iii. 1. It is explained, under the head of Pro-
consul, that aftei the battle of Actium (b.c.
27) the provinces oC the Roman Empire were
divided by Augustus into two portions, giving
some to the senate, and reserving to himself
the rest. The imperial provinces were ad-
ministered by leprates, called legati Augusti pro
praetore, sometimes with the addition of consu-
lar i potestate, and sometimes leoati consulares, or
legati or consulares alone. These officers were
also called presides. No quaestor came into the
emperor's provinces ; but the property and rev-
enues of tne imperial treasury were adminis-
tered by the Rationales, Procuratores, and Adores
of the emperor, who were chosen from among
his freed men, or from among the knights (Tac.
Hist. v. 9; Dio Cass. liii. 15). These procura-
tors were sent both to the imperial and to the
senatorial provinces (Dio Cass. liii. 15). Some-
times a province was governed by a procurator
with the functions of a prases. This was
especially the case with the smaller provinces
and the outlying districts of a larger province ;
and such is the relation in which JudiEa stood
to Syria. The headquarters of the procurator
were at Caesarea (Acts xxiii. 23), where he had
a judgment-seat (Acts xxv. 6) in the audience
chamber (Acts xxv. 23), and was assisted by a
council (Acts xxv. 12) whom he consulted in
cases of difficulty. In the N. T., we see the
procurator only in his judicial capacity. Thus
Christ is brought before Pontius Pilate as a
political offender (Matt, xxvii. 2, 11), arid the
accusation is heard by the procurator, who is
seated on the judgment-seat (Matt, xxvii. 19).
Felix heard St. Paul's accusation and defence
from the judgment-seatat Caesarea (Acts xxiv.) ;
and St. Paul calls him "judge " (Acts xxiv.
10), as if this term described his chief func-
tions. The procurator is again alluded to in
his judicial capacity in 1 Pet. ii. 14. He was
attended by a cohort as body-guard (Matt,
xxvii- 27), and apparently went up to Jeru-
salem at the time of the high festivals, and
there resided in the palace of Herod, in which
was the pratorium, or "judgment-hall," as it
is rendered in the A. V. (Matt, xxvii. 27;
Mark xv. 16 ; comp. Acts xxiii. 35.)
Prophet. I. Tub Name. — The ordinary
Hebrew word for prophet is nabi, derived from
the verb nabi, connected by Gescnios with
nab'a, " to bubble forth," like a fountain
If this etymology is correct, the substantive
would signify either a person who, as it were,
involuntarily bursts forth with spiritual utter-
ances under the divine influence (cf. Ps. xlv. 1),
or simply one who pours forth words. Baiwu
and Davidson suppose AoW to signify the man
to whom announcements are made by God, r*. in-
spired. But it is more in accordance with the
etymology and usage of the word to regard it
as signifying (actively) one irAo announces or
pours forth the declarations of God. Two other
Hebrew words are used to designate a prophet,
RSeh, and ChAzelt, both signifying one who tees.
They are rendered in the A. v. by " seer."
The three words seem to be contrasted with
each other in 1 Chron. xxix. 29. R6eh is a
title almost appropriated to Samuel. It was
superseded in general use by the word Nabi.
Cndzeh is rarely found except in the Books of
the Chronicles. Whether there is any differ-
ence in tho usage of these three words, and, if
any, what that difference is, has been much
debated. On the whole, it would seem that the
same persons are designated bv the three words
Nabi, RSeh, Choseh. The word Yah' is uni-
formly translated in the .VXX. by nf.o^rtic, and
in the A. V. by " prophet." In classical Greek,
npo^TiK signifies one who speaks for another;
specially one who speaks for a yvd, and so inter-
prets his will to man. Hence its essential
meaning is " an interpreter." The use of the
word iroo^rnf in its modern sense is post-classi-
cal, and is derived from the LXX. From the
mediaeval use of the word irpofnTcia, prophecy
passed into the English language in the sense
of prediction, and this sense it has retained as
its popular meaning. The larger sense of in
terpretation has not, however, been lost. In
fact, the English word prophet, like the word
inspiration, has always been used in a larger
ana in a closer sense. The different meanings,
or shades of meaning, in which the abstract
noun is employed in Scripture, have been
drawn out by Locke as follows : — " Prophecy
comprehends three things : prediction ; singing
by the dictate of the Spirit; and understand-
ing and explaining the mysterious, hidden
sense of Scripture bv an immediate illumina-
tion and motion of tiic Spirit " (Paraphrase of
1 Cor. xii. note, p. 121, Lond. 1742). Ety-
mologically, however, it is certain that neither
prescience nor prediction is implied by the
term used in the Hebrew, Greek, or English
language.
II. Prophetical Order. — The sacerdotal
order was originally the instrument by which
the members of the Jewish Theocracy were
taught and governed in things spiritual. Teach-
ing by act and teaching by word were alike
their task. But during the time of the Judges,
the priesthood sank into a state of degeneracy,
and the people were no longer affected by the
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acted lessons of the ceremonial service. They
required less enigmatic warnings and exhorta-
tions. Under these circumstances, a new moral
power was evoked — the Prophetic Order.
Samuel, himself a Levite, of the family of
Kohath (1 Chr. vi. 28), and almost certainly a
priest, was the instrument used at once for
effecting a reform in the sacerdotal order
(1 Chr. ix. 22), and forgiving to the prophets
a position of importance which they had never
before held. Nevertheless, it is not to be sup-
posed that Samuel created the prophetic order
as a new thing before unknown. The germs
both of the prophetic and of the regal order
are found in the Law, as given to the Israelites
by Moses (Deut. xiii. 1, xviii. 20, xvii. 18),
but they were not yet developed, because there
was not yet the demand for them. Samuel
took measures to make his work of restoration
permanent as well as effective for the moment.
For this purpose, he instituted companies, or
colleges of prophets. One we find in his life-
time at Raman (1 Sam. xix. 19, 20); others
afterwards at Bethel (2 K. ii. 3), Jericho (2 K.
ii. 5), GilgaJ (2 K. iv. 38), and elsewhere (2 K.
vi. 1). Their constitution and object were
similar to those of theological colleges. Into
them were gathered promising students, and
here they were trained for the office which they
were afterwards destined to fulfil. So successful
were these institutions, that, from the time of
Samuel to the closing of the Canon of the Old
Testament, there seems never to have been
wanting a due supply of men to keep up the
line of official prophets. Their chief subject of
study was, no doubt, the Law and its intcrpre-
tion ; oral, as distinct from symbolical, teach-
ing being henceforward tacitly transferred from
the priestly to the prophetical order. Sub-
sidiary subjects of instruction were music and
sacred poetry, both of which had been con-
nected with prophecy from the time of Moses
(Ex. xv. 20) and the Judges (Judg. iv. 4,
in. Thb Pbophbtic Gift. — We have
been speaking of the prophetic order. To be-
long to the prophetic order and to possess the
prophetic gift are not convertible terms. Gen-
erally, the inspired prophet came from the col-
lege of the prophets, and belonged to the pro-
phetic order ; but this was not always the case.
The sixteen prophets whose books are in the
Canon have therefore that place of honor, be-
cause they were endowed with the prophetic gift,
as well as ordinarily (so far as we know) be-
longing to the prophetic order. What, then, are
the characteristics of the sixteen prophets, thus
railed and commissioned, and intrusted with
the messages of God to His people ? M . ) They
were the national poets of JucUea. (2.) They
were annalists and historians. A great portion
of Isaiah, of Jeremiah, of Daniel, of Jonah,
of Haggai, is direct or indirect history. (3.)
They were preachers of patriotism ; their pa-
triotism being founded on the religions motive.
(4.) They were preachers of morals and of
spiritual religion. The system of morals put
forward by the prophets, if not higher, or
sterner, or purer than that of the Law, is more
plainly declared, and with greater, because now
more needed, vehemence of diction. (5.) They
»7
were extraordinary, but yet authorized, expo
nents of the Law. (6.) They held a pastoral
or quasi-pastoral office. (7.) They were a polit-
ical power in the state. (8.) But the prophets
were something more than national poets and
annalists, preachers of patriotism, moral teach
ers, exponents of the Law, pastors, and politi-
cians. We have not yet touched upon their
most essential characteristic, which is, that they
were instruments of revealing God's will to
man, as in other ways, so, specially, by predict-
ing future events, and, in particular, by fore-
telling the incarnation of the Lord Jesus
Christ, and the redemption effected by Him.
There are two chief ways of exhibiting this
fact : one is suitable when discoursing with
Christians, the other when arguing with unbe-
lievers. To the Christian it is enough to show
that the truth of the New Testament and the
truthfulness of its authors, and of the Lord
Himself, are bound up with the truth of the
exisface of this predictive element in the pro-
phets. To the unbeliever it is necessary to
show that facts have verified their predictions.
The fulfilment of a single prophecy does not
prove the prophetical power of the prophet, but
the fulfilment of a long series of prophecies by
a series or number of events docs in itself con-
stitute a proof that the prophecies were intended
to predict the events, ana, consequently, that
predictive power resided in the prophet or pro-
phets. Now, the Messianic picture drawn by
the prophets us a body contains at least as
many traits as these : — That salvation should
come through the family of Abraham, Isaac,
Jacob, Judah, David : that at the time of the
final absorption of the Jewish power, Shiloh
(the tranquillizer) should gather the nations
under his rule : that there should be a great
Prophet, typified by Moses ; a King descended
from David ; a Priest forever, after the order
of Mclchizedek : that there should be born into
the world a child to be called Mighty God,
Eternal Father, Prince of Peace: that there
should be a Righteous Servant of God on
whom the Lord would lay the iniquity of all :
that Messiah the Prince should be cut off, but
not for himself: that an everlasting kingdom
should be given by the Ancient of Days to one
like the Son of Man. We may say that we
have here a scries of prophecies which are so
applicable to the person and earthly life of
Jesus Christ as to be thereby shown to have
been designed to apply to Him. And if they
were designed to apply to Him, prophetical
prediction is proved. Objections have been
urged : — 1 . Vagueness. — It has been said that
the prophecies are too darkly and vaguely
worded to be proved predictive by the events
which they are alleged to foretell. But to this
might be answered — 1. That God never forces
men to believe, but that there is such a union
of definiteness and vagueness in the prophe-
cies as to enable those who are willing to dis-
cover the truth, while the wilfully blind are not
forcibly constrained to see it. 2. That, had
the prophecies been couched in the form of
direct declarations, their fulfilment wonld have
thereby been rendered impossible, or, at least,
capable of frustration. 3. That the effect of
prophecy would have been far less beneficial to
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believers, as being less adapted to keep them in
a state of constant expectation. 4. That the
Messiah of Revelation could not be so clearly
portrayed in his varied character as God and
Man, as Prophet, Priest, and King, if he had
been the mere " teacher." 5. That the state of
the prophets, at the time of receiving the di-
vine revelation, was such as necessarily to make
their predictions fragmentary, figurative, and
abstracted from the relations of time. 6. That
some portions of the prophecies were intended
to be of double application, and some portions
to be understood only on their fulfilment (cf.
John xiv. 29 ; Ez. xxxvi. 33). 2. Obscurity
of a part or parts of a prophecy otherwise clear. —
The objection drawn from " the unintelligible-
ness of one part of the prophecy, as invalidat-
ing the proof of foresight arising from the
evident completion of those parts which are
understood, is akin to that drawn from the
vagueness of the whole of it.
3. Application of the several prophecies to a
more immediate subject. — It has been the task
of many biblical critics to examine the differ-
ent passages which are alleged to be predic-
tions of Christ, and to show that they were
delivered in reference to some person or thing
contemporary with, or shortly subsequent to,
the time of the writer. Let it be granted that
it may be proved of all the predictions of the
Messiah — it certainly may be proved of many
— that they primarily apply to some historical
and present fact: in that case, a certain law,
under which God vouchsafes his prophetical
revelations, is discovered ; bnt there is no sem-
blance of disproof of the farther Messianic in-
terpretation of the passages under consideration.
Whether it can be proved by an investigation
of Holy Scripture, that this relation between
divine announcements for the future and cer-
tain present events does so exist as to constitute
a law, and whether, if the law is proved to
exist, it is of universal, or only of partial ap-
plication, we do not pause to determine. But
it is manifest that the existence of a primary
sense cannot exclude the possibility of a sec-
ondary sense. Miraculous character. — There
is no question that if miracles are, either phy-
sically or morally, impossible, then prediction
is impossible.
IV. Thb Pbophetic State. — Wo learn
from Holy Scripture that it was by the agency
of the Spirit of God that the prophets received
the divine communication (Num. xi. 17, 25,
29 ; 1 Sam. x. 6, xix. 20 ; 2 Pet i. 21 ; Jer.
xxiii. 16 ; Ex. xiii. 2, 3). The prophet held
an intermediate position in communication be-
tween God and man. God communicated with
him by His Spirit, and he, having received this
communication, was " the spokesman " of God
to man (cf. Ex. vii. 1 and iv. 16). But the
means by which the divine Spirit communi-
cated with the human spirit, and the condi-
tions of the human spirit under which the
divine communications were received, have not
been clearly declared to us. They are, how-
ever, indicated. In Num. xii. 6-8, we have an
exhaustive division of the different ways in
which the revelations of God are made to man.
1. Direct declaration and manifestation, " I
will speak mouth to mouth, apparently, and
the similitude of the Lord shall he behold "*
2. Vision. 3. Dream. According to the
theory of Philo and the Alexandrian school,
the prophet was in a state of entire uncon-
sciousness at the time that he was under the
influence of divine inspiration. This theory
identifies Jewish prophecy in all essentia] points
with the heathen /layruai, or divination, as dis-
tinct from irpofijrei'a, or interpretation. Ac-
cording to the belief of the heathen, of the
Alexandrian Jews, and of the Montnnists,
the vision of the prophet was seen while be
was in a state of ecstatic unconsciousness,
and the enunciation of the vision was mad*
by him in the same state. The Fathers of
the Church opposed the Montanist theory with
great unanimity. It does not seem possi-
ble to draw any very precise distinction be-
tween the prophetic " dream " and the prophet-
ic "vision." In the case of Abraham (Gen.
xv. 1) and of Daniel (Dan. vii. 1), they seem to
melt into each other. In both, the external
senses are at rest, reflection is quiescent, and
intuition energizes. The action of the ordinary
faculties is suspended in the one case by natu-
ral, in the other by supernatural or extraordi-
nary causes. The prophetic trance must be
acknowledged as a scriptural account of the
state in which the prophets and other inspired
persons, sometimes at least, received divine
revelations. It would seem to have been of
the following nature : —
(1.) The bodily senses were closed to exter-
nal objects as in deep sleep. (2.) The reflective
and discursive faculty was still and inactive.
(3.) The spiritual faculty was awakened to the
highest state of energy. Hence it is that reve-
lations in trances are described by the prophets
as " seen " or " heard " by them ; for the spirit-
ual faculty energizes by immediate perception
on the part of the inward sense, not by infer-
ence and thought. Hence it is, too, that the
prophets' visions are unconnected and fragment-
ary, inasmuch as they are not the subject of
the reflective but of the perceptive faculty.
Hence, too, the imagery with which the pro-
phetic writings are colored, and the dramatic
cast in which they are moulded. But though
it must be allowed that Scripture language
seems to point out the state of dream and of
trance, or ecstasy, as a condition in which the
human instrument received the divine commu-
nications, it does not follow that all the pro-
phetic revelations were thus made. The greater
part of the divine communications we may
suppose to have been thus made to the prophets
in their waking and ordinary state, while the
visions were exhibited to them either in the
state of sleep, or in the state of ecstasy. Had
the prophets a full knowledge of that which
tbey predicted ? It follows from what we have
already said that they had not, and could not
have. Tbey were the " spokesmen " of God
(Ex. vii. 1 ), the " month " by which His words
were tittered, or they were enabled to view, and
empowered to describe, pictures presented to
their spiritual intuition; bnt there are no
grounds for believing that, contemporaneously
with this miracle, there was wrought another
miracle, enlarging the understanding of the
prophet so as to grasp the whole of the divine
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counsels which he was gazing; into, or which he
was the instrument of enunciating.
V. INTERPRETATION OF PREDICTIVE PbO-
phect. — We hare only space for a few rules,
deduced from the account which we have given
of the nature of prophecy. They are, (1.) In-
terpose distances of time according as history
may show them to be necessary with respect to
the past, or inference may snow them to be
likely in respect to the future ; because, as we
hare seen, the prophetic visions are abstracted
from relations in time. (2.) Distinguish the
form from the idea. (3.) Distinguish in like
manner figure from what is represented by it.
(4.) Make allowance for the imagery of the
prophetic visions, and for the poetical diction
in which they are expressed. (5.) In respect
to things past, interpret by the apparent mean-
ing, checked by reference to events : in respect
to things future, interpret by the apparent
meaning, checked by reference* to the analogy
of the faith. (6.) Interpret according to the
principle which may be deduced from the ex-
amples of visions explained in the Old Testa-
ment. (7.) Interpret according to the principle
which may be deduced from the examples of
prophecies interpreted in the New Testament.
VI. Use of Pbophect. — Predictive proph-
ecy is at once a part and an evidence of reve-
lation : at the time that it is delivered, and until
its fulfilment, a part; after it has been fulfilled,
an evidence. St. Peter (Ep. 2, i. 19) describes
it as " a light shining in a dark place," or " a
taper glimmering where there is nothing to re-
flect its rays ; " that is, throwing some light, bnt
only a feeble light as compared with what is shed
from the gospel history. But after fulfilment,
St. Peter says, " the word of prophecy " be-
comes " more sure " than it was before ; that
is, it is no longer meroly a feeble light to guide,
but it is a firm ground of confidence, and, com-
bined with the apostolic testimony, serves as a
trustworthy evidence of the faith. As an evi-
dence, fulfilled prophecy is as satisfactory as
amy thing can be ; for who can know the future
except the Ruler who disposes future events ?
and from whom can come prediction except
from Him who knows the future ?
VII. Development of Messianic Pboph-
xot. — Prediction, in the shape of promise and
threatening, begins with the Book of Genesis.
Immediately upon the Fall, hopes of recovery
and salvation are held out ; but the manner in
which this salvation is to be effected is left alto-
gether indefinite. All that is at first declared
is that it shall come through a child of woman
(Gen. iii. 15). By degrees the area is limited :
it is to come through the family of Shcm (Gen.
ix. 26), through the family of Abraham (Gen.
xii. 3), of Isaac (Gen. xxh. 18), of Jacob (Gen.
xxviii. 14), of Judah (Gen. xlix. 10). Balaam
seems to say that it will be wrought by a war-
like Israelitish king (Num. xxiv. 17)"; Jacob,
by a peaceful ruler of the earth (Gen. xlix. 10) ;
Moses, by a prophet like himself, i.e. a revealer
of a new religious dispensation (Deut. xviii. 15).
Nathan's announcement (2 Sam. vii. 16) deter-
mines further that the salvation is to come
through the house of David, and through a
descendant of David who shall be himself a
Jung. This promise is developed by David
himself in the Messianic Psalms. Ps. xviii.
and lxi. are founded on the promise communi-
cated by Nathan, and do not go bevond the
announcement made by Nathan. The same
may be said of Ps. Ixxxix., which was com-
posed by a later writer. Ps. ii. and ex. rest
upon the same promise as their foundation, but
add new features to it. The son of David is
to be the Son of God (ii. 7), the Anointed of
the Lord (ii. 2), not only the King of Zion (ii.
6, ex. 1), but the Inheritor and Lord of the
whole earth (ii. 8, ex. 6), and, besides this, a
Priest forever after the order of Melchizcdck
(ex. 4). At the same time he is, as typified by
his progenitor, to be full of suffering and afflic-
tion (Ps. xxii., lxxi. cii., cix.) : brought down
to the grave, yet raised to life without seeing
corruption (Ps. xvi.). In Ps. xlv., Ixxii., the
sons of Korah and Solomon describe his peace-
ful reign. Between Solomon and Hezckiah
intervened some 200 years, during which the
voice of prophecy was silent. The Messianic
conception entertained at this time by the Jews
might have been that of a king of the royal
house of David who would arise, and gather
under his peaceful sceptre his own people and
strangers. Sufficient allusion to his propheti-
cal and priestly offices had been made to create
thoughtful consideration, but as yet there was
no clear delineation of him in these characters.
It was reserved for the prophets to bring out
these features more distinctly. In this great
period of prophetism, there is no longer any
chronological development of Messianic proph-
ecy, as in the earlier period previous to Solo-
mon. Each prophet adds a feature, one more,
another less clearly : combine the features, and
we have the portrait; but it does not grow
gradually and perceptibly under the hands of
the several artists. Its culminating point is
found in the prophecy contained in Is. Hi. 13-
15 and liii.
VIII. Prophets of the New Testament.
— So far as their predictive powers are con-
cerned, the Old Testament prophets find their
New Testament counterpart in the writer of
the Apocalypse ; but in their general character,
as specially illumined revealers of God's will,
their counterpart will rather be found, first in
the Great Prophet of the Church, and his fore-
runner John the Baptist, and next in all those
persons who were endowed with the extraordi-
nary gifts of the Spirit in the apostolic age,
the speakers with tongues and the interpreters
of tongues, the prophets and the discerners of
spirits, the teachers and workers of miracles
(1 Cor. xii. 10, 28). That predictive powers
did occasionally exist in the N. T. prophets is
proved by the case of Agabus (Acts xi. 28);
but this was not their characteristic. The
prophets of the N. T. were supernaturally-
llluminated expounders and preachers.
Proselytes. The Hebrew word thus
translated is in the A. V. commonly rendered
"stranger" (Gen. xv. 13; Ex.ii.22; Is.y.17,
&c.). In the N. T., the A. V. has taken the
word in a more restricted meaning, and trans-
lated it accordingly (Matt, xxiii. 15; Acts ii.
10, vi. 5). The existence, through all stages
of the history of the Israelites, of a body of
men, not of the same race, but holding the
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same faith and adopting the same ritual, is a
fact which, from its very nature, requires to be
dealt with historically. It is proposed to con-
sider the condition of the proselytes of Israel
in the five great periods into which the history
of the people divides itself: viz. (I.) the age of
the patriarchs; (II.) from the Exodus to the
commencement of the monarchy; (III.) the
period of the monarchy ; (IV.) from the Baby-
lonian captivity to the destruction of Jerusalem ;
(V.) from the destruction of Jerusalem down-
wards.
I. The position of the family of Israel as a
distinct nation, with a special religious charac-
ter, appears at a very early period to have
exercised a power of attraction over neighboring
races. The case of the Shechemitcs.Tiowever
(Gen. xxxiv.), presents a more distinct instance.
The sons of Jacob then, as afterwards, require
circumcision as an indispensable condition
(Gen. xxxiv. 14). This, and apparently this
only, was required of proselytes in the pre-
Mosaic period.
II. The life of Israel under the Law, from the
very first, presupposes and provides for the in-
corporation of men of other races. The
"mixed multitude" of Ex. xii. 38 implies
the presence of proselytes more or less com-
plete. It is recognized in the earliest rules for
the celebration of the Passover (Ex. xii. 19).
The laws clearly point to the position of a con-
vert. Among the proselytes of this period, the
Kenites were probably the most conspicuous
(Judg. i. 16). The presence of the class was
recognized in the solemn declaration of bless-
ings and curses from Ebal and Gerizim (Josh.
Tiil. 33). The period after the conquest of
Canaan was not favorable to the admission
of proselytes. The people bad no strong faith,
no commanding position The Gibeonites
(Josh, ix.) furnish the only instance of a con-
version ; and their condition is rather that of
slaves compelled to conform than of free prose-
lytes.
IH. With the monarchy, and the consequent
fame and influence of the people, there was
more to attract stragglers from the neighboring
nations, and we meet accordingly with many
names which suggest the presence of men of
another race conforming to the faith of Israel.
The Cherethites and Pelethites consisted
probably of foreigners who had been attracted
to the service of David, and were content for it
to adopt the religion of their master. A con-
vert of another kind, the type, as it has been
thought, of the later proselytes of the gate, is
found in Naaman the Syrian (2 K. v. 15, 18),
recognizing Jehovah as his God, yet not bind-
ing himself to any rigorous observance of the
Law. The position of the proselytes during
this period appears to have undergone consid-
erable changes. On the one hand, men rose to
power and fortune. It might well be a sign of
the times in the later davs of the monarchy
that- they became " very high," the "head
and not the " tail " of the people (Deut. xxviii.
43, 44). The picture had, however, another
side. They were treated by David and Solo-
mon as a subject-class, brought under a system
of compulsory labor from which others were
exempted (1 Chr. xxii. 2; 2 Chr. ii. 17, 18).
The statistics of this period, taken probably for
that purpose, give their number (probably, ix.,
the number of adult working males) at 153,600
(ii>.). As some compensation for tbeir suffer-
ings, they became the special objects of the care
and sympathy of the prophets.
IV. The proselytism of the period after the
captivity assumed a different character. It was
for the most part the conformity, not of a sub-
ject race, but of willing adherents. Even as
early as the return from Babylon, we have traces
of those who were drawn to a faith which they
recognized as holier than their own. With the
conquests of Alexander, the ware between
Egypt and Syria, the struggle under the Mac
cabces, the expansion of the Roman Empire,
the Jews became more widely known, and then
power to proselytize increased. The influence
was sometimes obtained well, and exercised for
good. In most of the great cities of the empire,
there were men who had been rescued from
idolatry and its attendant debasements, and
brought under the power of a higher moral law.
The converts who were thus attracted joined,
with varying strictness, in the worship of the
Jews. In Palestine itself, the influence was often
stronger and better. Even Roman centurions
learned to love the conquered nation, built syna-
gogues for them (Lnke vii. 5), fasted "and
prayed, and gave alms, after the pattern of the
strictest Jews (Acts x. 2, 30), and became
preachers of the new faith to the soldiers under
them (to. v. 7). Snch men, drawn by what was
best in Judaism, were naturally among the
readiest receivers of the new truth which rose
out of it, and became, in many cases, the nu-
cleus of a Gentile church. Proselytism had,
however, its darker side. The Jews of Pales-
tine were eager to spread tbeir faith by the
same weapons as those with which they had
defended it. The Idumssans had the alterna-
tive offered them by John Hyrcanus of death,
exile, or circumcision (Joseph'. Ant. xiii. 9, § 3).
The Iturseans were converted in the same way
by Aristobulus (ib. xiii. 11, § 3). Where force
was not in their power, they obtained their
ends by the most unscrupulous fraud. Those
who were most active in proselytizing were
precisely those from whose teaching all that
was most true and living had departed. The
vices of the Jew were ingrafted on the vices of
the heathen. The position of snch proselytes
was indeed every way pitiable. At Rome, 'and
in other large cities, they became the butts of
popular scurrility. At a later time, tbev were
bound to make a public profession of theii
conversion, and to pay a special tax. Among
the Jews themselves, their case was not much
better. For the most part, the convert gained
but little honor even from those who gloried in
having brought him over to their sect and party.
The popular Jewish feeling about them was
like the popular Christian feeling about a con-
verted Jew. The better rabbis did their best
to guard against these evils. Anxious to ex-
clude all unworthy converts, they grouped
them, according to their motives, with a some-
what quaint classification. (1.) Lore-pro*,
lytes, where they were drawn by the hope of
gaining the beloved one. (2.) Man-for- Woman,
or Woman-for-Man proselytes, where the hn»
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PROVERBS, BOOK OF
jand followed the religion of the wife, or
conversely. (3.) Esther-proselytes, where con-
formity was assumed to escape danger, as in
the original Purim (Estli. viii. 17). (4.) King's-
table-proselytes, who were led by the hope of
court favor and promotion, like the converts
under David and Solomon. (5.) Lion-prose-
lytes, where the conversion originated in a
superstitious dread of a divine judgment, as
with the Samaritans of 2 K. xvji. 26. None
of these were regarded as fit for admission
within the covenant.
V. The teachers who carried on the rab-
binical succession consoled themselves, as they
saw the new order waxing and their own glory
-waning, by developing the decaying system
with an almost microscopic minuteness. The
precepts of the Talmud may indicate the prac-
tices and opinions of the Jews from the 2d
to the 5th century. The points of interest
which present themselves for inquiry are, (1.)
The classification of proselytes. (2.) The
ceremonies of their admission. The division
which has been in part anticipated was recog-
nized by thb Talmudic rabbis, but received its
foil expansion at the hands of Maimonides.
The term Proselytes of the Gate was derived
from the frequently occurring description in the
Law, " the stranger that is within thy gates."
To them were referred the greater part of the
precepts of the Law as to the "stranger."
Converts of this class were not bound by cir-
cumcision and the other special laws or the
Mosaic code. It was enough for them to ob-
serve the seven precepts of Noah- The prose-
lyte was not to claim the privileges of an
Israelite, might not redeem his first-born, or
pay the half-shekel. He was forbidden to study
the Law under pain of death. The later rab-
bis, when Jerusalem had passed into other
hands, held that it was unlawful for him to
reside within the holy city. In return, they
allowed him to offer whole burnt-offerings for
the priest to sacrifice, and to contribute money
to the Corban of the Temple. They held out
to him the hope of a place in the paradise of
the world to come. They insisted that the
profession of his faith should be made solemnly
in the presence of three witnesses. All this
seems so full and precise, that we cannot won-
der that it has led many writers to look on it
as representing a reality. It remains doubtful,
however, whether it was ever more than a
paper scheme of what ought to be, disguising
itself as having actually been.
In contrast with these were the Proselytes
of Righteousness, known also as Proselytes of
the Covenant, perfect Israelites. Here also we
must receive what we find with the same limi-
tation as before. All seems at first clear and
definite enough. The proselyte was first cate-
chized as to his motives. If these were satis-
factory, he was first instructed as to the divine
protection of the Jewish people, and then cir-
cumcised. Often the proselyte took a new
name. All this, however, was not enough.
The convert was still a " stranger." His chil-
dren would be counted as bastards, i.e. aliens.
Baptism was required to complete his admis-
sion. When the wound was healed, he was
■tripped of all his clothes, in the presence of
the three witnesses who had acted aa his
teachers, and who now acted as his sponsors,
the " fathers " of the proselyte, and led into the
tank or pool. As he stood there, up to his
neck in water, they repeated the great com-
mandments of the Law. These he promised
and vowed to keep, and then, with an accom-
panying benediction, he plunged under the
water. The baptism was followed, as long as
the Temple stood, by the offering or Corban.
For women-proselytes, there were only bap-
tism and the Corban, or, in later times, bap-
tism by itself. It is obvious that this account
suggests many questions of grave interest.
Was this ritual observed as early as the com-
mencement of the first century ? If so, was
the baptism of John, or that of the Christian
Church in any way derived from, or connected
with, the baptism of proselytes? If not, was
the latter in any way borrowed from the for-
mer? It will be enough to sum up the conclu-
sions which seem fairly to be drawn from them.
(1.) There is no direct evidence of the practice
being in use before the destruction of Jerusa-
lem. (2.) The negative argument drawn from
the silence of the O. T. of the Apocrypha, of
Philo, and of Josephus, is almost decisive
against the belief that there was in their time a
baptism of proselytes, with at much importance
attached to it as we find in the Talmudists.
(3.) It remains piobable, however, that there
was a baptism in use at a period considerably
earlier than that for which we have direct evi-
dence. The symbol was in itself natural and
fit (4). The history of the N. T. itself sug-
gests the existence of such a custom. A sign
is seldom chosen unless it already has a mean-
ing for those to whom it is addressed. The
fitness of the sign in this wse would be in pro-
portion to the associations \lrc*dy connected
with it. (S.) It is, however, not improbable
that there may have been a reflex action in this
matter, from the Christian upon the Jewish
Church. The Rabbis saw the new society, in
proportion as the Gentile element in it became
predominant, throwing off circumcision, rely-
ing on baptism only. There was every thing
to lead them to give a fresh prominence to
what had been before subordinate. Two facts
of some interest remain to be noticed. (1.)
It formed part of the rabbinic hopes of the
kingdom or the Messiah that then there should
be no more proselytes. (2.) Partly, perhaps,
as connected with this feeling, partly in conse-
quence of the ill repute into which the word
had fallen, there is, throughout the N. T., a
sedulous avoidance of it.
Proverbs, Book of. The superscrip-
tions which are affixed to several portions of
the book, in i. 1, x. 1, xxv. 1, attribute the
authorship of those portions to Solomon, the
son of David, king of Israel. With the ex-
ception of the Inst two chapters, which are
distinctly assigned to other authors, it is proba-
ble that the statement of the superscriptions is
in the main correct, and that the majority of
the proverbs contained in the book were uttered
or collected by Solomon. Speaking roughly,
the book consists of three main divisions, with
two appendices. 1. Chaps, i.-ix. form a con-
nected aidatic poem, in which Wisdom is praised
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PSALMS, BOOK OF
and the yonth exhorted to devote himself to
her. This portion is preceded by an introduc-
tion and title describing the character and gen-
eral aim of the book. 2. Chaps, x.-xxiv., with
the title, " the Proverbs of Solomon," consist
of three parts: — x. 1-xxii. 16, a collection of
single proverbs, and detached sentences oat
of the region of moral teaching and worldly
prudence ; xxii. 17-xxiv. 21, a more connected
didactic poem, with an introduction, xxii. 1 7-
22, which contains precepts of righteousness
and prudence; xxiv. 23-34, with the inscrip-
tion, " these also belong to the wise," a collec-
tion of unconnected maxims, which serve as an
appendix to the preceding. Then follows the
third division, xxv.-xxix., which, according to
the superscription, professes to be a collection
of Solomon's proverbs, consisting of single sen-
tences, which the men of the court of Hezekiah
copied out. The first appendix, ch. xxx., " the
words of Agur, the son of Jakeh," is a collec-
tion of partly proverbial and partly enigmatical
sayings ; the second, ch. xxxi ., is divided into
two parts, " the words of King Lemuel " (1-6),
and an alphabetical acrostic in praise of a vir-
tuous woman, which occupies the rest of the
chapter. Who was Agur, and who was Jakeh,
are questions which have been often asked, and
never satisfactorily answered. All that can be
said of him is that he is an unknown Hebrew
sage, the son of an equally unknown Jakeh,
and that he lived after the time of Hezekiah.
Lemuel, like Agur, is unknown. It is even
uncertain whether he is to be regarded as a real
personage, or whether the name is merely sym-
bolical. If the present text be retained, it is
difficult to see what other conclusion can be
arrived at. If Lemuel were a real personage,
he must have been a foreign neighbor-king or
the chief of a nomad tribe ; and in this case the
proverbs attributed to him must have come to
the Hebrews from a foreign source, which is
highly improbable, and contrary to all we know
of the people. The Proverbs are frequently
quoted or alluded to in the New Testament,
and the canonicity of the book thereby con-
firmed. The following is a list of the principal
"""•Hom.tll.10.M-
' Rom. xll. 18.
Heb. xll.5.«i eeeatoRer. HI. J».
M June* It. 8.
" 1 Pet It. 8.
Prey. J. it
Bit
81.11,11
1.34
X. 11
»l. »
Svtt.13
1 Prt. It. IS.
Rom. xll. I
*rtl.*7 «
XX. » -
xx. SO "
xxll. « (LXX.) "
xxt. Jt, M «
XXTl. It "
XXTii. 1
. xtl. ITi 1 TImwlt. Ui 1 Pet
III.*.
June* I. IB.
1 John I. R.
M»tt xr. 4 i Mark Til. 10.
3 Cor. Ix. 7.
Rom. xtl 20.
JPet II. ft
UM It. 13, 14.
Province. In the N. T., we are brought
into contact with the administration of the
provinces of the Roman Empire. The classifi-
cation of provinces supposed to need military
control, and therefore placed nnder the imme-
diate government of the Ca-sar, and those still
belonging theoretically to the republic, and ad-
ministered by the senate, and of the latter again
into proconsular and pra-torian. is recognised,
more or less distinctly, in the Gospels and the
Acts. [Proconsul, Procurator] The
orparriyoi of Acts xvi. 22 (" magistrates,*
A. V.), on the other hand, were the duum-
viri , or praetors of a Roman colony. The
right of any Roman citizen to appeal from a
provincial governor to the emperor meets us as
asserted by St Paul (Acts xxv. 11). In the
council of Acts xxv. 12, we recognize the as-
sessors who were appointed to take part in
the judicial functions of tbc governor.
Psalms, Book Of. The present Hebrew
name of the book is Tthillim, " Praises." But
in the actual superscriptions of the Psalms, the
word TehiUah is applied only to one, Ps. cxlv.,
which is indeed emphatically a praise-hymn.
The LXX. entitled then, iraAjwi, or " Psafins."
The Christian Churcl obviously received the
Psalter from the Jews nut only as a constituent
portion of the sacred volume of Holy Scripture,
but also as the liturgical hymn-book which the
Jewish Church had regularly used in the Tem-
ple. The book contains 150 psalms, and may
be divided into five great divisions or books,
which must have been originally formed at dif-
ferent periods. This is by various further con-
siderations rendered all but certain. Thus
there is a remarkable difference lierween the
several books, in their use of the divine names
Jehovah and Elohim, to designai* Almighty
God. In Book I. (i.-xli.), the fo.mcr name
prevails : it is found 272 times, while Elohim
occurs but fifteen times. In Book II. (xlii.-
lxxii.), Elohim is found more than fire times
as often as Jehovah. In Book III. (Ixxiii.-
lxxxix.), the preponderance of Elohim in the
earlier is balanced by that of Jehovah in the lat-
ter psalms of the book. In Book IV. (xc.-cvi. ),
the name Jehovah is exclusively employed ;
and so also, virtually, in Book V., (cvii.-
cl.), Elohim being there found only in two
passages incorporated from earlier psalms. We
nnd the several groups of psalms which form
the respective five books distinguished, is
great measure, by their superscriptions from
each other. Book I. is, by the superscriptions,
entirely Davidic ; nor do we find in it a trace
of any but David's authorship. We may well
believe that the compilation of the hook was
also David's work. Book II. appears by the
date of its latest psalm, Ps. xlvi., to have been
compiled in the reign of King Hezekiah. It
would naturally comprise, 1st, several or most
of the Levitical psalms anterior to that date ;
and, 2dly, the remainder of the psalms of Da-
vid previously nncompiled. To these latter, the
collector, after properly appending the single
psalm of Solomon, has affixed the notice that
" the prayers of David the son of Jesse are
ended (Ps. lxxii. 20) ; evidently implying, at
least on the prima facit view, that no more com-
positions of the royal Psalmist remained. How,
then, do we find, in the later books. III., IV.,
V., further psalms yet marked with David's
name * The name David is used to denote, in
other parts of Scripture, after the original Da-
vid's death, the then head of the Davidic fami-
ly ; and so, in prophecy, the Messiah of the seed
of David, who was to sit on David's throne
(1 K. xii. 16 ; Hos. iii. 5 ; Is. lv. 3; Jet*, xxx.
9 ; Ez. xxxiv. 23-24). And thus, then, we may
explain the meaning of the later Davidic super
scriptions in the Psalter. The psalms to which
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tlicy belong were written by Hezekiah, by Jo-
sian, by Zerabbabel, or others of David's poster-
ity. The above explanation removes all serious
difficulty respecting the history of the later
books of the Psalter. Book III., the interest
of which centres in the times of Hezekiah,
stretches out, by its last two psalms, to the
reign of Manosseh : it was probably compiled
in the reign of Josiah. Book IV. contains the
remainder of the psalms up to the date of the
captivity ; Book v., the psalms of the return.
There is nothing to distinguish these two books
from each other in respect of outward decora-
tion or arrangement, and they may have been
compiled together in the days of Nehemiah.
Connection of the Psalms with the Israelitish
History. — The psalm of Moses, Ps. xc, which
is in point of actual date the earliest, faithfully
reflects the long, weary wanderings, the multi-
plied provocations, and the consequent punish-
ments, of the wilderness. It is, however, with
Duvid that Israelitish psalmody may be said
virtually to commence. Previous mastery over
his harp had probably already prepared the way
for his future strains, when the anointing oil of
Samuel descended upon him, and he began to
drink in special mwuure, from that day forward,
ol the Spirit of i\e Lord. It was then that,
victorious at home over me mysterious melan-
choly of Saul, and in the field over the vaunt-
ing champion of the Philistine hosts, he sang
how from even babes and sucklings God had
oil lined strength because of His enemies (Ps.
viii.). His next psalms are of a different char-
acter ; his persecutions at the hands of Saul
had commenced. When David's reign has be-
gun, it is still with the most exciting incidents
of his history, private orpublic, that his psalms
are mainly associated. There are none to which
the period of his reign at Hebron can lay exclu-
sive claim. But after the conquest of Jerusa-
lem his psalmody opened afresh with the sol-
emn removal of the ark to Mount Zion ; and in
Ps. xxiv.-xxix., which belong together, we
have the earliest definite instance of David's
systematic composition or arrangement of
psalms for public use. Even of those psalms
which cannot be referred to any definite occa-
sion, several reflect the general historical circum-
stances of the times. Thus Ps. ix. is a thanks-
giving for the deliverance of the land of Israel
from its former heathen oppressors. Ps. x. is a
prayer for the deliverance of the Church from
the high-handed oppression exercised from
within. The succeeding psalms dwell on the
same theme, the virtual internal heathenism by
which the Church of God was weighed down.
So that there remain very few, «.</. Ps. xv.-
xvii., xix., xxxii. (with its choral appendage, I
xxiii.), xxxvii., of which some historical ac-
count may not be given. A season of repose
near the close of his reign induced David to
compose his grand personal thanksgiving for
the deliverances of his whole life, Ps. xviii. ; the
date of which is approximately determined by
the place at which it is inserted in the history
(2 Sam. xxii.). It was probably at this period
that he finally arranged for the sanctuary-ser-
vice that collection of his psalms which now
•institutes the First Book of the Psalter.
The course of David's reign was not, how-
ever, as vet complete. The solemn assembly
conveneu by him for the dedication of the ma
terials of the future Temple (1 Chr. xxviii.,
xxix.) would naturally call forth a renewal of
his best efforts to glorify the God of Israel in
psalms ; and to this occasion we doubtless owe
the great festal hymns, Ps. lxv.-lxvii., lxviii.,
containing a large review of the past history,
present position, and prospective glories, of
God's chosen people. The supplications of Ps.
lxix. suit best with the renewed distress occa-
sioned by the sedition of Adonijah. Ps. lxxi.,
to which Ps. lxx., a fragment of a former
psalm, is introductory, forms David's parting
strain. Tet that the psalmody of Israel may
not seem finally to terminate with him, the glo-
ries of the future are forthwith anticipated by
his son in Ps. lxxii. For a time, the single
psalm of Solomon remained the only addition
to those of David. If, however, religious
psalmody were to revive, somewhat might be
not unreasonably anticipated from the great
assembly of King Asa (2 Chr. xv.) ; and Ps. 1.
suits so exactly with the circumstances of that
occasion, that* it may well be assigned to it.
The great prophetical ode Ps. xlv. connects
itself most readily with the splendors of Jehosh-
aphat's reign. And after that psalmody had
thus definitely revived, there would be no rea-
son why it should not thenceforward manifest
itself in seasons of anxiety, as well as of festiv-
ity and thanksgiving. Hence Ps. xlix. Yet
the psalms of this period flow but sparingly.
Ps. xlii.-xliv., lxxi v., are best assigned to the
reign of Ahaz. The reign of Hezekiah is
naturally rich in psalmody. Ps. xlvi., lxxiii.,
lxxv., lxxvi., connect themselves with the re-
sistance to the supremacy of the Assyrians and
the divine destruction of their host.
We are now brought to a series of psalms of
peculiar interest, springing out of the political
and religious history of the separated ten tribes.
In date of actual composition, they commence
before the times of Hezekiah. The earliest is
probably Ps. lxxx., a supplication for the Is-
raelitish people at the time of the Syrian
oppression. All these psalms (Ixxx.-lxxxiii.)
are referred by their superscriptions to the Le-
vite singers, and thus bear witness to the efforts
of the Levites to reconcile the two branches of
the chosen nation. The captivity of Manasseh
himself proved to be but temporary ; but the
sentence wnich his sins had provoked upon Ju-
dah and Jerusalem still remained to be ex»
cuted, and precluded the hope that God's salva-
tion could be revealed till after such an out-
pouring of His judgments as the nation never
yet had known. Labor and sorrow must be
"the lot of the present generation ; through
these mercy might occasionally gleam, but the
glory v hich was eventually to he manifested
must bo for posterity alone. The psalms of
Book IV. bear generally the impress of this
feeling.
We pass to Book V. Ps. cvii. is the opening
psalm of the return, sung prohablv at the first
Feast of Tabernacles (Rzr. iii). The ensuing
Davidic psalms may well be ascribed to Zerab-
babel. We here pass over the questions con-
nected with Ps. cxix. ; but a directly historical
character belongs to Ps. exx.-exxxiv., styled in
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PSALMS, BOOK OF
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PSALTERY
our A. V. " Songs of Degrees." Internal evi-
dence refers these to the period when the Jews
under Nehemiah were, in the very face of the
enemy, repairing the walls of Jerusalem, and
the title may well signify " Sonjrs of goings-up
upon the walls," the psalms being, from their
brevity, well adapted to be sung oy the work-
men and guards while engaged in their respec-
tive duties. Of somewhat earlier date, it may
be, are Ps. exxxvii. and the ensuing Davidic
psalms. Of these, Ps. exxxix. is a psalm of
the new birth of Israel, from the womb of the
Babylonish captivity to a life of righteousness ;
Ps. cxl.-cxliii. may be a picture of the trials
to which the unrestored exiles were still exposed
in the realms of the Gentiles. Henceforward,
as we approach the close of the Psalter, its
strains rise in cheerfulness ; and it fittingly
terminates with Ps. cxlvii.-el., which were
probably sung on the occasion of the thanks-
giving procession of Neh. xii., after the re-
building of the walls of Jerusalem had been
completed.
Moral Characteristic* 0/ the Plains. — Fore-
most among these meets us, undoubtedly, the
universal recourse to communion with God.
Connected with this is the faith by which the
Psalmist everywhere lives in God rather than
in himself, ft is of the essence of such faith
that his view of the perfections of God should
be true and vivid. The Psalter describes God
as He is : it glows with testimonies to His
power and providence, His love and faithful-
ness, His holiness and righteousness. The
Psalms not only set forth the perfections of
God, they proclaim also the duty of worship-
ping Him by the acknowledgment and adora-
tion of His perfections. They encourage all
outward rites and means of worship. Among
these they recognize the ordinance of sacrifice
as an expression of the worshipper's consecra-
tion of himself to God's service. But not the
less do they repudiate the outward rite when
separated from that which it was designed to
express. Similar depth is observable in the
view taken, by the psalmists, of human sin. In
regard to the law, the Psalmist, while warmly
acknowledging its excellence, feels yet that it
cannot so effectually guide his own unassisted
exertions as to preserve him from error (Ps.
xix. ). The Psalms bear repeated testimony to
the duty of instructing others in the ways of
holiness (Ps. xxxii., xxxiv., li.). This brings
us to notice, lastly, the faith of the psalmists
in a righteous recompense to all men according
to their deeds (Ps. xxxvii., 4c.).
Prophetical Character of the Psalms. — The
moral struggle between godliness and ungod-
liness, so vividly depicted in the Psalms, culmi-
nates, in Holy Scripture, in the life of the
Incarnate Son of God upon earth. It only re-
mains to show that the Psalms themselves defi-
nitely anticipated this culmination. Now there
are in the Psalter at least three psalms of which
the interest evidently centres in a person dis-
tinct from the speaker, and which, since they
cannot without violence to the language be
interpreted of any but the Messiah, may be
termed directly and exclusively Messianic. We
refer to Ps. ii., xlv., ex. ; to which may per-
haps be added Ps. lxxii. It would be strange
if these few psalms stood, in their prophetical
significance, absolutely alone among the rest:
the more so, inasmuch as Ps. ii. forms part of
the preface to the First Book of the Psalter,
and would, as such, be entirely out of place,
did not its general theme virtuallv extend it-
self over those which follow, in which the in-
terest generally centres in the figure of the sup-
pliant or worshipper himself. And hence the
impossibility of viewing the Psalms generally,
notwithstanding the historical drapery in which
they are outwardly clothed, as simply the past
devotions of the historical David or the histori-
cal Israel. All these psalms which are of a
personal rather than of a national character
are marked in the superscriptions with the
name of David, as proceeding either from David
himself, or from one of his descendants. It re-
sults from this, that while the Davidic psalms
are partly personal, partly national, the Levitic
psalms are uniformly national. It thus follows
that it was only those psalmists who were types
of Christ by external office and lineage, as well
as by inward piety, that were charged by the
Holy Spirit to set forth beforehand, in Christ's
own name and person, the sufferings that await-
ed him, and the glory that should follow. The
national hymns of Israel are indeed also pro-
spective ; but in general they anticipate rather
the struggles and the triumphs of the Christian
Church than those of Christ Himself.
Psaltery. The psaltery was a stringed
instrument of music to accompany the voice.
The Hebrew nebd, or nebd, is so rendered in
the A. V. in all passages where it occurs, ex-
cept in Is. v. 12, xiv. 11, xxii. 24 mare., An.
v. 23, vi. 5, where it is translated vhJ. The
ancient viol was a six-stringed guitar. In the
Prayer Book version of the Psalms, the Hebrew
word is rendered " lute." This instrument re-
sembled the guitar, but was superior in tone,
being larger, and having a convex back, some-
what like the vertical section of a gourd, or
more nearly resembling that of a pear. These
three instruments, the psaltery or sautry, the
viol, and the lute, are frequently associated in
the old English poets, and were clearly instru-
ments resembling each other, though still dif-
ferent. The Greek ypaXriipun), from which our
word is derived, denotes an instrument played
with the fingers instead of a plectrum or quill ;
the verb <fiaAXeiv being used of twanging the
bow-string. But it onlv occurs in the I.XX.
as the rendering of the Heb. nebd, or nebd, in
Neh. xii. 27, and Is. v. 12, and in all the pas-
sages of the Psalms, except Ps. lxxi. 22, and
Ps. Ixxxi. 2 ; while in Am. v. 23, vi. 5, the gen-
eral term opyavov is emploved. In all other
cases, vofiXa represents ntbel, or nebd. These
various renderings are sufficient to show that,
at the time the translation of the LXX. was
made, there was no certain identification of the
Hebrew instrument with any known to the
translators. The rendering vaffKa commends
itself on account of the similarity of the Greek
word with the Hebrew. Josephus appears to
have regarded them as equivalent, and his is
the only direct evidence upon the point. Ha
tells us that the difference between the snips
(Heb. cinndr) and the vajSXa was, that the for-
mer had ten strings, and was played with the
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PTOLEMEE
777
PTOLEILETTS m.
plectrum ; the latter had twelve notes, and was
played with the hand. We hare strong pre-
snmptiTe evidence that nabta and nebd. are the
same; and that the nabla and psalterion are
identical appears front the Glossary of Philox-
enos. Of the Psaltery among the Greeks, there
appear to have been two kinds. Both Isidoros
and Cassiodorns describe the psaltery as trian-
gular in shape, like the Greek A, with the
sounding-board above the strings, which were
struck downwards. It is impossible to say
Sisitively with what instrument the nebd of the
e brew exactly corresponded. It was probably
of various kinds, as Kimchi says in his note on
Is. xxii. 24, differing from each other both with
regard to the position of the pegs and the num-
ber of the strings. The nebel 'asdr (Ps. xxxiii.
2, xcii. 3 [4], cxliv. 9) appears to have been an
instrument of the psaltery kind which had ten
strings, and was of a trapezium shape, accord-
ing to some accounts. From the fact that nebel
in Hebrew also signifies a wine-bottle or skin,
it has been conjectured that the term when ap-
plied to a musical instrument denotes a kind
of bagpipe. The psalteries of David were
made of cypress (2 Sam. vi. S), those of Solo-
mon of algum or almug trees (2 Chr. ix. 11).
Among the instruments of the band which
played before Nebuchadnezzar's golden image
-on the plains of Dura, we again meet with the
psaltery (Dan. iii. 5,10, 15; pisanterin). The
Chaldee word appears to be merely a modifica-
tion of the Greek yfidkriiptov.
Ptol'emee and Ptolemse'us. ~ 1. "The
son of Dorymenes" (1 Mace. iii. 38; 2 Mace.
iv. 45; comp. Polyb. v. 61), a courtier who
possessed great influence with Antiochus Epiph.
He was induced by a bribe to support the cause
-of Menelaus (2 Mace. iv. 45-50). Ptolemy
took part in the great expedition which Lysias
-organized against Judas (1 Mace. iii. 38). — 2.
The son of Agesarchus, a Megalopolitan, sur-
named Macron (2 Mace. x. 12), who was gov-
-ernor of Cyprus during the minority of Ptol.
Philometor. He afterwards deserted the Egyp-
tian service to join Antiochus Epiph. He stood
high in the favor of Antiochus, and received
from him the government of Phoenicia and
Coele-Syria (2 Mace. viii. 8, x. 11, 12). On
the accession at Ant. Eupator, his conciliatory
policy towards the Jews brought him into sus-
picion at court. He was deprived of his gov-
•emment, and in consequence of this disgrace he
r ironed himself, c. B.C. 164 (2 Mace. x. 13). —
The son of Abubus, who married the daugh-
ter of Simon the Maccabee. He was a man
of great wealth, and, being invested with the
government of the district of Jericho, formed
the design of usurping the sovereignty of Ju-
dasa. With this view, he treacherously mur-
dered Simon and two of his sons (1 Mace.
xvi. 11-16) ; but Johannes Hyrcanns received
timely intimation of his design, and escaped.
Hyrcanns afterwards besieged him in his strong-
hold of Dok ; but in consequence of the occur-
rence of the sabbatical year, he was enabled to
make his escape to Zeno Cotylas, prince of
Philadelphia. Ap.
4. A citizen of Jerusalem, father of Lysim-
achus, the Greek translator of Esther (Esth.
xiii).
•8
Ptolemse'us I. Soter, known as the so*
of Lagus, a Macedonian of low rank, was gen-
erally supposed to have been an illegitimate
son of Philip. He distinguished himself greatly
during the campaigns of Alexander ; at whose
death, foreseeing the necessary subdivision of
the empire, he secured for himself the govern-
ment of Egypt, where he proceeded at once to
lay the foundations of a kingdom (B.C. 323).
He abdicated in favor of his youngest son Ptol.
II. Philadelphia, two years before his death,
which took place in B.C. 283. Ptol. Soter
is described very briefly in Daniel (xi. 5) as
one of those who should receive part of the em-
pire of Alexander when it was " divided toward
the four winds of heaven." Ap.
Ptolemse'us n. FMladel'phus, the
youngest son of Ptol. I., was made king two
years before his death, to confirm the irregular
succession. The conflict between Egypt and
Syria was renewed during his reign in conse-
quence of the intrigue of his half-brother Magas.
" But in the end of man they [the kings of Syria
and Egypt] joined themselves together [in friend-
ship]. For the Icing's daughter of the south [Ber-
enice, the daughter of Ptol. Philadelphia]
came [as bride] to the king of the north [Antiochus
II.] to make an agreement" (Dan. xi. 6). In
other respects, however, this reign was a criti-
cal epoch for the development of Judaism, as it
was for the intellectual history of the ancient
world. The liberal encouragement which Ptol-
emy bestowed on literature and science gave
birth to a new school of writers and thinkers.
The critical faculty was called forth in place
of the creative, and learning in some sense sup-
plied the place of original speculation. It was
impossible that the Jew, who was now become
as true a citizen of the world as the Greek,
should remain passive in the conflict of opin-
ions. It is enough now to observe the great-
ness of the consequences involved in the union
of Greek language with Jewish thought. From
this time, the Jew was familiarized with the
great types of Western literature, and in some
degree aimed at imitating them. An elder
Philo celebtated Jerusalem in a long hexame-
ter poem. Another epic poem, "on the Jews,"
was written by Theodotus. The work of Aris-
tobclds on the interpretation of the Law was
a still more important result of the combina-
tion of the old faith with Greek culture, as
forming the groundwork of later allegories.
A second time, and in a new fashion, Egypt dis-
ciplined a people of God. It first impressed
upon a nation the firm unity of a family, and
then in due time reconnected a matured people
with the world from which it had been called
out. Ap.
Ptolemse'us III. Euer"getes was the
eldest son of Ptol. Philad. and brother of Bere-
nice the wife of Antiochus II. The repudia-
tion and murder of his sister furnished him
with an occasion for invading Syria (c B.C.
246). He " stood up, a branch out of her stock
[sprung from the same parents] tn his [father's]
estate; and set himself at [the head of] his army,
and came against the fortresses of the king of the
north [Antiochus], and dealt against them, and
prevailed" (Dan. xi. 7.) He extended his con-
quests as far as Antiooh, and then eastwards to
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PTOLEMJBUS v.
778
PTOLEJLSTTS VI.
Babylon, bnt was recalled to Egypt by tidings |
of seditions which had broken out there. His
success was brilliant and complete. " He car-
ried captive into Egypt the gods [of the conquered
nations] with their molten images, and with their
precious vessels of silver and gold" (Dan. xi. 8).
This capture of sacred trophies earned for the
king the name Euergetes — " Benefactor " —
recorded in the inscriptions which be set up
at Adule in memory of his achievements (Cos-
mas Ind. ap. Clint."F. //. 382 n). After hisre-
turn to Egypt (cir. B.C. 243) he suffered a great
part of the conquered provinces to fall again
under the power of Scleucus. But the at-
tempts which Seleucus made to attack Egypt
terminated disastrously to himself. He first
collected a fleet which was almost totally de-
stroyed by a storm ; and then, as if by some
judicial infatuation, " he came agninst the realm
of the king of the math, and [being defeated]
returned to Ins own land [to Antioch] " (Dan.
xi. 9; Justin, xxvii. 2). After this, Ptolemy
" desisted some years from [attacking] the king
of the north " (Dan. xi. 8). The remainder of
the reign of Ptolemy seems to have been
spent chiefly in developing the resources of
the empire.
Ptolemae'ua IV. Philop'ator. After
the death of Ptol. Kucrgetcs, the line of the
Ptolemies rapidly degenerated. Ptol. Philopa-
tor, his eldest son, who succeeded him, was to
the last degree sensual, effeminate, and debased.
But externally his kingdom retained its power
and splendor ; and, when circumstances forced
him to action, Ptolemy himself showed ability
not unworthy of his race. The description of
the campaign of Kaphia (B.C. 217) in the Book
of Daniel gives a vivid description of his char-
acter. "The sons of Scleucus [Seleucus Ce-
raunns and Antiochus the Great] were stirred
up, and assembled a multitude of great forces : and
one of them [Antiochus] came and overflowed and
passed through [even to Pelusium ; Polvb. v. 62] ;
and he returned [from Seleucia, to which he had
retired during a faithless truce; Polyb. v. 66] ;
and they [Antiochus and Ptolemv] were stirred
up [in war] even to his [Antiochus'] fortress.
And the Icing of the south [Ptol. Philopator] mis
moved with choter, and came forth and fought with
him [at Raphia) ; and he set forth a great multi-
tude; and tie multitude was given into his hand
I to lead to battle] ; and the multitude raised itself
proudly for the conflict], and his heart was
ifted up, and he cast down ten thousands (cf.
Polyb. v. 86) ; but he was not vigorous " [to reap
the fruits of his victory] (Dan. xi. 10-12; cf.
3 Mace. i. 1-5). After this decisive success,
Ptol. Philopator visited the neighboring cities
of Syria, and among others Jerusalem. Af-
ter offering sacrifices of thanksgiving in the
Temple, he attempted to enter the sanctu-
ary. A sudden paralysis hindered his de-
sign ; but, when he returned to Alexandria,
he determined to inflict on the Alexandrine
Jews the vengeance for his disappointment.
He died B.C. 205, and was succeeded by his
only child, Ptol. V. Epiphanes, who was at
the time only four or five vcars old. Ap.
PtolemaB'iiB V. Epiphanes. The
reign of Ptol. Epiphanes was a critical epoch in
the history of the Jews. The rivalry between
the Syrian and Egyptian parties, which had
for some time divided the people, came to an
open rupture in the struggles which marked
his minority. In the strong language of
Daniel, " The robbers of the people exalted them-
selves to establish the vision " (Dan. xi. 14). The
accession of Ptolemy and the confusion of a
disputed regency furnished a favorable oppor-
tunity for foreign invasion. " Many stood up
rinst the king of the south " under Antiochus
Great and Philip III. of Macedonia, who
formed a league for the dismemberment of his
kingdom. " Sothe king of the north [Antiochus]
came, and cast up a mount, and took the most
fenced city [Sidon], and the arms of the south did
not withstand " fat Paneas, B.C. 198] (Dan. xi.
14, 15). The Romans interfered, and in order
to retain the provinces of Ccele-Svria, Phoe-
nicia, and Judasa, Antiochus "gore "him [Ptole-
my, his daughter Cleopatra] a young mniden "
[as his betrothed wife] (Dan. xi. 17). Bnt in
the end his policy onlv partially succeeded.
After the marriage of Ptolemy and Cleopatra
was consummated (B.C. 193), Cleopatra did
" not stand ou his side," bnt supported her hus-
band in maintaining the alliance with Rome.
The disputed provinces, however, remained in
the possession of Antiochus ; and Ptolemy was
poisoned at the time when he was preparing an
expedition to recover them from Scleucus, the
unworthy successor of Antiochus, B.c. 181.
Ap.
Ptolemee'ua VI. Fhilome'tor. On
the death of Ptol. Epiphanes, his wife Cleo-
patra held the regency for her young son,
Ptol. Philometor, and* preserved peace with
Syria till she died, b.c. 173. The government
then fell into unworthy hands, and an attempt
was made to recover Syria (comp. 2 Mace. iv.
21 ). Antiochus Epiphanes seems to have made
the claim a pretext for invading Egypt. The
generals of Ptolemy were defeated near Pelu-
sium, probably at the close of b.c. 171 (1 Mace.
i. 16ff.) ; ami in the next vcar Antiochus, hav-
ing secured the person of" the young king, re-
duced almost the whole of Egypt (comp. 3
Mace. v. 1 ). Meanwhile Ptol. Euergetes II.,
the younger brother of Ptol. Philometor, as-
sumed the supreme power at Alexandria ; and
Antiochus, under the pretext of recovering the
crown for Philometor, besieged Alexandria in
B.C. 169. By this time, however, his selfish
designs were apparent : the brothers were
reconciled, and Antiochus was obliged to acqui-
esce for the time in the arrangement which
they made. But while doing so he prepared
for another invasion of Egypt, and was already
approaching Alexandria, when he was met by
the Roman embassy led by C. Popillius Ljen&s,
who, in the name of the Roman senate, inMstvd
on his immediate retreat (b.c. 168), a com man J
which the late victory at Pydna made it impos-
sible to disobey. These campaigns, which are
intimately connected with the visits of Anti-
ocluis to Jerusalem in B.C. 170, 168, are briefly
described in Dun. xi. 25-30. After the dis-
comfiture of Antiochus, Philometor was for
some time occupied in resisting the ambitious
designs of his brother, who made two attempts
to add Cyprus to the kingdom of Cyrene, which
was allotted to him. Having effectually pat
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PTOLElkLEUS VI.
779
PUBLICAN
down these attempts, he turned his attention
again to Syria. Daring the brief reign of
Antiochas Eupator, he seems to have support-
ed Philip against the regent Lysias (comp. 2
Mace ix. 29). After the murder of Eupator by
Demetrius I., Philometor espoused the cause
of Alexander Balas, the rival claimant to the
throne, because Demetrius had made an attempt
on Cyprus ; and when Alexander had defeated
and slain his rival, he accepted the overtures
which he made, and gave him his daughter
Cleopatra in marriage (B.C. 150; 1 Mace. x.
51-58). But, according to 1 Mace. xi. 1, 10,
Ac, the alliance was not mode in good faith,
but onlv as a means towards securing posses-
sion of Syria. According to others, Alexander
himself made a treacherous attempt on the
life of Ptolemy (comp. 1 Mace. xi. 10), which
caused him to transfer his rapport to Deme-
trius II., to whom also he gave his daughter,
whom he had taken from Alexander. The
whole of Syria was quickly subdued, and he
was crowned at Antioch king of Egypt and
Asia (1 Mace. xi. 13). Alexander made an
effort to recover his crown, but was defeated by
the forces of Ptolemy and Demetrius, and short-
ly afterwards put to death in Arabia. But
Ptolemy did not long enjoy his success. He
fell from his horse in the battle, and died within
« few days (1 Mace. xi. 18), B.C. 145. Ptole-
nueus Philometor is the last king of Egypt who
is noticed in sacred history, and his reign was
marked also by the erection of the Temple at
Leontopolis. The coincidence is worthy of
notice, for the consecration of a new centre of
worship placed a religious as well as a political
barrier between the Alexandrine and Palestin-
ian Jews. Henceforth the nation was again
divided. The date of this event cannot indeed
be exactly determined. It may perhaps be
placed after the conclusion of the last war with
Ptol. Physcon (c. B.C. 154). In Palestine, the
erection of this second Temple was not con-
demned so strongly as might have been ex-
pected. A question indeed was raised in later
times whether the service was not idolatrous ;
bat the Mishna, embodying without doubt the
old decisions, determines the point more fa-
vorably. The Jewish colony in Egypt, of
which Leontopolis was the immediate religious
centre, was formed of various elements and at
different times. The settlements which were
made under the Greek sovereigns, though the
most important, were by no means the first.
In the later times of the kingdom of Judah,
many " trusted in Egypt," and took refuge
there (Jer. xliii. 6, 7). This colony, formed
against the command of God, was devoted to
complete destruction (Jer. xliv. 27) ; but when
the connection was once formed, it is probable
that the Persians, acting on the same policy as
the Ptolemies, encouraged the settlement of
Jews in Egypt to keep in check the native popu-
lation. After the Return, the spirit of commerce
must have contributed to increase the number
of emigrants ; but the history of the Egyptian
Jews is involved m the same deep obscurity as
that of the Jews of Palestine till the invasion
of Alexander. The founding of Alexandria
opened a new era in the history of the Jews.
Alexander, according to the policy of all great
conquerors, incorporated the conquered in his
armies. Ptolemy Soter increased the colony of
the Jews in Egypt both by force and by policy ;
and their numbers in the next reign may be
estimated by the statement that Ptol. Philadel-
phia gave freedom to 120,000. They retained
their privileges under the Romans. Ap.
Ptolema'is. This article is merely sup-
plementary to that on Accao. The name is
in fact an interpolation in the history of the
place. The citv which was called Accho in
the earliest Jewish annals, and which is again
the Akka or St. Jean a* Acre of crusading and
modern times, was named Ptolemais in the
Macedonian and Roman periods. In the for-
mer of these periods, it was the most important
town upon the coast (1 Mace. v. 15, 55, x. 1,
58, 60, xii. 48). In the N. T., Ptolemais is a
marked point in St. Paul's travels both by land
and sea. It is specifically mentioned in Acts
xxi. 7 as containing a Christian community,
visited for one day by St. Paul.
Pu'a. properly Puvvah. Phuvah the son
of Issachar (Num. xxvi. 23).
Pu'ah. 1. The father of Tola, a man of
the tribe of Issachar, and Judge of Israel after
Abimelech (Judg. x. 1).— 2. The son of Issa-
char (1 Chr. vii. 1), elsewhere called Phuvah
and Pua. — 3. One of the two midwives to
whom Pharoh gave instructions to kill the He-
brew male children at their birth (Ex. i. 15).
In the A. V., they are called " Hebrew mid-
wives," a rendering which is not required by
the original. We may translate Ex. i. 18 in
this way, " And the king of Egypt said to
the women who acted as midwives to the He-
brew women." The two, Shiphrah and Puah,
are supposed to have been the chief and repre-
sentatives of their profession.
Publican. The word thus translated be-
longs only, in the N. T., to the three Synoptic
Gospels. The class designated by the Greek
word were employed as collectors of the Ro-
man revenue. The Roman senate had found
it convenient, at a period as early as, if not
earlier than, the second Punic war, to farm the
vectigalia (direct taxes) and the portoria (cus-
toms) to capitalists who undertook to pay a
given sum into the treasury (in publicum),
and so received the name of publicani. Con-
tracts of this kind fell naturally into the hands
of the equita, as the richest class of Romans.
Not unfreqnently they went beyond the means
of any individual capitalist, and a joint-stock
company (sociWim) was formed, with one of the
partners, or an agent appointed by them, acting
as managing director (magister). Under this
officer, who resided commonly at Rome, trans-
acting the business of the company, paying
profits to the partners and the like, were the
siib-magistri, living in the provinces. Under
them, in like manner, were the portitora, the
actual custom-house officers, who examined
each bale of goods exported or imported, as-
sessed its value more or loss arbitrarily, wrote
out the ticket, and enforced payment. The
latter were commonly natives or the province
in which they were stationed, as being Drought
daily into contact with all classes of the popu-
lation. The word reXuvat, which etymologically
might have been used of the publicani prop-
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PUDEN8
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PUL
erly so called, was used popularly, and in the
N. T. exclusively, of the portitana. The pub-
licani were thus* an important section of the
equestrian order. The system was, however,
essentially a vicious one. The publicani were
banded together to support each other's inter-
est, and at once resented and defied all inter-
ference. They demanded severe laws, and put
every such law into execution. Their agents,
the portitora, were encouraged in the most
vexatious or fraudulent exactions, and a remedy
was all but impossible. If this was the case
with the directors of the company, we may
imagine how it stood with the underlings.
They overcharged whenever they had an op-
portunity (Luke iii. 13). They brought false
charges of smuggling in the hope of extorting
hush-money (Luke xix. 8). They detained
and opened letters on mere suspicion. It was
the basest of all livelihoods. All this was
enough to bring the class into ill favor every-
where. In Judaea and Galilee, there were
special circumstances of aggravation. The em-
ployment brought out all the besetting vices
of the Jewish character. The strong feeling of
many Jews as to the absolute unlawfulness of
paying tribute at all made matters worse. The
scribes, who discussed the question (Matt. xxii.
IS), for the most part answered it in the nega-
tive. In addition to their other faults, accord-
ingly, the publicans of the N. T. were regarded
as traitors and apostates, defiled by their fre-
quent intercourse with the heathen, willing
tools of the oppressor. The class thus practi-
cally excommunicated furnished some of the
earliest disciples both of the Baptist and of
our Lord. The position of Zacchaeus as an
upxmXunrrK (Luke xix. 2) implies a grada-
tion of some kind among the persons thus em-
5 loved. Possibly the balsam trade, of which
ericho was the centre, may have brought
larger profits ; possibly he was one of the sub-
magittn in immediate communication with the
bureau at Rome.
Pub'lius. The chief man — probably the
governor — of Melita, who received and lodged
St. Paul and his companions on the occasion
of their being shipwrecked off that island
(Aetsxxviii. 7). Publius possessed property in
Melita : the distinctive title given to him is
" the first of the island ; " and two inscriptions,
one in Greek, the other in Latin, have been
found at Cctta Vecchia, in which that appar-
ently official title occurs. Publius mav per-
haps have been the delegate of the Roman
pnrtor of Sicily to whose jurisdiction Melita
or Malta belonged.
Pu'dens, a Christian friend of Timothv at
Borne (2 Tim. iv. 21). Papebroch, the Bol-
landist editor, while printing the legendary
histories, distinguishes between two saints of
this, name, both Roman senators ; one the host
of St. Peter and friend of St. Panl, martyred
under Nero ; the other, the grandson of* the
former, living about a.d. 150. Earlier writers
are disposed to believe in the existence of one
Pndcns only. About the end of the 16th con-
tun-, it was observed that Martial, the Spanish
poet who went to Rome a.d. 66, or earner, in
his 23d year, and dwelt there for nearlv forty
Tears, mention* two contemporaries, Pudens
and Claudia, as husband and wife [Epic, hr.
13). Modern researches among the colum-
baria at Rome appropriated to members of the
imperial household have brought to light an
inscription in which the name of Pudens occur*
as that of a servant of Tiberius or Claudius.
On the whole, although the identity of St
Paul's Pudens with any legendary or heathen
namesake is not absolutely proved, yet it is
difficult to believe that these facts add nothing
to our knowledge of the friend of Paul and
Timothy.
Pullites, the. According to 1 Chr. ii.
53, the " Puhites " or " Puthites " belonged to
the families of Kirjath-jearim.
Pol, a country or nation once mentioned,
if the Masoretic text be here correct, in the
Bible (Is. lxvi. 19). The name is the same as
that of Pul, king of Assyria. It is spoken of
with distant nations : " the nations [to] Tar-
shish, Pul, and Lud, that draw the bow, [to]
Tubal, and Javan, [to] the isles afar off." If
a Mizraite Lud be intended, Pul may be Afri-
can. It has accordingly been compared by
Bochart and J. D. Michaelia with the Island
Philse. The common LXX. reading suggests
that the Heb. had originally Phnt (Put) in this
place.
Pal was an Assyrian king:, and is the first
of those monarchs mentioned in Scripture. He
made an expedition against Menahem, king of
Israel, about B.C. 770. Menahem appears to
have inherited a kingdom which was already
included among the dependencies of Assyria.
Under the Assyrian system, the monarchs of
tributary kingdoms, on ascending the throne,
applied for "confirmation in their kingdoms'*
to the Lord Paramount, and only became
established on receiving it. We may Rather
from 2 K. xv. 19, 20, that Menahem neglected
to make any such application to his liege lord,
Pul — a neglect which wonld have been regnrded
as a plain act of rebellion. Possibly he wss
guilty of more overt and flagrant hostility.
" Menahem smote Tiphsah " (2 K. xv. 16), we
arc told. However this may have been, it is
evident that Pul looked upon Menahem as a
rebel. He consequently marched an army into
Palestine for the purpose of punishing bis re-
volt. The Assyrian monuments have a king,
whose name is read very doubtfully as Vul-liah
or Ira-lush, at about the period when Pul most
have reigned. His probable date is B.C. 800-
750 ; while Pul, as we have seen, ruled over
Assyria in n.c. 770. The Hebrew name Pul
is undoubtedly curtailed ; for no Assyrian name
consists of a single element If we take the
" Phalos " or " Phaloch " of the Septuagint as
probably nearer to the original type, we have
a form not very different from Vul-hah or lra-
lush. VMush reigned at Calah (A'l'mrW) from
about B.C. 800 to n.c 750. He states that be
made an expedition into Syria, wherein be took
Damascus ; and that be received tribute from
the Medes, Armenians, Phoenicians, Samari-
tans, Damascenes, Philistines, and Edomites.
He also tells us that he invaded Babylonia, and
received the submission of the Chaldseans. He
i probably the last Assyrian monarch of his
b. The list of/
was i
race. The fist of Assyrian monumental kings,
which is traceable without a break and in a
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PUNISHMENTS
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PUNISHMENTS
direct line to him from his seventh ancestor,
here comes to a stand.
Pulse (Heb. zer'&m, and ur'dnim) occurs
only in the A. V. in Dan. i. 12, 16, as the trans-
lation of the above plural nouns, the literal
meaning of which is "seeds" of any kind.
Probably the term denotes uncooked grain of
any kind, whether barley, wheat, millet, vetch-
es, Ac.
P unishm ents. The earliest theory of
punishment current among mankind is doubt-
less the one of simple retaliation, " blood for
blood." Viewed historically, the first case of
punishment for crime mentioned in Scripture,
next to the Fall itself, is that of Cain the first
murderer. That death was regarded as the
fitting punishment for murder appears plain
from the remark of Lantech (Gen. iv. 24). In
the post-diluvian code, if we may so call it,
retribution by the hand of man, even in the
case of an offending animal, for blood shed, is
clearly laid down (Gen. ix. 5, 6). Passing on-
wards to Mosaic times, we find the sentence of
capital punishment, in the case of murder,
plainly laid down in the law. The murderer
was to be put to death, even if he should have
taken refuge at God's altar or in a refuge city,
and the same principle was to be carried out
even in the case of an animal (Ex. xxi. 12, 14,
28, 36; Lev. xxiv. 17, 21; Num. xxxv. 31;
Dent xix. II, 12 ; and see 1 K. ii. 28, 34). I.
The following offences also are mentioned in
the Law as liable to the punishment of death :
— 1. Striking, or even reviling, a parent (Ex.
xxi. 15, 17). 2. Blasphemy (Lev. xxiv. 14,
16, 23). 3. Sabbath-breaking (Num. xv. 32-
36; Ex. xxxi. 14, xxxv. 2). 4. Witchcraft,
and false pretension to prophecy (Ex. xxii. 18;
Lev. xx. 27 ; Deut. xiii. 5, xviii. 20). 5.
Adultery (Lev. xx. 10; Deut. xxii. 22). 6.
Unchastity (Deut. xxii. 21, 23 ; Lev. xxi. 9).
7. Rape (Deut. xxii. 25). 8. Incestuous and
unnatural connections (Lev. xx. 11, 14, 16;
Ex. xxii. 19). 9. Man-stealing (Ex. xxi. 16;
Dent. xxiv. 7). 10. Idolatry, actual or vir-
tual, in any shape (Lev. xx. 2 ; Deut. xiii. 6
10, 15, xvii. 2-7 ; see Josh. vii. and xxii. 20,
and Num. xxv. 8). 11. False witness in cer-
tain cases (Dent. xix. 16, 19). II. But there
is a large number of offences, some of them in-
cluded in this list, which are named in the Law
as involving the penalty of " cutting off from
the people. On the meaning of this expression,
some controversy has arisen. There are alto-
gether thirty-six or thirty-seven cases in the
Pentateuch in which this formula is used,
which may be thus classified : a. Breach of
Morals. 6. Breach of Covenant, e. Breach
of Ritual. 1 . Wilful sin in general (Num. xv.
30,31). *15 cases of incestuous or unclean
connection (Lev. xviii. 29 and xx. 9-21). 2.
* t Uncircumcision (Gen. xvii. 14; Ex.iv.24).
Neglect of Passover (Num. ix. 13). • Sabbath-
breaking (Ex. xxxi. 14). Neglect of Atone-
ment-day (Lev. xxiii. 29). t Work done on
that day (Lev. xxiii. 30). *t Children offered
to Molech (Lev. xx. 3). • t Witchcraft (Lev.
xx. 6). Anointing a stranger with holy oil
(Ex. xxx. 33). 3. Eating leavened bread dur-
ing Passover (Ex. xii. 15, 19). Eating fat of
sacrifices (Lev. vii. 25). Eating blood (Lev.
vii. 27, xvii. 14). * Eating sacrifice in an nn-
clean condition (Lev. vii. 20, 21, xxii. 3, 4, 9).
Offering too late (Lev. xix. 8). Making holy
ointment for private use (Ex. xxx. 32, 33).
Making perfume for private use (Ex. xxx. 38).
Neglect of purification in general (Nam xix. 13,
20). Not bringing offering after slaying a
beast for food (Lev. xvii. 9). Not slaying the
animal at the tabernacle-door (Lev. xvn. 4).
• t Touching holv things illegally (Num. iv. 15,
1 8, 20 ; and see 2* Sam. vi. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 21 1.
In the foregoing list, which, it will be seen, is
classified according to the view supposed to be
taken by the Law of the principle of condem-
nation, the cases marked with * are (a) those
which are expressly threatened or actually vis-
ited with death, as well as with cutting off.
In those (6) marked t, the hand of God is ex-
pressly named as the instrument of execution.
The question to be determined is, whether the
phrase " cnt off" be likely to mean death in
all cases ; and to avoid that conclusion, Le Clerc,
Michaelis, and others, have suggested that in
some of them, the ceremonial ones, it wae in-
tended to be commuted for banishment, or pri-
vation of civil rights. Rabbinical writers
explained " cutting off" to mean excommuni-
cation, and laid down three degrees of severity
as belonging to it. But most commentatorx
agree, that, in accordance with the prima facie
meaning of Heb. x. 28, the sentence of " cut-
ting off must be understood to be death-pun-
ishment of some sort. We may perhaps con-
clude that the primary meaning of " cutting
off" is a sentence of death to be executed in
some cases without remission, bnt in others
voidable : (1 .) by immediate atonement on the
offender's part; (2.) by direct interposition of
the Almighty, «'.«. a sentence of death always
"recorded," but not always executed. III.
Punishments in themselves are twofold, Capital
and Secondary, (a.) Of the former kind, the
following only are prescribed by the Law. ( 1 . )
Stoning, which was the ordinary mode of exe-
cution (Ex. xvii. 4 ; Luke xx. 6 ; John x. 31 ;
Acts xiv. 5). In the case of idolatry, and it
may be presumed in other cases also, the wit-
nesses, of whom there were to be at least two,
were required to cast the first stone (Deut. xiii.
9, Acta vii. 58). The rabbinical writers add,
that the first stone was cast by one of them on
the chest of the convict ; and if this failed to
cause death, the bystanders proceeded to com-
plete the sentence. (2.) Hanging is mentioned
as a distinct punishment (Num. xxv. 4 ; 2 Sam.
xxi. 6. 9). (3.) Burning, in pre-Mosaic times,
was the punishment for unchastity (Gen.
xxxviii. 24). Under the Law it is ordered in
the case of a priest's daughter (Lev. xxi. 9).
(4.) Death by the sword or spear is named in the
Law (Ex. xix. 13, xxxii. 27 ; Num. xxv. 7) ;
bnt it occurs frequently in regal and post-
Babylonian times (1 K. ii. 25, 34, xix. 1 ; 2
Chr. xxi. 4, &c.). (5.) Strangling is said by
the rabbins to have been regarded as the most
common but least severe of the capital punish-
ments, and to have been performed by immers-
ing the convict in clay or mud, and then stran-
gling him by a cloth twisted round the neck.
(6.) Besides these ordinary capital punish-
ments, we read of others, either of foreign in-
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PUNON
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PURIFICATION
traduction or of an irregular kind. Among
the former, (1.) Cbucifixion is treated else-
where. (2.) Drowning, though not ordered
under the Law, was practised at Rome, and is
said by St. Jerome to have been in use among
the Jews. (3.) Sawing asunder or crushing be-
neath iron instruments (2 Sam. xii. 31, and
perhaps Prov. xx. 26; Heb. xi. 37). (4.)
Pounding in a mortar, or beating to death, is al-
luded to in Prov. xxvii. 22, but not as a legal
punishment ; and cases are described (2 Mace,
vi. 28, 30). (5.) Precipitation, attempted in
the case of our Lord at Nazareth, and carried
ont in that of captives from the Edomites, and
of St. James, who is said to have been cast
from "the pinnacle" of the Temple. Crimi-
nals executed by law were buried outside the
city-gates, and heaps of stones were flung upon
their graves (Josh. vii. 25, 26 ; 2 Sam. xviii.
17 ; Jer. xxii. 19). (c.) Of secondary punish-
ments among the Jews, the original principles
were, (1.) retaliation, "eye for eye," Ac. (Ex.
xxi. 24, 25.) (2.) Compensation, identical (res-
titution) or analogous ; payment for loss of
time or of power (Ex. xxi. 18-36 ; Lev. xxiv.
18-21; Deut. xix. 21). Slander against a
wife's honor was to be compensated to her par-
ents by a fine of 100 shekels, and the traducer
himself to be punished with stripes (Deut. xxii.
18, 19). (3.) Stripes, whose number was not
to exceed forty (Deut. xxv. 3) ; whence the
Jews took care not to exceed thirty-nine (2
Cor. xi. 24). (4.) Scourging with thorns is
mentioned, Judg. viii. 16. The stocks are men-
tioned, Jer. xx. 2 ; passing through fire, 2 Sam.
xii. 31 ; mutilation, Judg. i. 6 ; 2 Mace. vii. 4,
and see 2 Sam. iv. 12 ; plucking out hair, Is. 1.
6 ; in later times, imprisonment, and confiscation
or exile, Ezr. vii. 26 ; Jer. xxxvii. 15, xxxviii.
6; Acts iv. 3, v. 18, xii. 4. Of punishments
inflicted by other nations we have the following
notices : — In Egypt, the power of life ana
death and imprisonment rested with the king,
and to some extent also with officers of high rank
(Gen. xl. 3, 22, xlii. 20). Death might be com-
muted for slavery (xlii. 19, xliv. 9, 33). In
Egypt, and also in Babylon, the chief of the
executioners, Bab-Tabbachim, was a great officer
of state (Gen. xxxvii. 36 ; Dan. li. 14), &c.
Putting out the eyes of captives, and other
cruelties, as flaying alive, burning, tearing out
the tongue, 4c., were practised by Assyrian
and Babylonian conquerors. The execution of
Haman and the story of Daniel are pictures of
summary Oriental procedure. With the Ro-
mans, stripes and the stocks were in use, and
imprisonment, with a chain attached to a sol-
dier. There were also the libera custodial in
private houses. Exposure to wild beasts appears
to be mentioned by St. Paul (1 Cor. xv. 32;
2 Tim. iv. 17), but not with any precision.
Pu'niteS, the. The descendants of Pua,
or Puvah, the son of Issachar (Num. xxvi. 23).
Pun'on. One of the halting-places of the
Israelite host during the last portion of the
Wandering (Num. xxxiii. 42, 43). By Euse-
bius and Jerome, it is identified with Pinon,
the seat of the Edomite tribe of that name,
and, further, with Phssno, which contained the
copper-mines so notorious at that period, and
was situated between Petra and Zoar.
Purification. The term "purification,"
in its legal and technical sense, is applied to
the ritual observances whereby an Israelite was
formerly absolved from the taint of nncleannest,
whether evidenced by any overt act or state,
or whether connected with man's natural de-
pravity. In the present article, we are con-
cerned solely with the former class, inasmuch
as in this alone were the ritual observances of
a special character. The essence of purifica-
tion, indeed, in all cases, consisted in the use
of water, whether by way of ablution or asper-
sion ; but in the majora delicto of legal unclean-
ness, sacrifices of various kinds were added,
and the ceremonies throughout bore an expia-
tory character. Simple ablution of the person
was required after sexual intercourse (Lev. xv.
18 ; 2 Sam. xi. 4) ; ablution of the clothes,
after touching the carcass of an unclean beast,
or eating or carrying the carcass of a clean
beast that had died a natural death (Lev. xi.
25, 40) ; ablution both of the person and of the
defiled garments in cases of gonorrhaa dtrmien-
tium (Lev. xv. 16, 17) — the ceremony in each
of the above instances to take place on the day
on which the uncleanneas was contracted. A
higher degree of uncleanness resulted from
prolonged gonorrhaa in males, and menstruation
in women. Contact with persons in the above
states, or even with clothing or furniture that
had been used by them while in those states,
involved uncleanness in a minor degree (Lev.
xv. 5-11, 21-24). In cases of childbirth, the
sacrifice was increased to a lamb of the first
year with a pigeon or turtle-dove (Lev xii. 6).
The uncleannesses already specified were com-
paratively of a mild character : the more aeti-re
were connected with death, which, viewed :.•»
the penalty of sin, was in the highest «V--ioe
contaminating. To this head we refer the two
cases of (1.) touching a corpse or a grave
(Num. xix. 16), or even killing a man in war
(Num. xxxi. 19) ; and (2.) leprosy, which was
regarded by the Hebrews as nothing less than
a living death. The ceremonies of purification
in the first of these two cases are detailed in
Nnm. xix. The purification of the leper was
a yet more formal proceeding, and indicated
the highest pitch of nncleannest. The rites
are described in Lev. xiv. 4-32. The two
stages of the proceedings indicated, the first,
which took place outside the camp, the re-ad-
mission of the leper to the community of men ;
the second, before the sanctuary, his re-admis-
sion to communion with God. In the first
stage, the slaughter of the one bird, and the
dismissal of the other, symbolized the punish-
ment of death deserved and fully remitted. In
the second, the use of oil, and its application to
the same parts of the body as in the consecra-
tion of priests (Lev. viii. 23, 24), symbolized
the re-dedication of the leper to the service of
Jehovah. The ceremonies to be observed in
the purification of a house or • garment in-
fected with leprosy were identical with the
first stage of the proceedings used for the leper
(Lev. xiv. 33-53). The necessity of purifica-
tion was extended in the post-Babylonian pe-
riod to a variety of unauthorized cases. Cups
and pots, brazen vessels and couches, were
washed as a matter of ritual observance (Mark
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PTJRIM
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PUTEOLI
•vii. 4). The wishing of the hands before meals
was conducted in a formal manner (Mark vii.
3), and minute regulations are laid down on this
subject in a treatise of the Mishna, entitled
Yaaaim. What may have been the specific
causes of uncleanness in those who came up to
purify themselves before the Passover (John xi.
55), or in those who had taken upon themselves
the Nazarite's vow (Acts xxi. 24, 26), we are
not informed ; in either case it may hare been
contact with • corpse, though in the latter it
would rather appear to have been a general
purification preparatory to the accomplishment
of the vow. In conclusion, it may be observed,
that the distinctive feature in the Mosaic rites
of purification is their expiatory character. The
idea of uncleanness was not peculiar to the Jew.
But with all other nations simple ablution
sufficed: no sacrifices were demanded. The
Jew alone was taught by the use of expiatory
onV.rings to discern to its full extent the con-
nection between the outward sign and the
inward fount of impurity.
Fttrim, the annual festival instituted to
commemorate the preservation of the Jews in
Persia from the massacre with which they
were threatened through the machinations of
Hainan (Estli. ix.). It was probably called
Purim by the Jews in irony. Their great
enemy Hainan appears to have been very su-
perstitious, and much given to casting lots
(Esth. iii. 7). Tbey gave the name Punm, or
Lots, to the commemorative festival, because
he had thrown lots to ascertain what day would
be auspicious for him to carry into effect the
bloody decree which the king had issued at his
instance (Esth. ix. 24). The festival lasted
two days, and was regularly observed on the
14th and 15th of Adar; but if the 14th hap-
pened to fall on the sabbath, or on the second
or fourth day of the week, the commencement
of the festival was deferred till the next day.
The traditions of the Jews, and their modern
usage respecting it, are curious. A preliminary
fast was appointed, called " the fast of Esther,'*
to be observed on the 13th of Adar, in memory
of the fast which Esther and her mavis observed
(Ksth. iv. 16). If the 13th was a sabbath, the
fmt was put back to the fifth day of the week.
According to modern custom, as soon as the
stars begin to appear, when the 14th of the
month has commenced, candles are lighted up
in token of rejoicing, and the people assemble
in the synagogue. After a short prayer and
thanksgiving, the reading of the Book of Esther
commences. The book is written in a peculiar
manner, on a roll called " the Roll " (Megillah).
The reader translates the text, as he goes on,
into the vernacular tongue of the place, and
makes comments on particular passages. He
reads in a histrionic manner, suiting his tones
and gestures to the changes in the subject
matter. When he comes to the name of Haman,
the whole congregation cry out, "May his
name be blotted oat," or " Let the name of the
ungodly perish." When the Megillah is read
through, the whole congregation exclaim,
" Cursed be Haman ; blessed be Mordecai ;
cursed be Zoresh (the wife of Haman) ; blessed
be Esther; cursed be all idolaters; blessed be all
Israelite*, and blessed be Harbonoh who hauged
Haman." The volume is then solemnly rolled
up. In the morning service in the synagogue, on
the 14th, after the prayers, the passage is read
from the Law (Ex. xvii. 8-16) which relates the
destruction of the Amalekites, the people of
Agag (1 Sam. xv. 8), the supposed ancestor
of Haman (Esth. iii. 1). The Megillah is then
read again in the same manner. The 14th of
Adar, as the very day of the deliverance of the
Jews, is more solemnly kept than the 13th;
but when the service in the synagogue is over,
all give themselves up to merry-making. On
the 15th, the rejoicing is continued. When the
month Adar used tooo doubled, in the Jewish
leap-year, the festival was repeated on the 14th
and 15th of the second Adar. Ewald, in sup-
port of his theory that there was in patriarchal
times a religious festival at every new and full
moon, conjectures that Purim was originally
the full moon feast of Adar, as the Passover
was that of Nisan, and Tabernacles that of
Tisri. It was suggested first by Kepler thai
the iopri) tuv 'loixJoiuv of John v. 1 was the
Feast of Purim. The question is a difficult
one. It seems to be generally allowed that the
opinion of most of the Fathers that the feast
was Pentecost, and that of Cocceius that it was
Tabernacles, are precluded by the general course
of the narrative, and especially by John iv. 35,
compared with v. 1. The interval indicated by
a comparison of these texts could scarcely have
extended beyond Nisan. The choice u. thus
left between Purim and the Passover. The
principal objections to Purim are, (a) that it
was not necessary to go up to Jerusalem to
keep the festival; (6) that it is not very likely
that our Lord would have made a point of
paying especial honor to a festival which ap-
pears to have bad but a very small religious
element in it, and which seems rather to have
been the means of keeping alive a feeling of
national revenge and hatred. On the whole,
the only real objection to the Passovei seems
to be the want of the article before topii/. It
must be admitted that the difficulty is no small
one, though it docs not seem to be sufficient to
outweigh the grave objections which lie against
the Feast of Purim.
Purse. The Hebrews, when on a journey,
were provided with a bag (variously termed cm,
ttMr, and ch&iit), in which they carried their
money (Gen. xlii. 35 ; Prov. i. 14, vii. 20 ; Is.
xlvi. 6), and, if they were merchants, also their
weights (Dcut xxv. 13; Mic. vi. 11). This
bag is described in the N. T. by the terms
fiaXavTiw (Luke x. 4, xii. 33, xxii. 35, 36), and
yhMTmna/im (John xii. 6, xiii. 29). The girdle
also served as a purse (Matt. x. 9 ; Mark vi. 8).
Ladies wore ornamental purses (Is. iii. 23).
Put (1 Chr. i. 8; Nab. iii. 9). [Phut.]
Pute oli, the great landing-place of travel-
lers to Italy from the Levant, and the harbor
to which the Alexandrian corn-ships brought
their cargoes (Acts xxvii. 13). Puteoli was at
that period a place of very great importance.
We cannot elucidate this better than by saying
that the celebrated bay which is now " the Bay
of Naples," and in early times was " the Bay
of Cunue," was then called " Sinus Pnteola-
nus." The city was at the north-eastern angle
of the bay. The earlier name of Puteoli, when
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QUAILS
784
QUEER
the lower part of Italy was Greek, was Dicssar-
chia. The word Puteoli was a true Roman
name, and arose from the strong mineral springs
which are characteristic of the place. In the
5th century, Puteoli was ravaged both by Alnric
and Genseric, and it never afterwards recovered
its former eminence. It is now a fourth-rate
Italian town, still retaining the name of Potzu-
oli. The remains of Puteoli are considerable.
Pn'tiel. One of the daughters of Putiel
was wife of Eleazar the son of Aaron, and
mother of Phinehas (Ex. vi. 25).
Pygarg (Heb. dbsMn: myapyoc: pygarmt)
occurs only (Dent. xiv. 5) in the list of clean
animals as the rendering of the Heb. dishdn,
the name apparently of some species of ante-
lope, though it is by no means easy to identify
it The Greek Truvapyoc denotes an animal
with a " white rump," and is used by Herodotus
(iv. 192) as the name of some Libyan deer or
antelope. It is usual to identify the pygarq of
the Greek and Latin writers with the addax
of North Africa, Nubia, &c. ( Addax natomacula-
tus) ; but we cannot regard this point as satis-
factorily settled. We are inclined to consider
the iwyapyoc, arpygargxts, as a generic name to
denote any of the white-rumped antelopes of
North Africa, Syria, &c. Whether, however,
the LXX. and vulg. are correct in their inter-
pretation of dithdn, is another question.
Q.
Qliaila (Heb. atfav, nilaiv). That the He-
brew vord (Ex. xvi. 13; Num. xi. 31, 32) is
correctly rendered " quails," is, we think, be-
yond doubt. Ludolf has endeavored to show
that the titav were locusts. Rudbeck has ar-
gued in favor of the sildv meaning " flying-fish,"
some species of die genus Exocetus. Ehren-
berg, from having observed a number of " fly-
ing-fish " lying dead on the shore near Elim,
IieTieved that Otis was the food of the Israelites
in the wilderness, and named the fish " Trigla
Israelitarum." Hermann von der Hardt sup-
posed that the locust-bird (Pastor Iioteus) was
intended ; and recently Mr. Forster has advanced
an opinion that "red geese" of the genus Ca-
Ktrca are to be understood by the Hebrew term.
Some writers, while they hold that the original
word denotes " quails," are of opinion that a
species of sand-grouse (Pterocles alchata), fre-
quent in the Bible lands, is also included under
the term. It is clear, however, that the sitdv
of the Pentateuch and the 105th Ps. denotes
the common "quail" {Coturnix dactylisonans),
and no other bird. The Hebrew word titav is
undoubtedly identical with the Arabic snlwa, a
"quail." The expression " as it were two cu-
bits (high) upon the face of the earth" (Num.
xi. 31 ) is explained by the LXX., by the Vulg.,
and by Josephus, to refer to the height at which
the quails new above the ground, in their ex-
hausted condition from their long flight. As
to the enormous quantities which the least suc-
cessful Israelite is said to have taken, viz. " ten
homers," in the space of a night and two days,
there is every reason for believing that the
" homers " here spoken of do not denote strictly
the measure of that name, but simply " a heap - *
this is the explanation given by Onkelos and
the Arabic versions of Saadias and Erpenins,
in Num. xi. 31 . The Israelites would hare had
little difficulty in capturing large quantities of
these birds, as they are known to arrive at
places sometimes so completely exhausted bv
their flight as to be readily taken, not in nets
only, but by th« hand. They "spread the
quails round about the camp : " this was for lbs
purpose of drying them. The Egyptians simi>
QMnnof •JfarU.
larly prepared these birds. The exprtssiM
"quails from the sea" (Num. xi. 31) mast not
be restricted to denote that the birds came from
the sea as their starting-point ; but it must be
taken to show the direction from which tber
were coming. The quails were, at the time of
the event narrated in the sacred writings, on
their spring journey of migration northwards.
It is interesting to note the time specified ; " it
was at even" that they began to arrive; and
they no doubt continued to come all the night
Many observers have recorded that the quail
migrates by night The quail [Caturmx dot-
tylisonam), the only species of the genus known
to migrate, has a very wide geographical
range.
Quar'tUS, a Christian of Corinth (Rom.
xvi. 23). There is the usual tradition tbat be
was one of the Seventy disciples ; and it is also
said that he ultimately became bishop of Bery-
tus.
Quaternion, a military term signifying a
guard of four soldiers, two of whom were at-
tached to die person of a prisoner, while the
other two kept watch outside the door of his
cell (Acts xii. 4).
Queen (maicah, AMI, gebirih) Of the
three Hebrew terras cited as the equivalents of
"queen " in the A. V., the first alone is applied
to a qneen-reonant ; the first and second equally
to a queen-consort, without, however, implying
the dignity which in European nations attaches
to that position ; and the third to the queep-
mathtr, to whom that dignity is transferred in
Oriental courts. The etymological force of the
words accords with their application, ^fak**
is the feminine of meltch, "king." ShtfU
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QUIVEB
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KABBAH
■imply means "wife." Gtbtrah, on the other
hand, is expressive of authority: it means
"powerful" or "mistress." It would there-
fore be applied to the female who exercised the
highest authority; and this, in an Oriental
household, is not the wife but the mother of
toe master. Strange as such an arrangement
at first sight appears, it is one of the inevitable
results of polygamy.
Queen of Heaven. In Jer. vii. is, xlir.
17, IS, 19, 25, the Heb. melaxth hashshamayim
is thus rendered in the A. V. In the margin
is given " frame or workmanship of heaven."
Kimchi says " ' workmanship of heaven,' »'.«.
the stars ; and some interpret ' the queen of
heaven,' i.e. a great star which is in the
heavens." Rashi is in favor of the latter;
and the Targum renders throughout " the star
of heaven." Kircher is in favor of some con-
stellation, the Pleiades or Hyades. It is gen-
erally believed that the " queen of heaven is
the moon, worshipped as Ashtaroth or Astarte,
to whom the Hebrew women offered cakes in
the streets of Jerusalem. The Babylonian
Venus was also styled " the queen of heaven."
Mr. Layard identifies Hera, " the second deity
mentioned by Diodorus, with Astarte, Mylitta,
or Venus," and with the " ' queen of heaven,' fre-
quently mentioned in the sacred volumes. . . .
The planet which bore her name was sacred to
her ; and, in the Assyrian sculptures, a Btar is
placed upon her head. She was called Beltis,
because she was the female form of the great
divinity, or Baal." With the cakes (cawanim)
which were offered in her honor, with incense
and libations, Selden compares the mrvpa
(A. V. " bran ") of Ep. of Jer. 43.
Quicksands, the, more properly the
Strtis (Acts xxvii. 17), the broad and deep
bight on the North African coast between Car-
thage and Cyrene. The name is derived from
Serf, an Arabic word for a desert. For two
reasons, this region was an object of peculiar
dread to the ancient navigators of the Mediter-
ranean, partly because of the drifting sands and
the heat along the shore itself, but chiefly on
account of the shallows and the uncertain cur-
rents of water in the bay. There were propcr-
1 v two Svrtes : the eastern or larger, now called
the Gul/of Sidra ; and the western or smaller,
now the Gulf of Cabes. It is the former to
which our attention is directed in this passage
of the Acts.
Quintus Memmius, 2 Mace. xi. 34.
[See MiNLins T.| Ap.
Quiver. Two distinct Hebrew terms are
Represented by this word in the A. V. (1.)
TTiili, This occurs only in Gen. xxvii. 3. It
is derived from a root which has the force of
hanging. The passage itself affords no clew to
its meaning. It may therefore signify either
a quiver or a suspended weapon — for instance,
juch a sword as in our own language was for-
merly called a" hanger." (2.) Ashpah. The root
of this word is uncertain. It is connected with
arrows only in Lam. iii. 13. Its other occur-
rences are Job xxxix. 23, Is. xxii. 6, and Jer.
v. 16. In each of these, the LXX. translate it
by " quiver," with two exceptions, Job xxxix.
23 and Ps. exxvii. 5. As to the thing itself,
there is nothing in the Bible to indicate either
W
its form or material, or in what way it wai
carried.
Aayrian Chirk* with Qolrar.
R.
Ra'amah, a son of Cush, and father of the
Cushite Sheba and Dedan. The tribe of Raa-
mah became afterwards renowned as traders
(Ez. xxvii. 22). Of the settlement of Raamah
on the shores of the Persian Gulf there are
several indications. Traces of Dcdan are very
faint; but Raamah seems to be recovered in
the 'Ptyiid of Ptol. vi. 7, and 'Pr/ypa of Steph.
Byzant.
Raami'ah, one of the chiefs who returned
with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 7). In Ezr. ii. 2,
he is called Rkelaiah.
Baam'ses, Ex. i. 10. [Rameses.]
Rab'bab, the name of several ancient
places both cast and west of the Jordan. I.
A very strong place on the east of the Jordan,
which, when its name is first introduced in the
sacred records, was the chief city of the Am-
monites. In five passages ( Deut. iii. 1 1 ; 2 Sam.
xii. 26, xvii. 27 ; Jer. xlix. 2; Ez. xxi. 20), it
is styled at length Rabbath of the Ammonites,
or children of Ammon ; but elsewhere (Josh,
xiii. 25; 2 Sam. xi. 1, xii. 27, 29; 1 Chr. xx.
1 ; Jer. xlix. 3 ; Ez. xxv. 5; Amos i. 14) sim-
ply Rabbah. It appears in the sacred records
as the single city of the Ammonites. When
first named, it is in the hands of the Ammon-
ites, and is mentioned as containing the bed
or sarcophagus of the giant Og (Deut. iii. 11 ).
It was not included in the territory of the
tribes cast of Jordan ; the border of Gad stops
at " Aroer, which faces Rabbah " (Josh. xiii.
25). David's first Ammonite campaign appears
to have occurred early in his reign. A part of
the army, under Abishai, was sent as far as
Rabbah to keep the Ammonites in check (2
Sam. x. 10, 14) ; but the main force under Joab
remained at Medeba (1 Chr. xix. 7). The fol-
lowing year the Ammonite war was resumed,
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KABBAH
786
BAB-MAG
and this time Rabbah was made the main point
of attack (xi. 1). Joab took the command,
and was followed by the whole of the army.
The siege mast hare lasted nearly, if not quite,
two years. The sallies of the Ammonites ap-
Eto have formed a main feature of the siege
am. xi. 17, &c.). At the end of that time,
i succeeded in capturing a portion of the
place — the " city of waters," that is, the lower
town, so called from its containing the peren-
nial stream which rises in and still flows through
H. But the citadel, which rises abruptly on
the north side of the lower town, a place of
very great strength, still remained to be taken ;
and the honor of this capture, Joab insists on
reserving for the king. The waters of the
lower city once in the hands of the besiegers,
the fate of the citadel was certain. The pro-
visions also were at last exhausted, and shortly
after David's arrival the fortress was taken.
We are not told whether the city was de-
molished, or whether David was satisfied with
the slaughter of its inmates. In the time of
Amos, two centuries and a half later, it had
again a " wall " and " palaces," and was still
the sanctuary of Molech — " the king " (Am.
i. 14). So it was also at the date of the inva-
sion of Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. xlix. 2, 3), when
its dependent towns are mentioned, and when
it is named in such terms as imply that it was
of equal importance with Jerusalem (Ez. xxi.
20). At Rabbah, no doubt Baalis, king of the
Bcnc-Ammon (Jcr. xl. >4), held such court as
he could muster; and within its walls was
J dotted the attack of Ishmael, which cost Geda-
iah his life, and drove Jeremiah into Egypt
In the period between the Old and New Testa-
ments, Rabbath-Ammon appears to have been
a place of much importance, and the scene of
many contests. It lay on the road between
H.slibon and Bosra, and was the last place at
which a stock of water could be obtained for
the journey across the desert, while, as it stood
on the confines of the richer and more civilized
country, it formed an important garrison station
for repelling the incursions of the wild tribes
of the desert. From Ptolemy Philadelphus
(b.c. 285-247) it received the name of Phila-
dclpheia. Its ancient name, though nnder a
cloud, was still used : it is mentioned by Poly-
bius under the hardly altered form of Kabba-
tamana. At the Christian era, Philadelphia
formed the eastern limit of the region of Perea.
It was one of the cities of the Dccapolis, and
as far down as the 4th century was esteemed
one of the most remarkable and strongest cities
of the whole of Coele-Syrin. Philadelphcia
became the seat of a Christian bishop, and was
one of the nineteen sees of " Palestina tenia,"
which were subordinate to Bostra. The church
still remains " in excellent preservation," with
its lofty steeple. Amman lies about' 22 miles
from the Jordan, at the eastern apex of a tri-
angle, of which Heshbon and ea-Sali form re-
spectively the southern and northern points. It
is about 14 miles from the former, and 12 from
the latter. It lies in a valley which is a branch,
or perhaps the main course, of the Wady Zerka,
usually identified with tho Jabbok. The Motet-
Amman, or water of Amman, a mere stream-
let, rises within the basin which contains the
ruins of the town. When the Moslems cob.
quered Syria, they found the city in ruins ; an&
in ruins, remarkable for their extent and deso-
lation even for Syria, the " land of rains," it
still remains. The public buildings are said to
be Roman, in general character like those at
Jeraah, except the citadel, which is described
as of large square stones put together without
cement, and which is probably more ancient
than the rest The remains of private houses
scattered on both sides of the stream are very
extensive. — 2. Although there is no trace of
the fact in the Bible, there can be little doub
that the name of Rabbah was also attached in
biblical times to the chief city of Moab. Its
biblical name is An, but we have the testimony
of Eusebius that in the 4th century it possessed
the special title of Rabbath Moab. This name
was for a time displaced by Areopolis. JRabba
lies on the highlands at the S. E. quarter of the
Dead Sea, between Kerak and JiM Skihan. —
3. A city of Judah, named with Kirjath-
jearim in Josh. xv. 60 only. No trace of its
existence has yet been discovered. — 4- In one
passage (Josh. xi. 8), Zidoh is mentioned with
the affix Rabbah — Zidon-rabbah. This is
preserved in the margin of the A. V., though
in the text it is translated " great Zidon."
Bab'bath of the Children of Am-
nion, and E. of the Ammonites. This
is the full appellation of the place commonly
given as Rabbah. It occurs only in Deut iu.
1 1 and Ez. xxi. 20.
Rabin, a title of respect given by the Jew*
to their doctors and teachers, and often ad
dressed to our Lord (Matt xxiii. 7, 8, xxvi
25, 49 ; Mark ix. 5. xi. 21, xiv. 45 ; John i. 39,
50, iii. 2, 26, iv. 31, vi. 25, ix. 2, xi. 8). The
meaning of the titlb is interpreted in express
words by St. John, and by implication in St
Matthew, to mean Master, Teacher, John i. 39
(compare xi. 28, xiii. 13) and Matt xxiii. 8.
The same interpretation is given by St John
of the kindred title Rabboki (John xx. 16),
which also occurs in Mark x. 51. The i which
is added to these titles has been thought to be
the pronominal affix " My ; " but it is to be
noted that St. John does not translate cither
of these by " My Master," but simply " Mas-
ter ;" so that the i* would seem to have lost any
especial significance as a possessive pronoun
intimating appropriation or endearment, and
like the " my in titles of respect among our-
selves, or in such terms as it/onscigneur, item-
sieur, to be merely part of the formal address.
The title Rabbi is not known to have been used
liefore the reign of Herod the Great, and is
thought to have taken its rise about the time
of the disputes between the rival schools of
Hillcl and Shammai. Rabbi was considered a
higher title than Rab, and Rabban higher than
Rabbi.
Rablrith. a town in the territory, perhaps
on the boundary, of Issachar (Josh. xix. 20
onlv).
Rabbo'ni, John xx. 16. [Rabbi.]
Bab-MaK is found only in Jer. xxxix. 3
nnd 13. In both places, it is a title borne by
Nergal-sharezer. It has already been shown
that Nergal-sharezer is probably identical with
the king called by the Greeks Neriglissar.
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RACHAL
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RAGES
[Neroal-Sharezeb.] This king, as well as
certain other important personages, is found to
bear the title in the Babylonian inscriptions.
It is written indeed with a somewhat different
vocalization, being read as Babu-Emga by Sir
H. Rawlinson. The signification is somewhat
doubtful. Rabu is most certainly " great," or
"chief;" but Mag, or Emm, is an obscure
term. It has been commonly identified with
the word "Magus;" but this identification is
very uncertain. Sir H. Rawlinson inclines to
translate emga by " priest."
Rab'saces. Rabshakeh (Ecclus. xlviii.
18). Ap.
Bab -saris. 1. An officer of the king of
Assyria sent np with Tartan and Rabshakeh
against Jerusalem in the time of Hezekiah (2
K. xviii. 17). — 2. One of the princes of Nebu-
chadnezzar, who was present at the capture of
Jerusalem, B.C. 588 IJer. xxxix. 3, 13). Rab-
saris is probably rather the name of an office
than of an individual, the word signifying chief
eunuch: in Dan. i. 3, Ashpcnaz is called the
master of the eunuchs (Rab-sarisim}. It is not
improbable that, in Jeremiah xxxix., we have
not only the title of the Rabsaris given, but his
name also, either Sarsechim (ver. 3) or (ver.
13) Nebu-shasban (worshipper of Nebo, Is.
xlvi. 1).
Rabshakeh (2 K. xviii., xix. ; Is. xxxvi.,
xxxvii. : Raluaces), one of the officers of the
king of Assyria sent against Jerusalem in the
reign of Hezekiah. Sennacherib, having taken
other cities of Juduh, was now besieging La-
chisb ; and Hezekiah, terrified at his progress,
and losinz for a time his firm faith in God,
sends to Lachish with an offer of submission
and tribute. But Sennacherib, not content
with this, sends a great host against Jerusalem
nndcr Tartan, Rabsaris, and Rabshakeh ; not
so much, apparently, with the object of imme-
diately engaging in the siege of the city, as
with the idea that, in its present disheartened
state, the sight of an army, combined with
the threats and specious promises of Rabshakeh,
might induce a surrender at once. Many have
imagined, from the familiarity of Rabshakeh
with Hebrew, that he either was a Jewish de-
serter or an apostate captive of Israel. Being
unable to obtain any promise of submission
from Hezekiah, who, in the extremity of his
peril returning to trust in the help of the Lord,
is encouraged by the words and predictions of
Isaiah, Rabshakeh goes back to the king of As-
syria, who had now departed from Lachish.
The English version takes Rabshakeh as the
name of a person ; it may, however, be ques-
tioned whether it be not rather the name of the
office which he held at the court, that of chief
cupbearer, and Rab-Mao possibly the chief
priest.
lia'ca, a term of reproach used by the Jews
of our Saviour's age (Matt. v. 22). Critics are
agreed in deriving it from the Chaldee term
rtka, with the sense of " worthless."
Race. [Games.]
Ra'chab. Rahab the harlot (Matt. i. 5).
Ra'chal, one of the places which David
and his followers used to haunt during the
period of his freebooting life. It is named in
1 Sam. xxx. 29 only.
Rachel, the vounger of the daughters of
Laban, the wife of Jacob, and mother of Joseph
and Benjamin. The incidents of her life may
be found in Gen. xxix.-xxxiii., xxxv. The
story of Jacob and Rachel has always had a
peculiar interest : there is that in it which ap-
peals to some of the deepest feelings of the hu-
man heart. The beauty of Rachel ; the deep
love with which she was loved by Jacob from
their first meeting by the well of Haran, when
he showed to her the simple courtesies of the
desert life, and kissed her, and told her he
was Rebekah's son ; the long servitude with
which he patiently served for her, in which the
seven years "seemed to him but a few days,
for the love he had to her; " their marriage at
lost ; and the death of Rachel at the very time
when, in giving birth to another son, her own
long-delayed hopes were accomplished, and she
had become still more endeared to her husband ;
his deep grief and ever-living regrets for her
loss (Gen. xlviii. 7), — these things make up a
touching tale of personal and domestic history
which has kept alive the memory of Rachel.
Yet, from what is related to us concerning her
character, there does not seem much to claim
any high degree of admiration and esteem.
The discontent and fretful impatience shown
in her grief at being for a time childless moved
even her fond hnsbond to anger (Gen. xxx. 1,
2). She appears moreover to have shared all
the duplicity and falsehood of her family. See,
for instance, Rachel's stealing her father's
images, and the ready dexterity and presence
of mind with which she .concealed her theft
(Gen. xxxi.). From this inc.dent, we may also
infer that she was not altogether free from the
superstitions and idolatry which prevailed in
the land whence Abraham had been called
(Josh. xxiv. 2, 14). Rachel's tomb. — " Rachel
died, and was buried in the way to Ephrath,
which is Bethlehem. And Jacob set a pillar
upon her grave : that is the pillar of Rachel's
grave unto this day " (Gen. xxxv. 19, 20).
The site of Rachels tomb, "on the way to
Bethlehem," "a little way to come to Eph-
rath," " in the border of Benjamin," has never
been questioned. It is ahou! two miles S. of
Jerusalem, and one mile N. of Bethlehem.
Raddal, one of David's brothers, fifth son
of Jesse (1 Chr. ii. 14). Ewald conjectures that
he is identical with Rei ; but this does not seem
prohablc.
Raga'u. 1. A place named only in Jud. i.
5, 15 ; probablv identical with Raoes. An.
Raga'u. One of the ancestors of our Lord,
son of Phnlec (Luke iii. 35). He is the same
person with Reu, son of Pcleg.
Ra'ges was an important city in North-
eastern Media, where that country bordered
upon Parthia. It is not mentioned in the
Hebrew Scriptures, but occurs frequently in
the Book of Tobit (i. 14, v. 5, vi. 10 and 12,
&c., and twice in Judith (i. 5 and 15). Rages
is a place mentioned by a great number of pro-
fane writers. It appears as Ragha in the Zen-
davesta, in Isidore, and in Stephen ; as Raga
in the inscriptions of Darius ; Rhagce in Duris
of Samos, Strabo, and Arrian ; and Rhagtea in
Ptolemy. Properly speaking. Rages is a town ;
but the town gave name to a province which is
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sometimes called Rages or Rhagse, sometimes
Rhagiana. It appears from the Zendavesta
that here was one of the earliest settlements of
the Aryans, who were mingled, in Rhagiana,
with two other races, and were thns brought
into contact with heretics. Isidore calls Rages
" the greatest city in Media." In the troubles
which followed the death of Alexander, Rages
appears to have gone to decay ; but it was soon
after rebuilt by Seleucns I. (Nicator), who gave
it the name of Europus. When the Farthians
took it, they called it Arsacia, after the Arsaces
of the day ; but it soon afterwards recovered its
ancient appellation. That appellation it has
ever since retained, with only a slight corrup-
tion, the rains being still known by the name
of Bhey. These ruins lie about five miles south-
cast of Teheran, and cover a space 4,500 yank
long by 3,500 yards broad. The walls are well
marked, and are of prodigious thickness. The
modern Teheran, built out of its ruins, has
now superseded Rliey. Ap.
Bag'uel, or Eeu'el. 1. A prince-priest
of Midian, toe father of Zipporah according to
Ex. ii. 21, and of Hobab according to Num. x.
29. As the father-in-law of Moses is named
Jethro in Ex. iii. 1, and Hobab in Judg. iv. 1 1,
and perhaps in Num. x. 29 (though the latter
passage admits of another sense), the prima
facie view would be that Ragnel, Jethro, and
aobab were different names for the same indi-
ridual. Such is probably the case with regard
o the two first at all events, if not with the
third. [Hobab.] One of the names may
represent an official title, but whether Jethro
or Ragnel is uncertain ; both being appropri-
ately significant The identity of Jethro and
Reuel is supported by the indiscriminate use
of the names in the LXX. (Ex. ii. 16, 18).
Another solution of the difficulty has been
sought in the loose use of terms of relationship
among the Hebrews.
BaVueL Another transcription of the
name Reuel, occurring in Tobit, where Rag-
nel, a pious Jew of " Ecbatane, a city of
Media," is father of Sara, the wife of Tobias
(Tob. iii. 7, 17, &c.). Ap.
Rahab, or Ra'chab, a celebrated woman
of Jericho, who received the spies sent by Joshua
to spy ont the land, hid them in her house
from the pursuit of her countrymen, was saved
with all her family when the Israelites sacked
the city, and became the wife of Salmon, and the
ancestress of the Messiah. Her history may be
told in a few words. At the time of the arrival
of the Israelites in Canaan, she was a young
unmarried woman, dwelling in a house of her
own alone, though she had a father and mother,
and brothers and sisters, living in Jericho. She
was a " harlot," and probably combined the
trade of lodging-keeper for wayfaring men.
She seems also to have been engaged in the
manufacture of linen and the art of dyeing, for
which the Phoenicians were early famous; since
we find the flat roof of ber house covered with
(talks of flax put there to dry, and a stock of
scarlet or crimson line in her house. Her house
was situated on the wall, probably near the
town gate, so as to be convenient for persons
doming in and going out of the city. Rahab
•hcrefore had been well informed with regard
to the events of the Exodus. She had heart
of the passage through the Red Sea, of the
utter destruction of Sihon and Og, and of
the irresistible progress of the Israelitish host.
The effect upon her mind had been what one
would not have expected in a person of ber way
of life. It led her to a firm faith in Jehovah as
the true God, and to' the conviction that He
purposed to give the land of Canaan to the
Israelites. When, therefore, the two spies scot
by Joshua came to her house, they found them-
selves under the roof of one who, alone proba-
bly of the whole population, was friendly to
their nation. Her reception of the spies, the
artifice by which she concealed them from the
king, their escape, and the saving of Rahab and
her family at the capture of the city, in accord-
ance with their promise, are all told in the nar-
rative of Josh. ii. The narrator adds, "and she
dwelled) in Israel unto this day," not necessa-
rily implying that she was alive at the time be
wrote, but that the family of strangers of which
she was reckoned the head continued to dwell
among the children of Israel. As regards Ra-
hab herself, we learn from Matt. i. 5 that she
became the wife of Salmon the son of Kaas son,
and the mother of Boaz, Jesse's grandfather.
The suspicion naturally arises that Salmon may
have been one of the spies whose life she saved";
and that gratitude for so great a benefit led,
in his case, to a more tender passion, and
obliterated the memory of any past disgrace
attaching to her name. But, however this may
be, it is certain, on the authority of St. Mat-
thew, that Rahab became the mother of inc-
line from which sprung David, and eventually
Christ ; for that the Rachab mentioned by St
Matthew is Rahab the harlot is as certain at
that David in the genealogy is the same person
as David in the Books of Samuel. The attempt}
that have been made to prove Rachab different
from Rahab, in order to get out of the chrono-
logical difficulty, are singularly absurd. The
character of Rahab has much and deep interest
Dismissing, as inconsistent with truth, the at-
tempt to clear her character of stain by saving
that she was only an innkeeper, and not a har-
lot, we may yet notice that it is verv possible
that to a woman of her country and religion,
such a calling may have implied a far less de-
viation from the standard of moralitv than it
does with us, and, moreover, that with a purer
faith she seems to have entered upon a pure life.
As a case of caiisistry, her conduct in deceiving
the king of Jericho s messengers with a false
tale, and, above all, in taking part against her
own countrymen, has been much discussed.
With regard to the first, strict truth, either in
Jew or heathen, was a virtue so utterly un-
known before the promulgation of the gospel,
that, as far as Rahab is concerned, the discus-
sion is quite superfluous. With regard to her
taking part against her own countrymen, it can
only be justified, but is fully justified, by the
circumstance, that fidelity to her country would
in her case have been infidelity to God, and that
the higher duty to her Maker eclipsed the lower
duty to her native land. If her own life of
shame was in any way connected with that
idolatry, one can readily understand what a
further stimulus this would give, now that her
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BAIN
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RAINBOW
heart was purified by faith, to her desire for the
overthrow of the nation to which she belonged
by birth, and the establishment of that to which
she wished to belong by a community of faith
and hope. This view of Rahab's conduct is
fully borne out by the references to her in the
N. T. The author of the Epistle to the Hebrews
tells us that "by ftith the harlot Rahab per-
ished not with them that believed not, when she
had received the spies with peace " (Heb. xi.
31 ) ; and St. James fortifies his doctrine of jus-
tification by works, by asking, '* Was not Ra-
hab the harlot justified by works, when she had
received the messengers, and had sent them out
another way?" (Jam. ii. 25.) And in like
manner Clement of Rome says, " Rahab the
harlot was saved for her faith and hospitality "
(ad Corinth, xii.).
Ratiab, a poetical name of Egypt [Ps.
Ixxxix. 10; Is. Ii. 9). The same word signifies
" fierceness, insolence, pride ; " if Hebrew,
when applied to Egypt, it would indicate the
national character of the inhabitants. Gcsenins
thinks it was probably of Egyptian origin, but
accommodated to Hebrew, although no likely
equivalent has been found in Coptic, or, we
may add, in ancient Egyptian. This word
occurs in a passage in Job (xxvi. 12), where it
is usually translated as in the A. v., instead
of being treated as a proper name. Rahab, as
a name of Egypt, occurs once only without
reference to the Exodus : this is in Ps. lxxxvii.
4. In Is. xxx. 7, the name is alluded to.
llaliam. In the genealogy of the descend-
ants of Caleb the son of Hezron (1 Chr. ii.
44), Raham is described as the son of Shema
and father of Jorkoam.
Katiol, the more accurate form of the fa-
miliar name elsewhere rendered Rachel (Jer.
xxxi. 15).
Bain. Mat&r, and also gahtm, which, when
it differs from the more common word matar,
signifies a more violent rain : it is also used as
a generic term, including the early and latter
rain (Jer. v. 24 ; Joel ii. 23). Eablt Rain,
the rains of the autumn, yireh (Deut. xi. 14 ;
Jer. v. 24) ; also mAnh (Joel ii. 23). Latter
Rain, the rain of spring, malk&sh (Prov. xvi.
15 ; Job xxix. 23 ; Jer. lii. 3 ; Hos. vi. 3 ; Joel
ii. 23; Zech. x. 1). The early and latter rains
are mentioned together (Deut. xi. 14; Jer. v.
24 ; Joel ii. 23 ; Hos. vi. 3 ; James v. 7).
Another word, of a more poetical character,
is rMbim, translated in our version " showers "
(Deut. xxxii. 2; Jer. iii.3, xiv. 22; Mic. r. 7
(Heb. 6); Ps. lxv. 10 (Heb. 11), lxxii. 6).
The Hebrews have also the word zerem, ex-
pressing violent rain, storm, tempest, accom-
panied with hail — in Job xxiv. 8, the heavy
rain which comes down on mountains; and
saprir, which occurs only in Prov. xxvii. 15,
continuous and heavy rain. In a country com-
prising so many varieties of elevation as Pales-
tine, there mast, of necessity, occur correspond-
in? varieties of climate. For six months in
the year, no rain falls ; and the harvests are
gathered in without any of the anxiety with
which we are so familiar, lest the work be in-
terrupted by unseasonable storms. There are,
however, very considerable, and perhaps more
«han compensating, disadvantages occasioned
by this long absence of rain : the whole land
becomes dry, parched, and brown, the cisterns
are empty, the springs and fountains fail, and
the autumnal rains are eagerly looked for to
prepare the earth for the reception of the seed.
These, the early rains, commence about the
latter end of October or beginning of Novem-
ber, in Lebanon a month earlier : not suddenly,
but by degrees ; the husbandman has thus the
opportunity of sowing his fields of wheat and
barley. The rains come mostly from the west
or south-west (Luke xii. 54), continuing for
two or three days at a time, and falling chiefly
during the night ; the wind then shifts round
to the north or east, and several days of fine
weather succeed (Prov. xxv. 23). During the
months of November and December, the rains
continue to fall heavily, but at intervals ; after-
wards they return, only at longer intervals, and
are less heavy; but at no period during the
winter do they entirely cease. January and
February are the coldest months, and snow
falls, sometimes to the depth of a foot or more,
at Jerusalem; but it does not lie long.- it is
very seldom seen along the coast and in the
low plains. Rain continues to fall more or less
during the month of March ; it is very rare in
April, and even in Lebanon the showers that
occur are generally light. In the Valley of the
Jordan, the barley harvest begins as early as
the middle of April, and the wheat a fortnight
later; in Lebanon the grain is seldom ripo De-
fore die middle of June. [Palestine, j With
respect to the distinction between the early
ana the latter rains, Robinson observes that
there are not at the present day " any particu-
lar periods of rain or succession of showers
which might be regarded as distinct rainy sea-
sons. The whole period from October to March
now constitutes only one continued season of
rain, without any regularly intervening term
of prolonged fine weather." Unless, therefore,
there has been some change in the climate, the
early and the latter rains, for which the hus-
bandman waited with longing, seem rather to
have implied the first showers of autumn which
revived the parched and thirsty soil, and pre-
pared it for the seed ; and the later showers
of spring, which continued to refresh and for-
ward both the ripening crops and the vernal
products of the fields " (James v. 7 ; Prov. xvi.
15).
Rainbow. The token of the covenant which
God made with Noah when he came forth from
the ark, that the waters should no more become
a flood to destroy all flesh. The right inter-
pretation of Gen. ix. 13 seems to be that God
took the rainbow, which had hitherto been but
a beautiful object shining in the heavens when
die sun's rays fell on falling rain, and con-
secrated it as the sign of His love and tho
witness of His promise (Ecclus. xliii. 11). The
figurative and symbolical use of the rainbow
as an emblem of God's mercy and faithfulness
must not be passed over. In the wondrous
vision shown to St John in the Apocalypse
(Rev. iv. 3), it is said that " there was a rain-
bow round about the throne, in sight like unto
an emerald : " amidst the awful vision of sur-
passing glory is seen the symbol of Hope, the
bright emblem of Mercy and of Love.
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RAMAH
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RAMAH
Raisins. [Vihb.]
Ra/kem. Among the descendants of Machir
the son of Manasseb, by bis wife Maacbab, are
mentioned Ulam and Rakem, who are appar-
ently the sons of Sheresh (1 Chr. vii. 16).
Raklcath, one of the fortified towns of
Kaphtali, named between Hammath and Chin-
XEHETH (Josh. XIX. 35).
Raktion, one of the towns in tbe inherit-
ance of Dan (Josh. xix. 46), apparently not
far distant from Joppa.
Ram. 1. Second son of Hezron, and father
of Amminadab (1 Chr. ii. 9, 10). — 2. The
first-born of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 25, 27). — 8.
Elihu, the son of Baracbel the Buzite, is de-
scribed as " of the kindred of Ram " (Job
xxxii. 2). Ewald identifies Ram with Aram,
mentioned in Gen. xxii. 21 in connection with
Huz and Buz.
Ram. [Sheep; Sacrifices.]
Ram, Battering. This instrument of
ancient siege operations is twice mentioned in
the O. T. (Ex. iv. 2, xxi. 22 [27]) ; and as both
references are to the battering-rams in use
among the Assyrians and Babylonians, it will
only be necessary to describe those which arc
known from the monuments to have been em-
ployed in their sieges. In attacking the walls
of a fort or city, the first step appears to have
been to form an inclined plane or bank of earth
(comp. Ez. iv. 2, "cast a mount against it"),
by which the besiegers could bring their batter-
ing-rams and other engines to the foot of the
walls. " The battering-rams," says Mr. Layard,
" were of several kinds. Some were joined to
movable towers which held warriors and armed
men. The whole then formed one great tempo-
rary building, the top of which is represented
in sculptures as on a level with the walls, and
even turrets, of the besieged city. In some bass-
reliefs, tbe battering-ram is without wheels ; it
was then perhaps constructed upon tbe spot,
and was not intended to be moved. . . .
The mode of working the rams cannot be
determined from the Assyrian sculptures. It
may be presumed, from the representations in
the bass-reliefs, that they were partly suspended
by a rope fastened to the outside of the ma-
chine, and that men directed and impelled them
from within. . . . The artificial tower was
usually occupied by two warriors : one dis-
charged his arrows against the besieged, whom
he was able, from his lofty position, to harass
more effectually than if he had been below ;
the other held up a shield for his companion's
defence."
Rama, Matt ii. 18, referring to Jer. xxxi.
15. The original passage alludes to a massacre
of Benjamites or Ephraimites (comp. ver. 9,
18), at the Ramah in Benjamin or in Mount
Ephraim. This is seized by the evangelist,
and turned into a touching reference to the
slaughter of the Innocents at Bethlehem, near
to which was (and is) the sepulchre of Rachel.
Ra'mah. A word which in its simple or
compound shape forms the name of several
places in the Holy Land ; one of those which,
like Gibcah, Geba, Gibeon, or Mizpeh, betrays
the aspect of the country. As an appellative it
is found only in one passage (Ez. xvi. 24-39),
in which it occurs four times, each time ren-
dered in the A. V. " high place." Bnt in later
Hebrew, ramtha is a recognized word for a hill
— 1. One of the cities of the allotment of Ben
jamin (Josh, xviii. 25). Its place in the list is
between Gibeon and Beeroth. There is a more
precise specification of its position in the in-
valuable catalogue of the places north of Jeru-
salem which are enumerated by Isaiah as dis-
turbed by the gradual approach of the king
of Assyria (Is. x. 28-32). At Michmash he
crosses the ravine, and then successively dis-
lodges or alarms Geba, Ramah, and Gibcah of
Saul. Each of these may be recognized with
almost absolute certainty at the present day.
Geba is Jeba, on the south brink of the great
valley ; and a mile and a half beyond it, directly
between it and the main road to the city, is er-
Ram (its name the exact equivalent of ha Ra-
mah), on the elevation which its ancient name
implies. Its distance from the city is two hours,
i.e. five English or six Roman miles. Its posi-
tion is also in close agreement with the nbticea
of the Bible (Jndg. iv. 5, xix. 13; IE. xv. 17,
21,22; 2 Chr. xvi. 1, 5, 6; Jer. xl. 1, etc).
Its proximity to Gibeah is implied in 1 Sam.
xxii. 6 ; Hos. v. 8 ; Ezr. ii. 26 ; Neb. vii. 30 ;
the last two of which passages show also that
its people returned after the Captivity. The
Ramah in Neh. xi. 33 occupies a different
position in the list, and may be a distinct place
situated farther west, nearer the plain. Er-
liam was not unknown to the mediaeval travel-
lers, by some of whom it is recognized as Ra-
mah ; but it was reserved for Dr. Robinson to
make the identification certain and complete.
2. The home of Elkanah, Samuel's father
(1 Sam. i. 19, ii. 11), the birthplace of Samuel
himself, his home and official residence, the site
of his altar (vii. 17, viii. 4, xv. 34, xvi. 13, xix.
18), and finally his burial-place (xxv. 1, xxviii.
3). In the present instance, it * a contracted
form of Ramathaim-Zophui. AU that is di-
rectly said'as to its situation is that it was in
Mount Ephraim (1 Sam. i. 1), and this would
naturally lead us to seek it in the neighbor-
hood of Sbechem. But the whole tenor of the
narrative of the public life of Samuel (in con-
nection with which alone this Ramah is men-
tioned) is so restricted to the region of tbe tribe
of Benjamin, and to tbe neighborhood of Gib-
eah the residence of Saul, that it seems im-
possible not to look for Samuel's city in the
same locality. On the other hand, the boun-
daries of Mount Ephraim are nowhere dis-
tinctly set forth. In the mouth of an ancient
Hebrew, the expression would mean that por-
tion of the mountainous district which was, at
the time of speaking, in the possession of the
tribe of Ephraim. In this district, tradition,
with a truer instinct than it sometimes displays,
has placed the residence of Samuel. The ear-
liest attempt to identify it is in the Omommt-
ticon of Eusebius, and was not so happy. His
words are, "Armathcm Seipha: the city of
Helkana and Samuel ; it lies near Diospolis :
thence came Joseph, in the Gospels said to he
from Arimattuea. Diospolis is Lydda, the
modem LSdd, and the reference of Eusebius is
no doubt to RamlrA, the well-known modern
town two miles from LSdd. But there is an-
other tradition, that just alluded to, common
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RAMAH
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RAMATHAIM-ZOPHIM
to Moslem*, Jews, and Christians, up to the
present day, which places the residence of
Samuel on the lofty and remarkable eminence
of xVeoy Samwil, which rises four miles to
the N. W. of Jerusalem, and which its height
(greater than that of Jerusalem itself), its com-
manding position, and its peculiar shape, render
the most conspicuous object in all the land-
scapes of that district, and make the names of
Raman and Zophim exceedingly appropriate
to it. Since the days of Arculf, the tradition
appears to have been continuous. Here, then,
we are inclined, in the present state of the evi-
dence, to place the Ramah of Samuel. And
there probably would never have been any re-
sistance to the traditional identification if it
had not been thought necessary to make the
position of Ramah square with a passage with
which it does not seem to the writer to have
necessarily any connection. It is usually as-
sumed that the city in which Sanl was anointed
by Samuel (1 Sam. ix., x.) was Samuel's own
city Ramah. On the asumption that Rama-
thaim-zophim was the city of Saul's anointing,
various attempts have been mode to find a site
for it in the neighborhood of Bethlehem, (a)
Gesenius suggests the Jtbd Fureidit, four miles
south-east of Bethlehem, the ancient Herodium,
the " Frank mountain " of more modern times.
(4) Dr. Robinson proposes Sdba, in the moun-
tains six miles west of Jerusalem, as the pos-
sible representative of Zophim. (c) Van de
Vclde, following the lead of Wblcott, argues for
Rameh (or Bamet d-Khcdil), a well-known site
of ruins about two and a half miles north of
Hebron, (d) Dr. Bonar adopts er-R&m, which
he places a short distance north of Bethlehem,
east of Rachel's sepulchre. Two suggestions
in an opposite direction must be noticed : — (a)
That of Ewald, who places Ramathaim-zophim
at Ram-allah, a mile west of d-Bireh, and near-
ly five north of iVety Saawil. (6) That of
Shcwarz, who, starting from Gibcah-of-Saul as
the home of Kish, fixes upon Samek north of
Samaria, and west of Sanw, which he supposes
also to be Ramoth or Jarmuth, the Levitical city
of Issachar.
3. One of the nineteen fortified places of
Naphtali (Josh. xix. 36) named between Ada-
man and Hazor. It would appear, if the order
of the list may be accepted, to have been in the
mountainous country N. W. of the Lake of
Gcnesareth. In this district, a place bearing
the name of Rameh has been discovered by Dr.
Robinson. It lies on the main track between
Alcka and the north end of the Sea of Galilee,
and about eight miles E. S. E. of Safed. — 4.
One of the landmarks on the boundary
(A. V. "coast") of Asher (Josh. xix. 29),
apparently between Tyre and Zidon. Two
places of the same name have been discovered
in the district allotted to Asher : the one east
of Tyre, and within about three miles of it ; the
other more than ten miles off, and south-east
of the same city. If either of these places rep-
resent the Ramah in question, it certainly seems
safer to identify it with that nearest to Tyre
and the sea-coast. — 6. By this name in 2 K.
viii. 29 and 2 Chr. xxii. 6, only, is designated
Ramoth-Giucad. — 6. A place mentioned in
the catalogue of those re-inhabited by the Ben-
jamites after their return from the Captivity
(Neh. xi. 33). It may be tho Ramah of Benja-
min (above, No. 1) or the Ramah of Samuel,
but its position in the list (remote from Gcba,
Michmosh, Bethel, vcr. 31, comp. Ezr. ii. 26,
28) seems to remove it farther west, to the
neighborhood of Lod, Hadid, and Ono. Tho
situation of the modern Ramleh agrees very
well with this, a town too important and too well
placed not to have existed in the ancient times.
Ra'math-Le'hi. The name which pur-
ports to have been bestowed by Samson on the
scene of his slaughter of the thousand Philis-
tines with the jaw-bone (Judg. xv. 17). "He
cast away the jaw-bone out of his hand, and
called that place ' Ramath-lehi,' " — as if " heav-
ing of the jaw-bone." ButGcsenius hau pointed
out that, as they at present stand, the words are
exactly parallel to Ramath-mizpeh and Ramath-
negcb, and mean the " height of Lechi."
Ba'math-Miz'peh. A place mentioned,
in Josh. xiii. 26 only, in the specification of the
territory of Gad, apparently as one of its north-
ern landmarks. There is no reason to doubt
that it is the same place with that enrly sanc-
tuary at which Jacob and Laban set up their
cairn of stones, and which received the names
of Mizpeii, Galeed, and Jcgar Sahadutha;
and it seems very probable tliat all these are
identical with Ramoth-Gilcad, so notorious in
the later history of tho nation.
Ba'math of the South, more accurately
Ramah of tho South. One ot the towns in the
allotment of Simeon (Josh. xix. 8), apparent
at its extreme south limit It appears from
this passage to have been nnothcr name for
Baalath-Beer. Van de Vclde takes it as
identical with Ramath-lehi, which he finds at
Tell d-Lekiveh ; but this appears to be too far
south. It is, in all probability, the same place
as South Ramoth (1 Sam. xxx. 27).
Bamatha'im-Zo'phim. The m.l form
of the name of the town in which Elkanah, the
father of the prophet Samuel, resided. It is
given in its complete shape in the Hebrew text
and A. V. but once (1 Sam. i. 1). Elsewhere
(i. 19, ii. 11, vii. 17, viii. 4, xv. 34, xvi. 13, xix.
18, 19, 22, 23, xx. 1, xxv. 1, xxviii. 3) it occurs
in the shorter form of Ramah. [Ramah, 2.]
Ramathoim, if interpreted as a Hebrew word,
is dual — "the double eminence." This may
point to a peculiarity in the shape or nature of
the place, or may be an instance of the tendency,
familiar to all students, which exists in lan-
guage to force an archaic or foreign name into
an intelligible form. Of the force of " Zophim "
no probable explanation has been given. It
was an ancient name on the east of Jordan
(Num. xxiii. 14), and there, as here, was at-
tached to an eminence. Even without the
testimony of the LXX., there is no doubt, from
the narrative itself, that the Ramah of Samuel
— where be lived, built an altar, died, and was
buried — was the same place as the Ramah or
Ramathaim-Zophim in which he was bom. Of
its position, nothing, or next to nothing, can be
fitnered from the narrative. It was in Mount
phraira (1 Sam. i. 1). It had apparently at-
tached to it a place called Naioth (xix. 18,
&c., xx. 1 ) ; and it had also in its neighbor-
hood a great well, known as the Well of Has-
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BAHESES
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BAMS' SKINS
Secha (xix. 22). But, unfortunately, these
■canty particulars throw no light on its situa-
tion. In the 4th century, Ramathaim-Zophim
was located near Diospolis (Lydda), probably
at Ramleh : but that is quite untenable, and
quickly disappeared in favor of another, prob-
ably older, certainly more probable tradition,
which placed it on the lofty and remarkable hill
four miles N. W. of Jerusalem, known to the
early pilgrims and Crusaders as Saint Samuel
and Mont Jove. It is now universally desig-
nated Neba Samwil — the "Prophet Samuel."
[Ramah, No. 2.]
Ra'mathem. One of the three " govern-
ments " which were added to Judaa by King
Demetrius Nicator, out of the country of Sa-
maria (1 Mace. xi. 34). It no doubt derived
its name from a town of the name of Rama-
tbaim, probably that renowned as the birth-
place of Samuel the prophet, though this cannot
be stated with certainty. Ap.
Ra'mathite, the. Shimei the Ramathite
had charge of the royal vineyards of King
David (I Chr. xxvii. 27). The name implies
that he was native of a place called Ramah,
but there is no tradition or other clew by which
the particular Ramah to which this worthy
belonged can be identified.
Barneses, or Raam'aes, a city and dis-
trict of Lower Egypt. There can be no rea-
sonable doubt that the same city is designated
by the Rameses and Raamses of the Heb. text,
and that this was the chief place of the land of
Rameses, all the passages referring to the same
region. The first mention of Rameses is in
the narrative of the settling by Joseph of his
father and brethren in Egypt, where it is re-
lated that a possession was given them " in the
land of Rameses " (Gen. xlvii. 1 1 ). This land
of Rameses either corresponds to the land of
Goshen, or was a district of it, more probably
the former, as appears from a comparison with
a parallel passage (6). The name next occurs
as that of one of the two store-cities built for
the Pharaoh who first oppressed the children
of Israel (Ex. i. 11). There can be no doubt
that Raamses is Rameses in the land of Goshen.
In the narrative of the Exodus, we read of
Rameses as the starting-point of the journey
(Ex. xii. 37 ; see also Num. xxxiii. 3, 5). If
then we suppose Rameses or Raamses to have
been the chief town of the land of Rameses,
either Goshen itself or a district of it, we have
to endeavor to determine its situation. Lepsius
supposes that Aboo-Kesheyd is on the site of
Rameses. His reasons are, that in the LXX.
Heroupolis is placed in the land of Rameses, in
a passage where the Heb. only mentions " the
land of Goshen " (Gen. xlvi. 28), and that there
is a monolithic group of Aboo-Kesheyd repre-
senting Turn and Ra, and, between them,
Rameses II., who was probably there wor-
shipped. The biblical narrative of the position
of Rameses seems to point to the western part
of the land of Goshen, since two full marches,
and part at least of a third, brought the Israel-
ites from this town to the Red Sea; and the
narrative appears to indicate a route for the
chief part directly towards the sea. The one
fact, that Aboo-Kesheyd is within about eight
miles of the ancient head of the gulf, seems to
us fatal to Lepsius's identification. Then V»
good reason to suppose that many cities in
Egypt bore this name.
Bames'se = Rameses (Jud. L 9). Ap.
Bami'ah. A layman of Israel, one of the
sons of Parosh (Ezr. x. 25).
Ra'moth. One of the four Levitkal cities)
of Issachar according to the catalogue in 1 Chr.
vi. 73.
Ra'moth. An Israelite layman, of the
sons of Bani (Ezr. x. 29).
Ra'mOth-GiTead, the " heights of Gil-
cad." One of the great fastnesses on the east
of Jordan, and the key to an important district,
as is evident not only from the direct state-
ment of 1 K iv. 13, that it commanded the
regions of Argob and of the towns of Jair, but
also from the obstinacy with which it was at-
tacked and defended by the Syrians and Jews
in the reigns of Ahab, Ahaziah, and Joram.
It seems probable that it was identical with
Ramath-Mizpeh (Josh. xiii. 26), which again
there is every reason to believe occupied the
spot on which Jacob had made his covenant
with Laban. It was the city of refuge for the
tribe of Gad (Deut. iv. 43; Josh. xx. 8, xxi.
38). We next encounter it as the residence of
one of Solomon's commissariat officers (IK.
iv. 13). In the second Syrian war, Ramoth-
Gilead played a conspicuous part. During the
invasion related in 1 K. xv. 20, or some subse-
quent incursion, this important place had been
seized bv Benhadad I. from Omri The inci-
dents of Ahab's expedition are well known
During Ahaziah's short reign, we hear nothing
of it : it probably remained in po ssessi on or
the Syrians till the suppression of the Moabite
rebellion gave Joram time to renew the siege-
He was more fortunate than Ahab. The town
was taken by Israel, and held in spite of all
the efforts of Hazael (who was now on the
throne of Damascus) to regain it (2 K. ix. 14).
Henceforward Ramoth-Gilead disappears from
our view. Eusebius and Jerome specify the
position of Ramoth as fifteen miles from Phila-
delphia (Anun&n). In this case they are at
variance with each other, Eusebius placing it
west, and Jerome east, of Philadelphia. The
latter position is obviously untenable. The
former is nearly that of the modern town of
a-Salt, which Gesenius proposes to identify
with Ramoth-Gilead. Ewald, indeed, pro-
poses a site farther north as more probable.
He suggests Iieimun, a few miles west of Jeratk.
The position assigned to it by Eusebius answers
tolerably well for a site bearing the name of
JtTad, exactly identical with the ancient He-
brew Gilead, which is mentioned by Seetzen as
four or five miles north of es-Salt. And prob-
ably this situation is not very far from the
truth.
Ra'moth in Gil'ead, Deut iv. 43 ; Josh,
xx. 8, xxi. 38 ; IK. xxi). 3. Elsewhere the
shorter form. Ramoth-Gilead. is used.
Rams' Horns. [Cornet ; Jubilee.]
Barns' Skins dyed red formed pan of
the materials that the Israelites were ordered
to present as offerings for the making of the
Tabernacle (Ex. xxv. 5) : of which they served
as one of the inner coverings. There is no
doubt that the A. V., following the LXX. and
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RAVEN
793
BECHAB
Vulgate and the Jewish interpreters, is cor-
net. The original words, it is true, admit of
being rendered thus — "skins of red rams."
The red ram is by Ham. Smith identified with
the Aoudad sheep (Ammotragus Tragelaphtu).
Ra'pha. Son of Binea, among the de-
scendants of Sanl (1 Chr. riii. 37).
Raph'ael. " One of the seven holy angels
which . . . go in and out before the glory of
the Holy One" (Tob. xii. 15). According to
another Jewish tradition, Raphael was one of
the four angels which stood round the throne
of God (Michael, Uriel, Gabriel, Raphael). In
Tobit, he appears as the guide ana counsellor
of Tobias. Ap.
Rapha'im. The name of an ancestor of
Judith (Jud. riii. 1). Ap.
Ra'phon. A city of Gilead, under the
walls of which Judas Maccatueus defeated
Timotheus (1 Mace. v. 37 only). It may have
been identical with Raphana, which is men-
tioned by Pliny as one of the cities of the
Decapohs, but with no specification of itsposi-
tion. In Kicpert's map accompanying Wctz-
stein's Hauran, &c. (I860), a place named Er-
Rifi is marked. If Er-Rafe be Raphana, we
should expect to find large ruins. Ap.
Ra'phU. The father of Palti, the Benja-
mite spy (Num. xiii. 9).
Baa sea, Children of. One of the na-
tions whose country was ravaged by Holoforncs
in his approach to Judasa (Jud. ii. 23 only).
The old Latin version reads Thiras et Rons.
Wolff restores the original Chaldce text of the
passage as Thars and Rosos, and compares the
latter name with Rhosus, a place on the Gulf
of Issus. Ap.
Rath'umus. " Rathumus the story-wri-
ter " of 1 Esd. ii. 16, 17, 25, 30, is the same as
" Rehok the chancellor" of Ezr. iv. 8, 9, 17,
23. Ap.
Raveil, the well-known bird of that name
which is mentioned in various passages in the
Bible. There is no doubt that the Hcb. '6nb
is correctly translated. This bird was not al-
lowed as rood by the Mosaic law (Lev. xi. 15].
The word 'dreb is doubtless used in a generic
sense, and includes other species of the genus
Corvus, such as the crow ( C. eorone) and tho
hooded crow (C. comix). The LXX. and
Vulg. differ materially from the Hebrew and
our Authorized Version in Gen. viii. 7 ; for
whereas in the Hebrew we read "that tho
raven went forth to and fro [from the ark] until
the waters were dried up," in the two old ver-
sions named above, together with the Syriac,
the raven is represented as " not returning
until the water was dried from off the earth.
The subject of Elijah's sustenance at Chcrith
by means of ravens has given occasion to much
fanciful speculation. It has been attempted to
show that the 'dribim (" ravens ") were the
people of Orbo, a small town near Cherith.
Others have found in the ravens merely mer-
chants ; while Michaelis has attempted to show
that Elijah merely plundered the ravens' nests
of hares and other game ! To the fact of the
raven being a common bird in Palestine, and
to its habit of flying restlessly about in constant
search for food to satisfy its voracious appetite,
may perhaps be traced the reason for its being
100
selected by our Lord and the inspired writers
as the especial object of God's providing care.
The raven belongs to the order Insenora, fam-
ily Corvida.
Ba'fSlS. " One of the elders of Jerusalem,"
who killed himself under peculiarly terrible
circumstances, that he might not fall " into the
hands of the wicked " (2 Mace. xiv. 37-46).
In dying, he is reported to have expressed his
faitti in a resurrection (ver. 46). This act of
suicide, which was wholly alien to the spirit of
the Jewish law and people, has been the sub-
ject of considerable discussion. Ap.
Razor. Besides other usages, the practice
of shaving the head after the completion of a
vow must have created among the Jews a ne-
cessity for the special trade of a barber (Num.
vi. 9, 18, viii. 7 ; Lev. xiv. 8 ; Judg. xiii. 5 ; Is.
vii. 20; Ez. v. 1 ; Acts xviii. 18). The instru-
ments of his work were probably, as in modern
times, the razor, the basin, the mirror, and
perhaps also the scissors (see 2 Sam. xiv. 26).
Like the Levites, the Egyptian priests were
accustomed to shave their whole bodies.
Beai'a. A Rcubenite, son of Micah, and
apparently prince of his tribe (1 Chr. v. 5).
The name is identical with
Beai'ah. 1. A descendant of Shubal, the
son of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 2). — 2. The children
of Reaiah were a family of Nethinim who re-
turned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr.
ii. 47 ; Neh. vii. 50).
Bel>a. One of the five kings of the Midi-
anites slain by the children of Israel in their
avenging expedition, whon Balaam foil (Num.
xxxi. 8 ; Josh. xiii. 21).
Rebecca. The Greek form of the name
Rebekah (Rom. ix. 10 only).
Rebek'ah, daughter of Bethuel (Gen. xxii.
23) and sister of Laban, married to Isaac, ber
father's cousin. She is first presented to us in
the account of the mission of Eliezcr to Padan-
nram (Gen. xxiv.), in which his interview with
Rebekah, her consent and marriage, are related.
For nineteen years, she was childless: then,
after the prayers of Isaac, and her journey to
inquire of the Lord, Esau and Jacob were born ;
and while the younger was more particularly
the companion ana favorite of his mother
(xxiv. 19-28), the elder became a grief of mind
to her (xxvi. 35). When Isaac was driven by
a famine into the lawless country of the Philis-
tines, Rebckah's beauty became, as was appre-
hended, a source of danger to her husband. It
was probably a considerable time afterwards
when Rebekah suggested the deceit thut was
practised by Jacob on his blind father. She
directed and aided him in carrying it out, fore-
saw the probable consequence of Esau's anger,
and prevented it by moving Isaac to send
Jacob away to Padan-aram (xxvii.) to her own
kindred (xxix. 12). It has been conjectured
that she died during Jacob's sojourn in Padan-
aram. St. Paul (Rom. ix. 10) refers to her as
being made acquainted with the purpose of
God regarding tier children before they were
born.
Be'chab. 1. The father or ancestor of
Jehonadab (2 K. x. 15, 23 ; 1 Chr. ii. 55 ; Jer.
xxxv. 6-19), identified by some writers with
Hobab. — 2. One of the two "captains of
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RECHABITES
794
RECHAH
bands " whom Ishbosheth took into his service,
and who conspired to murder him (2 Sam. iv.
2). — 3. The father of Malchiah, ruler of part
of Beth-haccerem (Neh. Hi. 14).
Be'chabites. The tribe thus named ap-
pears before us in one memorable scene. Their
history before and after it lies in some ob-
scurity. — (I.) In I Chr. ii. 55, the house of
Rechab is identified with a section of the Ken-
ites, who came into Canaan with the Israelites,
and retained their nomadic habits; and the
name of Ham math is mentioned as the patri-
arch of the whole tribe. It has been interred
from this passage that the descendants of Re-
chab belonged to a branch of tbe Kenites set-
tled from the first at Jubez in Judah. But it
is more probable that this passage refers to the
locality occupied by the Rechabites after their
return from the Captivity. Of Rechab himself
nothing is known. He may hare been the
father, he may have been the remote ancestor,
of Jchonadab. The name may have pointed,
as in the robber-chief of 2 Sam iv. 2, to a con-
spicuous form of the wild Bedouin life, and
Jehonadab, the son of the Rider, may hare
been, in part at least, for that reason, the com-
panion and friend of the fierce captain of Israel
who drives as with the fury of madness (2 K.
ix. 20). Boulduc infers from 2 K. ii. 12, xiii.
14, that the two great prophets Elijah and
Elisha were known, each of them in his time,
as the chariot (Receb) of Israel. He infers from
this that the special disciples of tbe prophets,
who followed them in all their austerity, were
known as the " sons of the chariot, B'ne
Receb, and that afterwards, when the original
meaning had been lost sight of, this was taken
as a patronymic, and referred to an unknown
Rechab.
(II.) The personal history of Jehonadab
has been dealt with elsewhere. He and his
people had all along been worshippers of Je-
hovah, circumcised, though not reckoned as be-
longing to Israel, and probably therefore not
considering themselves bound by the Mosaic
law and ritual. The worship of Baal was ac-
cordingly not less offensive to them than to the
Israelites. The luxury and license of Phoeni-
cian cities threatened the destruction of the
simplicity of their nomadic life (Amos ii. 7, 8,
vi. 3-6). A protest was needed against both
evils, and as in the case of Elijah, and of the
Nazarites of Amos ii. 11, it took the form of
asceticism. There was to be a more rigid ad-
herence than ever to the old Arab life. They
were to drink no wine, nor build house, nor
sow seed, nor plant vineyard, nor have any.
All their days they were to dwell in tents, as
remembering that they were strangers in the
land (Jer. xxxv. 6, 7). This was to be the
condition of their retaining a distinct tribal
existence. For two centuries and a half, they
adhered faithfully to this rule. The Naba-
thteans and Wahabys supply us with a striking
parallel.
(HI.) The invasion of Judah by Nebuchad-
nezzar, in B.C. 607, drove the Rechabites from
their tents. Some inferences may be safely
drawn from the facts of Jcr. xxxv. "The names
of the Rechabites show that they continued to
be worshippers of Jehovah. Ttiey are already-
known to the prophet One of them (ver. 3)
bears the same name. Their rigid Nazarite
life gained for them admission into the house
of the Lord, into one of the chambers assigned
to priests and Levites, within its precincts.
Here they are tempted, and are proof against
the temptation. The history of this trial ends
with a special blessing : " Jonadab, the son of
Rechab, shall not want a man to stand before
me forever " (ver. 19). The words, " to stand
before me," are essentially liturgical. The
Rechabites were solemnly adopted into the
families of Israel, and were recognized as in-
corporated into the tribe of Levi.
(IV.) It remains for us to see whether there
are any traces of their after-history in the
biblical or later writers. (1.) We have the sin-
gular heading of the Ps. Ixxi. in the LXX.
version, indicating that the " sons of Jonadab "
shared the captivity of Israel. (2.) There is
the significant mention of a son of Rechab in
Neh. lii. 14, as co-operating with the priests,
Levites, and princes in the restoration of the
wall of Jerusalem. (3J The mention of the
house of Rechab in f Chr. ii. 55, though not
without difficulty, points, there can be little
doubt, to the same conclusion. The Rechabites
have become scribes. They give themselves to
a calling which, at the time of the return from
Babylon, was chiefly, if not exclusively, in the
hands of Levites. The close juxtaposition of
the Rechabites with the descendants of David
in 1 Cbr. iii. 1 shows also in how honorable an
esteem they were held at the time when that
book was compiled. (4.) The account of the
martyrdom of James the Just, given by Hege-
sippus, brings the name of the Rechabites once
more before us, and in a very strange connec-
tion. While the scribes and Pharisees were
stoning him, " one of the priests of the sons of
Rechab, the son of Rechabim, who are men-
tioned by Jeremiah the prophet," cried oat,
protesting against the crime. We may accept
Hegesippus as an additional witness to the ex-
istence of the Rechabites as a recognized body
up to the destruction of Jerusalem, sharing in
the ritual of the Temple. (5.) Some later
notices are not without interest. Benjamin of
Tudela in the 12th century mentions that near
El-Jubar ( = Pumbedithaj be found Jews who
were named Rechabites. They tilled the
ground, kept flocks and herds, abstained from
wine and flesh, and gave tithes to teachers who
devoted themselves to studying the law, and
weeping for Jerusalem. A later traveller, Dr.
Wolff, gives a yet stranger and more detailed
report. The Jews of Jerusalem and Yemen
told him that he would find the Rechabites of
Jcr. xxxv. living near Mecca. When he came
near Senaa he came in contact with a tribe, tbe
Beni-Khaibr, who identified themselves with
the sons of Jonadab. With one of them,
Mousa, Wolff conversed. In a later journal,
he mentions a second interview with Mousa,
describes them as keeping strictly to the old
rule, calls them now by the name of the B'nc-
Arhab, and says that B'nS-Israel of the tribe
of Dan live with them. It has been thought
right to give these statements for what they are
worth.
Be'chah. In 1 Chr. iv. 12, Beth-rapba,
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RED SEA
795
RED SEA
Paseah, and Tebinnah the father, or founder,
of Ir-nahash, are said to have been " the men
ofRechah."
Recorder, an officer of high rank in the
Jewish state, exercising the functions, not sim-
ply of an annalist, but of chancellor or presi-
dent of the privy council. In David's court,
the recorder appears among the high officers of
his household (2 Sam. viii. 16, xx. 24 ; 1 Chr.
xviii. 15). In Solomon's, he is coupled with
the three secretaries, and is mentioned last,
probably as being their president (1 K. iv. 3;
comp. 2 K. xviii. 18, 37 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 8).
Bed Sea. The sea known to us as the
Red Sea was by the Israelites called " the sea "
(Ex. xiv. 2, 9, 16, 21, 28, xv. 1, 4, 8, 10, 19 ;
Josh. xxiv. 6, 7 ; and many other passages),
and specially " the sea of sunh " (Ex. x. 19, xiii.
18, xv. 4, 22, xxiii. 31 ; Num. xiv. 25 ; &c.).
It is also perhaps written suphah in Num. xxi.
14, rendered " Red Sea " in A. V. ; and in like
manner, in Dcut. i. 1, tuph. The LXX. al-
ways render it 17 ipvtpa SaXaaaa (except in
Judg. xi. 16). Of the names of this sea, (I.)
yam signifies " the sea," or any sea. It is also
applied to the Nile (exactly as the Arabic bahr
is so applied) in Nah. iii. 8. (2.) Yam-sAph.
The meaning of tuph, and the reason of its
being applied to this sea, have given rise to
much learned controversy. Gesenius renders
it rusk, reed, sea-weed. It is mentioned in the
O. T. almost always in connection with the sea
of the Exodus ; it also occurs in the narrative
of <he exposure of Moses (Ex. ii. 3), and in Is.
xix. 6, where it is rendered " flag" in the
A. V. It only occurs in one place besides
those already referred to : in Jon. ii. 5 (A. V.
" weeds "). The suph of the sea, it seems quite
certain, is a tea-weed resembling wool. Such sea-
weed is thrown up abundantly on the shores
of the ReJ Sea. But it may have been also
applied to aty substance resembling wool, pro-
duced by a fluvial ruth, such as the papyrus,
and hence by a synecdoche to snch rush itself.
(3.) Yedr, signifies "a river." It seems to
apply to " a great river," or the like, and also
to "an arm of the sea ; " and perhaps to " a
sea" absolutely, like the Arabic bahr. Ge-
senius says it is almost exclusively used of the
Nile. From a comparison of all the passages
in which it occurs, there appears to be no rea-
son for supposing that yetr applies exclusively
to the Nile. In the passages relating to the
exposure of Moses, it appears to apply to the
ancient extension of the Red Sea towards
Tanis (Zoah, Avaris), or to be the ancient
canal through which the water of the Nile
passed to the " tongue of the Egyptian Sea."
(4.) % < Ipvfpa OaXaoaa. The origin of this ap-
pellation has been the source of more specula-
tion even than the obscure tuph; for it lies
more within the range of general scholarship.
The authors of theories concerning it may bo
divided into two schools. The first have as-
cribed it to some natural phenomenon ; such as
the singularly red appearance of the mountains
of the western coast, the red color of the
water sometimes caused by the presence of no-
ophites, the red coral of the sea, the red sea-
weed, and the red storks that have been seen
in great numbers, &c. The second have en-
deavored to find an etymological derivation.
Of these the earliest (European) writers pro-
posed a derivation from Edom, " red," hy the
Greeks translated literally. The Greeks* and
Romans tell us that the sea received its name
from a great king, Erythras, who reigned in
the adjacent country : the stories that have
come down to us appear to be distortions of
the tradition that Himycr was the name of ap-
parently the chief family of Arabia Felix, the
freat South-Arabian kingdom; whence the
limycrites and Homerita. Himycr appears
to be derived from the Arabic " ahmar, red.
We can scarcely doubt, on these etymological
grounds, the connection between the Phoeni-
cians and the Himyerites, or that in this is the
true origin of the* appellation of the Red Sea.
But when the ethnological side of the question
is considered, the evidence is much strength-
ened. The South-Arabian kingdom was a
Joktanite (or Shemite) nation mixed with a
Cushite. The Red Sea, therefore, was most
probably the Sea of the Red men.
Ancient Limits. — The most important change
in the Red Sea has been tho drying-up of its
northern extremity, " the tongue of the Egyp-
tian Sea." The land about the head of the
gulf has risen, and that near the Mediterranean
become depressed. The head of the gulf has
consequently retired gradually since the Chris-
tian era. Thus the prophecy of Isaiah has been
fulfilled (xi. 15, xix. 5) : the tongue of the Red
Sea has dried up for a distance of at least fifty
miles from its ancient head. An ancient canal
conveyed the waters of the Nile to the Red Sea
flowing through the Wadi-t-TumeyMt, and irri-
gating with its system of water-channtls a largo
extent of country. Tho drying-up of the head
of the gulf appears to have been one of the chief
causes of the neglect and ruin of this canal.
Tho country, for the distance above indicated, is
now a desert of gravelly sand, with wide patched
about the old sen-bottom, of rank marsh-land,
now called tho " Bitter Lakes." At the north-
ern extremity of this salt waste is a small lake,
sometimes called the Lake of Ilcroopolis : tbj
lake is now Birket et-Timsali, " the I*kc of the
Crocodile," and is supposed to mark the an-
cient head of tho gulf. The canal that con-
nected this with the Nile was of Pharaonic
origin. It was anciently known as the " Fossa
Rcgum," and the " Canal of Hero." The tinw
at which the canal was extended, after the dry-
ing-up of the head of the gulf, to the present
head, is uncertain ; but it must have been late,
and probably since the Mohammedan conquest.
Traces of the ancient channel throughout its
entire length, to the vicinity of Bubastis, exist
at intervals in the present day. The land north
of the ancient head of the gulf is a plain of
heavy sand, merging into marsh-land near the
Mediterranean coast, and extending to Pales-
tine. This region, including WaVli-t-Tumcylit,
was probably the frontier-land occupied in part
by the Israelites, and open to the incursions of
the wild tribes of the Arabian desert.
Physical Description. — In extreme length the
Red Sea stretches from the Straits of Ban el-
Mendeb (or rather Ras BaT) el-Mendeb) in lat.
12° 40' N., to tho modern head of the Gulf of
Suez, lat. 30° N. Its greatest width may b»
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BEI> SEA
796
RED SEA
stated roughly at about 200 geographical miles :
this is about lat. 16° 30'; bat the navigable
channel is here really narrower than in some
other portions. From shore to shore, its nar-
rowest part is at Ras Benas, lat. 24°, on the
African coast, to Ras Bereedee opposite, a little
north of Yembo', the port of El-Medeeneh;
and thence northwards to Ras Mohammad, the
sea maintains about the same average width of
100 geographical miles. At Ras Mohammad,
the Red Sea is split by the granitic Peninsula
of Sinai into two gulfs : the westernmost, or
Gulf of Suez, is now about 130 geographical
miles in length, with an average width of about
18, though it contracts to less than 10 miles ;
the easternmost, or Gulf of El-'Akabeh, is only
about 90 miles long, from the Straits of Tiran,
to tHe 'Akabeh, and of proportionate narrow-
ness. In mid-channel, exclusive of the Gulf
of Suez, there is generally a width of 100 miles
clear, except the Daedalus reef. The bottom
in deep soundings is in most places sand and
stones, from Suez as far as Juddah ; and thence
to the straits it is commonly mud. The deep-
est sounding in the excellent Admiralty chart
is 1,054 fathoms, in lat. 22° 30'. Journeying
southwards from Suez, on our left is the Penin-
sula of Sinai : on the right is the desert coast
of Egypt, of limestone formation like the great-
er part of the Nile Valley in Egypt ; the clifTs on
the sea-margin stretching landwards in a great
rocky plateau, while more inland a chain of
volcanic mountains ( beginning about lat. 28° 4',
and running south) rear their lofty peaks at
intervals above the limestone, generally about
fifteen miles distant. This coast is especially
interesting in a biblical point of view ; for here
were some of the earliest monasteries of the
Eastern Church, and in those secluded and
barren mountains lived very early Christian
hermits. South of the "Elba" chain, the
country gradually sinks to a plain, until it rises
to the highland of Geedan, lat. 15°, and thence
to the straits extends a chain of low mountains.
The greater part of the African coast of the
Red Sea is sterile, sandy, and thinly peopled.
The Gulf of El-'Akabeh (i.e. "of the Moun-
tain-road") is the termination of the long
valley of the Ghor or 'Arabah that runs north-
wards to the Dead Sea. It is itself a narrow
valley; the sides are lofty and precipitous
mountains, of entire barrenness ; the bottom is
a river-like sea, running nearly straight for its
whole length of about 90 miles. It has the
appearance of a narrow deep ravine, extending
nearly a hundred miles in a straight direction.
The western shore is the Peninsula of Sinai.
The sea, from its dangers, and sterile shores, is
entirely destitute of boats. The Arabian coast
outside the Gulf of the 'Akabeh is skirted by
the range of Arabian mountains, which in some
few places approach the sea, but generally leave
a belt of coast country, called Tihameh, or the
Ghor, like the Shefelah of Pnlestine. This
tract is generally a sandy parched plain, thinly
inhabited ; these characteristics being especially
strong in the north. The mountains of the
Hejaz consist of ridges running parallel towards
the interior, and increasing in height as they
recede. The distant ranges have a nigged
pointed outline, and are granitic : nearer the sea
many of the hills are fossiliierous limestone,
while the beach-hills consist of light-colored
sandstone, fronted by and containing large
quantities of shells and masses of coral. The
more remarkable mountains are Jebel T£yn-
Unna, 6,090 ft. high near the Straits ; a little
farther south, and close to Mo'eyleh, are moun-
tains rising from 6,330 to 7,700 ft. A little
north of Yembo' is a remarkable group, the
pyramidal mountains of Agatharrhides ; and
beyond, about twenty-five miles distant, rises J.
Radwa. Farther south, J. Subh is remarkable
for its magnitude and elevation, which is greater
than any other between Yembo' and Jiddah ;
and still farther, but about eighty miles distant
from the coast, J. Ras el-Kura rises behind
the holy city, Mekkeh. The chain continues
the whole length of the sea, terminating in the
highlands of the Yemen. The coast-line itself,
or Tihameh, north of Yembo', is of moderate
elevation, varying from 50 to 100 feet, with no
beach. To the southward [to Juddah] it is
more sandy and less elevated. The coral of
the Red Sea is remarkably abundant, and
beautifully colored and variegated. The earli-
est navigation of the Red Sea (passing by the
prehistorical Phoenicians) is mentioned by
Herodotus. " Sesostris (Rameses II.) was the
first who, passing the Arabian Gulf in a fleet
of long vessels, reduced under bis authority tbe
inhabitants of the coast bordering tbe Erythraean
Sea." Three centuries later, Solomon's navy
was built " in Eziongeber which is beside Eloth,
on the shore of the Red Sea (Yam Suph), in
the land of Edom " ( 1 K. ix. 26). It is possible
that the sea has retired here as at Sues, and
that Eziongeber is now dry land. Jeboshaphat
also " made ships of Tharshish to go to Ophir
for gold ; but they went not, for tbe ships were
broken at Eziongeber" (1 K. xxii. 481. Tbe
scene of this wreck has been supposed to be Edb-
Dhahab. The fashion of the ancient ships of
the Red Sea, or of the Phoenician ships of Sol-
omon, is unknown. From Plinv we learn that
the ships were of papyrus, and like the boats of
the Nile; and this statement was in some
measure correct. More precise and enrions is
El-Makreezee's description, written in the first
half of the 15th century, of the ships that sailed
from Eydhao on the Egvptian coast to Juddah :
" Their ' jelcbehs,' which carry the pilgrims on
the coast, have not a nail used in them, but
their planks are sewed together with fibre,
which is taken from the cocoanut-tree, and
they calk them with the fibres of the wood of
the date-palm; then they 'pav' them with
butter, or the oil of the palms Christi, or with
the fat of the kirsh (squalus carcharias). . . .
The sails of these jelebehs are of mats made of
the ddm-palm." The fleets appear to have
sailed about the autumnal equinox, and re-
turned in December or the middle of January.
The Red Sea, as it possessed for many centu-
ries the most important sea-trade of the East,
contained ports of celebrity. Of these, Elath
and Eziongeber alone appear to be mentioned
in the Bible. The Heroopolite Golf is of the
chief interest : it was near to Goshen ; It was
the scene of the passage of the Red Sea ; and
it was the " tongue of the Egyptian Sea." It
was also the seat of the Egyptian trade in this
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RED SEA, FASSAGE OF
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BED SEA, FASSAGE OF
K8 and to the Indian Ocean. Heroopolis is
doubtless the same as Hero, and its site is
probably identified with the modern Aboo-
Kcsheyd, at the head of the old gulf. Suez is a
poor town, and has only an unsafe anchorage,
with very shoal water. On the shore of the
Ileroopolite Gulf was also Arsinoe, founded by
Ptolemy Philadelphia : its site has not been
settled. Berenice, founded by the same, on the
southern frontier of Egypt, rose to importance
under the Ptolemies and the Romans : it is
now of no note. On the western coast was
also the anchorage of Myos Hormos, a little
north of the modern town El-Kuseyr, which
now forms the point of communication with
the old route to Coptos. On the Arabian coast,
the principal ports are Mu'cvleh, Yembo' (the
port of El-Medceneh), Juddah (the port of
Mckkeh), and Mukhk, by us commonly written
Mocha. The commerce of the Red Sea was,
in very ancient times, unquestionably great.
The earliest records tell of the ships of the
Egyptians, the Phoenicians, and the Arabs.
But the shoaling of the head of the gulf ren-
dered the navigation, always dangerous, more
difficult: it destroyed the former anchorages,
and made it necessary to carry merchandise
across the desert to the Nile. This change
appears to have been one of the main causes
of the decay of the commerce of Egypt. Since
the time of Mohammad, the Red Sea trade has
been insignificant
Bed aea, Passage of. The passage of
the Red Sea was the crisis of the Exodus. The
points that arise are the place of the passage,
the narrative, and the importance of the event
in biblical history. 1. It is usual to suppose
that the most northern place at which the Bod
Sea could have been crossed is the present head
of the Gulf of Suez. This supposition depends
upon the erroneous idea, that, in the time of
Moses, the gulf did not extend farther to the
northward than at present. An examination
of the country north of Suez has shown, how-
ever, that the sea has receded many miles. The
old bed is indicated by the Birket-ct-Timstfh, or
" Lake of the Crocodile," and the more south-
ern Bitter Lakes; the northernmost part of die
former probably corresponding to the head of
the gulf at the time of the Exodus. It is ne-
cessary to endeavor to ascertain the route of
the Israelites before we can attempt to discover
where they crossed the sea. The point from
which they started was Ramcses, a place cer-
tainly in the land of Goshen, which we iden-
tify with the Widi-t-TumeyuU. After the men-
tion that the people journeyed from Rameses
to Succoth, and before that of their departure
from Succoth, a passage occurs which appears
to show the first direction of the journey, and
not a change in the route (Ex. xiii. 17, 18).
At the end of the second day's journey, the
camping-place was at Etham " in the edge of
the wilderness" (Ex. xiii. 20; Num. xxxiii.
6.) Here the WaVli-t-TumeyKt was probably
left, as it is cultivable, and terminates in the
desert. The first passage relating to the jour-
ney, after the mention of the encamping at
Etham, is this, stating a command given to
Moses : " Speak unto the children of Israel,
that they torn [or ' return '] and encamp [or
' that they encamp again '] before Pi-hahiroth,
between Migdol and the sea, over against Baal-
zephon " (Ex. xiv. 2). The rendering of the
A. V., " that they turn and encamp," seems to
us the most probable of those we nave given.
At the end of the third day's march, for each
camping-place seems to mark the close of a
day s journey, the Israelites encamped by the
sea. The place of this last encampment, and
that of the passage, on the supposition that
our views as to the most probable route are
correct, would be not very far from the Perse-
politan monument. It is here necessary to
mention the arguments for and against the
common opinion that the Israelites passed near
the present head of the gulf. Local tradition
is in its favor ; but it must be remembered that
local tradition in Egypt and the neighboring
countries, judging from the evidence of history,
is of very little value. The Muslims suppose
Memphis to have been the city at which the Pha-
raoh of the Exodus resided before that event
occurred. From opposite Memphis a broad val-
ley leads to the Red Sea. It is in part called
the Wadi-t-Teeh, or " Valley of the Wander-
ing." From it the traveller reaches the sea
beneath the lofty Gebel-etrT&ah, which rises
on the north, and shuts off all escape in that
direction, excepting by a narrow way along the
seashore, whicn Pharaoh might have occupied.
The sea here is broad and deep, as the narra-
tive is generally held to imply. All the local
features seeia suited for a great event. The
supposition that the Israelites took an upper
route, now that of the Mckkeh caravan, along
the desert, to the north of the tlevated tract
between Cairo and Suez, must be mentioned,
although it is less probable than that just no-
ticed, and offers the same difficulties. We
therefore think that the only opinion warranted
by the narrative is that already stated, which
supposes the passage of the sea to have taken
place near the northernmost part of its ancient
extension. The last camping-place was before
Pi-hahiroth. It appears that Migdol was be-
hind Pi-hahiroth, and, on the other hand, Baal-
zephon and the sea. These neighboring places
have not been identified. From Pi-hahiroth
the Israelites crossed the sea. The only points
bearing on geography in the account of this
event are that the sea was divided by an east
wind, whence we may reasonably inter that it
was crossed from west to east, and that the
whole Egyptian army perished, which shows
that it must have been some miles broad. On
the whole, we may reasonably suppose about
twelve miles as the smallest breadth of tlie sea.
2. A careful examination of the narrative of
the passage of the Red Sea is necessary to a
right understanding of the event. When the
Israelites had departed, Pharaoh repented that
he had let them go. The strength of Pharaoh's
army is not further specified than by the state-
ment that " he took six hundred chosen chariots
and [or ' even '] all the chariots of Egypt, and
captains over every one of them " (Ex. xiv. 7).
With this army, which, even if a small one,
was mighty in comparison to the Israelite
multitude, encumbered with women, children,
and cattle, Pharaoh overtook the people "en-
camping by the sea " (9). When the Israelites
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RED SEA, PASSAGE OF
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saw the oppressor's army, they were terrified,
and murmured against Moses. Then Moses
encouraged them, bidding them see how God
would save them. It seems from the narrative
that Moses did not know at this time how the
people would be saved, and spoke only from a
heart full of faith ; for we read, "And the Lord
said unto Moses, Wherefore criest thou unto
me ? Speak unto the children of Israel, that
they go forward : but lift thou up thy rod, and
stretch out thine hand over the sea, and divide
it ; and the children of Israel shall go on dry
[ground] through the midst of the sea " (Ex.
xiv. 15, 16). That night the two armies, the fu-
gitives and the pursuers, were encamped near
together. Between them was the pillar of the
cloud, darkness to the Egyptians, and a light
to the Israelites. Perhaps in the camp of Israel
the sounds of the hostile camp might be heard
on the one hand, and, on the other, the roaring
of the sea. But the pillar was a barrier ana
a si^n of deliverance. The time was now come
for the great decisive miracle of the Exodus.
" And Moses stretched out his hand over the
sea ; and the Lobd caused the sea to go [back]
by a strong east wind all that night, and made
the sea dry [land], and the waters were divided.
And the children of Israel went through the
midst of the sea upon the dry [ground] ; and
the waters [were] a wall unto them on their
right hand, and on their left " (Ex. xiv. 21, 22,
comp. 29). The narrative distinctly states that
a path was mode through the sea, and that the
waters were a wall on either hand. The term
" wall " does not appear to oblige ns to suppose,
as many have done, that the sea stood up like a
cliff on cither side, but should rather be consid-
ered to mean a barrier, as the former idea
implies a seemingly-needless addition to the
miracle ; while the latter seems to be not dis-
cordant with the language of the narrative.
It was during the night that the Israelites
crossed, and the Egyptians followed. In the
morning watch, the last third or fourth of the
night, or the period before sunrise, Pharaoh's
army was in full pursuit in the divided sea, and
was* there miraculously troubled, so that the
Egyptians sought to flee (23-25). Then was
Moses commanded again to .stretch out his
hand, and the sea returned to its strength, and
overwhelmed the Egyptians, of whom not one
remained alive (2C-28). In a later passage,
some particulars arc mentioned which are not
distinctly stated in the narrative in Exodus.
The place is indeed a poetical one ; but its
meaning is clear, and we learn from it, that, at
the lime of the passage of the sea, there was a
storm of rain with thunder and lightning, per-
haps accompanied by an earthquake (Ps. Ixxvii.
15-20). 3. The importance of this event in
biblical history is shown by the manner in
which it is spoken of in the books of the
O. T. written in later times. In thein it is the
chief fact of Jewish history. It may be in-
quired how it is that there seems to have been
no record or tradition of this miracle among
the Egyptians. This question involves that of
the time in Egyptian history to which this
event should be assigned. The date of the
Exodus according to different chronologers
varies more tlian three hundred years; the
dates of the Egyptian dynasties ruling daring
this period of three hundred years vary fuS
one hundred. If the lowest date of the begin-
ning of the xviiith dynasty be taken, and the
highest date of the Exodus, both which we
consider the most probable of those which have
been conjectured in the two cases, the Israelites
must have left Egypt in a period of which
monuments or other records are almost want-
Under this name we propose noti-
cing the following Hebrew words: — 1. Again
occurs Job xl. 26 (A. V. xli. 2, "hook"), xl.
12 (A. V. xli. 20, "caldron"); Is. ix. 14
(A. V. "rush"). The agmdn is mentioned
also as an Egyptian plant, in a sentence simi-
lar to the last, in Is. xix. 15 ; while from Iviii.
5 we learn that it had a pendulous panicle.
There con be no doubt that it denotes some
aquatic reed-like plant, whether of the nat
order Cyperacta or that of Graminea. Cel-
sius has argued in favor of the Anmdophng-
mitis: we are inclined to adopt his opinion.
The Arundo phragmitis (now the Phragnata cam-
munis), if it does not occur in Palestine and
Egypt, is represented by a very closely allied
species, viz. the A. isiaca of Delisle. The
drooping panicle of this plant will answer
well to the " bowing-down the head " of
Papyri* amtiqvontm.
which Isaiah speaks. 2. Gome, translated
" rush " and " bulrush " by the A. V., with-
out doubt denotes the celebrated papcr-recd
of the ancients {Papyrus antiquorum), s pi* 1 "
of the Sedge family, ('yperacea;, which formerly
was common in some parts of Egypt. The
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REGION-ROUND-ABOUT
Hebrew word is found four times in the Bible
(Ex. ii. 3 ; Is. xviii. 2, xxxv. 7; Job viii. 11).
According to Bruce, the modern Abyssinians
used boats made of the papyrus-reed. The
papyrus-reed is not now found in Egypt: it
grows, however, in Syria. Dr. Hooker saw it
on the banks of Lake Tiberias, a few miles
north of the town. The papyrus-plant (Papy-
rus antiauorum) has an angular stem from three
to six feet high, though occasionally it grows
to the height of fourteen feet ; it has no leaves ;
the flowers are in very small spikelets, which
grow on the thread-like flowering branchlets
which form a bushy crown to each stem. 3.
'Ar6th is translated " paper-reed " in Is. xix. 7,
the only passage where the pi. nonn occurs :
there is not the slightest authority for this ren-
dering of the A. V. " Aroth," says Kimchi, " is
the name to designate pot-herbs and green
1>lants." It probably denotes the open grassy
and on the hanks of the Nile. 4. Ranch, the
generic name of a reed of any kind ; it occurs
in numerous passages of the O. T., and some-
times denotes the "stalk" of wheat (Gen. xli.
5, 22), or the " branches " of the candlestick
(Ex. xxv. and xxxvii.) : in Job xxxi. 22, Icaneh
■denotes the bone of the arm between the elbow
and the shonlder (os humeri). The word is
variously rendered in the A. V. by "stalk,"
" branch," " bone," " calamus,'* " reed."
Strand (Flor. Palast. 29-30) gives the follow-
ing names of the reed-plants of Palestine: —
Saccharum officinale, Cyperus papyrus (Papyrus
<uUiquorum), C. rotundas and C. esculentus, and
Artmdo scriptoria ; but no doubt the species are
numerous. The Arundo donax, the A. /Egypti-
Anmdo domax*
oca (?) of Bov<5, is common on the banks of
the Nile, and may perhaps be " the staff of the
bruised reed " to wnich Sennacherib compared
the power of Egypt (2 K. xviii. 21 ; Ez. xxix.
6, 7). The thick stem of this reed may have
been used as walking-staves by the ancient
Orientals ; perhaps the measuring-reed was
this plant ; at present the dry culms of this
huge grass are in much demand for fishing-
rods, &c. Some kind of fragrant reed is de-
noted by the word kineh (Is. xliii. 24 ; Ez.
xxvii. 19 ; Cant. iv. 14), or more fully by kineh
bdsem, Bee Ex. xxx. 23, or by Icaneh hattob, Jcr.
vi. 20 ; which the A. V. renders " sweet cane,"
and " calamus." It was of foreign importation
(Jer. vi. 20). Some writers have sought to
identify the kenih bdsem with the Acorus calamus,
the "sweet sedge." Dr. Royle refers the niAa-
/toe upuftaTiKoc of Dioscorides to a species of
Andropogon, which he calls A. calamus aromati-
cus, a plant of remarkable fragrance, and a
native of Central India. Still there is no
necessity to refer the kenih bdsem or hattdb to
the KaKapoc apuuanxoc of Dioscorides : it may
be represented by Dr. Royle's plant, or by the
Andropogon Schananthus, the lemon-grass of
India and Arabia.
Reelai'ah. One of the children of the
province who went up with Zerubbabel (Ezr.
ii. 2). In Neb. vii. 7, he is called Raamiah;
and in 1 Esd. v. 8, Reesaias.
Heelius. This name occupies the place
of Bigvai in Ezr. ii. 2 (1 Esd. v. 8). Ap.
Beesai'as. The same as Heki.ai.ih or
Raamiah (1 Esd. v. 8). Ap.
Refiner. The refiner's art was essential to
the working of the precious metals. It con-
sisted in the separation of the dross from the
pure ore, which was effected by reducing the
metal to a fluid state by the application ofheat,
and by the aid of solvents, such as alkali (Is. i.
25) or lead (Jer. vi. 29), which, amalgamating
with the dross, permitted the extraction of the
unadulterated metal. The instruments required
by the refiner were a crucible or furnace, and a
bellows or blow-pipe. The workman sat at his
work (Mai. iii. 3) : he was thus better enabled
to watch the process, and let the metal run off
at the proper moment.
Refuge, Cities of. [Cities op Rbf-
ii.i.. |
Re'gem. A son of Jahdai (1 Chr. ii. 47).
Reg'em-merech. The names of Sherc-
cer and Regcm-melech occur in an obscure pas-
sage ofZechariah (vii. 2). They were sent on
behalf of some of the captivity to make in-
quiries at the Temple concerning fasting. On
referring to Zech. vii. 5, the expression, " the
people of the land," seems to indicate that those
who sent to the Temple were not the captive
Jews in Babylon, but those who had returned
to their own countrv ; and, this being the case,
it is probable that, in ver. 2, " Bethel " is to He
taken as the subject, " and Bethel, i.e. the in-
habitants of Bethel, sent." From its connec-
tion with Sherczcr, the name Regcm-melech
(lit. "king's friend," comp. 1 Chr. xxvii. 33)
was probably an Assyrian title of office.
Region-round-about, the (ft nrpixu-
poc). In the Old Test., it is used by the LXX.
as the equivalent of the singular Hebrew word
hac-Ciccar (literally " the round "), which seems
in its earliest occurrences to denote the circle
or oasis of cultivation in which stood Sodom
and Gomorrah and the rest of the five " cities
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EEHOBOAM
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RBHOBOTH
of the Ciccor" (Gen. xiii. 10, 11, 12, xix. 17,
25, 28, 29 ; Deut. xxxiv. 3). In Matt. iii. 5 and
Luke iii. 3, it denotes the populous and flour-
ishing region which contained the towns of
Jericho and its dependencies, in the Jordan
Valley, enclosed in the amphitheatre of the
hills of Qfiarantana. It is also applied to the
district of Gennesoret (Matt xiv. 35; Mark vi.
55 ; Luke vi. 37, vii. 17).
Behabi'ah. The only son of Eliezer, the
son of Moses (1 Chr. xxih. 17, xxiv. 21, xxvi.
25).
Be'hob. 1. The father of Hadadezer king
of Zobah, whom David smote at the Euphrates
(2 Sam. viii. 3, 12). — 2. A Levite, or family
of Levites, who sealed the covenant with Nehe-
miah (Neh. x. 11).
Be'hob. 1. The northern limit of the ex-
ploration of the spies (Num. xiii. 21). It is
specified as being "as men come unto Ha-
math," ie. at the commencement of the ter-
ritory of that name, by which, in the early
books of the Bible, the great Valley of Leba-
non, the Bika'ah of the prophets, and the
HOJcu'a of the modern Arabs, seems to be
roughly designated. This seems to fix the
position of Rehob as not far from Tell d-Kady
and Banias. No trace of the name of Rehob or
Beth-rehob has yet been met with in this direc-
tion. Dr. Robinson proposes to identify it
with Hinin. But this, though plausible, has
no certain basis. Inasmuch, however, as Beth-
rehob is distinctly stated to have been " far
from Zidon " (Judg. xviii. 28), it must be a
distinct place from — 2. one of the towns al-
lotted to Asher (Josh. xix. 28). — 3. Asher
contained another Rehob (Josh. xix. 30) ; but
the situation of this, like the former, remains
at present unknown.
Rehobo'am, son of Solomon by the Am-
monite princess Naamah (1 K. xiv. 21,31),
and his successor (1 K. xi. 43). From the
earliest period of Jewish history, we perceive
symptoms that the confederation of the tribes
was but imperfectly cemented. The powerful
Ephraim could never brook a position of infe-
riority. When Solomon's strong hand was
withdrawn, the crisis came. Rehoboam selected
Shechem as the place of his coronation, proba-
bly as an act of concession to the Ephroimites,
and perhaps in deference to the suggestions of
those old and wise counsellors of his father,
whose advice ho afterwards unhappily rejected.
The people demanded a remission of the severe
burdens imposed by Solomon, and Rehoboam
promised them an answer in three days, during
which time he consulted first his father's coun-
sellors, and then the young men " that were
grown up with him, and which stood before
him." Rejecting the advice of the elders to
conciliate the people at the beginning of his
reign, he returned as his reply the frantic bra-
vado of his contemporaries. Thereupon rose
the formidable song of insurrection, heard once
before when the tribes quarrelled after David's
return from the war with Absalom. Reho-
boam sent Adoram or Adoniram (1 K. iv. 6 ;
2 Sam. xx. 24) to reduce the rebels to reason,
but he was stoned to death by them ; where-
upon the king and his attendants fled to Jeru-
salem. So far all is plain; but there is a doubt
as to the part which Jeroboam took in these
transactions. According to 1 K. xii. 3, he was
summoned by the Ephraimites from Egypt to
be their spokesman at Rchoboam's coronation,
and actually made the speech in which a re-
mission of burdens was requested. But, in
apparent contradiction to this, we read, in ver.
20 of the same chapter, that after the success of
the insurrection and Rehoboam's flight, " when
all Israel heard that Jeroboam was come again,
they sent and called him unto the congregation,
and made him king." But there is reason to
think that ver. 3 has been interpolated. On
Rchoboam's return to Jerusalem, ne assembled
an army of 180,000 men from the two faithful
tribes of Judah and Benjamin, in the hope of
reconquering Israel. Tho expedition, however,
was forbidden by the prophet Shemaiah (1 K.
xii. 241 : still, during Rehoboam's lifetime,
peaceful relations between Israel and Judah
were never restored (2 Chr. xii. 15 ; 1 K. xir.
30). Rehoboam now occupied himself in
strengthening the territories which remained to-
him by building a number of fortresses (2 Chr.
xi. 6-10). The pure worship of God was
maintained in Judah. But Renoboam did not
check the introduction of heathen abomination*
into his capita] : the lascivious worship of Ash-
toreth was allowed to exist by the side of the
true religion ; " images " were set up, and the
worst immoralities were tolerated (1 K. xiv.
22-24). These evils were punished and put
down by the terrible calamity of an Egyptian
invasion. In the 5th year of Rehoboam's reign,
the country was invaded Iv a host of Egyptians
and other African nations under Shishak, num-
bering 1,200 chariots, 60,000 cavalry, and a
miscellaneous multitude of infantry. The line
of fortresses which protected Jerusalem to the
W. and S. was forced, Jerusalem itself was
taken, and Rehoboam had to purchase an Igno-
minious peace by delivering up all the treasure*
with which Solomon had adorned the temple
and palace, including his golden shields, 200 of
the larger and 300 of the smaller size (I K. x.
16, 17). Shishak's success is commemorated
by sculptures discovered by Champollion on
the outside of the great temple at Karott,
where, among a long list of captured towns and
provinces, occurs the name MUchi Judah (king-
dom of Judah). After this great humiliation,
the moral condition of Judah seems to have
improved (2 Chr. xii. 12), and the rest of Re-
hoboam's life to have been unmarked by any
events of importance. He died B.C. 958, after
a reign of seventeen years, having ascended the
throne B.C. 975, at the age of 41 (1 K. xiv. 21 .
2 Chr. xii. 13). He had eighteen wives, sixty
concubines, twenty-eight sons, and sixty daugh-
ters.
Ke'hoboth. The third of the series or
wells dug by Isaac (Gen. xxvi. 22). The posi-
tion of Gerar has not been definitely ascer-
tained ; bnt it seems to have Iain a few miles to
the S. of Gaza, and nearly due E. of Becrsheha
A Wady Ruhaibeh, containing the ruins of a
town of the same name, with a large well, is
crossed by the road from Khan n-Nukhl to
Hebron, by which Palestine is entered on the
south. It lies about twenty miles S. W. of
Bir a-Seba, and more than that distance S. of
Digitized by
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REKEM
801
BEMPHAN
the most probable situation of Gerar. It there-
fore seems unsafe without farther proof to iden-
tify it with Kehoboth.
Belioboth, the City. One of the four
cities built by Asshur, or by Nimrod in Asshur,
according as this difficult passage is translated
(Gen. x. 11). Nothing certain is known of its
position. The name of Rahabeh is still at-
tached to two places in the region of the ancient
Mesopotamia. They lie, the one on the west-
ern and the other on the eastern bank of the
Euphrates, a few miles below the confluence
of the Khobar. Both are said to contain ex-
tensive ancient remains. That on the eastern
bank bears the affix of malik or royal, and this
Bunnell (Bibdwerk) and Kalisch (Genesis, 261)
propose as the representative of Rehoboth. Its
distance from Kalah Sherghat and Nimrud
(nearly 200 miles) is perhaps an obstacle to
this identification. Sir H. Rawlinson suggests
SeUmiyah in the immediate neighborhood of
Kalah.
Belioboth by the River. The city of
a certain Saul or Shaul, one of the early kings
of the Edomites (Gen. xxxvi. 37 ; 1 Chr. i. 48).
The affix, " the river," fixes the situation of
Rehoboth as on the Euphrates. The name
still remains attached to two spots on the Eu-
C" ates ; the one, simply Rahabeh, on the right
k, eight miles below the junction of the
Khabir, and about three miles west of the
river, the other four or five miles farther down
on die left bank. The latter is said to be
called Rahabeh-malik, i.e. "royal," and is on
this ground identified bv the Jewish commen-
tators with the city of Saul.
Helium. 1. One of the " children of the
province " who went np from Babylon with
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 2). — 2. " Rehum the chan-
cellor " (Ezr. iv. 8, 9, 17, 23). He was perhaps
a kind of lieutenant-governor of the province
under the king of Persia, holding apparently
the same office as Tatnai, who is described in
Ezr. v. 6 as taking part in a similar transaction,
and is there called " the governor on this side
the river." — 3. A Levite of the family of
Bani, who assisted in rebuilding the walls of
Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 17). — 4. One of the chief
of the people who signed the covenant with
Nehemiah (Nch. x. 25). — 5. A priestly fam-
ily, or the head of a priestly honse, who went
up with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 3).
He'i. A person mentioned (in 1 K. i. 8
only) as having remained firm to David's cause
when Adonijan rebelled. Jerome states that
he is the same with " Hiram the Zairitc," i.e.
Ira the Jarite. Ewald suggests that Rei is
identical with Raddai.
Reins, i.e. kidneys, from the Latin renes.
In the ancient system of physiology, the kid-
neys were believed to be the scat of desire and
longing, which accounts for their often being
coupled with the heart (Ps. vii. 9, xxvi. 2; Jer.
xi. 20, xvii. 10, 4c.).
Rek'em. 1. One of the five kings or chief-
tains of Midian slain by the Israelites (Num.
xxxi. 8 ; Josh. xiii. 21). — 2. One of the four
sons of Hebron, and father of Shammai ( 1 Chr.
ii. 43, 44).
Rek'em. One of the towns of the allot-
ment of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 27). No one
101
has attempted to identify it with any existing
site. But may there not be a trace of the name
in Ain Karim, the well-known spring west of
Jerusalem ?
Remali'ah. The father of Pekah, captain
of Pekahiah king of Israel, who slew his mas-
ter, and usurped his throne (2 K. xv. 25-37,
xvi. 1, 5 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 6 ; U. vii. 1-9, viii. 6).
Bem'eth. One of the towns of Issue har
(Josh. xix. 21). It is probably (though not
certainly) a distinct place from the Ramoth of
1 Chr. vi. 73. A place bearing the name of
Rameh is found on the west of the track from
Samaria to Jerdn, about 6 miles N. of the for-
mer, and nine S. W. of the latter. But it
appears to be too far south to be within the
territory of Issachar.
Bem'mon. A town in the allotment of
Simeon (Josh. xix. 7) ; elsewhere accurately
given in the A. V. as Rimmok.
Bem'mon-Meth'oar. A place which
formed one of the landmarks of the eastern
boundary of the territory of Zebnlun (Josh.
xix. 13 onlv). Methoar does not really form
a part of the name, but should be translated
(as in the margin of the A. V.), " R. which
reaches to Neah." This Rimmon does not ap-
pear to have been known to Eusebius and Je-
rome ; but it is mentioned by the early traveller
Parchi, who says that it is called Rumaneh,
and stands an hour south of Sepphoris. If for
south we read north, this is in close agreement
with the statements of Dr. Robinson and Mr.
Van r1 .e Velde, who place Rummaneh on the S.
border of the Plain of Buttauf, three miles
N. N. E. of Seffwrieh. It is difficult, however,
to see how this can have been on the eastern
boundary of Zebulun.
Bem'phan (Acts vii. 43) and Chi an
(Am. v. 26) have been supposed to be names
of an idol worshipped by the Israelites in the
wilderness, bu.t seem to be the names of two
idols. Much difficulty has been occasioned by
this corresponding occurrence of two names so
wholly different in sonnd. The most reason-
able opinion seemed to be that Chiun was a
Hebrew or Semitic name, and Remphan an
Egyptian equivalent substituted by the LXX.
The former, rendered Satnrn in the Syr., was
compared with the Arab, and Peru, kaitodn,
" the planet Saturn." Egyptology has, how-
ever, shown that this is not the true explana-
tion. Among the foreign divinities worshipped
in Egypt, two, the god RENPU, perhaps pro-
nounced REMPU, and the goddess KEN, oc-
cur together. Besides those divinities repre-
sented on the monuments of Egypt which have
Egyptian forms or names, or both, others have
foreign forms or names, or both. Of the latter,
some appear to have been introduced at a very
remote age. This is certainly the case with
the principal divinity of Memphis, Ptah, the
Egyptian HcphoBstus. The foreign divinities
that seem to be of later introduction are not
found throughout the religious records, but
only in single tablets, or are otherwise very
rarely mentioned, and two out of their four
names are immediately recognized to be non-
Egyptian. Thev are RENPU, and the god-
desks KEN, ANTA, and ASTARTA. The
first and second of these have foreign forms;
Digitized by
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REMPHAN
802
BEPHIDIM
the third and fourth hare Egyptian forms:
there would, therefore, seem to be an especially
foreign character about the former two.
Rekpd, pronounced Rempu (?), is repre-
sented as an Asiatic, with the full beard and
apparently the general type of face given on
the monuments to most nations east of Egypt,
and to the REBU or Libyans. This type is
evidently that of the Shemites. His hair is j
bound with a fillet, which is ornamented in I
front with the head of an antelope. KEN is '
represented perfectly naked, bowing in both
hands corn, and standing upon a lion. She is
also called KETE8H. ANATA appears to be
Ana'itis. A ST ART A is of course the Ashto-
reth of Canaan. We hare no clew to the exact
time of the introduction of these divinities into j
Egypt, nor, except in one case, to any particu- j
lar places of their worship. Their names occur j
as early as the period of the xviiith and xixth '
dynasties, and it is therefore not improbable j
that they were introduced by the Shepherds. |
As to RENPU and KEN, we can only oner a |
conjecture. They occur together, and KEN is
• form of the Syrian goddess, and also bears
some relation to the Egyptian god of produc-
tiveness, KHEM. Their similarity to Baal and
Ashtoreth seems strong. The naked goddess
KEN would suggest such worship as that of
the Babylonian Mylitta ; but the thoroughly
Sheruite appearance of RENPU is rather in
favor of an Arab source. The mention of
CHIUN or REMPHAN as worshipped in the
desert shows that this idolatry was, in part at
least, that of foreigners, and no doubt of those
settled in Lower Egypt We can now endeavor
to explain the passages in which Chiun and
Remphan occur. The Masoretic text of Amos
r. 26 reads thus: — "But ye bare the tent [or
'tabernacle'] of your king and Chiun yonr
images, the star of your gods [or ' your god J,
which ve made for yourselves. In the LXX.
we find remarkable differences : it reads : Kal
&vt\u3m ii)v OKirvi)v roO MoM>x, no) rd uarpov
roil 8eoo iuuv 'Poifav, rodf rinrouf abriiv oCf
timuioan iavroic. The Vulg. agrees with the
Masoretic text in the order of the clauses,
though omitting Chinn or Remphan. A slight
change in the Hebrew would enable us to read
Molech (Malcara or Milcom) instead of " your
king." Beyond this it is extremely difficult to
explain the differences. The substitution of
Remphan or Rephan for Chiun has been ex-
plained by supposing that the LXX. read i for
J in the Hebrew. The tent or tabernacle of
Moloch is supposed by Gesenius to have been
an actual tent, and he compares the oup/ii Upa
of the Carthaginians. But there is some diffi-
culty in the idea that the Israelites carried
about so large an object for the purpose of
idolatry, and it seems more likely that it was a
•mall model of a larger tent or shrine. The
reading Molech appears preferable to "your
king." It is perhaps worthy of note that there
is reason for supposing that Molech was a
name of the planet Saturn, and that this planet
was evidently supposed by the ancient transla-
tors to be intended for Chiun and Remphan.
The correspondence of Remphan or Raiphan
to Chiun is extremely remarkable, and can,
we think, only be accounted for by the suppo-
sition that the LXX. translator or translator*
of the prophet had Egyptian knowledge, and,
being thus acquainted with the ancient joint
worshipof Ken and Rcnpu, substituted the latter
for the former, as they may have been unwilling
to repeat the name of a foreign Venn*. From
the manner in which it is mentioned, we may
conjecture that the star of Remphan was of the
same character as the tabernacle of Molech, an
object connected with false worship rather than
an image of a false god.
Reph'ael. Son of Shemaiah, the firstborn
of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 7).
Ee'phah. A son of Ephraim, and ancestor
of Joshua (1 Chr. vii. 25).
Bephai'ah. 1. The sons of Rephaiah ap-
pear among the descendants of Zerubbabel in
1 Chr. iii. 21. — 2. A Simeonite chieftain in
the reign of Hczekiah (1 Chr. iv. 42). — 3. Son
of Tola, the son of Issachar (I Chr. vii. 2). —
4. Son of Binea, and descendant of Saul (1
Chr. ix. 43). — 5. The son of Hur, and ruler
of a portion of Jerusalem (Neb. iii. 9).
Beph'aim. [Giants.1
Beph'aim, the Valley ot, 2 Sam. v.
18, 22, xxiii. 13; 1 Chr. xi. 15, xiv. 9 ; Is. xvii.
5. Also in Josh. xv. 8 and xviii. 16, where it
is translated in the A. V. " the valley of the
.giants." A spot which was the scene of some
of David's most remarkable adventures. Ha
twice encountered the Philistines there, and in-
flicted a destruction on them and on their idols
so signal that it gave the place a new name. It
was probably during the former of these two
contests that the incident of the water of Beth
lehera (2 Sam. xxiii. 13, &c.) occurred. The
" hold " (ver. 14) in which David found him-
self seems (though it is not clear) to have been
the Care of AduHam. This narrative seems to
imply that the Valley of Rephaim was near
Bethlehem. Josephns mentions it as " the val-
ley which extends (from Jerusalem) to the city
of Bethlehem." Since the latter part of the
16th cent, the name has been attached to the
upland plain which stretches south of Jerusa-
lem, ana is crossed by the road to Bethlehem
— the d-BSk'ah of the modern Arabs. But
this, though appropriate enough as regards its
proximity to Bethlehem, does not answer at all
to the meaning of the Hebrew word Kmtrk,
which appears always to designate an enclosed
valley, never an open upland plain like that in
question. A position N. W. of the city is
adopted by Fiirst, apparently on the ground of
the terms of Josh. xv. 8 and xviii. 16. And
Tobler, in his last investigations, conclusively
adopts the Wady Der Jam. The valley ap-
pears to derive its name from the ancient nation
of the Rephaim. It may be a trace of an early
settlement of theirs, possibly after they were
driven from their original seats east of the
Jordan by Cbcdorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 5).
Beph'idim. Ex. xvii. 1, 8, xix. 2. The
name means " rests " or "stays ; " the place lies
in the march of the Israelites from Egvpt to
Sinai. Its site is unknown. Lcpsius' view is
that Mount Serhdl is the true Horeb, and that
Rephidim is Wady Farnn. This would ac-
count for the expectation of finding water here,
which, however, from some unexplained cause,
failed. In Ex. xvii. 6, " the rock in Horeb " is
Digitized by
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BEUBKN
803
REUBEN
earned a* the source of the water miraculously
supplied. On the other hand, the language used
Ex. xix. 1, °, seems precise, as regards the
point that thu journey from Rephidim to Sinai
was a distinct stage. The name Horeb is by
Robinson taken to mean an extended range or
region. .some part of which was near to Rephi-
dim, which he places at Wady eth Sheikh, run-
ning from N. E. to S. W., on the W. side of
G bd Fartia, opposite the northern face of the
modern Horeb. It joins the Wady Femm.
Tho exact spot of Robinson's Rephidim is a
defile in the esh Sheikh visited and described by
Burckhardt as at about fire hours' distance from
where it issnes from the plain Er Baheh, nar-
rowing between abrupt cliffs of blackened gran-
ite to about forty feet in width. Here is also
the traditional " Seat of Moses." The fertility
and richness of the Wady Feiran account, as
Stanley thinks, for the Amalekites' struggle to
retain possession against those whom they
viewed as intrusive aggressors. This view
seems to meet the largest amount of possible
conditions for a site of Sinai.
Bes'en is mentioned only in Gen. x. 12,
where it is said to have been one of the cities
built by Asshur, and to have lain " between Nin-
eveh and Calah." Many writers have been
inclined to identify it with the Resina or
Rhesana of the Byzantine authors, and of Ptol-
emy, which is most probably the modern Rat
d-ain. There are no grounds, however, for this
identification, except the similarity of name.
A far more probable conjecture was that of
Bochart, who found Resen in the Larissa of
Xenophon, which is most certainly the modern
Nimrud. As, however, the Nimrud ruins seem
really to represent Calah, while those opposite
Mosul are the remains of Nineveh, we must
look for Resen in the tract lying between these
two sites. Assyrian remains of some consider-
able extent are found in this situation, near the
modern village of Sdamiyeh, and it is perhaps
the most probable conjecture that these repre-
sent the Resen of Genesis. The later Jews
' to have identified Resen with the Kileh-
ruins.
Hash'eph. A son of Ephraim, and brother
of Rephah (1 Chr. vii. 85).
Re U. Son of Peleg, in the line of Abra-
ham's ancestors (Gen. xi. 18-21 ; 1 Chr. i. 25).
Beu'ban. Jacob's firstborn child (Gen.
xxix. 32), the son of Leah, apparently not born
till an unusual interval had elapsed after the
marriage (31). The notices of the patriarch
Reuben in the Book of Genesis and the early
Jewish traditional literature are unusually fre-
quent, and on the whole give a favorable view
of his disposition. To him, and him alone, the
preservation of Joseph's life appears to have
been dne. His anguish at the disappearance
of his brother, and the frustration of his kindly
artifice for delivering him (Gen. xxxvii. 22),
bis recollection of the minute details of the
painful scene many years afterwards (xlii. 22),
his offer to take the sole responsibility of the
safety of the brother who had succeeded to
Joseph's place in the family (xlii. 37), all testify
to a warm and (for those rough times) a kindly
nature. Of the repulsive crime which mars his
history, and which turned the blessing of his
dying father into a curse — his adulterous con.
nection with Bilhah — we know from the Scrip-
tures only the fact (Gen. xxxv. 22). These
traits, slight as they are, are those of an ardent,
impetuous, unbalanced, but not ungenerous na-
ture ; not crafty and cruel, as wen» Simeon and
Levi, but rather, to use the metaphor of the
dying patriarch, boiling up like a vessel of
water over the rapid wood-fire of the nomad
tent, and as quickly subsiding into apathy when
the fuel was withdrawn. At the time of tho
migration into Egypt, Reuben's sons were four
(Gen. xlvi. 9 ; 1 Chr. v. 3). From them sprang
the chief families of the tribe ( Num. xxvi. 5-11).
The census at Monnt Sinai (Num. i. 20, 21, ii.
11) shows that at the Exodus the numbers of
the tribe were 46,500 men above twenty years
of age, and fit for active warlike service. Dur-
ing the journey through the wilderness, the
position of Reuben was on the south side of tho
Tabernacle. The " camp " which went under
his name was formed of his own tribe, that of
Simeon and Gad. The Reubenites, like their
relatives and neighbors on the journey, the
Gadites, had maintained, through the march to
Canaan, tho ancient calling of their forefathers.
Their cattle accompanied them in their flight
from Egypt (Ex. xii. 38). It followed natu-
rally, that, when the nation arrived on the open
downs east of the Jordan, the three tribes of Reu-
ben, Gad, and the half of Manasseh, should pre-
fer a request to their leader to be allowed to
remain in a place so perfectly suited to their re-
quirements. The part selectod by Reuben had
at that date the special name of " the Mishor,"
with reference possibly to its evenness. Under
its modern name of the Belka, it is still esteemed
beyond all others by tho Arab sheep-masters.
Accordingly, when the Reubenites and their
fellows approach Moses with their request, his
main objection is that by what they propose
they will discourage the hearts of the children
of Israel from going over Jordan into the land
which Jehovah had given them (Num. xxxii.
7). It is only on their undertaking to fulfil
their part in the conquest of the western coun-
try, the land of Canaan proper, and thus satis-
fying him that their proposal was grounded in
no selfish desire to escape a full share of the
difficulties of the conquest, that Moses will con-
sent to their proposal. From this time, it seems
as if a bar, not only the material one of dis-
tance, and of tho intervening rivei- and moun-
tain-wall, but also of difference in feeling and
habits, gradually grew up more substantially
between the Eastern and Western tribes. The
first act of the former after the completion of
the conquest, and after they had taken part in
the solemn ceremonial in the valley between
Ebal and Gerizira, shows how wide a gap
already existed between their ideas and thoso
of the Western tribes. The pile of stones
which they erected on the western bank of the
Jordan to mark their boundary was erected in
accordance with the unalterable habits of Bed-
ouin tribes both before and since. It was an
act identical with that in which Latmn and Ja-
cob engaged at parting, with that which is con-
stantlyperformed by the Bedouins of the present
day. But by the Israelites west of Jordan, >vno
were fast relinquishing their nouiaa nabits and
Digitized by
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REVELATION OF ST. JOHN 804 REVELATION OF ST. JOHN
feelings for those of more settled permanent
life, this act was completely misunderstood, und
was construed into an attempt to set up a rival
altar to that of the Sacred Tent. No judge, no
prophet, no hero, of the tribe of Reuben, is
handed down to us. In the dire extennity of
their brethren in the north under Deborah and
Barak, they contented themselves with debating
the news amongst the streams of the Mishor.
The distant distress of his brethren could not
move Reuben ; he lingered among his shecpfolds,
and preferred the shepherd's pipe and the bleat-
ing of the flocks to the clamor of the trumpet
and the turmoil of battle. His individuality
fades more rapidly than Gad's. No person, no
incident, is recorded, to place Reuben before us
in any distincter form than as a member of the
community (if community it can be called) of
" the Reubenites, the Gadites, and the half-tribe
of Manasseh" (1 Chr. xii. 37). Thus remote
from the central seat of the national govern-
ment and of the national religion, it is not to
be wondered at that Reuben relinquished the
faith of Jehovah. The last historical notice
which we possess of them, while it records this
fact, records also, as its natural consequence,
that the Reubenites and Gadites and the half-
tribe of Manasseh were carried off by Put and
Tiglath-Pileser.
Reu'el. 1. One of the sons of Esau by
his wife Basheraath, sister of Ishmael (Gen.
xxxvi. 4, 10, 13, 17; 1 Chr. i. 35, 37). — 2.
One of the names of Moses' father-in-law (Ex.
ii. 18) ; the same which, through adherence to
the LXX. form, is given in another passage of
the A. V. Rachel. — 8. Father of Eliasaph,
the leader of the tribe of Gad at the time of the
census at Sinai (Num. ii. 14). — 4. A Benja-
mite, ancestor of Elah (1 Chr. ix. 8).
Ke'umah. The concubine of Nahor, Abra-
ham's brother (Gen. xxii. 24).
Bevelation of St. John. The follow-
ing subjects in connection with this book seem
jo have the chief claim for a place in this
article : — A. Canonical Authority and
Authorship. B. Time and Place op
Whiting. C. Language. D. History of
Interpretation.
A. Canonical Authority and Author-
ship. — The question as to the canonical au-
thority of the Revelation resolves itself into a
question of authorship. Was St. John the
Apostle and Evangelist the writer of the Reve-
lation ? This question was first mooted by
Dionysius of Alexandria. The donbt which
he modestly suggested has been confidently
proclaimed in modern times by Luther, and
wisely diffused through his influence. But the
general belief of the mass of Christians in all
ages has been in favor of St. John's authority.
The evidence adduced in support of that belief
consists of (1 ) the assertions of the author, and
(2) historical tradition. (1) The author's de-
scription of himself in the 1st and 22d chapters
is certainly equivalent to an assertion that he is
the apostle, (a) He names himself simply
John, without prefix or addition. He is also
described as (6) a servant of Christ, (c) one
who had borne testimony as an eye-witness of
the word of God and of the testimony of
Christ, — terms which were surely designed to
identify him with the writer of the verses, John
xix. 35, i. 14, and 1 John i. 2. He is (d) in
Patraos for the word of God and the testimony
of Jesus Christ. He is also (e) a fellow-snfferer
with those whom he addresses, and (_/") the au-
thorized channel of the most direct and impor-
tant communication that was ever made to the
seven churches of Asia, of which churches John
the Apostle was at that time the spiritual gov-
ernor and teacher. Lastly, (g) the writer was a
fellow-servant of angels, and a brother of proph-
ets. All these marks are found united together
in the Apostle John, and in him alone of all his-
torical persons. A candid reader of the Revela-
tion, if previously acquainted with St. John's
other writings and life, must inevitably conclude
that the writer intended to be identified with
St. John. It is strange to see so able a critic as
Liicke meeting this conclusion with the conjec-
ture that some Asiatic disciple and namesake
of the apostle may have written the book in
the course of some missionary labors or some
time of sacred retirement in Patmos. Unless
we are prepared to give up the veracity and
divine origin of the whole book, and to treat
the writer's account of himself as a mere fiction
of a poet trying to cover his own insignificance
with an honored name, we must accept that de-
scription as a plain statement of fact, equally
credible with the rest of the book, and in har-
mony with the simple, honest, truthful charac-
ter which is stamped on the face of the whole
narrative. Besides this direct assertion of St.
John's authorship, there is also an implication
of it running through the book. Generally,
the instinct of single-minded, patient, faithful
students, has led them to recognize not merely
the same Spirit as the source of this and other
books of Holy Scripture, but also the same
peculiarly-formed human instrument employed
Both in producing this book and the fourth
Gospel, and in speaking the characteristic
words and performing the characteristic ac-
tions recorded of St. John.
(2) To come to the historical testimonies in
favor of St John's authorship, (a) Justin
Martyr, circ. 150 A.D., says, "A man among
us whose name was John, one of the apostles
of Christ, in a revelation which was made to
him, prophesied that the believers in our Christ
shall live a thousand years in Jerusalem." (6)
The author of the Mnratorian Fragment, circ
170 A.D., speaks of St. John as the writer of
the Apocalypse, (c) Melito of Sardis, circ
170 A.D., wrote a treatise on the Revelation of
John. Eusebius (B. E. iv. 26) mentions this
among the books of Melito which had come to
his knowledge ; and it may be presumed that
he found no doubt as to St. John's authorship
in the book of this ancient Asiatic bishop. (</)
Theopbilns, bishop of Antioch (circ 160), in a
controversy with Hermogenes, quotes passages
out of the Revelation of John. («) Irenseus
(circ. 195), apparently never having heard •
suggestion of any other author than the apos-
tle, often quotes the Revelation as the work of
John. The testimony of Irenseus as to th*
authorship of Revelation is perhaps more im-
portant than that of any other writer. (/)
Apollonins (circ. 200) of Ephesns (!), in con-
troversy with the Montanists of Phrygia,
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REVELATION OF ST. JOHN 805 REVELATION OF ST. JOHN
3 noted passages out of the Revelation of
ohn, and narrated a miracle wrought by John
at Ephesas. (g) Clement of Alexandria (circ.
200} quotes the book as the Revelation of John,
and as the work of an apostle. (A) Tertul-
lian ( a.d. 307), in at least one place, quotes by
name " the Apostle John in the Apocalypse,
(i) Hippolytus (circ. 230) if said, in the inscrip-
tion on his statue at Rome, to have composed
an apology for the Apocalypse and Gospel of
St. John the Apostle, tj) Origen (circ. 233),
in his Commentary on St. John, quoted by
Eusebius (H. E. vi. 25), says of the apostle,
" He wrote also the Revelation." The testimo-
nies of later writers, in the third and fourth cen-
turies, in favor of St John's authorship of the
Revelation, are equally distinct, and fai more
numerous. All the foregoing writers, testify-
ing that the book came from an apostle, be-
lieved that it was a part of Holy Scripture. It
is also quoted as having canonical authority by
Papias, Cyprian, and in the Epistle from the
Churches of Lyons and Vienne, a.d. 177. It was
admitted into the list of the Third Council of
Carthage, a.d. 397. Such is the evidence in
favor of St. John's authorship and of the canon-
ical authority of this book. The following
facts must be weighed on the other side. Mar-
«ion, who regarded all the apostles, except
St. Paul, as corrupters of the truth, rejected
the Apocalypse ana all other books of the N. T.
which were not written by St. Paul. The
Alogi, an obscure sect, circ. 180 a.d., rejected
the Rovolation, saying it was the work, not of
John, bnt of Cennthus. But the testimony
which is considered the most important of all
in ancient times against the Revelation is con-
tained in a fragment of Dionysius of Alexan-
dria, circ. 240 a.d., the most influential and
perhaps the ablest bishop in that age. The
principal points in it are these : — Dionysius tes-
tifies that some writers before him altogether
repudiated the Revelation as a forgery of Cerin-
thus ; many brethren, however, prized it very
highly, and Dionysius would not venture to re-
ject it, but received it in faith as containing
things too deep and too sublime for his under-
standing. Ho would not say that John Mark
was the writer, since it is not known that he
was in Asia. He supposes it must be the work
of some John who lived in Asia. To this ex-
tent, and no further, Dionysius is a witness
against St. John's authorship. A weightier
difficulty arises from the fact that the Revela-
tion is one of the books which are absent from
the ancient Peshito version. Eusebius is re-
markably sparing in his quotations from the
■" Revelation of John," and the uncertainty of
his opinion about it is best shown by his state-
ment in that " it is likely that the Revelation
was seen by the second John (the Ephesian
presbyter), if any one is unwilling to believe
that it was seen by the apostle." Jerome
states that the Greek churches felt, with re-
spect to the Revelation, a similar doubt to that
of the Latins respecting the Epistle to the He-
brews.
B. Time awd Place of Writihc — The
date of the Revelation is given by the great ma-
jority of critics as a.d. 95-97. The weighty
testimony of Iremans is almost sufficient to
prevent any other conclusion. He says, " It
(i.e. the Revelation) was seen no very long
time ago, but almost in our own generation, at
the close of Domitian's reign." Eusebius also
records that, in the persecution under Domi-
tian, John the Apostle and Evangelist was ban-
ished to the Island Patmos for his testimony of
the divine word. There is no mention in any
writer of the first three centuries of any other
time or place. Unsupported by any historical
evidence, some commentators nave put forth
the conjecture that the Revelation was written
as early as the time of Nero. This is simply
their inference from the style and contents of
the book. It has been inferred from i. 2, 9,
10, that the Revelation was written in Ephesus,
immediately after the apostle's return from
Patmos. Bnt the style in which the messages
to the Seven Churches are delivered rather sug-
gests the notion that the book was written in
Patmos. C. Language. — The doubt first
suggested by Harenberg, whether the Revela-
tion was written in Aramaic, has met with lit-
tle or no reception. The silence of all ancient
writers as to any Aramaic original is alone a
sufficient answer to the suggestion. Lucke has
also collected internal evidence to show that the
original is the Greek of a Jewish Christian.
Lucke has also examined in minute detail the
peculiarities of language which obviously dis-
tinguish the Revelation from every other book
of the New Testament And in subsequent
sections, he urges with great force the difference
between the Revelation on one side, and the
fourth Gospel and first Epistle on the other, in
respect of their style and composition and the
mental character and attainments of the writer
of each. Hengstenberg, in a dissertation ap-
pended to his Commentary, maintains that they
are by one writer. It may be admitted, that
the Revelation has many surprising gramma-
tical peculiarities. Bnt much of this is ac-
counted for by the fact that it was probably
written down, as it was seen, "in the Spirit,
whilst the ideas, in all their novelty and vast-
ness, filled the apostlo's mind, and rendered
him less capable of attending to forms of speech.
D. Interpretation. — A short account of
the different directions in which attempts have
been made to interpret the Revelation is all
that can be given in this place. The interval
between the apostolic age and that of Con-
stantino has been called the Chiliastic period of
Apocalyptic interpretation. The visions of St.
John were chiefly regarded as representations
of general Christian truths, scarcely yet em-
bodied in actual facts, for the most part to be
exemplified or fulfilled in the reign of Anti-
christ, the coming of Christ, the millennium,
and the day of judgment. The only extant
systematic interpretations in this period are
the interpolated Commentary on the Revelation
by the martyr Victorinus, cir. 270 a.d., and
the dispnted'Treatise on Antichrist by Hippo-
lytus. But the prevalent views of that age are
to be gathered also from a passage in Justin
Martyr, from the later books, especially the
fifth, of Irenaus, and from various scattered
passages in Tcrtnllian, Origen, and Methodius.
The general anticipation of the last days of the
world in Lactantius, vii. 14-25, has little direct
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REVELATION OF ST. JOHN
806
RHESA
reference to the Revelation. Immediately after
the triumph of Constantino, the Christians,
emancipated from oppression and persecution,
and dominant and prosperous in rlieir turn,
began to lose their vivid expectaUon of our
Lord's speedy advent, and their spiritual con-
ception of His kingdom, and to look upon the
temporal supremacy of Christianity as a fulfil-
ment of the promised reign •>( Christ on earth.
The Roman empire, become Christian, was re-
garded no longer as tbn object of prophetic
denunciation, but as the scene of a millennial
development. This view, however, was soon
met by the figurative interpretation of the mil-
lennium as the reign of Christ in the hearts of
all true believers. As the barbarous and heret-
ical invaders •>{ the falling empire appeared,
they were regarded by the suffering Christians
as fulfillinj; the woes denounced in the Reve-
lation. The chief commentaries belonging to
this pel iod are that which is uscribed to Ti-
choniiis, circ. 390 a.d. ; Primasius, of Adrume-
tutr in Africa, a.d. 550; Andreas of Crete,
circ. 650 a.d. ; Arethas of Cappadocia, and CEcu-
uicnius of Thessaly, in the 10th century; the
Kxplanaiio Apoc. in the works of Bedc, a.d.
735 ; the Expau'lio of Berengaud ; the Com-
mentary of Ilaymo, a.d. 853 ; a short Treatise
on the Seals by Ansclm, bishop of Havilberg,
a.d. 1145; the Expoeitio of Abbot Joachim of
Calabria, a.d. 1200. The views to which the
reputation of Abbot Joachim gave currency be-
came the foundation of that great historical
school of interpretation, which, up to this time,
seems the most popular of all. Modem inter-
preters are generally placed in three great di-
visions, a. The Historical or Continuous
expositors, in whose opinion the Revelation is
a progressive history of the fortunes of the
Church from the first century to the end of
time. 6. The Prseterist expositors, who are of
opinion that the Revelation has beeu almost, or
altogether, fulfilled in the time which has
passed since it was written ; that it refers prin-
cipally to the triumph of Christianity over
Judaism and Paganism, signalized in the down-
fall of Jerusalem and of Rome. c. The Futu-
rist expositors, whose views show a strong re-
action against some extravagances of the two
preceding schools. They believe that the whole
book, excepting perhaps the first three chap-
ters, refers principally, if not exclusively, to
events which are yet to come. Each of these
three schemes is open to objection. In conclu-
sion, it may be stated that two methods have
been proposed by which the student of the
Revelation may escape the incongruities and
fallacies of the different interpretations, whilst
he may derive edification from whatever truth
they contain. It has been suggested that the
book may be regarded as a prophetic poem,
dealing in general and inexact descriptions,
much of which may be set down as poetic
imagery, mere embellishment. But such a view
would be difficult to reconcile with the belief
that the book is an inspired prophecy. A bet-
ter suggestion is made, or rather is revived, by
Dr. Arnold in his Sermons On the Interpretation
of Prophecy; that we should bear in mind that
predictions have a lower historical sense, as
well as a higher spiritual sense ; that there may
be one or more than one typical, imperfect, hi>
torical fulfilment of a prophecy, in each o)
which the higher spiritual fulfilment is shad
owed forth more or less distinctly.
Be'zeph. One of the places which Sen-
nacherib mentions, in his taunting message to
Hezekiah, as having been destroyed by bis pred-
ecessor (2 K. xix. 12; Is. xxxvii. 12). It is
perhaps mentioned by Ptolemy (v. 15) under
the name of 'Pi/cu^a.
Re'zia. An Asherite, of the ions of Ulla
(1 Chr. yii. 89).
He'zin. 1. A king of Damascus, contem-
porary with Pekah in Israel, and with Jotham
and Ahaz in Judsea. He attacked Jotham
during the latter part of his reign (2 K. xr.
37 ) ; but his chief war was with Ahaz, whose
territories he invaded, in company with I'ckah
(about B.c. 74,1). The combined army laid
siege to Jerusalem, where Ahaz was, but " could
not prevail against it " (Is. vii. 1 ; 2 K. xvi. 5).
Rezin, however, " recovered Elath to Syria "
(2 K. xvi. 6). Soon after this he was attacked,
defeated, and slain by Tiglath-Pilescr II., king
of Assyria (2 K. xvi. 9 ; compare Tiglath-Pi-
leseris own inscriptions, where ihe defeat of
Rezin and the destruction of Damascus are dis-
tinctly mentioned). — 2. One of the families of
the Nethinim (Ezr. ii. 48 ; Neh. vii. 50).
Be'zon. The son of Eliadah, a Syrian, who
when David defeated Hadadezer king of Zohafc,
put himself at the head of a band of freeboot-
ers, and set up apetty kingdom at Damascus
(1 K. xi. 23). Whether he was an officer of
Hadadezer, who, foreseeing the destruction
which David would inflict, prudently escaped
with some followers, or whether be gathered
bis band of the remnant of those who survived
the slaughter, does not appear. The latter is
more probable. The settlement of Rezon at
Damascus could not have been till some time
after the disastrous battle in which the power
of Hadadezer was broken ; for we are told that
David at the same time defeated the army of
Damascene Syrians who came to the relief
of Hadcdezer, and put garrisons in Damascus.
From his position at Damascus, Rczon harassed
the kingdom of Solomon during his whole
reign. The name is Aramaic, and Ewald com-
pares it with Rezin.
Ithe'gium. The mention of this Italian
town (which was situated on the Bruit ian
coast, just at the southern entrance of the
Straits of Messina) occurs quite incidentally
(Acts xxviii. 13) in the account of St. Paul's
voyage from Syracuse to Puteoli, after the ship-
wreck at Malta. By a curious coincidence, the
figures on its coins are the very " twin brothers "
which gave the name to St. Paul's ship. As
to the history of the place, it was originally a
Greek colony : it was miserably destroyed by
Dionysius of Syracuse: from Augustus it re-
ceived advantages which combined with its
geographical position in making it important
throughout the duration of the Roman Empire-
Tbe modern Rrggio is a town of 10,000 inhabit-
ants. Its distance across the straits from
Messina is only about six miles.
Rhe'sa, son of Zorobabel in the genealogy
of Christ (Lake iii. 27). Lord A. Hervey has
ingeniously conjectured that Rheaa is no* per
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RIBLAH
807
RIMMON
son, but merely the title Rosh, i.e. " Prince,"
originally attached to the name of Zerubbabel.
Rho da, the name of a maid who an-
nounced Peter's arrival at the door of Mary's
house after his miraculous release from prison
(Acts xii. 13).
Rhodes. The history of this island is so
illustrious, that it is interesting to see it con-
nected, even in a small degree, with the life of
St. Paul. He touched there on his return
voyage to Syria from the third missionary
journey (Acts xxi. 1 ). Rhodes is immediately
opposite the high Carian and Lycian headlands
at the S. W. extremity of the peninsula of Asia
Minor. Its position has had much to do with
its history. Its real eminence began (about
400 B.C.) with the founding of that city at the
N. E. extremity of the island, which still con-
tinues to be the capital. After Alexander's
death, it entered on a glorious period, its ma-
terial prosperity being largely developed, and
its institutions deserving and obtaining general
esteem. As we approach the time of the con-
solidation of the Roman power in the Levant,
we have a notice of Jewish residents in Rhodes
(1 Mace. xv. 23). The Romans, after the de-
feat of Antiochus, assigned, during some time,
to Rhodes, certain districts on the mainland.
Its Byzantine history is again eminent. Under
Constantino, it was the metropolis of the
" Province of the Islands." It was the last
place where the Christians of the Bast held
out against the advancing Saracens ; and subse-
quently it was once more famous as the home
and fortress of the Knights of St. John.
Rhod'OCUS, a Jew who betraved the plans
of his countrymen to Antiochus Eupator
(2 Mace. xiii. 21). Ap.
Rho'dUS. 1 Mace. xv. 23. [Rhodbs.J Ap.
Riba'i, the father of Ittai the Benjainitc
of Gibeah (2 Sam. xxiii. 29 ; 1 Chr. xi. 31 ).
Riblah. 1. One of the landmarks on the
eastern boundary of the land of Israel, as speci-
fied by Moses ( Num. xxxiv. 11). Its position
is noted in this passage with much precision.
It was immediately between Shepham and the
Sea of Cinnereth, and on the " east side of
the spring." Unfortunately, Shepham has not
yet been identified, and which of the great
fountains of Northern Palestine is intended by
" the spring " is uncertain. It seems hardly
possible, without entirely disarranging the
specification of the boundary, that the Riblah
in question can be the same with the " Riblah
in the land of Hamatb," which is mentioned
at a much later period of the history. — 2.
Riblah in the land of Hamath, a place on the
great road between Palestine and Babylonia,
at which the kings of Babylonia were accus-
tomed to remain while directing the operations
of their armies in Palestine and Phoenicia
Here Nebuchadnezzar wait©! while the sieges
of Jerusalem and of Tyre were being con-
ducted by his lieutenants (,Ter. xxxix. S, 6, Iii.
9, 10, 26, 27 ; 2. K. xxv. 6, 20, 21 ). In like
manner, Pharaoh-Necho, after his victory over
the Babylonians at Carchemish, returned to
Riblah, and summoned Jehoahnz from Jerusa-
lem before him (2 K. xxiii. 33). This Riblah
lias no doubt been discovered, still retaining its
ancient name, on the right (east) bank of the
ti Asg (Orontes), upon the great road which
connects Baalbek aud Hums, about thirty-five
miles N. E. of the former, and twenty miles
S. W. of the latter place.
Riddle. The Hebrew word is derived from
an Arabic root meaning " to bend off," " to
twist," and is used for artifice (Dan. viii. 23),
a proverb (Prov. i. 6), a song (Ps. xlix. 4,
lxxviii. 2), an oracle (Num. xii. 8), a parable
(Ez. xvii. 2), and, in general, any wise or intri-
cate sentence (Ps. xciv. 4; Hub. ii. 6, &c.),as
well as a riddle in our sense of the word ( Judg.
xiv. 12-19). The riddles which the queen of
Shcba came to ask of Solomon (1 K. x. 1 :
2 Chr. ix. 1 ) were rather " hard questions
referring to profound inquiries. Solomon is
said, however, to have been very fond of the
riddle propej The word alvtyfta occurs only
once in the N. T. (1 Cor. xiii. 12, "darkly;"
comp. Num. xii. 8) ; but, in the wider meaning
of the word, many instances of it occur in our
Lord's discourses. We know that all ancient
nations, and especially Orientals, have been
fond of riddles. We find traces of the custom
among the Arabs (Koran xxv. 35), and indeed
several Arabic books of riddles exist ; but these
are rather emblems and devices than what we
call riddles, although they are very ingenious.
They were also known to the anciet.-t Egyp-
tians, anu were especially used in banquets
both by Greeks and Romans. Riddles were
generally proposed in verse, like the celebrated
riddle of Samson, which, however, was proper-
ly no riddle at all, because the Philistines did
not possess the only clew on which the solution
could depend. Junius distinguishes between
the greater enigma, where the allegory or ob-
scure intimation is continuous throughout the
passage (as in Ez. xvii. 2), and the lesser
enigma, where the difficulty is concentrated in
the peculiar use of some one word. It only
remains to notice the single instance of a riddle
occurring in the N. T., viz. the number of the
beast. This belongs to a class of riddles very
common among Egyptian mystics, the Gnostics,
some of the Fathers, and the Jewish Cabal-
ists. The latter called it Gematria (i.e. yeu/te-
rpia), of which instances may be found in Carp-
zov. The most exact analogies to the, enigma
on the name of the beast arc to be found in the
so-called Sibylline verses. It would be absurd
to doubt that St. John (not greatly removed in
time from the Christian forgers of the Sibylline
verses) intended some name as an answer to
the number 666. The true answer must be
settled by the Apocalyptic commentators. 1
Rim'mon, a Bcnjamite of Bccroth, the
father of Rcchab and Baanah, the murderer*
of Ishbosheth (2 Sam. iv. 2, 5, 9).
Rim'mon, a deity worshipped by the
Syrians of Damtscus, where there was a tem-
ple or house of Rimmon (2 K. v. 18). Serarius
refers the name to the Heb. rimmon, a pome-
granate, a fru;t sacred to Venus, who is thus
I the deity worshipped under this title. Ursinus
explains Rimmon as the pomegranate, the
I ' The \t A may be the Initial of a man's name,
orof ft sentence de«cr!nrlve of the person, or power,
I of which the beast was an emblem ; as, for example,
xpierov {w>w 9avp*aain. — the power which crucified
Christ on the cross. — Ed.
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RING
808
RIVER
emblem of the fertilizing principle of nature,
the personified natura naturam, a symbol of
frequent occurrence in the old religions. But
Selden rejects this derivation, and proposes in-
stead that Rimmon is from the root rum, " to
be high," and signifies " most high," like the
Phoenician Elioun, and Heb. 'elyon. Movers
regards Bimmon as the abbreviated form of
Hailad-Rimmon, Hadad being the sun-god of
the Syrians. Combining this with the pome-
granate, which was his symbol, Hadad-Rim-
mon would then be the sun-god of the late
summer, who ripens the pomegranate and other
fruits.
Rim'mon, a city of Zebulun, belonging to
the Merarite Levi tea (1 Chr. vi. 77). It is not
impossible that Dihnah (Josh. xxi. 35) may
have been originally Bimmon, as the D and B
in Hebrew are notoriously easy to confound.
Rim'mon, a town in the southern portion
of Judah (Josh. xv. 32 ), allotted to Simeon (Josh,
xix. 7 ; I Chr. iv. 32). In each of the above
lists, the name succeeds that of Aim, also one of
the cities of Judah and Simeon. In the cata-
logue of the places re-occupied by the Jews after
the return from Babylon (Nch. xi. 29), the two
are joined, and appear in the A. V. as En-
Rimmon. No trace of Bimmon has been yet
discovered in the south of Palestine. True*, it
is mentioned in the Onomatticon of Eusebius
•>nd Jerome ; but they place it fifteen miles
north of Jerusalem, obviously confounding it
•vith the Bock Bimmon.
Rim'mon Pa'rez, the name of a march-
■nation in the wilderness (Num. xxxiii. 19, 20).
No place now known has been identified with it.
Rim'mon, the Rock, a cliff or inaccessi-
ble natural fastness, in which the six hundred
"Benjamites who escaped the slaughter of Gibeah
took refuge (Judg. xx. 45, 47, xxi. 13). It is
described as in the "wilderness," that is, the
wild uncultivated country which lies on the east
of the central highlands of Benjamin, on which
Gibeah was situated — between them and the
Jordan Valley. Here the name is still found
attached to a village perched on the summit of
a conical chalky hill, visible in all directions,
and commanding the whole country.
Ring. The ring was regarded as an indis-
pensable article of a Hebrew's attire, inasmuch
as it contained his signet. It was hence the
symbol of authority, and as such was presented
by Pharaoh to Joseph (Gen. xli. 42), oy Ahas-
uerus to Hainan (Esth. iii. 10), by Antiochus
to Philip (1 Mace. vi. 15). Such rings were
Egyptian Rloga.
worn not only by men, but by women (Is. iii.
21 ), and are enumerated among the articles
presented by men and women for the service of
the tabernacle (Ex. xxxv. 22). The signet-
ring was worn on the right hand (Jer. xxii. 24).
We may conclude, from Ex. xxviii. 11, that
the rings contained a stone engraven with a
device, or with the owner's name. The custom
appears also to have prevailed among the Jew*
of the apostolic age ; for in James li. 2 a rich
man is described as not simply "with a gold
ring," as in the A. V., but " golden-ringed."
Rin'nah, one of the sons of Shimon in an
obscure genealogy of the descendants of Judah
(1 Chr. rv. 20).
Ri'phath, the second son of Gomer, and
the brother of Ashkenaz and Togarmah (Gen.
x. 3). The Hebrew text in 1 Chr. i. 6 gives
the form Diphath ; but this arises oat of a cler-
ical error. The name itself has been variously
identified with that of the Rhiptean Mountains,
the Biver Bhebas in Bithynia, the Rhibii, a
people living eastward of the Caspian Sea, and
the Kiphteans, the ancient name of the Paphla-
gonians. The weight of opinion is, however,
in favor of the Rhipaean Mountains, which are
identified with the Carpathian range in the
N. E. ofDacia.
Ria'sah ; a march-station in the wilderness
(Num. xxxiii. 21, 22). It has been considered
identical with Basa in the Patting. Itmer.,
thirty-two Roman miles from Ailah (Elah);
but no site has been identified with it.
Rith'mah, a march-station in the wilder-
ness (Num. xxxiii. 18, 19), probably N. E. of
Hazeroth.
River. In the sense in which we employ
the word, viz. for a perennial stream of consid-
erable size, a river is a much rarer object in the
East than in the West. With the exception
of the Jordan and the Litany, the stream* of
the Holy Land arc either entirely dried up in
the summer months, and converted into hot
lanes of glaring stones, or else reduced to very
small streamlets deeply sunk in a narrow bed,
and concealed from view by a dense growth of
shrubs. For the various aspects of the streams
of the country which such conditions inevitably
produced, the ancient Hebrews had very exact
terms, which they employed habitually with
much precision, "l. For the perennial river,
Nahar. Possibly used of the Jordan in Ps.
lxvi. 6, lxxiv. 15 ; of the great Mesopotamian
and Egyptian rivers generally in Gen. ii. 10;
Ex. vii. 19 ; 2 K. xvii. 6 ; Ez. iii. 15, Ac. Bnt
with the definite article, " the river," it signifies
invariably the Euphrates (Gen. xxxi. 21 ; Ex.
xxiii. 31*; Num. xxiv. 6; 2 Sam. x. 16, Ac.).
It is never applied to the fleeting fugitive tor-
tents of Palestine. 2. The term for these is
nachal, for which our translators have used
promiscuously, and sometimes almost alter-
nately, "vajjey," "brook," and "river." No
one of these words expresses the thing intended ;
but the term "brook" is peculiarly unhappy.
Many of the wadys of Palestine are deep,
abrupt chasms or rents in the solid rock of toe
hills, and have a savage, gloomy aspect, far
removed from that of an English brook. Un-
fortunately our language does not contain any
single word which has both the meanings of
the Hebrew nachal and its Arabic equivalent
wady, which can be used at once for a dry val-
ley and for the stream which occasionally flows
through it. 3. YerSr, a word of Egyptian ori-
gin, applied to the Nile only, and, in the plural,
to the canals by which the Nile water was dis-
tributed throughout Egypt, or to streams hav-
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fag a connection with that country. 4. Yi&al,
from a root signifying tumult or fulness, occurs
only six times, in four of which it is rendered
"river," viz. Jer. xvii. 8; Dan. viii. 2, 3, 6.
3. PeUg, used for the streams employed in arti-
ficial irrigation. 6. ApMk, a torrent, may sig-
nify any rush or body of water.
River of Egypt. Two Hebrew terms
are thus rendered in the A. V. 1 . Nehar mitt-
raim (Gen. xv. 18), " the river of Egypt," that
is, the Nile, and here the Pelusiac or eastern-
most branch. 2. Nachal mitsraim (Num. xxxiv.
5 ; Josh. xv. 4, 47 ; I K. viii. 65 ; 2 K. xxiv.
7; Is. xxvii. 12, in the last passage trans-
lated " the stream of Egypt"). It is the com-
mon opinion that this second term designates a
-desert stream on the border of Egypt, still oc-
casionally flowing in the valley called Widi-
l-'Areesh. The centre of the valley is occupied
by the bed of this torrent, which only flows
after rains, as is usual in the desert valleys.
This stream is first mentioned as the point
where the southern border of the Promised
Land touched the Mediterranean, which formed
its western border (Num. xxxiv. 3-6). In the
later history, we find Solomon's kingdom ex-
tending from the " entering-in of Hamath unto
the river of Egypt" (1 K. viii. 65), and Egypt
limited in the same manner where the loss of
the eastern provinces is mentioned (2 K. xxiv.
7). In certain parallel passages, the Nile is
-distinctly specified instead of " the Nachal of
Egypt " (Gen. xv. 18, coinp. Josh. xiii. 2, 3).
If, with the generality of critics, we think that
the Nachal-Mizraim is the Wadi-l-'Areesh, we
must conclude that the name Sbihor is also
applied to the latter, although elsewhere desig-
nating the Nile ; for we have seen that Nachal-
Mizraim and Shihor are used interchangeably
to designate a stream on the border of the
Promised Land. The word Nachal may be cited
on either side. Certainly in Hebrew it is rather
used for a torrent or stream than for a river;
but the name Nachal-Mizraim may come from
.a lost dialect, and the parallel Arabic word
wtfdee, though ordinarily used for valleys and
their winter-torrents, as in the case of the
Wadi-l-'Areesh itself, has been employed by the
Arabs in Spain for true rivers, the Guadal-
quivir, &c. It may, however, be suggested,
that in Nachal-Mizraim we have the ancient
form of the Neel-Misr of the Arabs, and that
Nachal was adopted from its similarity of sound
to the original of Nfttof .
Ris'pah, concubine to King Saul, and
mother of his two sons Armoni and Mephibo-
sheth. Like many others of the prominent
female characters of the Old Testament, — Ruth,
Rahab, Jezebel, &c., — Rizpah would seem to
have been a foreigner, a Hivite, descended from
one of the ancient worthies of that nation, Ajah
or Aiah, son of Zibeon, whose name and fame
are preserved in the Ishmaelite record of Gen.
xxxvi. After the death of Saul and occupa-
tion of the country west of the Jordan by the
Philistines, Rizpah accompanied the other
members of the royal family to their new resi-
dence at Mahanaim; and it is here that her
name is first introduced to us as the subject of
«n accusation levelled at Abncr by Ishbosheth
.(2 Sam. Ui. 7). We hear nothing more of
102
Rizpah till the tragic story which has made her
one of the most familiar objects to young ant
old in the whole Bible (2 Sam. xxi. 8-11).
Every one can appreciate the love and endur
ance with which the mother watched over tht
bodies of her two sons and her five relatives
to save them from an indignity peculiarly pain-
ful to the whole of the ancient world (see Ps.
lxxix. 2). But it is questionable whether the
ordinary conception of the scene is accurate.
The seven victims were not, as the A. V. im-
plies, " hung : " they were crucified. The seven
crosses were planted in the rock on the top of
the sacred hill of Gibeah. The victims wero
sacrificed at the beginning of barley harvest —
the sacred and festal time of the Passover —
and in the full blaze of the summer sun they
hung till the fall of the periodical rain in Octo-
ber. During the whole of that time, Rizpah
remained at the foot of the crosses on which the
bodies of her sons were exposed.
Road. This word occurs but once in the
Authorized Version of the Bible, viz. in 1 Sam.
xxvii. 10, where it is used in the sense of
'* raid " or " inroad."
Robbery. Whether in the larger sense
of plunder, or the more limited sense of theft,
systematically organized, robbery has ever
been one of the principal employments of the
nomad tribes of the East From the time of
Ishmael to the present day, the Bedouin has
been a " wild man," and a robber by trade
(Gen. xvi. 12). An instance of an enterprise
of a truly Bedouin character, but distinguished
by the exceptional features belonging to its
principal actor, is seen in the night-foray of
David (1 Sam. xxvi. 6-12). Predatory inroads
on a large scale are seen in the incursions of
the Sabseans and Chaldssans on the property of
Job (Job i. 15, 17) ; the revenge coupled with
plunder of Simeon and Levi (Gen. xxxiv. 28,
29); the reprisals of the Hebrews upon the
Midianites (Num. xxxi. 32-54), and the fre-
quent and often prolonged invasions of " spoil-
ers " upon the Israelites (Judg. ii. 14, vi. 3, 4 ;
1 Sam. xi., xv. ; 2 Sam. viii., x. ; 2 K. v. 2 ; 1
Chr. v. 10, 18-22). Similar disorder in the
country, complained of more than once by the
prophets (Hos. iv. 2, vi. 9; Mic. ii. 8), con-
tinued more or less through Maccabtean down
to Roman times. In the later history also of
the country, the robbers, or sicarii, together
with their leader, John of Gischala, played a
conspicuous part. The Mosaic law on the sub-
ject of theft is contained in Ex. xxii. There
seems no reason to suppose that the law under-
went any alteration in Solomon's time. Man-
stealing was punishable with death (Ex. xxi.
16; Deut. xxiv. 7). In vasion of right in land
was strictly forbidden (Deut. xxvii. 17 ; Is. v.
8 ; Mic. ii. 2).
RODO'am, Ecclus. xlvii. 23; Matt. i. 7.
[Rrhoboam.1 An.
Roe, Roebuck (Heb. tzfbi, m. ; UlUyyah.
t). There seems to be little or no doubt that
the Heb. word, which occurs frequently in the
O. T., denotes some species of antelope, prob-
ably the GaxtUa dortxu, a native of Egypt and
North Africa, or the G. Arabica of Syria and
Arabia, which appears to be a variety only of
the threat. The gazelle was allowed as food
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(Bent. xii. 15, 22, &c.) ; it is mentioned as very
fleet of foot (2 Sam. ii. 18 ; 1 Chr. xii. 8) ; it
was hunted (Is. xiii. 14 ; Prov. vi. 5) ; it was
celebrated for its loveliness (Cant. ii. 9, 17,
▼iii. 14). The gazelle is found in Egypt, Bar-
bary, and Syria.
Oazella Arabica.
Ro'gelim, the residence of Barzillai the
Gileadite (2 Sam. xvii. 27, xix. 31) in the
highlands east of the Jordan. Nothing is said
to guide us to its situation.
Hoh'gah, an Asherite, of the sons of Sha-
mer (1 Chr. vii. 34).
Bo'imus. Rehum 1 (1 Esd. v. 8). Ap.
Boll. A book in ancient times consisted
of a single long strip of paper or parchment,
which was usually kept rolled up on a stick,
and was unrolled when a person wished to
read it. Hence arose the term megillah, from
g&lal, " to roll," strictly answering to the Latin
voiumen, whence comes our volume. The use of
the term megillah implies, of course, the exist-
ence of a soft and pliant material, perhaps
parchment. The roll was usually written on
one side only, and hence the particular notice
of one that was " written within and without "
(Ez. ii. 10). The writing was urranged in
columns. We may here add that the term in
Is. riii. 1, rendered in the A. V. " roll," more
correctly means tablet.
Homam'ti-ez er, one of the fourteen sons
of Heman (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 31).
Roman Empire. The notices of Roman
history which occur in the Bible are confined
to the last century and a half of the common-
wealth, and the first century of the imperial
monarchy. The first historic mention of Rome
in the Bible is in 1 Mace. i. 10. About the
vear 161 B.C., Judas Maccabseus heard of the
Romans as the conquerors of Philip, Perseus,
and Antiochus (1 Mace. viii. 5. 6). In order
to strengthen himself against Demetrius king
of Syria, be sent ambassadors to Rome (viii.
17), and concluded a defensive alliance with
the senate (viii. 22-32). This was renewed by
Jonathan (xii. 1) and bv Simon (xv. 17). In
the year 65 B.C., when Syria was made a Ro-
man province by Pompey, the Jews were still
governed by one of the Asmontean princes.
Aristobulus had lately driven his brother Hyr-
canns from the chief priesthood, and was now
in his turn attacked by Aretas. king of Arabia
Petraa, the ally of Hyrcanus. Pompey's lieu-
tenant, M. jEmilius Scanrus, interfered in the
contest B.C. 64, and the next year Pompey
himself marched an army into Judaea, and took
Jerusalem. From this time, the Jews were
practically under the government of Rome.
Hyrcanus retained the nigh -priesthood and »
titular sovereignty, subject to the watchful con-
trol of his minister Antipater, an active partisan-
of the Roman interests. Finally, Antipater 's
son, Herod the Great, was made* king by An-
tony's interest, B.C. 40, and confirmed in the
kingdom by Augustus, B.C. 30. The Jews,
however, were all this time tributaries of Rome,
and their princes in reality were mere Roman
procurators. On the banishment of Archelaus,
a.d. 6, Judaea became a mere appendage of the
province of Syria, and was governed by a Ro-
man procurator, who resided at Csesarca". Such
were the relations of the Jewish people to the
Roman government at the time when die N. T.
history begins.
An ingenious illustration of this state of
things has been drawn from the condition of
British India. The governor-general at Cal-
cutta, the subordinate governors at Madras and
Bombay, and the native princes, whose domin-
ions have been at one time enlarged, at another
incorporated with the British presidencies, find
their respective counterparts in the governor
of Syria at Antioch, the procurators of Judsea
at Csesarea, and the members of Herod's fam-
ily, whose dominions were alternately enlarged
and suppressed by the Roman emperors. In
illustration of the sacred narrative, it may be
well to give a general account, though neces-
sarily a short and imperfect one, of the position
of the emperor, the extent of the empire, and
the administration of the provinces in the time
of our Lord and His apostles.
I. When Augustus became sole ruler of the
Roman world, he was in theory simplv the first
citizen of the republic, intrusted with tempo-
rary powers to settle the disorders of the state.
The old magistracies were retained ; bnt the
various powers and prerogatives of each were
conferred upon Augustus. Above all, he was
the Emperor (Imperator). This word, used
originally to designate any one intrusted with
the impcrium or full military authority over •
Roman army, acquired a new significance when
adopted as a permanent title by Julius Caesar.
By bis use of it as a constant prefix to his
name in the city and in the camp, he openly
asscrted a ruirnmount military authority over
the state. The empire was nominally elective,
but practically it passed by adoption ; and till
Nero's time a sort of hereditary right seemed
to be recognized.
II. Extent of the Empire. — Cicero's descrip-
tion of the Greek states and colonics as a " fringe
on the skirts of barbarism " has been well ap-
plied to the Roman dominions before the con-
quests of Pompey and Caesar. The Roman
Empire was still confined to a narrow strip en-
circling the Mediterranean Sea. Pompev added
Aski Minor and Syria. Csssar added Gaul.
The generals of Augustus overran the N. W.
portion of Spain, and the country between the
Alps and the Danube. The boundaries of the
empire were now, the Atlantic on the W.,
the Euphrates on the E., the deserts of Africa,
the cataracts of the Nile, and the Arabian deo
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ROMANS, EPISTLE TO
erts on the S., the British Channel, the Rhine,
the Danube, and the Black Sen on the N. The
only sabseqaent conquest) of importance were
those of Britain by Claudius and of Dacia by
Trajan. The only independent powers of im-
Sirtance were the Parthians on the E. and the
ennans on the N. The population of the
empire in the time of Augustus has been cal-
culated at 85,000,000.
III. The Provinces. — The usual fate of a
country conquered by Rome was to become a
subject province, governed directly from Rome
by officers sent out for that purpose. Sonic-
times, however, petty sovereigns were left in
possession of a nominal independence on the
borders, or within the natural limits, of the
province. There were differences, too, in the po-
litical condition of cities within the provinces.
Some were free cities, i.e. were governed by
their own magistrates, and were exempted from
occupation by a Roman garrison. Oth.T cities
were " colonics," i.e. communities of Roman
citizens transplanted, like garrisons of the im-
perial city, into a foreign land. Augustus di-
vided the provinces into two classes: (1.) Im-
perial, (2.) Senatorial ; retaining in his own
hands, for obvious reasons, those provinces
where the presence of a large military force
was necessary, and committing the peaceful
and unarmed provinces to the senate. The
imperial provinces at first were — ( foul, Lusi-
tania, Syria, Phoenicia, Cilicia, < 'yprus, and
Egypt. The senatorial provinces ivere Africa,
Numidia, Asia, Achaia and Epirns, Dalmatia,
Macedonia, Sicily, Crete and Cyreiie, Bithynia
and Pontus, Sardinia, Boetica. Cyprus and
Gallia Narbonensis were subsequently given
up by Augustus, who in turn received Dalma-
tia from the senate. Many other changes
were made afterwards. The N. T. writers in-
variably designate the governor! of senatorial
provinces by the correct title of avdviraroi, pro-
consuls (Acts xiii. 7, xviii. 12, xix. 38). For
the governor of an imperial prrvince, properly
stvlcd "Legatus Cawaris," the word 'Hye/tuv
(Governor) is used in the N. T. The provinces
were heavily taxed for the benedt of Rome and
her citizens. They are said to liave been better
governed under the empire than under the
commonwealth, and those of che emperor bet-
ter than those of the senate. Two important
changes were introduced unJcr the empire.
The governors received a fi\ed pay, and the
term of their command was prolonged. The
condition of the Roman Empire at the time
when Christianity appeared has often been
dwelt upon, as affording obvious illustrations
of St. Paul's expression that the "fulness of
time had come (Gal. iv. 4). The general
peace within the limits of the empire, the for-
mation of military roads, the suppression of
piracy, the march of the legions, the voyages
of the corn-fleets, the general increase of traffic,
the spread of the Latin language in the West
as Greek had already spread in the East, the
external unity of the empire, offered facilities
hitherto unknown for the spread of a world-
wide religion. The tendency too of a despot-
ism like that of the Roman Empire to reduce
all its subjects to a dead level was a powerful
instrument in breaking down the pride of privi-
leged races and national religions, and famil-
iarising men with the truth that " God hath
made of one blood all nations on the face of
the earth " (Acts xvii. 24, 26). But still more
striking than this outward preparation for the
liffusion of the gospel was tho appearance of a
deep and wide-spread corruption which seemed
to defy any human remedy. The chief pro-
phetic notices of the Roman Empire are found
in the Book of Daniel. According to some in-
terpreters, the Romans arc intended in Dcut.
xxviii. 49-57.
Romans, Epistle to the. l. The date
of this Epistle is fij»ed with more absolute cer-
tainty and within n.urowor limits than that
of any other of St. Paul' ■: Epistles. The fol-
lowing considerations de< ermine the time of
writing. First. Certain lames in the saluta
tions point to Corinth as the place from which
the letter was sent (I.' Phoebe, a deaconess
of Cenchraea, one of the vtort-towiu of Corinth,
is commended to the Romans (xvi. 1, 2). (2.)
Gains, in whose house St. Paul was lodged at
the time (xvi. 23), is probably the person men-
tioned as one of the chef members of the Co-
rinthian Church in I Cor. i. 14, though the
name was very common. (3.) Erastus, hero
designated "the treasurer of the city" (xvi.
23, A. V. "chamberlain") is elsewhere men-
tioned in connection with Corinth (2 Tim. iv.
20 ; sec also Acts xix. 22). Secondly. Having
thus determined the place of writing to be Cor-
inth, we have no hesitation in fixing upon the
visit recorded in Act-, xx. 3, during the winter
and spring following the apostle's long resi-
dence at Ephesus, as the occasion on which the
Epistle was written For St. Paul, when he
wrote the letter, wa .i on Jie point of carrying
the contributions o-' Macedonia and Achaia to
Jerusalem (xv. 25-:7) ; and a comparison with
Acts xx. 22, xxiv. 17, and also 1 Cor. xvi. 4,
2 Cor. viii. 1, 2, ix 1 ff., shows that he was so
engaged at this pe< iod of his life. The Epistle,
then, was written from Corinth during St.
Paul's third missionary journey, on ihe occa-
sion of the second of the two visits recorded in
the Acts. On this occasion, he remained three
months in Greece (Acts xx. 3). It was in the
winter or early spring of the year that the
Epistle to the Romans was written. Accord-
ing to the most iirobable system of chronology,
this would be the year B.C. 58.
2. The Epistle to the Romans is thus placed
in chronological connection with the Epistles to
the Galatians ijid Corinthians, which appear
to have been w-itten within the twelve months
preceding. They present a remarkable resem-
blance to each other in style and- matter — a
much greater resemblance than can be traced
to any other of St. Paul's Epistles. 3. The
occasion which prompted this Epistle, and the
circumstances -mending its writing, were as fol-
lows. St Paul had long purposed visiting
Rome, and si ill retained this purpose, wishing
also to extend his journey to Spain (1. 9-13,
xv. 22-29). For the time, however, he was
prevented from carrying out his design, as he
was hound for Jerusalem with the alms of the
Gentile Christians, and meanwhile he addressed
this letter to the Romans, to supply the
lack of his personal teaching. Phoebe, a dea-
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ROMANS, EPISTLE TO
eoness of the neighboring Church of Cenchrssa,
was on the point of starting for Rome (xn. 1,
2), and probably conveyed the letter. The
body of the EpistU was written at the apostle's
dictation by lertius (xvi. 22) ; but perhaps wo
may infer from the abruptness of the final dox-
olo£Y, that it was ai'ded by the apostle himself.
4. The Origin of the Roman Church is involved
in obscurity. If it *iad been founded by St.
Peter, according to u later tradition, the ab-
sence of any allusion to him both in this Epis-
tle and in the letters written by St. Paul from
Komo would admit ol no explanation. It is
equally clear that no other apostle was the
founder. The statemc.it in the Clementines,
that the first tidings »-f the gospel reached
Rome during the lifeline of our Lord, is evi-
dently a fiction for the purposes of the romance.
On the other hand, it is Wear that the founda-
tion of this Church dates very far back. It
may be that some of those Romans, "both
Jews and proselytes," present on the day of
Pentecost (Acts ii. 10), car icd back the earliest
tidings of the new doctrine . or the gospel may
have first reached the imperial city through
those who were scattered alroad to escape the
persecution which followed on the death of
Stephen (Acts viii. 4, xi. 19). At first we may
suppose that the gospel was preached there in
a confused and imperfect form, scarcely more
than a phase of Judaism, as in the case of
Apollos at Corinth (Acts xvii'. 25), or the dis-
ciples at Ephesus (Acts xix. 1 3). As time ad-
vanced, and better instructed feachers arrived,
the clouds would gradually clear away, till at
length the presence of the great apostle himself
at Rome dispersed the mists of Judaism which
still hung about the Roman Ch.irch.
5. A question next arises as lo the composi-
tion of the Roman Church at the time when St.
Paul wrote. Did the apostle ad.lress a Jewish
or a Gentile community t or, if the two elements
were combined, was one or other predominant
so as to give a character to the wl-ole Church t
It is more probable that St. Paul addressed a
mixed Church of Jews and Gentiles, the latter
perhaps (wing the more numerous. There arc
certainly passages which imply the presence of
a large number of Jewish convei is to Chris-
tianity. If we analyze the list o names in
the 16th chapter, and assume that this list ap-
proximately represents the proporl ; on of Jew
and Gentile in the Roman Church (in assump-
tion at least not improbable), we a rive at the
same result. Altogether it appears • hat a very
large fraction of the Christian beli> vers men-
tioned in these salutations were Jews even sup-
posing that the others, bearing Greek and Latin
names, of whom we know nothing, were hea-
thens. Nor docs the existence of a large Jew-
ish clement in the Roman Church present any
difficulty. The captives carried to Rome by
Pompeins formed the nucleus of the Jewish
population in the metropolis. Since 'hat time
they had largely increased. On the ol her hand,
situated in the metropolis of the greitt empire
of heathendom, the Roman Church nnst ncces-
•nrily have been in great measure r Gentile
Church ; and the language of the Epfrtlc bears
out this supposition. These Gentile converts,
however, were not for the most part native Ro-
mans. Strange as the paradox appears, noth-
ing is more certain than that the Church of
Rome was at this time a Greek, and not a Latin
Church. All the literature of the early Roman
Church was written in the Greek tongue. The
names of the bishops of Rome during the first
two centuries are, with but few exceptions,
vireek. And we find that a very large pro-
portion of the names in the salutations of this
Evistle arc Greek names.
When we inquire into the probable rank and
station of the Roman believers, an analysis of
the names in the list of salutations again gives
an approximate answer. These names befon};,
for the most part, to the middle and lower grades
of society. Many of them are found in the
columbaria of the freedmen and slaves of the
early Roman emperors. Among the less
wealthy merchants and tradesmen, among the
petty officers of the army, among the slaves and
freedmen of the imperial palace — whether
Jews or Greeks — the gospel would first find
a firm footing. To this lost class, allusion is
made in Phil. iv. 22, " they that arc of Caesar**
household." 6. The heterogenous composition
of this Churrh explains the general character of
the Epistle to .he Romans. In an assemblage so
various, wc should expect to find, not the exclu-
sive predominance of a single form of error,
but the coincidence of different and opposing
forms. It was, therefore, the business of the
Christian Tcarher to reconcile the opposing
difficulties, and to hold out a meeting-point in
the gospel. This is exactly what St. Paul
docs in the Epistle to the Romans. Again, it
docs not appear that the letter was specially
written to answer any doubts or settle any
controversies then rife in the Roman Church.
There were, therefore, no disturbing influcn
ccs, such as arise out of personal relations, or
peculiar circumstances, to derange a general
and systematic exposition of the nature and
working of the gospel. Thus the Epistle to
the Romans is mere of a treatise than of a let-
ter. In this respect, it differs widely from the
Epistles to the Corinthians and Galatians, which
arc full of personal and direct allusions. In
one instance alone (xiii. 1 ), we seem to trace a
special reference to the Church of the metropo-
lis. 7. This explanation is in fact to be sought
in its relation to /he contemporaneous Epistles.
The letter to the Romans closes the group of
Epistles written during the second missionary
journey. This group contains besides, as al-
ready mentioned, the letters to the Corinthians
and Galatians, written probably within the few
months preceding. In the Epistles to these two
churches, we studv the attitude of the gospel
towards the Gentile and Jewish world resjieo-
tivcly. These letters are direct and special.
The Epistle to the Uomans is the summarv of
what St. Paul had written before, the result of
his dealing with the two antagonistic forms
of error, the gathering-together of the frag-
mentary teaching in the Corinthian and Gala-
tian letters. 8. Viewing this Epistle, then,
rather in the light of a treatise than of a let-
ter, we are enabled to explain certain phenome-
na in the text. In the received text, a doxolofr
stands at the close »>f the Epistle (xvi. 95-27).
The preponderance of evidence is in favor of
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ROMANS, EPISTLE TO
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ROME
this position ; bat there is respectable author-
ity for placing it at the end of cti. xiv. In some
texts, again, it is found in both places,- while
others omit it entirely. The phenomena of the
MSS. seem best explained by supposing that
the letter was circulated at an early date
(whether during the apostle's lifetime or not
it is idle to inquire) in two forms, both with
and without the two last chapters.
9. In describing the purport of this Epistle,
we may start from St. Paul's own words,
which, standing at the beginning of the doc-
trinal portion, may be taken as giving a sum-
mary of the contents (i. 16, 17). Accordingly,
the "Epistle has been described as comprising
" the religious philosophy of the world's histo-
ry." The atonement of Christ is the centre of
religious history. The Epistle, from its general
character, lends itself more readily to an analy-
sis than is often the case with St. Paul's Epis-
tles. The following is a table of its contents : —
Salutation (i. 1-7). The apostle at the outset
strikes the keynote of the Epistle in the ex-
pressions "called as an apostle," "called as
saiuts." Divine grace is every thing, human
merit nothing. — I. Personal explanations.
Purposed visit to Rome (i. 8-15). — II. Doc-
trinal (i. 16-xi. 36). The general proposition.
The gospel is the salvation of Jew and Gen-
tile alike. This salvation comes by faith (i. 16,
17). (a) All alike were under condemnation be-
fore the gospel. The heathen (i. 18-32). The
Jew (ii. 1-29). Objections to this statement
answered (iii. 1-8). And the position itself
established from Scripture (iii. 9-20). (6) A
righteousness (justification) is revealed under the
gospel, which being of faith, not of law, is also
universal (iii. 21-26). And boasting is thereby
excluded (iii. 27-31 ). Of this justification by
faith, Abraham is an example (iv. 1-25). Thus,
then, we are justified in Christ, in whom alone
we glory (v. 1-11). And this acceptance in
Christ is as universal as was the condemnation
in Adam (v. 12-19). (c) The moral consequences
of onr deliverance. The law was given to
multiply sin (v. 20, 21 ). When we died to the
law, we died to sin (vi. 1-14). The abolition
of the law, however, is not a signal for moral
license (vi. 15-23). On the contrary, as the
law has passed away, so must sin ; for sin and
the law are correlative : at the same time this
is no disparagement of the Iw, but rather a
proof of human weakness (vii. 1-25). So hence-
forth in Christ we are free from sin, we have
the Spirit, and look forward in hope, triumph-
ing over our present afflictions (viii. 1-39). \d)
The rejection of the Jews is a matter of deep sor-
row (ix. 1-5). Yet we must remember — (i.)
That the promise was not to the whole people,
but only to a select seed (ix. 6-13). And the
absolute purpose of God in so ordaining is not
to be canvassed by man (ix. 14-19). (ii.) That
the Jews did not seek justification aright, and
so missed it- This justification was promised
by faith, and is offered to all alike, the preach-
ing to the Gentiles being implied therein. The
character and results of the gospel dispensa-
tion are foreshadowed in Scripture (x. 1-21).
(iii.) That the rejection of the Jews is not
final. This rejection has been the means of
gathering in the Gentiles; and, through the
Gentiles, they themselves will ultimately be
brought to Christ (ti. 1-36).
III. Practical exhortations (xii. 1-xv. 13).
(a) To holiness of lit.) and to charity in gen-
eral, the duty of obedience to rulers being incul-
cated by the way (xii. 1-xiii. 14). (5) And
more particularly against giving offence to
weaker brethren (xiv. '.-xv. 13). — IV. Per-
sonal matters, (a) The apostle's motive in
writing the letter, and his intention of visit-
ing the Romans (xv. 14-33). (6) Greetings
(xvi. 1-23). The letter ends with a benediction
and doxology [xvi. 24-27). While this Epistle
contains the fullest and most systematic exposi-
tion of the apostle's teaching, it is at the some
time a very striking expression of bis character.
Nowhere do his earnest and affectionate nature,
and his tact and delicacy in handling unwel-
come topics, appear more stro.igly than when
be is dealing with the rejection of his fellow
countrymen the Jews. 10. Internal evidence
is so strongly in favor of the genuineness of the
Epistle to the Romans, that it ha< never been
seriously questioned. But, while the Epistle
bears in itself the strongest proofs of its Pau-
line authorship, the external testimony in its
favor is not inconsiderable. It is no: the prac-
tice of the apostolic fathers to cite :bc N. T.
writers by name ; but marked passages from the
Romans are found embedded in the Epistles of
Clement and Polycarp. It seems also to have
been directly cited by the elder quoted in Ire-
nans, and is alluded to by the writer >f the
Epistle to Diognetus, and by Justin Martyr. It
has a place, moreover, in the Muratorian C.inon
and in the Syriac and Old Latin Versions. Nor
have we the testimony of orthodox wri.ers
alone. The Epistle was commonly quoted as
an authority by the heretics of the sub-apostolic
age, by the Ophites, by Basilides, by Valenti-
nns, by the Valentinians Heracleon and Ptole-
maeus, and perhaps also by Tatian, besides be-
ing included in Marcion's "Canon. In the lat-
ter part of the second century, the evidence in
its favor is still fuller.
Home, the famous capital of the ancient
world, is situated on the Tiber, at a distance of
about fifteen miles from its mouth. The " seven
hills " (Rev. xvii. 9) which formed the nucleus
of the ancient city stand on the left bank. A
full account of the history and topography of
the citv is given elsewhere (Diet, of Gr. and
Rom. Geogr. ii. 719). Here it will be consid-
ered only in its relation to Bible history. Rome
is mentioned in the Books of Maccabees and
in three books of the N. T., viz. the Acts, the
Epistle to the Romans, and the 2d Epistle to
Timothy. The conquests of Pompey seem to
have given rise to the first settlement of Jews
at Rome. The Jewish king Aristobulus and
his son formed part of Pompey's triumph, and
many Jewish captives and emigrants were
brought to Rome at that time. Many of these
Jews were made frecdmen. Julius Csesar showed
them some kindness. They were favored also by
Augustus. Claudius " commanded all Jews to
depart from Rome" (Acts xviii. 2), on account
of tumults connected, possibly, with the preach-
ing of Christianity at Rome. This banishment
cannot have been of long duration ; for we find
Jews residing at Rome, apparently in considera-
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ROME
814
BOSH
Me numbers, at the time of St. Paul's visit (Acts
xxviii 17). It is chiefly in connection with
St. Paul's history that Rome comes before us
in the Bible. In illustration of that history, it
may be useful to give some account of Rome
in the time of Nero, the ■' Cassar " to whom St.
Paul appealed, and in whose reign he suffered
martyrdom.
I . The city at thai time must be imagined
as a large and irregular mass of buildings un-
protected by an outer wall. The visit of St
Paul lies between two famous epochs in the
history of the city, viz. its restoration by
Augustus and it* restoration by Nero. The
boast of Augustus is well known, " that be
had found the city of brick, and left it of mar-
ble." The streets were generally narrow and
winding, flanked by densely crowded lodging-
houses (insula) of enormous height. St. Paul s
first visit to Rome took place before the Nero-
nian conflagration ; but even after the restora-
tion of the <>lty, which followed upon that event,
many of flie old evils continued. The popula-
tion of the city has been variously estimated ;
at half a million, at two millions and upwards,
and cve'i at eight millions. Probably Gibbon's
estimal : of one million two hundred thousand
is nearest to the truth. One-half of the popu-
lation consisted, in all probability, of slaves.
Toe larger part of the remainder consisted of
paii|jer citizens supported in idleness by the
tnrerable system of public gratuities. There
appears to have been no middle class, and no
free industrial population. Side by side with
the wretched classes just mentioned was the
comparatively small body of the wealthy no-
bility, of whose luxury and profligacy we hear
so much in the heathen writers of the time.
Such was the population which St Paul would
And at Rome at the time of bis visit 2. The
localities in and about Rome, especially connect-
ed with the life of St. Paul, are— (1.) The Ap-
pian Way, by which he approached Rome (Acts
xxviii. 15). (2.) " The palace," or " Cassar's
court" (Phil. i. 13). This may mean either
the great camp of the Pnetorian guards which
Tiberius established outside the walls on the
N. E. of the city, or, as seems more probable,
a barrack attached to the imperial residence on
the Palatine. 3. The connection of other
localities at Rome with St. Paul's name rests
only on traditions of more or less probability.
We may mention especially — (1.) The Mam-
ertine Prison, or Tullianum, built by Ancus
Martius, near the forum. It still exists beneath
the church of S. Giuseppe del Faleqnami. Here
it is said that St Peter and St. Paul were fel-
low-prisoners for nine months. The story,
however, of the imprisonment in the Mamertine
Prison seems inconsistent with 2 Tim., esp. it.
11. (2.) The chapel on the Ostian Road which
marks the spot where the two apostles are said
to have separated on their way to martyrdom.
(3.) The supposed scene of St. Paul'p martyr-
dom, viz. the Church of St. Paolu alle tie
fontane on the Ostian Road. To these may be
added (4.) The supposed scene of St Peter's
martyrdom, viz. the Church of St Pietro in
Montorio, on the Janiculum. (5.) The chapel
" Domine quo Vadis," on the Appian Road,
the scene of the beautiful legend of our Lord's
appearance to St Peter aa he was escaplag
from martyrdom. (6.) The places where the
bodies of the two apostles, after having been
deposited first in the Catacombs, are supposed
to nave been finally buried, — that of St. Paul
by the Ostian Road ; that of St Peter, beneath
the dome of the famous Basilica which bears
his name. 4. We must add, as sites unques-
tionably connected with the Roman Christians
of the apostolic age — (1.) The gardens of
Nero in the Vatican, not far from the spot
where St Peter's now stands. (2.) The Cata-
combs. These subterranean galleries, com-
monly from eight to ten feet in height, and
from four to six in width, and extending for
miles, especially in the neighborhood of the
old Appian and Nomentan Ways, were unques-
tionably used as places of refuge, of worship,
and of burial, by the early Christiana.
Roof. [House.]
Boom. This word is employed in the
A. V. of the New Testament as the equivalent
of no less than eight distinct Greek terms.
The only one of these, however, which need
be noticed here is irpuroidioia (Matt, xxiii. 6 ;
Mark xii. 39 ; Luke xiv. 7, 8, xx. 46), which
signifies the highest place on the highest conch
round the dinner or supper table — the " upper-
most seat," as it is more accurately rendered in
Luke xi. 43.
Rose (Heb. chabatstsefah) occurs twice only,
viz. in Cant. ii. 1 ; Is. xxxv. 1. There ismu<-h
difference of opinion as to what particnlar
flower is here denoted. Tremellius and i)io-
dati, with some of the rabbins, believe the
rose is intended; but there seems to be no
foundation for such a translation. ( elsius has
argued in favor of the narcissus (Potgamtkut
narcissus). Gesenius has no doubt that the
plant denoted is the " autumn eiocus " ( Colcbi-
cum autuamale). It appears t>> us more proba-
ble that the narcissus is intruded than the cro-
cus. The narcissus and the lily (Lilium can-
didum) would be in blossom together in the
early spring, while the Colchicum is an autumn
plant. Chateaubriand mentions the narcUsos
as growing in the Plain of Sharon. Though
the rose is apparently not mentioned in the
Hebrew Bible, u is referred to in Ecclus. xxiv.
14 (comp. also ch. 1. 8, xxxix. 13; Wiad. ii.
8). Rosea are greatly prized in the East, more
especially (or the sake of the rose-water, which
is in much request Dr. Hooker observed
seven species of wild roses in Svria.
Roan. In the genealogy of Gen. xlvi. 21,
Rosh is reckoned among the sons of Benjamin ;
but the name does not occur elsewhere, and it
is extremely probable that " Ehi and Rosh "
is a corruption of " Ahiram " (comp. Nam.
xxvi. 38).
Rosh (Ez. xxxviii. 2, 3, xxxix. 1). The
whole sentence thus rendered by the A. V.,
" Magog the chief prince of Meshech and Tu-
bal," ought to run " Magog, the prince of Rosh,
Meshech, and Tubal." The meaning is that
Magog is the head of the three great Scythian
tribes, of which " Rosh " is thus the first Ge-
senius considers it beyond doubt that by ftosk is
intended the tribe on the north of the Taurus,
so called from the neighborhood to the Ma, or
Volga, and that in this name and tribe we have
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BUMAH
815
SABAOTH
the first trace of the Ross or Russia* nation.
The name probably occurs again under the
altered form of Rosses, in Judith ii. 23.
Rosin. Properly "naphtha," as it is both in
the LXX. and Vulg., as well as the Peshito-
Syriac. In the Song of the Three Children
(23), the servants of the king of Babylon are
said to have " ceased not to make the oven hot
with rosin, pitch, tow, and small wood." Pliny
mentions naphtha as a product of Babylonia,
similar in appearance to liquid bitumen, and
having a remarkable affinity to fire. To this
natural product ( known also as Persian naphtha,
petroleum, rock oil, Rangoon tar, Burmese
naphtha, &c.), reference is made in the passage
in question.
Rubies (Hub. pUniyyim ; pfnintm). The in-
variable rendering of the above-named Hebrew
words, concerning the meaning of which there
is much difference of opinion and great uncer-
tainty (Job xxviii. 18; see also Prov. iii. 15,
viii. 11, xxxi. 10). In Lam. iv. 7, it is said,
" The Nazarites were purer than snow, they were
whiter than milk, they were more ruddy in
body fhaa piidnim." A. Boote supposed " coral "
to bo intended. Bochart contends that the
Hebrew term denotes pearls, and explains the
"ruddiness" alltded to above by supposing
that the original word signifies merely " bright
in color," or "color of a reddish tinge." On
the whole, considering that the Hebrew word
U always used in the plural, we are inclined to
adopt Bochart's explanation, and understand
pearls to be intended.
Hue occurs only in Luke xi. 42. The rue
here spoken of is doubtless the common Rata
fraveokas, a shrubby plant about two feet high,
of strong medicinal virtues. It is a native of
the Mediterranean coasts, and has been found
by Hasselquist on Mount Tabor. The Talmud
enumerates rue amongst kitchen-herbs, and
regards it as free of tithe, as being a plant not
cultivated in gardens. In our Lord's time,
however, rue was doubtless a garden-plant,
and therefore tithable.
Hufua is mentioned in Mark xv. 21, along
with Alexander, as a son of Simon the Cyre-
nian (Luke xxiii. 26). Again, in Rom. xvi. 13,
tho Apostle Paul salutes a Rufus whom he
designates as " elect in the Lord." It is gene-
rally supposed that this Rufus was identical
with the one to whom Mark refers. Yet we
are to bear in mind that Rufus was not an un-
common name, and possibly, therefore, Mark
and Paul may have had in view different in-
dividuals.
Buha'mah. The margin of our version
renders it " having obtained mercy " (Hos. ii.
I ). The name, if name it be, is, like Lo-ruha-
mah, symbolical ; and as that was given to the
daughter of the prophet Hosea, to denote that
God's mercy was turned away from Israel, so
the name Ruhamah is addressed to the daugh-
ters of the people, to denote that they were
still the objects of his love and tender compas-
sion.
Btt'mah, mentioned once only (2 K. xxiii.
36). It has been conjectured to be the same
place as Arumah (Judg. ix. 41), which was
apparently near Shechem. It is more probable
that it is identical with Dumah (Josh. xv. 92).
Bush. [Reed.1
Bust occurs as the translation «f two differ-
ent Greek words in Matt vi. 19, 20, and in
James v. 3. In the former passage, the word
ppuatC, which is joined with " moth," has by
some been understood to denote the larva of
some moth injurious to corn, as the Tinea
granetta. It can scarcely be taken to signify
" rust," for which there is another term, lie,
which is used by St. James to express rather
the " tarnish " which overspreads silver than
" rust," by which name we now understand
" oxide of iron."
Ruth. A Moabitish woman, the wife, first
of Mahlon, secondly of Boa/., and by him
mother of Obed, the ancestress of David and
of Christ, and one of the four women who are
named by St. Matthew in the genealogy of
Christ. A severe famine in the land of Judah
induced Elimelech, a native of Bethlehem
Ephratah, to emigrate into the land of Moab
with his wife Naomi, and his two sons Mahlon
and Chilion. At the end of ten years, Naomi,
now left a widow and childless, having heard
that there was plenty again in Judah, resolved
to return to Bethlehem; and her daughter-in-
law, Ruth, returned with her. They arrived
at Bethlehem just at the beginning of barley-
harvest ; and Ruth, going out to glean, chanced
to go into the field of Booz, a wealthy man,
and near kinsman of her father-in-law Elime-
lech. Upon learning who the stranger was,
Boaz treated her with the utmost kindness and
respect, and sent her home laden with corn
which she had gleaned. Encouraged by this
incident, Naomi instructed Ruth to claim at the
band of Boaz that he should perform the part
of her husband's nr ir kinsman by purchasing
the inheritance of Ei'-nelech, and taking her to
be his wife. But there was a nearer kinsman
than Booz, and it was necessary that he should
have the option of redeeming the inheritance
for himself. He, however, declined, fearing to
mar his own inheritance. Upon which with
all due solemnity, Boaz took Ruth to be his
wife, amidst the blessings and congratulations
of their neighbors.
Bye (Heb. cussemeth) occurs in Ex. be. 32,
Is. xxviii. 25 : in the latter the margin reads
" spelt." In Ez. iv. 9, the text has " fitches,"
ana the margin " rie." There are many opin-
ions as to the signification of Cutttmeth ; some
authorities maintaining that fitches are denoted,
others oats, and others rye. Celsius has shown,
that, in all probability, " spelt " is intended.
"Spelt" {Triticum tptltu) is grown in some
parts of the south of Germany : it differs but
slightly from our common wheat (T milgare).
There are three kinds of spelt, viz. T. spella.
T. dicocatm (rice-wheat), and T. monococcw*.
s.
Sab'aoth, the Lord of. The name i»
found in the English Bible only twice (Rom.
ix. 29; James v. 4). It is probably more
familiar through its occurrence in the Sanctus
of the Te Deum — "Holy, Holy, Holy Lord
God of Sabaoth." Sabaoth is the Greek form
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SABBATH
816
SABBATH
of the Hebrew word Uebaoth, " armies," and
occurs in the oft-repeated formula which is
translated in the Authorized Version of the
Old Test, by " Lord of hosts," " Lord God of
hosts." In the mouth and the mind of an an-
cient Hebrew, JchovaJi-Uebadth was the leader
and commander of the armies of the nation,
who"went forth with them" (Ps. xliv. 9), and
led them to certain victory over the worship-
pers of Baal, Cbemosh, Molech, Ashtaroth, and
other false gods.
Sabbat. 1. The sons of Sabat are enume-
rated among the sons of Solomon's servants who
returned with Zorobabel (I Esd. v. 34). — 2.
The month Sf.bat (1 Mace xvi. 14). Ap.
Sabate'as. Shabbethai (1 Esd. ix. 48,
comp. Neh. viii. 7). Ap.
Sab'atus. Zabad (1 Esd. ix. 28, comp.
Ezr. x. 27). Ap.
Sabl>an. Bihnui 1 (1 Esd. viii. 63,
comp. Ezr. viii. 33). Ap.
Sabbath (ahabbath, " a day of rest," from
shabath, " to cease to do," " to rest "). This is
the obvious and undoubted etymology. The
name Sabbath is applied to divers great festi-
vals, but principally and usually to the seventh
day of the week, the strict observance of which
is enforced not merely in the general Mosaic
code, but in the Decalogue itself. The first
scriptural notice of the weekly Sabbath, though
it is not mentioned by name, is to be found m
Gen. ii. 3, at the close of the record of the six
days' creation. And hence it is frequently
argued that the institution is as old as man-
kind, and is consequently of universal concern
and obligation. We cannot, however, approach
this question till we have examined the account
of its enforcement upon the Israelites. It is
in Ex. xvi. 23-29 that wc find the first incon-
trovertible institution of the day, as one given
to, and to be kept by, the children of Israel.
Shortly afterwards it was re-enacted in the
Fourth Commandment. Many of the rabbis
date its first institution from the incident re-
corded in Ex. xv. 25. This, however, seems to
want foundation of any sort. We are not on
sure ground till wc come to the unmistakable
institution in chap. xvi. in connection with the
gathering of manna. The words in this latter
are not in themselves enough to indicate
whether such institution was altogether a nov-
elty, or whether it referred to a day the sanc-
tity of which was already known to those to
whom it was given. There is plausibility cer-
tainly in the opinion of Grotius, that the day
was already known, and in some measure ob-
served as holy, but that the rule of abstinence
from work was first given then, and shortly
afterwards more explicitly imposed in the
Fourth Commandment. There it is distinctly
set forth, and extended to the whole of an
Israelite's household, his son and his daughter,
his slaves, male and female, his ox and his ass,
and the stranger within his gates. Penalties
and provisions in other parts of the Law con-
strued the abstinence from labor prescribed in
the commandment. At a later period, we find
the Prophet Isaiah uttering solemn warnings
against profaning, and promising large bless-
ings on the due observance of the day (Is. lviii.
13, 14). In Jeremiah's time, there seems to
have been an habitual violation of it ( Jer. xvii.
21-27). By Ezekicl (xx. 12-24), the profana-
tion of the Sabbath is made foremost among
the national sins of the Jews. From Nehcmiah
x. 31, we learn that the people entered into a
covenant to renew the observance of the Law,
in which they pledged themselves neither to bay
nor sell victuals on the Sabbath. The practice
was then not infrequent; and Nehemiah tells u»
(xiii. 15-22) of the successful steps which he
took for its stoppage. Henceforward there is no
evidence of the Sabbath being neglected by the
Jews, except such as (1 Mace. i. 11-15, 39—45)
went into open apostasy. When we come to
the N. T., we find the most marked stress laid
on the Sabbath. In whatever ways the Jew
might err respecting it, he had altogether
ceased to neglect it. On the contrary, wher-
ever he went, its observance became the most
visible badge of bis nationality. Our Lord's
mode of observing the Sabbath was one of the
main features of His life, which His Pharisaic
adversaries most eagerly watched and criticised.
Before proceeding to any of the more curious
questions connected with the Sabbath, such as
that of its alleged pre-Mosaic origin and ob-
servance, it will be well to consider and deter-
mine what were its true idea and purpose in
that Law of which beyond doubt it formed a
leading feature, and among that people for
whom, if for none else, wc Know that it was
designed. And we shall do this with nn«t
advantage, as it seems to us, by pursuing the
inquiry in the following order : — I. By con-
sidering, with a view to their elimination, the
Pharisaic and rabbinical prohibitions. II. By
taking a survey of the general sabbaiiod pe-
riods of Hebrew time. III. By examining
the actual enactments of Scripture respecting
the seventh day, and the mode in which such
observance was maintained by the best Israel-
ites.
I. Nearly every one is aware that the Phar-
isaic and rabbinical schools invented manv
prohibitions respecting the Sabbath of which
we find nothing in the original institution. Of
these some mar have been legitimate enforce-
ments in detail of that institution, such as the
scribes and Pharisees "sitting in Moses' scat"
(Matt, xxiii. 2, 3) had a right to impose. How
a general law is to be carried out in particular
cases must often bo determined for others by
such as have authority to do so. To this class
may belong the limitation of a Sabbath-day's
journey. Many, however, of these prohibi-
tions were fantastic and arbitrary, in the num-
ber of those " heavy burdens and grievous to
be borne " which the later expounders of the
Law " laid on men's shoulders " (comp. Matt.
xii. 1-13; John v. 10). That this perversion
of the Sabbath had become very general in our
Saviour's time is apparent both from the record-
ed objections to acts of His on that day, and
from His marked conduct on occasions to which
those objections were sure to be urged. There
is no reason, however, for thinking that the
Pharisees had arrived at a sentence against
pleasure of every sort on the sacred day. The
duty of hospitality was remembered. It was
nsual for the rich to give a feast on that day ;
and our Lord's attendance at such a feast, and
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SABBATH
817
SABBATH
making it the occasion of patting forth His
rales for the demeanor of guests, and for the
right exercise of hospitality, show that the
gathering of friends and social enjoyment were
not deemed inconsistent with the true scope
and spirit of the Sabbath. It was thought
right that the meats, though cold, should be of
the best and choicest, nor might the Sabbath
be chosen for a fast. Such are the inferences
to which we are brought by our Lord's words
concerning, and works on, the sacred day. The
declaration, that " the Son of Man is Lord also
of the Sabbath," must not be viewed as though
our Lord held Himself free from the law re-
specting it It is to be taken in connection with
the preceding words, " the Sabbath was made
for man," &c., from which it is an inference.
If, then, our Lord, coming to fulfil and rightly
interpret the Law, did thus protest against the
I'hansaical and rabbinical rules respecting the
Sabbath, we are supplied by this protest with a
large negative view of that ordinance. The
acts condemned by the Pharisees were not viola-
tions of it.
II. The Sabbath was the key-note to a scale
of sabbatical observance — consisting of itself,
the seventh month, the seventh year, and the
Year of Jubilee. As each seventh day was
sacred, so was each seventh month and each
seventh year. Of the observances of the
seventh month, little needs be said. That
month opened with the Feast of Trumpets,
und contained tht> Day of Atonement and
Feast of Tabernacles — the last-named being
the most joyful of Hebrew festivals. Its great
centre was the Feast of Tabernacles or In-
gathering, the year and the year's labor hav-
ing then done their work and yielded their
issues. The rules for the sabbatical year are
very precise. As labor was prohibited on the
seventh day, so the land was to rest every
seventh year. And as each forty-ninth year
wound np seven of such weeks of years, so it
cither was itself, or it ushered in, what was
called " the Year of Jubilee." In Exodus xxiii.
10, 11, we find the sabbatical year placed in
close connection with the Sabbath-day ; and the
words in which the former is prescribed nre
analogous to those of the Fourth Command-
ment. This is immediately followed by a re-
newed proclamation of the law of the Sabbath.
It is impossible to avoid perceiving, that, in
these passages, the two institutions are put on
the same ground, and are represented as quite
homogeneous. Their aim, as here exhibited,
is eminently a beneficent one. To give rights
to classes that would otherwise have been with-
out such, to the bondman and bondmaid, nay,
to the beast of the field, is viewed here as their
main end. "The stranger," too, is compre-
hended in the benefit. The same beneficent
aim is still more apparent in tho fuller legisla-
tion respecting the sabbatical year which we
find in Lev. xxv. 2-7. One great aim of both
institutions, the Sabbath-day and the sabbati-
cal year, clearly was to debar the Hebrew from
the thought of absolute ownership of any thing.
The Year of Jubilee must be regarded as com-
pleting this sabbatical scale, whether we con-
sider it as really the forty-ninth year, the
•-qventh of a week of sabbatical years, or the
108
fiftieth ; a question on which opinions are dl
vided.
III. We mast consider the actual enact-
ments of Scripture respecting the seventh day.
However homogeneous the different sabbatical
periods may be, the weekly Sabbath is the
tonic or keynote. We commence our inquiry
with the institution of it in the wilderness, in
connection with the gathering of munna (Ex.
xvi. 23). The prohibition to gather the mnnna
on the Sabbath is accompanied by one to bake
or to seethe on that day. The Fourth Com-
mandment gives us but the generality, " all
manner of work ; " and we are left to seek else-
where for the particular application of the gen-
eral principle. That general principle in itself,
however, obviously embraces an abstinence
from worldly labor' or occupation, and from the
enforcing such on servants or dependants, or
on the stranger. By him is most probably
meant the partial proselyte. The naming him
therefore in the commandment helps to interpret
its whole principle, and testifies to its having
been a beneficent privilege for all who came
within it. It gave rights to the slave, to the
despised stranger, even to the ox and the ass.
This beneficent character of the Fourth Com-
mandment is very apparent in the version of
it which we find in Deuteronomy (Deut. v. 12-
15). But although this be so, and though it
be plain that to come within the scope of the
commandment was to possess a franchise, to
share in a privilege, yet does the original proc-
lamation of it in Exodus place it on a ground
which, closely connected no doubt with these
others, is yet higher and more comprehensive.
The divine method of working and rest is there
proposed to man as the model after which he is
to work and to rest. Time then presents a per-
fect whole, is then well rounded and entire,
when it is shaped into a week, modelled on the
six days of creation and their following Sab-
bath. Six days' work and the seventh day's
rest conform the life of man to the method of
his Creator. In distributing his life thus, man
may look up to God as his archetype. It is
most important to remember that the Fourth
Commandment is not limited to a mere enact
raent respecting one day, but prescribes tht
due distribution of n week, and enforces the six
days' work as much as the seventh day's rest
This higher ground of observance was felt to
invest the Sabbath with a theological character,
and rendered it the great witness for faith in »
personal and creating God. In all this, how.
ever, we have but an assertion of the general
principle of resting on the Sabbath, and mnst
seek elsewhere for information as to the details
wherewith that principle was to be brought
out. We have already seen that the work for-
bidden is not to be confounded with action of
every sort. The terms in the commandment
show plainly enough the sort of work which is
contemplated. They arc servile imrk and ftiisi-
ness. The Pentateuch presents us with but
three applications of the general principle (Ex.
xvi. 29, xxxv. 3 ; Num. xv. 32-36). The ref-
erence of Isaiah to the Sabbath gives us no
details. Those in Jeremiah and Nehemiah
show that carrying goods for sale, and bnying
such, were equally profanations of the day
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SABBATH
There is no ground for supposing that to en-
gage the enemy on the Sabbath was considered
unlawful before the Captivity. At a subsequent
period we know (1 Mace. ii. 34-38) that the
scruple existed, and was acted on with niost
calamitous effects. Yet the scruple, like many
other scruples, proved a convenience, and under
the Roman Empire the Jews procured exemp-
tion from military service by means of it. It
was not, however, without its evils. In the
siege of Jerusalem by Pompey, as well as in
the final one by Titus, the Romans took advan-
tage of it. So far, therefore, -as wo have yet
gone, so far as the negative side of sabbat-
ical observance is concerned, it would seem
that servile labor, whether that of slaves or
of hired servants, and all worldly business
on the part of masters, was suspended on the
Sabbath, and the dav was a common right to
rest and be refreshed, possessed by all classes
in the Hebrew community. It was thus, as we
have urged, a beneficent institution. We must
now quit the negative for the positive side of
the institution. In the first place, we learn
from the Pentateuch that the morning and
evening sacrifice were both doubled on the
Sabbath-day, and that the fresh show-bread was
then baked, and substituted on the table for
that of the previous week. And this at once
leads to the observation, that the negative rules,
proscribing work, lighting of fires, &c., did not
apply to the rites of religion. It became a
dictum that there teas no Sabbath in holy things.
Next, it is clear that individual offerings were
not breaches of the Sabbath ; and from this,
doubtless, came the feasts of the rich on that
(Iny, which were sanctioned by our Saviour's
attendance on one such. We have no
ground for supposing that any thing like the
didactic institutions of the synagogue formed
girt of the original observance of the Sabbath,
ut from an early period, if not, as is most
probable, from the very institution, occupation
with holy themes was regarded as an essential
part of the observance of the Sabbath. It
would seem to have been an habitual practice
to repair to a prophet on that day, in order, it
must be presumed, to listen to his teaching
(2 K. iv. 23). Certain psalms too, eg. the
92d, were composed for the Sabbath, and
probably used in private as well as in the tab-
ernacle. At a later period, we come upon pre-
cepts, that, on the Sabbath, the mind should be
uplifted to high and holy themes — to God,
His character, His revelations of Himself, His
mighty works. Still the thoughts with which
the day was invested were ever thonghts, not
of restriction, but of freedom and of joy. Such,
indeed, would seem, from Neh. viii.9-12, to
have been essential to the notion of a holy day.
We have more than once pointed out that pleas-
ure, as such, was never considered by the Jews
a breach of the Sabbath. We have seen, then,
that, for whomsoever else the provision was
intended, the chosen race were in possession of
nn ordinance, whereby neither a man's time
nor his property could' be considered absolutely
his own, the seventh of each week being holy
to God, and dedicated to rest after the pattern
of God's rest, and giving equal rights to all.
We have also seen that this provision was
the tonic to a chord of sabbatical observance,
through which the same great principles of
God's claim and society's, on every man's time
and every man's property, were extended and
developed. Of the Sabbatical Tear, indeed,
and of the Year of Jubilee, it may be ques-
tioned whether they were persistently observed.
But no doubt exists that the weekly Sabbath
was always partially, and, in the Pharisaic and
subsequent times, Very strictly, however mis-
takenly, observed. We have hitherto viewed
the Sabbath merely as a Mosaic ordinance. It
remains to ask whether, first, there be indica-
tions of its having been previously known and
observed; and, secondly, whether it have a
universal scope and authority over all men.
The first and chief argument of those who
maintain that the Sabbath was known before
Moses is the reference to it in Gen. ii. 2, 3.
But the whole argument is very precarious.
Wc have no materials for ascertaining, or even
conjecturing, which was put forth first, the
record of the creation, or the Fourth Com-
mandment. The next indication of a pre-
Mosaic Sabbath has been found in Gen. iv. 3,
where we read that, " in process of time, it came
to pass that Cain brought of the fruit of the
ground an offering unto the Lord." The words
rendered m process of time mean literally, " at
the end of days ; " and it is contended that they
designate a fixed period of days, probably the
end of a week, the seventh or Sabbath-day
Again, the division of time into weeks seems
recognized in Jacob's courtship of Rachel ( Gen.
xxix. 27, 28). Lastly, the opening of the
Fourth Commandment, the injunction to remem-
ber the Sabbath-day. is appealed to as proof
that that day was already known. It is easy
to see that all this is but a precarious founda-
tion on which to build. It is not clear that the
words in Gen. iv. 3 denote a fixed division of
time of any sort. Those in Gen. xxix. ob-
viously do, but carry us no further than prov-
ing that the week was known and recognized
by Jacob and Laban. The argument from the
prevalence of the weekly division of time wonld
require a greater approach to universality in
such practice than the facts exhibit to make it
a cogent one. While the injunction in th«
Fourth Commandment to remember the Sab-
bath-day may refer only to its previous institu-
tion in connection with the gathering of manna,
or may be but the natural precept to beep in
mind the rule about to be delivered, on the
other hand, the perplexity of the Israelites re-
specting the double supply of manna on the
sixth (Ex. xvi. 22) leads us to infer that the
Sabbath, for which such extra supply was de-
signed, was not then known to them. More-
over, the language of Ezekiel (xx.) seems to
designate it as an ordinance distinctively He-
brew and Mosaic. We cannot, then, from the
uncertain notices which we possess, infer mora
than that the weekly division of time was
known to the Israelites and others before the
Law of Moses. But, to come to onr second
question, it by no means follows, that, even if
the Sabbath were no older than Moses, its scope
and obligation are limited to Israel, and that
itself belongs only to the obsolete enactments
of the Levitical Law. That Law contains two
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SABBATH
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SABBATH-DAY'S JOURNEY
elements, — the code of a particular nation, and
commandment* of human and universal char-
acter. To which clans belongs the Sabbath,
viewed simply in itself, is a question which will
soon come before us, and one which does not
appear hard to settle. Meanwhile, we must
inquire into the case as exhibited by Scripture.
And here we are at once confronted with the
fact, that the command to keep the Sabbath
forms part of the Decalogue. In some way,
therefore, the Fourth Commandment has an
authority over, and is to be obeyed by, Chris-
tians, though whether in the letter, or in some
large spiritual sense and scope, is a question
which still remains. The phenomena respect-
ing the Sabbath, presented by the New Testa-
ment, are, 1st, the frequent reference to it in the
four Gospels ; and, 2dly, the silence of the
Epistles, with the exception of one place (Col.
ii. 16, 17), where its repeal would seem to be
asserted ; and perhaps one other (Heb. iv. 9).
1st. The reference to it in the four Gospels are
numerous enough. We have already seen the
high position which it took in the minds of the
rabbis, and the strange code of prohibitions
which they put forth in connection with it.
The consequence of this was, that no part of
our Saviour's teaching and practice would seem
to have been so eagerly and narrowly watched
as that which related to the Sabbath. We hare
already seen the kind of prohibitions against
which both His teaching and practice were
directed ; and His two pregnant declarations,
" The Sabbath was made for man, not man for
the Sabbath," and " My Father worketh hith-
erto, and I work," surely exhibit to us the Law
of the Sabbath as human and universal. The
former sets it forth as a privilege and a bless-
ing. The latter wonderfullv exalts the Sab-
bath by referring it to God as its archetype.
2dly. The Epistles, it must be admitted, with
the exception of one place, and perhaps
another to which we have already referred, are
silent on the subject of the Sabbath. No rules
for its observance are ever given by the apos-
tles ; its violation is never denounced by them ;
Sabbath-breakers are never included in any list
of offenders. Col. ii. 16, 17, seems a far strong-
er argument for the abolition of the Sabbath
in the Christian dispensation than is fur-
nished by Heb. iv. 9 for its continuance ; and,
while the first day of the week is more than
once referred to as one of religious observance,
it is never identified with the Sabbath. When
wc turn to the monuments which wo possess
of the early Church, we find ourselves, on the
whole, carried in the same direction. Again,
the observance of the Lord's Day as a Sabbath
would have been well-nigh impossible to the
majority of Christians in the first ages. When
the early Fathers speak of the Lord's Day, they
sometimes, perhaps, by comparing, connect it
with the Sabbath : but we nave never found a
passage, previous to the conversion of Constan-
tino, prohibitory of any work or occupation on
the former; and any such, did it exist, would
have been in a great measure nugatory, for the
reasons just alleged. After Constantine, things
become different at once. His celebrated edict
prohibitory of judicial proceedings on the
Lord's Day was probably dictated by a wish
to give the great Christian festival as much
honor as was enjoyed by those of the heathen,
rather than by any reference to the Sabbath or
the Fourth Commandment ; but it was followed
by several which extended the prohibition to
many other occupations, and to many forms of
pleasure held innocent on ordinary days. But
it was surely impossible to obscrvo both the
Lord's Day, as was done by Christians after
Constantine, and to read the Fourth Com-
mandment, without connecting the two ; and,
seeing that such was to be the practice of the
developed Church, we can understand how
the silence of the N. T. Epistles, and even the
strong words of St. Paul (Col. ii. 16, 17), do
not impair the human and universal scope
of the Fourth Commandment, exhibited so
strongly in the very nature of tho Law, and in
the teaching respecting it of Him who came
not to destroy the Law, but to fulfil. In the
East, indeed, where the seventh day of the week
was long kept as a festival, that would present
itself to men's minds as the Sabbath; and the
first day of the week would appear rather in its
distinctively Christian character, and as of
apostolical and ecclesiastical origin, than in
connection with the Old Law. But in the
West, the seventh day was kept, for the most
part, as a fast, and that for a reason merely
Christian, viz. in commemoration of our Lord s
lying in the sepulchre throughout that day.
Its observance, therefore, would not obscure
the aspect of the Lord's Day as that of heb-
domadal rest and refreshment. Were we pre-
pared to embrace an exposition which has been
given of a remarkable passage already referred
to (Heb. iv. 8-10), we should find it singularly
illustrative of the view just suggested. In ver.
9, we have the words, " there remaineth, there-
fore, a rest for the people of God." Now, it is
important, that, throughout the passage, the
word for rest is Karairavott, and that, in the
words j ust quoted, it is changed into oaj33aTio/wf,
which certainly means tho keeping of rest, the
act of sabbatizing, rather than the objective rest
itself. It has accordingly been suggested, that
those words are not the author's conclusion —
which is to be found in the form of thesis in
the declaration, " we which have believed do
enter into rest " — but a parenthesis, to the
effect that, " to the people of God," the Chris-
tian community, there remaineth, there ii left, a
sabbatizing, the great change that has passed
upon them, and the mighty elevation to which
they have been brought, as on other matters, so
as regards the rest of Ged revealed to them,
still leaving scope for and justifying the prac-
tice. The objections, however, to this exposi-
tion are many and great. It would not nave
been right, however, to have passed it over in
this article without notice, as it relates to a
passage of Scripture in which Sabbath and
sabbatical ideas arc markedly brought forward.
The word Sabbath seems sometimes to denote
a week in the N. T.
Sabbath-day's Journey (Acts i. 12).
On occasion of a violation of the command-
ment by certain of the people who went to look
for manna on the seventh day, Moses enjoined
every man to " abide in his place," and forbade
any man to " go out of his place " on that day
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SABBATICAL YEAR
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SACKBUT
(Ex. zri. 29). It seems natural to look on
this as a mere enactment pro re naid, and hav-
ing no bearing on any state of affairs subse-
quent to the journey through the wilderness
and the daily gathering of manna. Whether
the earlier Hebrews did or did not regard it
thus, it is not easy to say. In after-times, the
precept in Ex. xvi. was undoubtedly viewed as
a permanent law. But, as some departure from
a man's own place was unavoidable, it was
thought necessary to determine the allowable
amount, which was fixed at 2,000 paces, or
about six furlongs, from the wall of the city.
The permitted distance seems to have been
grounded on the space to be kept between the
Ark and the people (Josh. iii. 4) in the wilder-
ness, which tradition said was that between the
Ark and the tents. We find the same distance
given as the circumference outside the walls of
the Levitical cities to be counted as their sub-
urbs (Num. xxxv. 5). The terminus it quo was
thus not a man's own house, but the wall of
the city where he dwelt.
Sabbathe UB. Shabbetbai the Levite
(1 Esd. ix. 14, comp. Ezr. x. IS). Ap.
Sabbatical Year. As each seventh day and
each seventh month were holy, so was each sev-
enth year, by the Mosaic code. Wc first encoun-
ter this law in Ex. xxiii. 10, 1 1 . The command-
ment is, to sow and reap for six years, and to
let the land rest on the seventh, " that the poor
of thy people may cat ; and what they leave the
beasts of the field shall eat." It is added, " In
like manner thou shalt deal with thy vine-yard
and thy olive-yard." We next meet with the
enactment in Lev. xxv. 2-7, and finally in
Deut. xv., in which last place the new feature
presents itself of the seventh year being one of
release to debtors. When we combine these
several notices, we find that, every seventh year,
the land was to have rest to enjoy her SaLoatht.
Neither tillage nor cultivation of any sort was
to be practised. This singular institution has
the aspect, at first sight, of total impractica-
bility. This, however, wears off when we con-
sider that in no year was the owner allowed to
reap the whole harvest (Lev. xix. 9, xxiii. 22).
Moreover, it is clear that the owners of land
were to lay by corn in previous years for their
own and their families wants (Lev. xxv. 20-
22). The release of debtors during the sab-
batical year must not be confounded with the
release of slaves on the seventh year of their
service. The spirit of this law is the same as
that of the weekly Sabbath. Both have a be-
neficent tendency, limiting the rights and check-
ing the sense of property ; the one puts in God's
claims on time, the other on the land. There
may also have been an eye to the benefit which
would accrue to the land from lying fallow
every seventh year, in a time when the rotation
of crops was unknown. The sabbatical year
openea in the sabbatical month ; and the whole
Law was to be read every such year, during the
Feast of Tabernacles, to the assembled people.
At the completion of a week of sabbatical
years, the sabbatical scale received its com-
pletion in the Year of Jubilee. The next ques-
tion that presents itself regarding the sabbati-
cal year relates to the time when its observance
became obligatory. It is more reasonable to ,
suppose, with the best Jewish authorities, that
the law became obligatory fourteen years after
the first entrance into the Promised Land, the
conquest of which took seven years, and the
distribution seven more. A further question
arises. At whatever period the obedience to
this law ought to have commenced, was it, in
point of fact, obeyed ! In the threatening* con-
tained in Lev. xxvi., judgments on the viola-
tion of the sabbatical year are particularly con-
templated (ver. 33, 34) ; and that it was greatly
if not quite neglected appears from 8 Chr.
xxxvi. 20, 21. Some of the Jewish commen-
tators have inferred from this that their lore-
fathers had neglected exactly seven tv sabbatical
years. If such neglect was continuous, the
law must have been disobeyed throughout a
period of 490 years, i>. through nearly the
whole duration of the monarchy ; and as there
is nothing in the previous history leading to
the inference that the people were more scrcpn-
lous then, we must look to the return from
captivity for indications of the sablwtiral
year being actually observed (1 Mace. vi. 49).
Alexander the Great is said to have exempted
the Jews from tribute during it.
Sabbe'UB, 1 Esd. ix. 32. [Shbxaiab 14.]
Sabe'ane. [Shkba.]
SaTai. [Zebaim .] 1 Esd. v. 34. Ap.
Sab'tah (Gen. x. 7), or Sab'ta (1 Cbr. i.
9), the third in order of the sons of Cosh. The
statements of Pliny (vi. 32, { 155, xii. 32).
Ptolemy (vi. 7, p.* 411), and Anon. Pcripl.
(27), respecting Sabbatha, Sabota, or Solo-
tale, metropolis of the Atramitss (probably the
Chatramotitae), seem to point to a trace of the
tribe which descended from Sabtah, always
supposing that this city Sabbatha was not* a
corruption or dialectic variation of Saba, Sx ha.
or Sbeba. Ptolemy places Sabbatha in 77°
long., 16° 30' lat. It was an important city,
containing no less than sixty temples. Gese-
nius, who sees in Cush only Ethiopia, " has no
doubt that Sabtah should be compared with
2a/3ur, 2a/3u, Xaflai, on the shore of the Ara-
bian Gulf, situated just where Arkiko is now."
It only remains to add that Michaelis n moves
Sabtah to Centa, opposite Gibraltar, called in
Arabic Sebtah; and that Bochart prefers to
place Sabtah near the western shore of the Per-
sian Gulf, with the Saphtha of Ptolemy, the
name also of an island in that gulf.
Sab techa, and Sab techah (Gen. x. 7 ;
1 Chr. i. 9), the fifth in order of the *ons of
Cush, whose settlements would prohablv be
near the Persian Gulf. He has not been iden-
tified satisfactorily. Bochart compares Sab-
tcchah with the city of Samydace of Steph.
Byz.
Sa'car. 1. A Hararite, father of Ahiam
(1 Chr. xi. 35). — 2. The fourth son of Ohcd-
edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 4).
Sackbut (Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10, 15), the ren-
dering in tho A. V. of the Chaldee saUtca. If
this musical instrument be the same as the
Greek aap&vKii and Latin sambuca, the English
translation is entirely wrong. The sackbut
was a wind-instrument ; the tambuoa was plavrd
with strings. Mr. Chappell says [Pop. Mas.
i. 35), " The sackbut was a bass trumpet with
a slide, like the modern trombone." The ant-
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SACRIFICE
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SACRIFICE
buca was a triangular instrument with four
or more strings played with the fingers.
SaakclOUL, a coarse texture, of a dark
color, made of goat's-hair (Is. 1. S ; Rev. vi.
12), and resembling the cilicium of the Romans.
It was used (1.) for making sacks (Gen. xlii.
25; Lev. xi. 32: Josh. ix. 4) ; and (2.) for
making the rough garments used by mourners,
which were in extreme cases worn next the
skin (I K. xxL 27 ; 2 K. vi. 30 ; Job xvi. 15 ;
Is. xxxii. II), and this even by females (Joel i.
8; 2 Mace iii. 19), but at other times were
worn over the coat (Jon. iii. 6) in lieu of the
outer garment.
Sacrifice. The peculiar features of each
kind of sacrifice are referred to under their re-
spective heads. The object of this article will
be: — L To examine the historical development
of sacrifice in the Old Testament II. To
sketch briefly the theory of sacrifice as it is set
forth both in the Old and New Testaments, with
especial reference to the Atonement of Christ.
— I. (A.) Origin of Sacrifice. — In tra-
cing the history of sacrifice, from its first begin-
ning to its perfect development in the Mosaic
ritual, we are at once met by the long-disputed
question, as to the origin of sacrifice ; whether it
arose from a natural instinct of man, sanctioned
and guided by God, or whether it was the sub-
ject of some distinct primeval revelation. Its
universal prevalence, independent of, and often
opposed to, man's natural reasonings on his
relation to God, shows it to have been prime-
val, and deeply rooted in the instincts of hu-
manity . Whether it was first enjoined by an
external command, or whether it was based on
that sense of sin and lost communion with God
which is stamped by His hand on the heart of
man, is an historical question, perhaps insolu-
ble. The great difficulty in the theory which
refers it to a distinct command of God is the
total silence of Holy Scripture. Nor is the fact
of the mysterious and supernatural character
of the doctrine of Atonement, with which the
sacrifices of the O. T. are expressly connected,
any conclusive argument on this side of the
question. All allow that the eucharistic and
deprecatory ideas of sacrifice are perfectly natu-
ral to man. The higher view of its expiatory
character, dependent, as it is, entirely on its
typical nature, appears but gradually in Scrip-
ture. It is only in the N. T. (especially in the
Epistle to the Hebrews) that its nature is clearly
unfolded. It is to be noticed, that, except in
Gen. xv. 9, the method of patriarchal sacrifice
is left free. The inference is at least probable,
that, when God sanctioned formally a natural
rite, then, and not till then, did He define its
method. The question, therefore, of the origin
of sacrifice, is best left in the silence with which
Scripture surrounds it.
(B.) Antb-Mosmc History of Sacri-
fice. — In examining the various sacrifices
recorded in Scripture before the establishment
of the Law, we find that the words specially de-
noting expiatory sacrifice are not applied to
them. This fact does not at all show that they
were not actually expiatory, but it justifies the
inference that this idea was not then the promi-
nent one in the doctrine of sacrifice. The sac-
rifice of Cain and Abel is called minchah, al-
though in the case of the latter it was a bloody
sacrifice. In the case of both, it would appear
to have been eucharistic. The sacrifice of
Noah after the Flood (Gen. viii. 20} is called
burnt-offering ('6lah). This sacrifice is express-
ly connected with the institution of the Cove-
nant which follows in ix. 8-17. The sacrifice
(zebach) of Jacob at Mizpah also marks a cove-
nant with Laban, to which God is called to be
a witness and a party. In all these, therefore,
the prominent idea seems to have been what is
called the federative, the recognition of a bond
between the sacrificer and God, and the dedica-
tion of himself, as represented by the victim, to
the service of the Lord. The sacrifice of Isaac
(Gen. xxii. 1-13) stands by itself. Yet in its
principle it appears to have been of the same
nature as before : the voluntary surrender of an
only son on Abraham's part, and the willing
dedication of himself on Isaac's, are in the
foreground ; the expiatory idea, if recognized
at all, holds certainly a secondary position. In
the burnt-offerings of Job for his children (Job
i. 5) and for his three friends (xlii. 8), we for
the first time find the expression of the desire
of expiation for sin. The same is the case in
the words of Moses to Pharaoh (Ex. x. 25).
Here the main idea is at least deprecatory.
(C.) The Sacrifices of the Mosaic
Period. — These are inaugurated by the of-
fering of the Passover and the sacrifice of
Ex. xxiv. The Passover, indeed, is unique in
its character ; but it is clear that the idea of sal-
vation from death by means of sactifice is
brought out in it with a distinctness before un-
known. The sacrifice of Ex. xxiv., offered as
a solemn inauguration of the Covenant of Si-
nai, has a similarly comprehensive character.
The Law of Leviticus now unfolds distinctly
the various forms of sacrifice : — (a.) The burnt'
offering. Self-dedicatory. — (ft) The meat-
offering [unbloody) ; the peace-offering (bloody).
Eucharistic. — (c.) The tin-offering ; the tret-
past-offering. Expiatory. — To these may
be added, — (d.) The incense offered after sac-
rifice in the Holy Place, and (on the Day of
Atonement) in the Holy of Holies, the symbol
of the intercession of the priest (as a type of
the Great High Priest), accompanying and
making efficacious the prayer of the people.
In the consecration of Aaron and his sons
(Lev. viii.), we find these offered in what be-
came ever afterwards the appointed order : first
came the sin-offering, to prepare access to God ;
next, the burnt-offering, to mark their dedica-
tion to His service ; and thirdly, the meat-offer-
ing of thanksgiving. Henceforth the sacrificial
system was fixed in all its parts, until He should
come whom it typified. It is to be noticed that
the Law of Leviticus takes the rite of sacrifice
for granted (see Lev. i. 2, ii. 1, &c.), and is di-
rected chiefly to guide and limit its exercise.
In consequence of the peculiarity of the Law,
it has been artrued that the whole system of
sacrifice was only a condescension to the weak-
ness of the people, borrowed, more or less, from
the heathen nations, especially from Egypt, in
order to guard against worse superstition and
positive idolatry. Taken as an explanation of
the theory of sacrifice, it is weak and superfi-
cial ; but, as giving a reason for the minutenwsi
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and elaboration of the Mosaic ceremonial, it
may probably have some value.
(D.) Post-Mosaic Sacrifices. — It will
not be necessary to pursue, in detail, the his-
tory of Post-Mosaic Sacrifice, for its main prin-
ciples were now fixed forever. The regular
sacrifices in the Temple service were: — (a.)
Burnt-Offerings. 1. The daily burnt-offer-
ings (Ex. xxix. 38-42). 2. The double burnt-
offerings on the Sabbath (Num. xxviii. 9, 10).
3. The burnt-offerings at the great festivals
(Num. xxviii. 11-xxix. 39). — (6.) Meat-
offerings. 1. The daily meat -offerings
accompanying the daily burnt-offerings (Ex.
xxix. 40, 41). 2. The show-bread, renewed
every Sabbath (Lev. xxiv. 5, 9). 3. The spe-
cial meat-offerings at the Sabbath and the great
festivals (Num. xxviii., xxix.). 4. The first-
fruits, at the Passover (Lev. xxiii. 10-14), at
Pentecost (xxiii. 17-20) ; the first-finuts of the
dough and threshing-floor at the harvest-time
(Num. xv. 20, 21; Dent. xxvi. 1-11). — (c)
Sin -Offerings. 1. Sin-offering each new
moon (Num. xxviii. 15). 2. Sin-offerings at
the Passover, Pentecost, Feast of Trumpets,
and Tabernacles (Num. xxviii. 22, 30, xxix. 5,
16, 19, 22, 25, 28, 31, 34, 38). 3. The offer-
ing of the two goats for the people, and of the
bullock for the priest himself, on the Great Day
of Atonement (Lev. xvi.). — (rf.) Incense.
1. The morning and evening incense (Ex.
xxx. 7, 8). 2. The incense on the Great Day
of Atonement (Lev. xvi. 12). Besides these
public sacrifices, there were offerings of the
people for themselves individually.
II. By the order of sacrifice in its perfect
form (as in Lev. viii.) it is clear that the sin-
offering occupies the most important place ; the
burnt-offering comes next, and the meat-offer-
ing or peace-offering last of all. The second
could only be offered after the first had been
accepted ; the third was only a subsidiary part
of the second. Yet, in actual order of time, it
has been seen that the patriarchal sacrifices
partook much more of the nature of the peace-
offering and burnt - offering ; and that nnder
the Law, by which was " the knowledge of sin "
(Rom. Hi. 20), the sin-offering was for the first
time explicitly set forth. This is but natural
that the deepest ideas should be the last in order
of development. It is needless to dwell on the
universality of heathen sacrifices, and difficult
to reduce to any single theory the various ideas
involved therein. It is clear that the sacrifice
was often looked upon as a gift or tribute to
the gods. It is also clear that sacrifices were
used as prayers to obtain benefits, or to avert
wrath. On the other hand, that they were
regarded as thank-offerings is equally certain.
Nor was the higher idea of sacrifice, as a repre-
sentation of the self-devotion of the offerer,
body and soul, to the god, wholly lost, although
generally obscured by the grosser and more
obvious conceptions of the rite. But, besides
all these, there seems always to have been la-
tent the idea of propitiation, that is, the belief
in a communion with the gods, natural to man,
broken off in some way, and by sacrifice to be
restored. Now the essential difference between
these heathen views of sacrifice and the scrip-
tural doctrine of the O. T. is not to be found
in its denial of any of these ideas. In fact, i,
brings out, clearly and distinctly, the ideas
which in heathenism were uncertain, vague,
and perverted. But the essential points of dis-
tinction are two. First, that whereas the hea-
then conceived of their gods as alienated in
jealousy or anger, to be sought after, and to be
appeased by the unaided action of man, Scrip-
ture represents God Himself as approaching
man, as pointing out and sanctioning the way
by which the broken covenant should be re-
stored. The second mark of distinction is
closely connected with this, inasmuch as it
shows sacrifice to be a scheme proceeding from
God, and, in His foreknowledge, connected
with the one central fact of all human history.
It is to be found in the typical character of all
Jewish sacrifices, on which, as the Epistle to
the Hebrews argues, all their efficacy depended.
The nature and meaning of the various kinds
of sacrifice are partly gathered from the form of
their institution and ceremonial, partly from
the teaching of the prophets, and partly from
the N. T., especially the Epistle to the He-
brews. All had relation, under different as-
pects, to a covenant between God and man.
The Sin- Offering represented that covenant
as broken by man, and as knit together again,
by God's appointment, through the " shedding
of blood." The shedding of the blood, th«
symbol of life, signified that the death of the
offender was deserved for sin, bnt that the death
of the victim was accepted for his death by the
ordinance of God's mercy. Beyond all donbt,
the sin-offering distinctly witnessed that sin
existed in man, that the " wages of that sin was
death," and that God had provided an Atone-
ment by the vicarious suffering of an appointed
victim. The ceremonial and meaning of the
Burnt-Offering were very different. The
idea of expiation seems not to have been absent
from it, for the blood was sprinkled round
about the altar of sacrifice; but the main idea
is the offering of the whole victim to God, rep-
resenting (as the laying of the hand on its
head shows) the devotion of the sacrificcr, body
and soul, to Him (Rom. xii. 1). The death of
the victim was, so to speak, an incidental fea-
ture. The Meat-Offerings, the peace or
thank offering, the first-fruits, &c., were simply
offerings to God of His own best gifts, as a sign
of thankful homage, and as a means of main-
taining His service and His servants. The char-
acteristic ceremony in the peace-offering was
the eating of the flesh by the sacrificer. It be-
tokened the enjoyment of communion with
God. It is clear from this that the idea of
sacrifice is a complex idea, involving the pro-
pitiatory, the dedicatory, and the euchanstic
elements. Any one of these, taken by itself,
would lead to error and superstition. All three
probably were more or less implied in each sac-
rifice, each element predominating in its turn
Now the Israelites, while they seem always to
have retained the ideas of propitiation and of
euchanstic offering, constantly ignored the self-
dedication which is the link between the two,
and which the regular burnt-offering should
have impressed upon them as their daily thought
and duty. It is therefore to this point that tbt
teac h i n g of the prophets U mainly directed
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(1 Ram. xt. 22 ; Is. i. 10-20 ; Jer. vii. 22, 23 ;
Ex. xx. 39-44 ; Hos. vi. 6 ; Am. v. 21-27 ;
Mic. vi. 6-8). The same truth, here enunci-
ated from without, is recognized from within
by the Psalmist (Ps. xl. 8-11, 1. 13, 14, li. 16,
17, cxli. 2). It is not to be argued from theso
passages that the idea of self-dedication is the
main one of sacrifice. The idea of propitiation
lies below it, taken for granted by the prophets
as by the whole people, but still enveloped in
mystery until the Antitype should come to make
all clear. For the evolution of this doctrine, we
most look to the N. T. Without entering
directly on the great subject of the Atonement
(which would be foreign to the scope of this
article), it will be sufficient to refer to the con-
nection, established in the N. T., between it
and the sacrifices of the Mosaic system. To
do this, we need do little more than analyze
the Epistle to the Hebrews, which contains the
key of the whole sacrificial doctrine. In the
first place, it follows the prophetic books by
stating, in the most emphatic terms, the intrin-
sic nullity of all mere material sacrifices. The
very fact of their constant repetition is said to
prove this imperfection; but it does not lead
us to infer that they actually had no spiritual
efficacy, if offered in repentance and faith. On
the contrary, the object of the whole Epistle is
to show their typical and probationary charac-
ter, and to assert that, in virtue of it alone, they
had a spiritual meaning. Our Lord is declared
(see 1 Pet. i. 20) " to have been fore-ordained "
as a sacrifice "before the foundation of the
world," or (as it is more strikingly expressed
in Rev. xiii. 8) " slain from the foundation of
the world." The material sacrifices represented
this Great Atonement as already made and ac-
cepted in God's foreknowledge ; and to those
who grasped the ideas of sin, pardon, and
self-dedication, symbolized in them, they were
means of entering into the blessings which
tlie One True Sacrifice alone procured. They
could convey nothing in themselves ; yet, as
types, they might, if accepted by a true, though
necessarily imperfect, faith, be means of con-
veying in some degree the blessings of the An-
titype. This typical character of all sacrifice
being thus set forth, the next point dwelt upon
is the union in our Lord's Person of the priest,
the offerer, and the sacrifice. It is clear that
the Atonement, in this Epistle, as in the N. T.
generally, is viewed in a twofold light. On the
one hand, it is set forth distinctly as a vicarious
sacrifice, which was rendered necessary by the
sin of man, and in which the Lord "bare the
sins of many." It is its essential characteristic
that in it He stands absolutely alone, offering
His sacrifice without any reference to the faith
or the conversion of men. In it He stands out
alone as the Mediator between God and man ;
and His sacrifice is offered once for all, never to
be imitated or repeated. Now this view of the
Atonement is set forth in the Epistle to the
Hebrews, as typified by the sin-offering. All
the expiatory and propitiatory sacrifices of the
Law are now for the first time brought into full
light. As the sin-offering, though not the ear-
liest, is the most fundamental of all sacrifices,
so the aspect of the Atonement, which it sym-
bolizes, is the one on which all others rest. On
the other hand, the sacrifice of Christ is set
forth to us as the completion of that perfect
obedience to the will of the Father, which is
the natural duty of sinless man, in which He
is the representative of all men, and in which
He calls upon us, when reconciled to God, to
" take up the cross, and follow Him." In this
view, His death is not the principal object ; we
dwell rather on His lowly incarnation, and His
life of humility, temptation, and suffering, to
which that death was but a fitting close. The
main idea of this view of the Atonement is re-
presentative rather than vicarious. It is typi-
fied by the burnt-offering, in respect of which
the N\ T. merely quotes and enforces the lan-
guage already cited from the O. T., and espe-
cially (see Heb. x. 6-9) the words of Ps. xl. 6,
&c., which contrast with material sacrifice the
" doing the will of God." As, without the sin-
offering of the cross, this, our burnt-offering,
would be impossible, so also without the burnt-
offering the sin-offering will to us be unavailing.
With these views of our Lord's sacrifice on
earth, as typified in the Levitical sacrifices on
the outer altar, is also to be connected the of-
fering of His intercession for us in heaven,
which was represented by the incense. The
typical sense of the meat-offering, or peace-
offering, is less connected with the sacrifice of
Christ Himself than with those sacrifices of
praise, thanksgiving, charity, and devotion,
which we, as Christians, offer to God, and
"with which He is well pleased " (Heb. xiii. 15,
16) as with "an odor of sw.*et smell, a sacrifice
acceptable to God" (Phil. iv. 18).
Sadami'as. Shallcm, one of the ances-
tors of Ezra (2 Esd. i. IK Ap.
Sa'das. Azoad (1 Esd. v. 13, comp. Exr.
ii. 12). Ap.
Sadde'us. Iodo 6 (1 Esd. viii. 4$). In
1 Esd. viii. 46, the name is writttcn " Daddens"
in the A. V., as in the Geneva Version of both
passages. Ap.
Sad'duc. Zadok the high-priest (1 Esd.
viii. 2). Ap.
Sadducees (Matt. Hi. 7, xvi. l, 6, n, \\
xxii. 23, 34; Mark xii. 18; Luke xx. 27
Acts iv. 1, v. 17, xxiii. 6, 7, 8), a religion!
party or school among the Jews at the time of
Christ, who denied that the oral law was a rev
elation of God to the Israelites, and who deemed
the written law alone to be obligatory on the
nation, as of divine authority. Origin of tkt
name. — The Hebrew word by which they an
called in the Mishna is TseduJcim, the plural of
Tmdik, which undoubtedly means "just," or
" righteous ; " but which is never used in th*>
Bible except as a proper name. The most
obvious translation of the word, therefore, is
to call them Zadoks or Zadokites. The ordi-
nary Jewish statement is that they are named
from a certain Zadok, a disciple of the An-
tigonus of Socho, who is mentioned in the
Mishna as having received the oral law from
Simon the Just, the last of the men of the
Great Synagogue. Another ancient suggestion
concerning the origin of the name " Sadducees"
is in Epiphanius, who states that the Sadducees
called themselves by that name from " right-
eousness," the interpretation of the Hebrew
word Zedek; "and that there was likewise
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anciently a Zadok among the priests, bat that
they did not continue in the doctrines of then-
chief." This explanation of the origin of the
word Sadducees must be rejected with that
given by the Jews. In these circumstances, if
recourse is had to conjecture, the first point
to be considered is whether the word is likely
to have arisen from the meaning of " righteous-
ness," or from the name of an individual.
This must be decided in favor of the latter
alternative, inasmuch as the word Zadok never
occurs in the Bible, except as a proper name;
and then we are led to inquire as to who the
Zadok of the Sadducees is likely to have been.
Now, according to the existing records of Jewish
history, there was one Zadok of transcendent
importance, and only one ; viz. the priest who
acted such a prominent part at the time of
David, and who declared in favor of Solomon,
when Abiathar took the part of Adonijah as
successor to the throne (IE. i. 32-45). His
line of priests appears to have had decided pre-
eminence in subsequent history. Now, as the
transition from the expression " sons of Zadok,"
and " priests of the seed of Zadok," to Zado-
kites, is easy and obvious, and as in the Acts
of the Apostles, v. 17, it is said, " Then the high-
priest rose, and all they that were with him, which is
the sect of the Sadducees, and were filled with in-
dignation," it has been conjectured by Geiger
that the Sadducees or Zadokites were originally
identical with the sons of Zadok, and consti-
tuted what may be termed a kind of sacerdotal
aristocracy. To these were afterwards attached
all who for any reason reckoned themselves as
belonging to the aristocracy ; such, for exam-
ple, as the families of the high-priest, who had
obtained consideration under the dynasty of
Herod. These were for the most part judges,
and individuals of the official ana governing
«lass.
I. The leading tenet of the Sadducees was
the negation of the leading tenet of their oppo-
nents. As the Pharisees asserted, so the Sad-
ducees denied, that the Israelites were in pos-
session of an Oral Law transmitted to teem
by Moses. For an equitable estimate of the
Sadducees, it is proper to bear in mind emphati-
cally how destitute of historical evidence the
doctrine was which they denied. That doctrine
is at the present day rejected, probably by
almost all, if not by all, Christians ; and it is
indeed so foreign to their ideas, that the greater
number of Christians have never even heard
of it, though it is older than Christianity, and
has been the support and consolation of the
Jews under a series of the most cruel and
wicked persecutions to which any nation has
ever been exposed daring an equal number of
centuries. It is likewise now maintained, all
over the world, by those who are called the
orthodox Jews. It must not be assumed that
the Sadducees, because they rejected a Mosaic
Oral Law, rejected likewise all traditions and
all decisions in explanation of passages in the
Pentateuch. Although they protested against
the assertion that such points had been divine-
ly settled by Moses, they probably, in numer-
ous instances, followed practically the same
traditions as the Pharisees. This will explain
why in the Mishna specific points of difference
between the Pharisees and Sadducees are i
tioned, which are so unimportant
IL The second distinguishing doctrine of
the Sadducees, the denial of man s resurrection
after death, followed in their conceptions as a.
logical conclusion from their denial that Mosea
hod revealed to the Israelites the Oral Law.
For, on a point so momentous as a second life
beyond the grave, no religious party among
the Jews would have deemed themselves bound
to accept any doctrine as an article of faith,
unless it had been proclaimed by Moses, their
great legislator ; and it is certain that in the
written Law of the Pentateuch there is a total
absence of any assertion by Moses of the resur-
rection of the dead. This fact is presented to
Christians in a striking manner by the well-
known words of the Pentateuch which arc
quoted by Christ in argument with the Saddu-
cees on this subject (Ex. iii. 6, 16 ; Mark xii.
26, 27 ; Matt. xxii. 31, 32 ; Luke xx. 37). It
cannot be doubted that in such a case Christ
would quote to his powerful adversaries the
most cogent text in the Law; and yet the text
actually quoted does not do more than suggest
an inference on this ^reat doctrine. It is true
that in other parts of the 0. T. there are in-
dividual passages which express a belief in a
resurrection, such as in Is. xxvi. 1 9, Dan. xii.
2, Job xix. 26, and in some of the Psalms ;
and it may at first sight be a subject of surprise
that the Sadducees were not convinced by the
authority of those passages. But although
the Sadducees regarded the books which con-
tained these passages as sacred, it is more than
doubtful whether any of the Jews regarded
them as sacred in precisely the same <ense as
the written Law. To the Jews, Moses was and
is a colossal form, pre-eminent in authority
above all subsequent prophets. Hence scarcely
any Jew would nave deemed himself bound to
believe in man's resurrection, nnless the doc-
trine had been proclaimed by Moses ; and as
the Sadducees disbelieved the transmission of
any Oral Law by Moses, the striking absence
of that doctrine from the written Law freed
them from the necessity of accepting the doc-
trine as divine.
In connection with the disbelief of a resur-
rection by the Sadducees, it is proper to notice
the statement (Acts xxiii. 8) that they likewise
denied there was " angel or spirit.' A per-
plexity arises as to the precise sense in which
this denial is to be understood. The two prin-
cipal explanations which have been suggested
are, either that the Sadducees regarded the an-
gels of the Old Testament as transitory unsub-
stantial representations of Jehovah, or that
they disbelieved, not the angels of the Old Te*.
tament, but merely the angelical system which
had become developed in the popular belief of
the Jews after their return from the Babylonian
captivity. Perhaps, however, another suggestion
is admissible. It appears from Acts xxiii. 9
that some of the scribes on the side of the Phari-
sees suggested the possibility of a spirit or an
angel having spoken to St. Paul on the very oe.
casion when it is asserted that the Sadducees
denied the existence of angel or spirit. Now
the Sadducees may have disbelieved in the oc-
currence of any such phenomena in their owa
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time, although they accepted all the statements
respecting angels in the Old Testament; and
thus the key to the assertion in the 8th verse,
that the Sadducees denied " angel or spirit,"
would be found exclusively in the 9th verse.
III. The opinions of the Sadducees respect-
ing the freedom of the will, and the way in
which those opinions are treated by Josepnus,
have been noticed elsewhere [Phabisees] ; and
an explanation has been there suggested of the
prominence given to a difference in this respect
between the Sadducees and the Pharisees. It
may be here added, that possibly the great stress
laid by the Sadducees on the freedom of the
will may have had some connection with their
forming such a large portion of that class from
which criminal judges were selected. The sen-
timent of the lines —
** Oar sets oar uif eli an, or rood or III,
Oar <kUl ihndowi that walk by at will " —
would express that portion of truth on which
the Sadducees, in inflicting punishments, would
dwell with most emphasis ; and as, in some
sense, they disbelieved in angels, these lines
have a peculiar claim to be regarded as a cor-
rect exponent of Saddncean thought.
IV. Some of the early Christian writers,
such as Epiphanius, Origcn, and Jerome, at-
tribute to the Sadducees the rejection of all the
Sacred Scriptures except the Pentateuch. The
statement of these Christian writers is, however,
nov generally admitted to have been founded on
a misconception of the truth, and probably to
have arisen from a confusion of the Sadducees
with the Samaritans. Josephns is wholly si-
lent as to an antagonism on this point between
the Sadducees and the Pharisees. What proba-
bly had more influence than any thing else in
occasioning this misconception respecting the
Sadducees, was the circumstance, that, in argu-
ing with them on the doctrine of a future life,
Christ quoted from the Pentateuch only, al-
though there are stronger texts in favor of the
doctrine in some other books of the Old Tes-
tament.
V. In conclusion, it may be proper to notice
a fact, which, while it accounts for misconcep-
tions of early Christian writers respecting the
Sadducees, is on other grounds well worthy to
arrest the attention. This fact is the rapid dis-
appearance of the Sadducees from history after
the first century, and the subsequent predomi-
nance among the Jews of the opinions of the
Pharisees. Two circumstances indirectly, but
powerfully, contributed to produce this result :
1st, The state of the Jews after the capture of
Jerusalem by Titus ; and 2dly, The growth of
the Christian religion. As to the first point, it
is difficult to over-estimate the consternation
and dismay which the destruction of Jerusalem
occasioned in the minds of sincerely religious
Jews. Iu this their hour of darkness and an-
guish, they naturally turned to the consolations
and hopes of a future state ; and the doctrine
of the Sadducees, that there was nothing be-
yond the present life, would have appeared
to them cold, heartless, and hateful. Again,
while they were sunk in the lowest depths of
depression, a new religion which they despised
as a heresy and a superstition, of which one of
104
their own nation was the object, and another
the unrivalled missionary to the heathen, was
gradually making its way among the subjects
of their detested conquerors, the Romans. One
of the causes of its success was undoubtedly
the vivid belief in the resurrection of Jesus,
and a consequent resurrection of all mankind.
Consciously therefore, or unconsciously, many
circumstances combined to induce the Jews,
who were not Pharisees, but who resisted the
new heresy, to rally round the standard of the
Oral Law, and to assert that their holy legisla-
tor, Moses, had transmitted to his faithful peo-
ple by word of mouth, although not in writing,
the revelation of a future state of rewards and
punishments. This doctrine, the pledge of
eternal life to them, as the resurrection of Jesus
to Christians, is still maintained by the major-
ity of our Jewish contemporaries ; and it will
probably continue to be the creed of millions
long after the present generation of mankind
has passed away from the earth.
Sa'doc. Zadok, the ancestor of Ezra (2
Esd. i. 1, comp. Ezr. vii. 2). Ap.
Sa'doc. A descendant of Zerubabbel in
the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Matt. i. 14).
Saffron (Heb. carc&m). There is not the
slightest doubt that " saffron " is the correct
rendering of the Hebrew word (Cant. iv. 14) ;
the Arabic Kurlcum is similar to the Hebrew,
and denotes the Crocus sativus, or " saffron cro-
cus." Saffron has from the earliest times been
in high esteem as a perfume: "it was used,"
says RosenmiiUer, " for the same purposes as
the modern pot-pourri." Kitto says that the
safflower (Carthamus tinctorius) is cultivated
in Syria for the sake of the flowers, which are
used in dyeing, but the Knriom no doubt de-
notes the Crocus solium. The word " saf-
fron " is derived from the Arabic Zafrxm, " yel-
low."
Sala. Salah, or Shelah, the fatner of
Eber (Luke iii. 35).
Salah. The son of Arphaxad and father
of Eber (Gen. x. 24, xi. 12-14 ; Luke iii. 35).
The name is significant of extension. It thus
seems to imply the historical fact of tbn gradual
extension of a branch of the Shemitic race from
its original seat in Northern Assyria towards
the River Euphrates.
Sal'amis, a city at the east end of the Island
of Cyprus, and the first place visited by Paul
and Barnabas, on the first missionary journey,
after leaving the mainland at Selencia. Here
alone, among all the Greek cities visited by St.
Paul, we read expressly of " synagogues " in
the plural (Acts xiii. 5). Hence we conclude
that there were many Jews in Cyprus. And
this is in harmony with what we read else-
where. Jewish residents in the island are men-
tioned during the period when the Seleucida?
reigned at Antioch (1 Mace. xv. 23). At a
later period, in the reigns of Trajan and Ha-
drian, we are informed of dreadful tumults
here, caused by a vast multitude of Jews.
Salamis was not far from the modern Farm-
gousta. It was situated near a river called the
Pedissus, on low ground, which is in fact a con-
tinuation of the plain running up into the
interior towards the place where Nicosia, the
present capital of Cyprus, stands.
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SALEM
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SALLAI
Salasada'i. Zobishaddai in Jod. riU. 1.
Ap.
Sala'thiol, son of Jechonias king of Judah,
and father of Zorobabel, according to Matt. i.
12 ; bat son of Neri, and father of Zorobabel,
according to Luke iii. 27 ; while the genealogy
in 1 Chr. iii. 17-19 leaves it doubtful whether he
is the son of Assir or Jechonias, and makes
Zerubbabel his nephew. Upon the incontrover-
tible principle that no genealogy would assign
to the true son and heir of a king any inferior
and private parentage, whereas, on the con-
trary, the son of a private person would natu-
rally be placed in the royal pedigree on his
becoming the rightful heir to the throne, we
may assert, with the utmost confidence, that
St. Luke gives us the true state of the case
when he informs us that Salathiel was the
son of Neri, and a descendant of Nathan,
the son of David. And from his insertion in
the royal pedigree, both in 1 Chr. and St Mat-
thew's Gospel, after the childless Jechonias, we
infer, with no less confidence, that, on the
failure of Solomon's line, he was the next heir
to the throne of David. It may therefore be
considered as certain that Salathiel was the
son of Neri, and the heir of Jechoniah. As
regards the orthography of the name, it has, as
noted above, two forms iu Hebrew. The A. V.
has Salathiel in 1 Chr. iii. 17, bat everywhere
else in the O. T. Shealtiel.
Sal'cah. A city named in the early records
of Israel as the extreme limit of Basban (Dcut.
iii. 10 ; Jo«h. xiii. 11 ) and of the tribe of Gad
( 1 Chr. v. 1 1 ). On another occasion, the name
seems to denote a district rather than a town
(Josh. xii. 5). It is doubtless identical with
the town of SSikhad, which stands at the south-
ern extremity of the Jebel Hauran, twenty
miles S. of Kunawat (the ancient Kenath),
which was the southern outpost of the Leja,
the Argob of the Bible. Immediately below
SOlkhad commences the plain of the great Eu-
phrates desert. The town is of considerable
size, two to three miles in circumference, sur-
rounding a castle on a lofty isolated hill.
Salchah. Another form of Salcah (Deut.
iii. 10).
Salem. 1. The place of which Melchize-
dek was king (Gen. xiv. 18; Heb. vii. 1, 2).
No satisfactory identification of it is perhaps
possible. The indications of the narrative are
not sufficient to give any clew to its position.
It is not even safe to infer, as some hare done,
that it lay between Damascus and Sodom.
Dr. Wolff, — no mean authority on Oriental
questions, — in a striking passage in his last
work, implies that Salem was — what the author
of the Epistle to the Hebrews understood it to
be — a title, not the name of a place. To re-
vert, however, to the topographical question :
two main opinions have been current from the
earliest ages of interpretation. 1. That of the
Jewish commentators, who with one voice af-
firm that Salem is Jerusalem, on the ground
that Jerusalem is so called in Ps. lxxvi. 2. 2.
Jerome himself, however, is not of the same
opinion. He states, without hesitation, that
the Salem of Melchizedek was not Jerusalem,
but a town near Scythopolis, which in his day
•as still called Salem. Elsewhere he places it
more precisely at eight Roman miles from Scj
thopofis, and gives its then name as Salumia*.
Further he identifies this Salem with the Salint
of St. John the Baptist. 3. Professor Ewald
pronounces that Salem is a town on the farther
side of Jordan, on the road from Damascus to
Sodom, quoting at the same time John iii. 23.
4. A tradition given by Eupolcmus differs in
some important points from the biblical ac-
count. According to this, the meeting took
place in the sanctuary of the city Argarizin,
which is interpreted by Eupolemus to mean
" the Mountain of the Most High." Argarizin
is of course liar Gerizzim. 5. A Salem is men-
tioned in Judith iv. 4 among the places which
were seized and fortified by the Jews on the
approach of Holofemes. If AiXuv is here, ac-
cording to frequent usage, the Jordan Valley,
then the Salem referred to must surely be that
mentioned by Jerome. Or, as is perhaps still
more likely, it refers to another Salim near
Zerin (Jezreel). — 2. Fs. lxxvi. 2. It seems to
be agreed on all hands that Salem is here em-
ployed for Jerusalem, but whether as a mere
abbreviation to suit some exigency of the poet-
ry, and point the allusion to the peace («/m)
which the city enjoyed through the protection
of God, or whether, after a well-known habit
of poets, it is an antique name preferred to the
more modern and familiar one, is a question
not yet decided.
Salim. A place named (John iii. 23) to
denote the situation of .lEnon, the scene of St.
John's last baptisms — Salim being the well-
known town or spot, and .£non a place of
fountains, or other water, near it. Ensebius
and Jerome both affirm unhesitatingly that it
existed in their day near the Jordan, eight Ro-
man miles south of ScythopoliB. Jerome adds
(under "Salem") that its name was then Sa-
lumias. Various attempts have been more re-
cently made to determine the locality of this
interesting spot. 1. Some propose Sbilbim
and Ain, in the arid country far in the south
of Judaea, entirely out of the circle of associa-
tions of St. John or our Lord. Others identify
it with the Shalim of 1 Sam. ix. 4 ; but this
latter place is itself unknown. 2. Dr. Robinson
suggests the modern village of Salim, three
miles E. of Xablus; but this is no less out of
the circle of St. John's ministrations, and is too
near the Samaritans. A writer in the Colonial
Ch. Chron., No. exxvi. 464, who concurs in this
opinion of Dr. Robinson, was told of a village
an hour east (?) of Salim, " named Ain-in, with
a copious stream of water." 3. Dr. Barclay is
rilled with an "assured conviction " that Salim
is to be found in Wady Seleim, and JEnon in
the copious springs of Aim Fatah, amon^ the
deep and intricate ravines some five miles N. E.
of Jerusalem. 4. The name of Salim has been
lately discovered by Mr. Van de Velde in a
position exactly in accordance with the notice
of Eusebius, viz. six English miles south of Bri-
ton, and two miles west of the Jordan. Salim
fulfils also the conditions implied in the name
of ^Enon (springs); and the direct statement of
the text, that the place contained abundance
of water.
Salla'i. 1. A Benjamite, who settled in
Jerusalem after the Captivity (Neb. xi. 8). —
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SALOM
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SALT
2. The head of one of the courses of priests
who went up from Babylon with Zerubbabel
(Neh. xii. 20).
Sallu. L The son of Meshullam, a Ben-
jamite(l Chr.ix. 7; Neh. xi. 7). — 2. Sallai 2
(Neh. xii. 7).
Sallu'mus. Shallcm (1 Esd. ix. 25).
Ap.
Bal'ma, or Sal'mon. Son of Nahshon,
the prince of the children of Judah, and father
of Boaz, the husband of Ruth. On the en-
trance of the Israelites into Canaan, Salmon
took Rahab of Jericho to be his wife, and from
this union sprang the Christ. Two circum-
stances connected with Salmon have caused
some perplexity. One, the variation in the
orthography of his name; the other, an ap-
parent variation in his genealogy. As regards
the first, the variation in proper names is so
extremely common, that such slight differences
are scarcely worth noticing. The variation in
Salma's genealogy is more apparent than real.
It arises from the circumstance, that Bethlehem
Ephratah, which was Salmon's inheritance, was
part of the territory of Caleb, the grandson of
Ephratah; and this caused him to be reckoned
among the sons of Caleb.
Salmana'sar. Shalmanezkh (2 Esd.
xiii. 40). Ap.
Sal'mon. The name of a hill near She-
chem, on which Abimelech and his followers
cut down the boughs with which they set the
Tower of Shechem on fire (Judg. ix. 48). Its
exact position is not known. It is usually sup-
posed that this hill is mentioned in a verse of
perhaps the most difficult of all the Psalms
(Ps. Ixviii. 14) ; and this is probable, though
the passage is peculiarly difficult, and the pre-
cise allusion intended by the poet seems hope-
lessly lost. This is not the place for an ex-
haustive examination of the passage. It may
be mentioned, however, that the literal transla-
tion of the words is, " Thou makest it snow,"
or " It snows," with liberty to use the word
either in the past or in the future tense. As,
notwithstanding ingenious attempts, this sap-
plies no satisfactory meaning, recourse is had
to a translation of doubtful validity, " Thon
makest it white as snow," or " It is white as
snow " — words to which various metaphorical
meanings have been attributed. The allusion
which is most generally received is that the
words refer to the ground being snow-white
with bones after a defeat of the Canaanite kings ;
and this may be accepted by those who will
admit the scarcely permissible meaning, " white
as snow," and who cannot rest satisfied without
attaching some definite signification to the pas-
sage. In despair of understanding the allusion
to Salmon, some suppose that Salmon, it. Ttal-
mdn, is not a proper name in this passage, but
merely signifies " darkness." Unless the pas-
sage is given up as corrupt, it seems more in
accordance with reason to admit that there were
some allusion present to the poet's mind, the
key to which is now lost.
Sal'mon the father of Boaz (Ruth iv. 20,
21 ; Matt i, 4, 5; Luke iii. 32). ISalma.1
Salmo'ne. The east point of the Island
of Crete (Acts xxvii. 7).
Salom. The Greek form, 1. of Shallum,
the father of Hilkiah (Bar. i. 7). [Shallum.]
— 2. Of Sara the father of Zimri (1 Mace. ii.
26). [Salu.] Ap.
Salome. 1. The wife of Zebedee, as ap-
pears from comparing Matt, xxvii. 56 with
Mark xv. 40. It is further the opinion of many
modern critics that she was the sister of Mary,
the mother of Jesus, to whom reference is made
in John xix. 25. The words admit, however,
of another and hitherto generally received ex-
planation, according to which they refer to the
"Mary the wife of Cleophas" immediately
afterwards mentioned. We can hardly regard
the point as settled, though the weight of mod-
ern criticism is decidedly in favor of the former
view. The only events recorded of Salome are
that she preferred a request on behalf of her
two sons for seats of honor in the kingdom of
heaven (Matt. xx. 20), that she attended at the
crucifixion of Jesus (Mark xv. 40), and that
she visited his sepulchre (Mark xvi. 1). She
is mentioned by name only on the two later
occasions. — 2. The daughter of Hcrodias by
her first husband, Herod Philip (Matt. xiv. 6).
She married in the first place Philip the tetrach
of Trachonitis, her paternal uncle ; and, sec-
ondly, Aristobulus, the king of Chalcis.
Salt. Indispensable as salt is to ourselves,
it was even more so to the Hebrews, being to
them not only an appetizing condiment in the
food both of man (Job vi.6) and beast (Is. xxx.
24, see margin), and a most valuable antidote
to the effects of the heat of the climate on
animal food, but also entering largely into their
religious services as an accompaniment to the
various offerings presented on the altar (Lev.
ii. 13). They possessed an inexhaustible and
ready supply of it on the southern shores of the
Dead Sea. [Sea, the Salt.] Salt might
also be procured from the Mediterranean Sea,
and from this source the Phoenicians would
naturally obtain the supply necessary for salt-
ing fish (Neh. xiii. 16) and for other purposes.
The Jews appear to have distinguished between
rock-salt and that which was gamed by evapora-
tion, as the Talmudists particularize oite species
(probably the latter) as the " salt of Sodom."
The salt-pits formed an important source of
revenue to the rulers of the country, and Antic-
chus conferred a valuable boon on Jerusalem
by presenting the city with 375 bushels of salt
for the Temple service. In addition to the
uses of salt already specified, the inferior sorts
were applied as a manure to the soil, or to hasten
the decomposition of dung (Matt. v. 13 ; Luke
xiv. 35). Too large an admixture, however,
was held to produce sterility ; and hence also
arose the custom of sowing with salt the foun-
dations of a destroyed city (Judg. ix. 45), as a
token of its irretrievable ruin. The associa-
tions connected with salt in Eastern countries
are important. As one of the most essential
articles of diet, it symbolized hospitality ; as
an antiseptic, durability, fidelity, and purity.
Hence the expression, " covenant of salt "
(Lev. ii. 13 ; Num. xviii. 19 ; 2 Chr. xiii. 5),
as betokening an indissoluble alliance between
friends ; and again the expression, " salted with
the salt of the palace " (Ezr. iv. 14), not neces-
sarily meaning that they had "maintenance
from the palace," as the A. V. has it, but that
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8ALUTATI0N
828
SAMARIA
they were bound by sacred obligations of fidelity
to the king. So, in the present day, " to eat
bread and salt together" is an expression for a
league of mutual amity. It was probably with
a view to keep this idea prominently before the
minds of the Jews that the use of salt was en-
joined on the Israelites in their offerings to
God.
Salt, City of. The fifth of the six cities
of Juilan which lay in the " wilderness " (Josh,
xv. 62). Dr. Robinson expresses his belief
that it lay somewhere near the plain at the
south end of the Salt Sea. On the other hand,
Mr. Van de Velde mentions a Nakr Malth
which he passed in his route from Wady d-
Rmail to Sebbeh. It is one of four ravines
which unite to form the Wady d-Btdun.
Salt, Valley of. A certain valley, or per-
haps more accurately a " ravine," in which oc-
curred two memorable victories of the Israelite
arms. 1. That of David over the Edomites
(2 Sam. viii. 13; 1 Chr. xviii. 12). 2. That
of Amaziah (2 K. xiv. 7; 2 Chr. xxv. 11).
Neither of these notices affords any clew to the
situation of the Valley of Salt, nor does the
cursory mention of the name ("Gemela" and
" Mela ") in the Onomasticon. By Josephus it
is not named on either occasion. Seetzen was
probably the first to suggest that it was the
broad open plain which lies at the lower end of
the Dead Sea, and intervenes between the lake
itself and the range of heights which crosses
the valley at six or eight miles to the south.
The same view is taken (more decidedly) by
Dr. Robinson. It may be well to call attention
to some considerations which seem to stand in
the way of the implicit reception which most
writers have given it since the publication of
Dr. R.'s Researches, (a.) The word Ge, em-
ployed for the place in question, is not, to the
writer's knowledge, elsewhere applied to a
broad valley or sunk plain of the nature of
the Lower Gh&r. (6.) A priori, one would ex-
pect the tract in question to be called in Scrip-
ture by the peculiar name uniformly applied to
the more northern parts of the same valley —
ha-Arabdh. (c.) The name " Salt," though at
first sight conclusive, becomes less so on reflec-
tion. It does not follow, because the Hebrew
word mdach signifies salt, that therefore ths
valley was salt. Just as d-Milh is the Arabic
representative of the Hebrew Moladah, so pos-
sibly was gemdach the Hebrew representative of
some archaic Edomite name, (a.) What little
can be inferred from the narrative as to the sit-
uation of the Ge-Mclach is in favor of its being
nearer to Petra.
Sa'lu. The father of Zimri the prince of
the Simeonites, who was slain by Phinehas
(Num. xxv. 14). Called also Salom.
Salum. L Shallcm 8 (1 Esd. v. 28).—
2. Shallum 6 (1 Esd. viii. I). Ap.
Salutation. Salutations may be classed
under the two heads of conversational and
epistolary. The salutation At meeting con-
sisted in early times of various expressions of
blessing, such as, " God be gracious unto thee "
(Gen. xliii. 29); "Blessed be thou of the
Cord" (Ruth iii. 10; 1 Sam. xv. 18); "The
Lord be with you," "The Lord bless thee"
'Ruth ii. 4); "The blessing of the Lord bs
upon you ; we bless you in the name of the
Lord (Ps. exxix. 8). Hence the term "bless "
received the secondary sense of " salute." The
Hebrew term used in these instances (shilfim)
has no special reference to " peace," as staled
in the marginal translation, bat to general well-
being, and strictly answers to our " welfare."
The salutation at parting consisted originally
of a simple blessing (Gen. xxiv. 60, xxviii. 1,
xlvii. 10 ; Josh. xxii. 6), but in later times the
term shdl6m was introduced here also in the
form " Go in peace," or rather " Farewell "
(1 Sam. i. 17, xx. 42; 2 Sam. xv. 9). In
modern times, the ordinary mode of address
current in the East resembles the Hebrew, —
Es+ddm ala/leum, " Peace be on you ; " and the
term " salam " has been introduced into our
own language to describe the Oriental saluta-
tion. The epistolary salutations in the period
subsequent to the O. T. were framed on the
model of the Latin style : the addition of the
term " peace " may, however, be regarded as a
vestige of the old Hebrew form (2 Mace. i. 1 ).
The writer placed his own name first, and then
that of tbe person whom he saluted ; it was
only in special cases that this order was re-
versed (2 Mace. i. 1, ix. 19; 1 Esd. vi. 7). A
combination of the first and third persons in
the terms of the salutation was not unfrequenl
(Gal. i. 1, 2 ; Philem. 1 ; 2 Pet. i. 1 ). A form
of prayer for spiritual mercies was also used.
The concluding salutation consisted occasion-
ally of a translation of tbe Latin vaJete (Acta
xv. 29, xxiii. 30), but more generally of the
term (unraCpiuu., " I salute," or the cognate sub-
stantive, accompanied by a prayer for peace or
grace.
Sam'ael, a variation for (margin) Sals>
micl [Shelumiel] in Jud. viii. 1. An.
Samai'as. 1. Shemaiah 23 (1 Esd. i. 9).
— 2. Shemaiah (1 Esd. viii. 39). — 8. The
" great Samaias," father of Ananias and Jona-
than (Tob. v. 13). An.
Samaria (Hcb. Shomerfa), a city of Pales-
tine. The word Shomerdn means, etymoloci-
cally, " pertaining to a watch," or " a watch-
mountain ; " and we should almost be inclined
to think that the peculiarity of the situation
of Samaria gave occasion to its name. In the
territory originally belonging to the tribe of
Joseph, about six miles to the north-west of
Shechem, there is a wide basin-shaped valley,
encircled with high hills, almost on the edge of
the great plain which borders upon the Medi-
terranean. In the centre of this basin, which
is on a lower level than the Valley of Shechem,
rises a less elevated oblong bill, with steep yet
accessible sides, and a long flat top. This hill
was chosen by Omri as the site of the capital
of the kingdom of Israel. He " bought the
hill of Samaria of Shemer for two talents of
silver, and built on the hill, and called tbe
name of the city which he built, after tbe name
of tbe owner of the hill, Samaria " (1 K. xvi.
23, 24). From the date of Omri'a purchase,
B.C. 925, Samaria retained its dignity as the
capital of the ten tribes. Ahab built a temple
to Baal there (1 K. xvi. 32, 33) ; and from this
circumstance a portion of the city, possibly
fortified by a separate wall, was called "the
city of tbe house of Baal " (2 K. x. 29). Sa-
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SAMARIA
SAMARIA
maria mast have been a place of great strength.
It was twice besieged by the Syrians, in B.C.
901 (I K. xx. 1) and in B.C. 892 (2 K. vi. 24-
vii. 20) ; bnt on both occasions the siege was
ineffectual. The possessor of Samaria was con-
sidered de facto lung of Israel (2 K. xv. 13, 14) ;
and woes denounced against the nation were
directed against it by name (Is. vii. 9, &c.). In
B.C. 721, Samaria was taken, after a siege of
three years, by Shalmaneser king of Assyria
(2 K. xviii. 9, 10), and the kingdom of the ten
tribes was brought to an end. Some years
afterwards, the district of which Samaria was
the centre was repeopled by Esarhaddon ; but
we do not hear especially of the city until the
days of Alexander the Great. That conqueror
took the city, which seems to have somewhat
recovered itself, killed a large portion of the
inhabitants, and suffered the remainder to settle
at Sbechem. He replaced them by a colon? of
Syro-Macedonians. These Syro-Macedonians
occupied the city until the time of John Hyr-
canus, who took it after a year's siege, and did
his best to demolish it entirely. After this
disaster (which occurred in B.C. 109), the Jews
inhabited what remained of the city ; at least
we find it in their possession in the time of
Alexander Janmeus, and until Pompey gave it
back to the descendants of its original inhabit-
ants. By directions of Gabinius, Samaria and
other demolished cities were rebuilt But its
more effectual rebuilding was undertaken by
Herod the Great. He called it Sebaste, Icpavrii
— Augusta, after the name of his patron. How
long Samaria maintained its splendor after
Herod's improvements, we are not informed.
In the N. T. the city itself does not appear to
be mentioned, bat rather a portion of the dis-
trict to which, even in older times, it had ex-
tended its name (Matt. x. 5; John iv. 4, 5).
Henceforth its history is very unconnected.
Septimius Sevcrus planted a Roman colony
there in the beginning of the third century.
Sebaste fell into At hands of the Mohamme-
dans during the siege of Jerusalem. At this
day, the city of Omri and of Herod is repre-
sented by a small village retaining few vestiges
of the past except its name, Sebustiyeh, an
Arabic corruption of Sebaste. Some architect-
ural remains it has, partly of Christian con-
struction or adaptation, as the ruined church
of St. John the Baptist, partly, perhaps, traces
of Idumaan magnificence. St. Jerome, whose
acquaintance with Palestine imparts a sort of
probability to the tradition which prevailed so
strongly in later days, asserts that Sebaste,
which he invariably identifies with Samaria,
was the place in which St John the Baptist
was imprisoned and suffered death. He also
makes it the burial-place of the prophets Elisha
and Obadiab. — 2. The Samaria named in the
present text of 1 Mace. v. 66 is evidently an
error. The true correction is doubtless sup-
plied by Josephos, who has Marissa (i.e. Ma-
rkbha).
3. Samaria, Samaritans. — In the strict-
est sense of the term, a Samaritan would be
an inhabitant of the city of Samaria. But it is
not fonnd at all in this sense, exclusively at any
rate, in the 0. T. In fact, it only occurs there
once, and then in a wider signification, in 2 K.
xvii. 29. There it is employed to designate
those whom the king of Assyria had " placed
in the cities of Samaria instead of the children
of Israel." Samaria at first included all the
tribes over which Jeroboam made himself king,
whether east or west of the River Jordan (1 K.
xiii. 32). In other places in the historical
books of the 0. T. (with the exception of 2 K.
xvii. 24, 26, 28, 29), Samaria seems to denote
the city exclusively. But the prophets use the
word in a greatly extended sense. Hence the
word " Samaritan " must hare denoted every one
subject to the king of the northern capital.
But whatever extent the word might have ac-
quired, it necessarily became contracted as the
limits of the kingdom of Israel became con-
tracted. In all probability, the territory of Sim-
eon and that of Dan were very early absorbed
in the kingdom of Judah. This would be one
limitation. Next, in B.C. 771 and 740 respec-
tively, " Pul king of Assyria, and Tilgath-pil-
neser king of Assyria, carried away the Reu-
benites and the Gadites, and the half-tribe of
Manasseh " (1 Chr. v. 26). This would be a
second limitation. But the latter of these kings
went further : " He took Ijon, and Abcl-bcth-
maachah, and Janoah, and Kedesh, and Hazor,
and Gilead, and Galilee, all the land of Naph-
tali. and carried them captive to Assyria"
(2 K. xv. 29). This would be a third limita-
tion. But we have yot to arrive at a fourth
limitation of the kingdom of Samaria, and, by
consequence, of the word " Samaritan." It is
evident from an occurrence in Hezekiah's reign,
that just before the deposition and death of
Hoshea, the last king of Israel, the authority
of the king of Judah, or at least his influence,
was recognized by portions of Asher, Issachnr,
and Zebulun, and even of Ephraim and Manasseh
(2 Chr. xxx. 1-26). Men came from all those
tribes to the Passover at Jerusalem. This was
about B.C. 726. Samaria (the city), and a few
adjacent cities or villages only, represented that
dominion which had once extended from Bethel
to Dan northwards, and from the Mediterra-
nean to the borders of Syria and Amman cast-
wards. This brings us more closely to the
second point of our discussion, the origin of
those who are, in 2 K. xvii. 29, and in the
N. T., called Samaritans. Shalmaneser, as we
have seen (2 K. xvii. 5, 6, 26), carried Israel,
i.e. the remnant of the ten tribes which still ac-
knowledged Hoshea's authority, into Assyria.
This remnant consisted, as has been shown, of
Samaria (the city) and a few adjacent cities aud
villages. Now, 1 . Did he carry away all their
inhabitants, or no? 2. Whether they were
wholly or only partially desolated who replaced
the deported population 1 In reference to the
former of these inquiries, it may be observed
that the language of Scripture admits of scarce-
ly a doubt " Israel was carried away " (2 K.
xvii. 6, 23), and other nations were placed " in
the cities of Samaria instead of the children of
Israel" (2 K. xvii. 24). There is no mention
whatever, as in the case of the somewhat par-
allel destruction of the kingdom of Judah, of
" the poor of the land being left to be vine-
dressers and husbandmen " (2 K. xxv. 12).
We may then conclude that the cities of Sama-
ria were not merely partially but wholly evacu-
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SAMARIA
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SAMARIA
ated of their inhabitants in B.C. 721, and that
they remained in this desolated state until, in
the words of 2 K. xvii. 24, " the king of Assyria
brought men from Babylon, and from Cutnab,
and from Ava (Ivan, 2 K. xviii. 34), and from
Hamatb, and from Sepharvaim, and placed
them in the cities of Samaria instead of the
children of Israel ; and they possessed-Samaria,
and dwelt in the cities thereof." Thus the new
Samaritans — for such we must now call them
— were Assyrians by birth or subjugation,
were utterly strangers in the cities of Samaria,
and were exclusively the inhabitants of those
cities. An incidental question, however, arises,
Who was the king of Assyria that effected this
colonization ? The Samaritans themselves, in
Ezr. iv. 2, 10, attributed their colonization not
to Shalmaneser, but to " Esar-haddon king of
Assur," or to " the great and noble Asnapper,"
either the king himself or one of his generals
(about B.C. 677). The fact, too, that some of
these foreigners came from Babylon would seem
to direct us to Esar-haddon, rather than to his
grandfather, Shalmaneser. And there is an-
other reason why this date should be preferred.
It coincides with the termination of the sixty-
five years of Isaiah's prophecy, delivered B.C.
742, within which " Ephraiin should be broken
that it should not be a people " (Is. vii. 8). These
strangers, whom we will now assume to have
been placed in "the cities of Samaria" by
Esar-haddon, were, of course, idolaters, and wor-
shipped a strange medley of divinities. God's
displeasure was kindled, and they were infested
by beasts of prey, which had probably increased
to a great extent before their entrance upon it.
On their explaining their miserable condition
to the king of Assyria, he despatched one of
the captive priests to teach them "how they
should fear the Lord." The priest came ac-
cordingly ; and henceforth, in the language of
the sacred historian, they "feared the Lord,
and served their graven images, both their
children and their children's children : as did
their fathers, so do they unto this day " (2 K.
xvii. 41 ). Such was the origin of the post-cap-
tivity or new Samaritans, — men not of Jewish
extraction, but from the farther East. A gap
occurs in their history until Judah has returned
from captivity. They then desire to be allowed
to participate in the rebuilding of the Temple
at Jerusalem. But they do not call it a national
undertaking. They advance no pretensions to
Jewish blood. They confess their Assyrian
descent, and even put it forward ostentatiously,
perhaps to enhance the merit of their partial
conversion to God. Ezra, no doubt, from
whose pen we have a record of the transaction,
saw them through and through. On this the
Samaritans throw off the mask, and become
oixMi enemies, frustrate the operations of the
Jews through the reigns of two Persian kings,
and are only effectually silenced in the reign of
Darius llystaspis, B.C. 519. The feud, thus
unhappily begun, grew year by year more in-
veterate. Matters at length came to a climax.
About B.C. 409, a certain Manasseh, a man of
priestly lineage, on being expelled from Jeru-
salem by Nehetniah for an unlawful marriage,
obtained permission from the Persian king of
his day, Darius Nothus, to build a temple on
Mount Gerizim, for the Samaritans, with whom
he had found refuge. The animosity of the
Samaritans became more intense than ever.
They are said to have done every thing in their
power to annoy the Jews. Their own temple
on Gerizim they considered to be much superior
to that at Jerusalem. There they sacrificed a
passover. Towards the mountain, even after
the temple on it had fallen, wherever they
were, they directed their worship. To their
copy of the Law, they arrogated an antiquity
and authority greater than attached to any copy
in the possession of the Jews. The Law (i.r.
the five books of Moses) was their sole code ;
for they rejected every other book in the Jewish
canon. The Jews, on the other hand, were not
more conciliatory in their treatment of the
Samaritans. The copy of the Law possessed
by that people they declared to be the legacy
of an apostate (Manasseh), and cast grave sus-
picions upon its genuineness. Certain other
Jewish renegades had from time to time taken
refuge with the Samaritans. Hence, by de-
grees, the Samaritans claimed to partake of
Jewish blood, especially if doing so happened
to suit their interest. A remarkable instance
of this is exhibited in a request which they
made to Alexander the Great, about B.C. 332.
They desired to be excused payment of tribute
in the sabbatical year, on the plea, that as true
Israelites, descendants of Ephraiin and Ma.
nassch, sons of Joseph, they refrained from
cultivating their land in that year. Another
instance of claim to Jewish descent appears in
the words of the woman of Samaria to our
Lord, John iv. 12, " Art thou greater than our
rather Jacob, who gave us the well ? " Very
far were the Jews from admitting this claim
to consanguinity on the part of this people.
They were ever reminding them that they
were, after all, mere Cuthseans, mere strangers
from Assyria. The traditional hatred in which
the Jew held the Samaritan is expressed in
Ecelus. 1. 25, 26. And so long was it before
such a temper could be banished from the
Jewish mind, that we find even the apostles
believing that an inhospitable slight shown by
a Samaritan village to Christ would be not un-
duly avenged by calling down fire from heaven.
Such were the Samaritans of our Lord's day ;
a people distinct from the Jews, though lying
in the very midst of the Jews ; a people pre-
serving their identity, though seven centuries
had rolled away since thev had been brought
from Assyria by Esar-haddon, and though they
had abandoned their polytheism for a sort of
ultra Mosaicism ; a people, who — though
their limits had gradually contracted, and the
rallying-place of their religion on Mount Geri-
zim had neen destroyed one hundred and sixty
years before by John Hyrcantis (B.C. 130), and
though Samaria (the city) had been again and
again destroyed, and though their territory ha i
been the battle-field of Syria and Egvpt — stil
preserved their nationality, still worshipped fro..i
Shechem and their impoverished settlements
towards their sacred hill ; still retained their
nationality, and could not coalesce with the
Jews. Not indeed that we must suppose that
the whole of the country called in our Lord':
time Samaria was in the possession of th
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SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
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SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
Cutluean Samaritans, or that it had ever been
so. It was bounded northward by the range
of hills which commences at Mount Carmel on
the west, and, after making a bend to the south-
west, runs almost due east to the Valley of
the Jordan, forming the southern border of the
Plain of Esdraelon. It touched towards the
south, as nearly as possible, the northern limits
of Benjamin. Thus it comprehended the an-
cient territory of Ephraim, and of those Manas-
sites who were west of Jordan. The Cuttuean
Samaritans, however, possessed only a tew
towns and Tillages of this large area, and these
lay almost together in the centre of the district.
At Nablus, the Samaritans have still a settle-
ment, consisting of about 200 persons. The view
maintained in the above remarks, as to the
purely Assyrian origin of the New Samaritans,
is that of Suicer, Reland, Hammond, Drosius
in the Criici Sacti, Maldonatus, Hengsten-
berg, Havernick, Robinson, and Abp. Trench.
Others, as Winer, Dollinger, and Dr. Davidson,
have held a different view, which may be ex-
pressed thus in Ddllinger's own words: "In
the northern part of the Promised Land (as
opposed to Judna proper) there grew up a
mingled race which drew its origin from the
remnant of the Israelites who were left behind
in the country on the removal of the Ten
Tribes, and also from the heathen colonists
who were transplanted into the cities of Israel
Their religion was as hybrid as their extrac-
tion: they worshipped Jehovah, but, in addi-
tion to Him, also the heathen idols of Phoeni-
cian origin which they had brought from their
native land" [Hadenthum void Judenthum, p.
739, § 7).
Samaritan Pentateuch, a recension of
the commonly received Hebrew Text of the
Mosaic Law, in use with the Samaritans, and
written in the ancient Hebrew (Ibri), or so-
called Samaritan character. This recension is
found vaguely quoted by some of the early
Fathers of the Church, under the name of
" ndKaioroTW 'Efipaiitbv rd irapa SauapciTaij."
Eusebias of C«3sarca observes that the LXX.
and the Sara. Pent, agree against the Received
Text in the number of years from the Deluge
to Abraham. Cyril of Alexandria speaks of
certain words (Gen. iv. 8), wanting in the He-
brew, bnt found in the Samaritan. The Tal-
mud, on the other hand, mentions the Sam.
Pent, distinctly and contemptuously as a clum-
sily forged record. Down to within the lost
two hundred and fifty years, however, no copy
of this divergent Code of Laws had reached
Europe, and it began to be pronounced a fic-
tion, and the plain words of the Church-Fathers,
— the better Known authorities, — who quoted
it, were subjected to subtle interpretations.
Suddenly, in 16I6, Pietro della Valle, one of
the first discoverers also of the Cuneiform in-
scriptions, acquired a complete codex from the
Samaritans in Damascus. In 1623, it was pre-
sented by Achille Harley de Sancy to the Li-
brary of the Oratory in Paris, and in 1 628 there
appeared a brief description of it by J. Morinus
in his preface to the Roman text of the LXX.
It was published in the Paris Polyglot, whence
it was copied, with few emendations from other
codices, by Walton. The number of MSS. in
Europe gradually grew to sixteen. During the
present century, another, but very fragmentary
copy, was acquired by the Gotha Library. A
copv of the entire (?) Pentateuch, with Targum
(' Sam. Version), in parallel columns, 4to, on
parchment, was brought from Nablus by Mr.
Grove in 1861 , for the Comte de Paris, in whose
library it is. Respecting the external condition
of these MSS., it may be observed that their
sizes vary from 12mo to folio, and that no
scroll, such as the Jews and the Samaritans
use in their synagogues, is to be found among
them. Their material is vellum or cotton-
paper; the ink used is. black in all cases, save
the scroll used by the Samaritans at Nablus, the
letters of which are in gold. There are neither
vowels, accents, nor diacritical points. The
individual words are separated from each other
by a dot. Greater or smaller divisions of the
text are marked by two dots placed one above
the other, and by an asterisk. A small lina
above a consonant indicates a peculiar meaning
of the word, an unusual form, a passive, ana
the like : it is, in fact, a contrivance to bespeak
attention. The whole Pentateuch is divided
into nine hundred and sixty-four paragraphs, or
Kazan, the termination of which is indicated
by these figures, =, .*., or <• To none of the
MSS. which have as yet reached Europe can
be assigned a higher date than the 10th Chris-
tian century. The scroll used in N&blut is said
by the Samaritans to have been written by
Abishua the son of Phinehas. Its true date is
not known. The Exercitationes of Morinus,
which placed the Samaritan Pentateuch far
above the Received Text in point of genuine-
ness, excited and kept up for nearly two hun-
dred years one of the most extraordinary con-
troversies on record. Characteristically enough,
hefwever, this was set at rest once for all by the
very first systematic investigation of the point
at issue. Ravius succeeded in finally disposing
of this point of the superiority (Exercitt. Phil
in Houbig. Pro/. Lugd. Bat. 1755). It was
from his day forward allowed, almost on all
hands, that the Masoretic text was the genuine
one, but that in doubtful cases, when the Sa-
maritan had an " unquestionably clearer " read-
ing, this was to be adopted, since a certain
amount of value, however limited, did attach to
it Here the matter rested until 1815, when
Gesenius [De Pent. Sam. Origine, Indole, et Auc-
toritate) abolished the remnant of the authority
of the Sam. Pent. We will now proceed to lay
specimens of these once so highly prized variants
before the reader, in order that he may judge for
himself. We shall follow in this the commonly
received arrangement of Gesenius, who divides
all these readings into eight classes ; to which,
as we shall afterwards show, Frankcl has sug-
gested the addition of two or three others,
while Kircbheim enumerates thirteen, which
we will name hereafter. 1. The Jirst class,
then, consists of readings by which emendations
of a grammatical nature have been attempted.
(a.) The quiescent letters, or so-called matres
ifctionu, arc supplied, (ft.) The more poetical
forms of the pronouns, probably less known to
the Sam., are altered into the more common
ones, (c.) The same propensity for completing
apparently incomplete forms is noticeable in the
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8AMARITAN PENTATEUCH 832 SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
flection of the verba, (rf.) On the other hand,
the paragogical letters 1 and i at the end of
nonns are almost universally struck out by the
Sam. corrector; and, in the ignorance of the
existence of nouns of a common gender, he has
given them genders according to his fancy.
I«.) The infin. ubsol. is, in the quaintest man-
ner possible, reduced to the form of the finite
verb. For obsolete or rare forms, the modern
and more common ones have been substituted
in a great uumber of places. 2. The second
class of variants consists of glosses and inter-
pretations received into the text. 3. The third
class exhibits conjectural emendations of real
or imaginary difficulties in the Masoretic text.
4. The fourth class exhibits readings in which
apparent deficiencies have been corrected or
supplied from parallel passages in the common
text 5. The fifth class is an extension of the
one immediately preceding, and comprises larger
phrases, additions, and repetitions from parallel
passages. 6. To the sixth class belong those
" emendations " of passages and words of the
Hebrew text which contain something objec-
tionable in the eyes of the Samaritans, on ac-
count cither of historical improbability or ap-
parent want of dignity in the terms applied to
the Creator. Thus in the Sam. Pent, no one
in the antedeluvian times begets his first son
after he has lived 150 years; but one hundred
years are, where necessary, subtracted before,
and added after, tho birth of the first son.
An exceedingly important and often-dis-
cussed emendation of this class is the passage
in Ex. xii. 40, which in our text reads, " Now
the sojourning of the children of Israel who
dwelt in Egypt was four hundred and thirty
years." The Samaritan has " The sojourning
of the children of Israel [and tlttir fathers who
dwelt in the land of Canaan and in the land'of
Egypt] was four hundred and thirty years:"
an interpolation of very late date indeed. Again,
in Gen. ii. 2, " And God [*| had finished on
the seventh day " is altered into " the sixth,"
l«st God's rest'on the sabbath-day might seem
incomplete. 7. The seventh class comprises
what we might briefly call Samnritanisms, i.e.
certain Hebrew forms, translated into the idio-
matic Samaritan. 8. The eighth and last class
contains alterations made in favor or on behalf of
Samaritan theology, hermenentics, and domes-
tic worship. Thus the word Elohim, four times
construed with the plural verb in the Hebrew
Pentateuch, is in the Samaritan Pent, joined
to the singular verb (Gen. xx. 13, xxxi. 53,
xxxv. 7 ; Ex. xxii. 9) ; and further, anthropo-
morphisms as well as anthropopathisms are
carefully expunged, — a practice very common
in later times. The last and perhaps most mo-
mentous of all intentional alterations is the
constant change of all the phrases, " God will
choose a spot," into " He has chosen," viz.
Gerizim, and the well-known substitution of
Gcrizim for Ebal in Dcut. xxvii. 4 (A. V. 5).
In Exodus as well as in Deuteronomy, the Sam.
has, immediately after the Ten Commandments,
the following insertions from Dcut. xxvii. 2-7
and xi. 30 : " And it shall be on the day when ye
shall pass over Jordan . . . ye shall set up these
stones ... on Mount Gerizim . . . ana there
shalt thou build an altar . . . ' That mountain '
on the other side Jordan by the way where the
sun gocth down ... in the champaign over
against Gilgal, beside the plains of Moreh, ' oner
at/ainst Sheaiem ;'" — this last superfluous addi-
tion, which is also found In Deut xi. 30 of toe
Sam. Pent, being ridiculed in the Talmud.
From the immense number of these worse than
worthless variants, Gesenius has singled out
four, which he thinks preferable on the whole
to those of the Masoretic Text. We will eon-
fine ourselves to mentioning them, and refer
the reader to the recent commentaries upon
them : he will find that they too have since
been all but unanimously rejected. (1.) Af-
ter the words, " And Cain spoke to his brother
Abel " (Gen. iv. 8), the Sam. adds, " let as go
into the field." (2.) In Gen. xxii. 13, the Sam.
reads, instead of "behind him a ram," "ax
ram." (3.) For (Gen. xlix. 14) "an ass of
bone," i.e. a strong ass, the Sam. has " an ass
of strangers." And (4.) for " he led forth his
trained servants" (Gen. xiv. 14), the Sam.
reads " he numbered." Important additions to
this list hare been made by Frankel, such as
the Samaritans' preference of the imperii, for
the 3d pcrs. ; ignorance of the nse of the abl.
absol. ; Galilcanisms, — to which also belong
the permutation of the letters Ahevi in the Sa-
maritan Cod. ; the occasional softening down
of the ft into a, of a into 3, s into i, tc, and
chiefly the presence of words and phrases in the
Sam. which are tut interpolated from parallel
passages, but are entirely wanting in our text
frankel derives from these passages chiefly the
conclusion that the Sam. Pent, was, partly tt
least, emendated from the LXX., Onkclos, and
other very late sources. We now subjoin, for
the sake of completeness, the before-mentioned
thirteen classes of Ktrchheim. 1. Additions
and alterations in the Samaritan Pentateuch in
favor of Gcrizim. 2. Additions for the par-
pose of completion. 3. Commentary, glosses.
4. Change of verbs and moods. 5. Change of
nonns. 6. Emendation of seeming irregulari-
ties by assimilating forms, &c 7. Permutation
of letters. 8. Pronouns. 9. Gender 10. Let-
ters added. 11. Addition of prepositions, con-
junctions, articles, &c. 12. Junction of sepa-
rated, and separation of joined words. 13.
Chronological alterations.
For our own part we cannot bnt think that
as long as — (1) the history of the Samaritans
remains involved in the obscurities of which a
former article will have given an account ; (2)
we are restricted to a small number of com-
paratively recent codices; (3) neither these
codices themselves have, as has just been ob-
served, been thoroughly collated and rccollate.1 ;
nor (4) more than a feeble lieginning lias bctn
made with any tiling like a collation between
the various readings of the Sam. Pent and the
LXX., — so long must we have a variety of the
most divergent opinions, all based on " proba-
bilities," which arc designated on the other
side as " false reasonings " and " individual
crotchets," and which, moreover, not unfre-
qnently start from flagrantly false premises.
We shall, under these cirenmstancea, confine
ourselves to a simple enumeration of the lead-
ing opinions, and the chief reasons and argu-
ments alleged for and against them : — (1.) Th»
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SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH 833 SAMARITAN PENTATEPCH
Samaritan Pentateuch came into the hands of
the Samaritans as an inheritance from the ten
tribes whom they succeeded. Because (a.) It
seems improbable that the Samaritans should
hare accepted their code at the hands of the
Jews after the Exile, since there existed an in-
tense hatred between the two nationalities. (6.)
The Samaritan Canon has only the Pentateuch
in common with the Hebrew Canon : had that
book been received at a period when the Hagio-
grapha and the Prophets were in the Jews'
hands, it would be surprising if they had not
also received those, (c.) The Sam. letters,
avowedly the more ancient, are found in the
Sam. Cod. : therefore it was written before the
alteration of the character into the square He-
brew — which dates from the end of the Exile —
took place. On the other side it is argued : —
(a.) There existed no religious animosity what-
soever between Judah and Israel when they
separated. The ten tribes could not therefore
have bequeathed such an animosity to those
who succeeded them. On the contrary, the
contest between the slowly Judaized Samari-
tans and the Jews, only dates from the moment
when the latter refused to recognize the claims
of the former, of belonging to the people of
God, and rejected their aid in building the
Temple. (6.) The jealousy with which the
Samaritans regarded Jerusalem, and the in-
tense hatred which they naturally conceived
against the post-Mosaic writers of national
Jewish history, would sufficiently account for
their rejecting the other books, in all of which,
save Joshua, Judges, and Job, either Jerusa-
lem, as the centre of worship, or David and his
house, are extolled, (c.) The present Hebrew
character was not introduced by Ezra after the
return from the Exile, but came into use at a
much later period. The Samaritans might
therefore have received the Pentateuch at the
bands of the returned exiles, who, according to
the Talmud, afterwards changed their writing,
and in the Pentateuch only, so as to distinguish
it from the Samaritan.
(2.) The second leading opinion on the age
and origin of the Sam. Pent, is that it was in-
troduced by Manasseh at the time of the foun-
dation of the Samaritan Sanctuary on Mount
Gerizim. In support of this opinion are al-
leged the idolatry of the Samaritans before
they received a Jewish priest through Esar-had-
don (2 K. xvii. 24-33), and the immense num-
ber of readings common to the LXX. and this
code, against the Masoretic Text. (3.) Other,
but very isolated notions, are those of Morin,
Le Clerc, Poncet, &c., that the Israelitish priest
sent by the king of Assyria to instruct the new
inhabitants in the religion of the country
brought the Pentateuch with him. Further,
that the Samaritan Pentateuch was the pro-
duction of an impostor, Dositheus, who lived
during the time of the apostles, and who
falsified the sacred records in order to prove
that he was the Messiah (Ussher). Against
which there is only this to be observed, that
there is not the slightest alteration of such a
nature to be found. Finally, that it is a very
late and faulty recension, made after the Ma-
soretic Text (sixth century after Christ), into
which glosses from the LXX. had been received
106
(Frankel). The chief opinion? ..ith respect
to the agreement of the numerous und as yet
uninvestigated readings of the LXX. and the
Sam. Pent, are : — 1 . That the LXX. have
translated from the Sam. 2. That mutual in-
terpolations have taken place. 3. That both
versions were formed from Hebrew codices,
which differed among themselves as well as
from the one which afterwards obtained public
authority in Palestine; that, however, very
many wilful corruptions and interpolations
have crept in in later times. 4. That the Sa-
mar. has in the main been altered from the
LXX. It must, on the other hand, be stated
also, that the Sam. and LXX. quite as often
disagree with each other, and follow each the
Masor. Text Also that the quotations in the
N. T. from the LXX., where they coincide with
the Sam. against the Hebr. Text, are so small
in number, and of so unimportant a nature, that
they cannot be adduced as any argument what-
soever.
II. Versions. — 1. Samaritan. — According
to the Samaritans themselves, their high-priest
Nathaniel, who died about 20 B.C., is its author
Gesenius puts its date a few years after Christ.
Juynboll thinks that it had long been in use in
the second post-Christian century. Frankel
places it in the post-Mohammedan time. It
seems certain, however, that it was composed
before the destruction of the second temple;
and being intended, like the Targums, for the
use of the people exclusively, it was written in
the popular Samaritan idiom, a mixture of
Hebrew, Aramaic, and Syriac. In this version,
the original has been followed, with a very few
exceptions, in a slavish and sometimes perfectly
childish manner ; the sense evidently being of
minor consideration. In other cases, where no
Samaritan equivalent could be found for the
Hebrew word, the translator, instead of para-
phrasing it, simply transposes its letters, so as
to make it look Samaritan. On the whole, it
may be considered a very valuable aid towards
the study of the Samar. Text, on account of
its very close verbal adherence. A few cases,
however, may be brought forward, where the
Version has departed from the Text, either
under the influence of popular religious no-
tions, or for the sake of explanation. Anthro-
pomorphisms are avoided. A great difficulty
is offered by the proper names which this ver-
sion often substitutes, they being, in many
cases, less intelligible than the original ones.
The similarity it has with Onkelos occasionally
amounts to complete identity ; but no safe con-
clusion as to the respective relation of the two
versions can be drawn from this. This version
has likewise, in passing through the hands of
copyists and commentators, suffered many in-
terpolations and corruptions. The first copy
of it was brought to Europe by De la Valle,
together with the Sam. Text, in 1616. Job.
Nedrinns first published it together with a
faulty Latin translation in the Paris Polyglot,
whence it was, with a few emendation's, re-
printed in Walton, with some notes by Castell.
2. Td Sa/taociTiKov. The hatred between the
Samaritans and the Jews is supposed to hare
caused the former to prepare a Greek transla-
tion of their Pent, in opposition to the LXX
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SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH 834 SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
of the Jews. In this way, at least the exist-
ence of certain fragments of a Greek version
of the Sam. Pent., preserved in some MSS. of
the LXX., together with portions of Aquila,
Symmachus, Theodotion, 4c., is accounted for.
These fragments are supposed to be alluded
to by the Greek Fathers under the name Xapa-
ptirucav. It is doubtful, however, whether it
ever existed in the shape of a complete trans-
lation, or only designated a certain number
of scholia translated from the Sam. Version.
Other critics again see in it only a corrected
edition of certain passages of the LXX. 3.
In 1070, an Arabic version of the Sam. Pent
was made by Abn Said in Egypt, on the basis
of the Arabic translation of Saadiah haggaon.
Like the original Samaritan, it avoids anthro-
pomorphisms and anthropopathisms, replacing
the latter by euphemisms, besides occasionally
making some slight alterations, more espe-
cially in proper nouns. It appears to have
been drawn up from the Sam. Text, not from
the Sam. Version. Often, also, it renders the
original different from the Samar. Version. 4.
To this Arabic version, Abn Barachat, a Syrian,
wrote in 1208 a somewhat paraphrastic* com-
mentary, which has by degrees come to be
looked upon as a new version, — the Syriac.
III. Samaritan Literature. — It may
perhaps not be superfluous to add here a con-
cise account of the Samaritan literature in
general, since, to a certain degree, it bears upon
our subject 1. Chroniam Samaritanum. — Of
the Pentateuch and its versions we have spoken.
We have also mentioned that the Samaritans
have no other book of our Received Canon.
Joshua alone seems to have found favor in
their eyes ; but the Book of Joshua, which they
perhaps possessed in its original form, gradu-
ally came to form only the groundwork of a
fictitious national Samaritan history, over-
grown with the most fantastic and anachronis-
tic legends. This is the so-called " Samaritan
Joshua," or Ckronicon Samaritamm, sent to
■JScnligcr by the Samaritans of Cairo in 1584.
It was edited by Jnvnboll (Leyden, 1843) ; and
his acute investigations have shown that it was
redacted into its present form about a.d. 1300,
out of four special documents, three of which
were Arabic, and one Hebrew (i.e. Samaritan).
The chronicle embraces the time from Joshua
to about a.d. 350, and was originally written
in, or subsequently translated into, Arabic. 3.
From this work chiefly has been compiled
another Chronicle, written in the 14th century
(1355) by Abul Fatah. This comprises the
history of the Jews and Samaritans from Adam
to ah. 756 and 798 (a.d. 1355 and 1397) re-
spectively. It is of equally low historical
value; its only remarkable feature being the
adoption of certain Talmudical legends, which
it took at second hand from Josippon ben
Gorion. 3. Another " historical " work is on
the history and genealogy of the patriarchs,
from Adam to Moses, attributed to Moses him-
self; perhaps the same which Petermann saw
at Nablus, and which consisted of sixteen vel-
lum leaves (supposed, however, to contain the
history of the world down to the end). 4. Of
other Samaritan works chiefly in Arabic —
their Samaritan and Hebrew literature having
mostly been destroyed by the Emperor Coin-
modus — may be briefly mentioned Commen-
taries upon the whole or parts of their Penta-
teuch, by Zadaka b. Manga b. Zadaka ; farther,
by Maddin Eddin Jussuf b. Abi Said b. Kha-
lef ; by Ghazal Ibn Abu-1-Surur Al-Safawi Al-
Ghazzi (a.h. 1167-8, a.d. 1753-4, BritMu.),
&c Theological works chiefly in Arabic,
mixed with Samaritanisms, by Abul Hmm
of Tyre, On the Religious Manners and Customs
of the Samaritaru, and the World to Come ; by
Mowaffek Eddin Zadaka el Israili, A Compen-
dium of Religion, on the Nature of the Divine
Being, on Man, on the Worship of God; bv
Amin Eddin Abu'l Baracat, On the Ten Com-
mandments; by Abu'l Hassan Ibn el Marknm
Gonajem ben Abulfaraj' Ibn Chatar, On Pen-
ance; by Muhaddib Eddin Jussuf Ibn Salamah
Ibn Jussuf Al Askari, An Exposition of the
Mosaic Laws, 4c Some grammatical works
may be further mentioned, by Abu Ishak
Ibrahim, On the Hebrew Language; by Aba
Said, On reading the Hebrew Text. 5. Tbeir
liturgical literature is more extensive, and not
without a certain poetical value. It consists
chiefly of hymns (Differ Durrin) and prayers
for Sabbath and Feast days, and of occasional
prayers at nuptials, circumcisions, burials, and
the like.
IV. We shall only briefly touch here, in con-
clusion, upon the strangely contradictory rab-
binical laws framed for the regulation of the
intercourse between the two rival nationalities
of Jews and Samaritans in religious and ritual
matters ; discrepancies due partly to the ever-
shifting phases of their mutual relations, partly
to the modifications brought about in the
Samaritan creed, and partly to the now less,
now greater, acquiescence of the Jews in the
religious state of the Samaritans. Thus we
find the older Talmndical authorities disputing
whether the Cuthim (Samaritans) are to be
considered as " Real Converts " or only con-
verts through fear — " Lion Converts — in
allusion to the incident related in 2 K. xvii. 25.
It would appear that, notwithstanding their re-
jection of all but the Pentateuch, they had
adopted many traditional religious practices
from the Jews, — principally such as were de-
rived direct from the Books of Moses. It was
acknowledged that they kept these ordinances
with even greater rigor than those from whom
they adopted them. Their unleavened bread
for the Passover is commended ; their cheese ;
and even their whole food is allowed to the
Jews. Their testimony was valued in that
most stringent matter of the letter of divorce.
They were admitted to the office of circumcis-
ing Jewish boys. The criminal law makes no
difference whatever between them and the Jews.
By degrees, however, inhibitions began to be
laid upon the use of their wine, vinegar, bread.
We hear of their exclusion by R. Meir, in the
third generation of the Tanaim, and later again
under R. Abbuha, die Amora, at the time of
Diocletian ; this time, the exclusion was uncon-
ditional and final. Partaking of their bread
was considered a transgression, to be punished
like eating the flesh of swine. In Matt. x. 5,
Samaritans and Gentiles are already men-
tioned together; and, in Lake xvii. 18, the
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Samaritan is called " a stranger." The reason
for this exclusion is variously given.
Sam'atus. One of the sons of Ozora in
the list of 1 Esd. ix. 34. Ap.
Samei'US. Sukmaiau 13 (1 Esd. ix. 21).
Bam'gar-Ne'bo. One of the princes or
generals of the king of Babylon who com-
manded the victorious army of the Chaldeans
at the capture of Jerusalem (Jer. xxxix. 3).
The Nebo is the Chaldasan Mercury ; about the
Sanigar, opinions are divided.
Sa mi. Sbobai ( 1 Esd. v. 28). Ap.
Sa'mis. Shimbi 13 (1 Esd. ix. 34). Ap.
Samlah, Gen. xxxvi. 36, 37 ; 1 Chr. i.
47, 48. One of the kings of Edom, successor
to Hadad or Hadar.
Sam'mus. Suema (1 Esd. ix. 43). Ap.
Sa'mOB. A very illustrious Greek islaud
off that part of Asia Minor where Ionia
touches Cabia. Samos is a very lofty and
commanding island. The Ionian Samos comes
before our notice in the detailed account of St
Paul's return from his third missionary jour-
ney (Acts xx. 15). He had been at Chios, and
was about to proceed to Miletus, having passed
byEphesus without touching there. The to-
pographical notices given incidentally by St
Luke are most exact. In the time of Herod
the Great, and when St Paul was there, it was
politically a " free city " in the province of Asia.
Samothra'oia. The mention of this
island in the account of St. Paul's first voyage
to Europe (Acts xvi. 11) is, for two reasons,
worthy of careful notice. In the first place,
being a very lofty and conspicuous island, it is
an excellent landmark for sailors, and must
have been full in view, if the weather was clear,
throughout that voyage from Troas to Neapo-
lis. Secondly, this voyage was made with a
fair wind. Not only are we told that it occu-
pied only parts cf two days, whereas on a sub-
sequent return-voyage (Acts xx. 6) the time
spent at sea was five, bat the technical word
here used implies that they ran before the
wind. Now, the position of Samothrace is
exactly such as to correspond with these no-
tices, and thus incidentally to confirm the accu-
racy of a most artless narrative. St Paul and
his companions anchored for the night off
Samothrace. The ancient city, and therefore
probably the usual anchorage, was on the N.
side, which would be sufficiently sheltered from
a S. E. wind. In St Paul's time, Samothrace
hod, according to Pliny, the privileges of a
small free state, though it was doubtless con-
sidered a dependency of the province of Mace-
donia.
Samp'sames ( 1 Mace. xv. 23). The name
probably not of a sovereign, but of a place,
which Grimm identifies with Summit on the
.coast of the Black Sea, between Sinope and
Trebixond. Ap.
Samson, son of Manoah, a man of the
town of Zoran, in the tribe of Dan, on the bor-
der of Judah (Josh. xv. 33, xix. 41). The mi-
raculous circumstances of his birth are recorded
in Judg. xiii. ; and the three following chapters
are devoted to the history of his life and ex-
floits. Samson takes his place in Bcripture,
I) as a judge — an office which he filled for
twenty years (Judg. xv. 20, xvi. 31) ; (2) as a
Nazarite (Judg. xiu. 5, xvi. 17) ; and (3) as one
endowed with supernatural power by the Spirit
of the Lord (Judg. xiii. 25, xiv. 6, 19, xv. 14).
(1.) As a judge, his authority seems to have
been limited to the district bordering upon the
country of the Philistines ; and his action as a
deliverer does not seem to have extended be-
yond desultory attacks upon the dominant
Philistines. It is evident from Judg. xiii. 1, 5,
xv. 9-11, 20, and the whole history, that the
Israelites, or at least Judah and Dan, which
are the only tribes mentioned, were subject to
the Philistines through the whole of Samson's
judgeship; so that Samson's twenty years of
office would be included in the forty years
of the Philistine dominion. From the an-
gel's speech to Samson's mother (Judg. xiii.
5), it appears further that the Israelites
were already subject to the Philistines at his
birth ; and as Samson cannot have begun to be
judge before he was twenty years of age, it fol-
lows that his 'vdgeship must have coincided
with the last twenty years of Philistine domin-
ion. But when we turn to the First Book of
Samuel, and especially to vii. 1-14, we find
that the Philistine dominion ceased under the
judgeship of Samuel. Hence it is obvious to
conclude that the early part of Samuel's judge-
ship coincided with the latter part of Samson s ;
ana that the capture of the ark by the Philis-
tines, in the time of Eli, occurred during Sam-
son's lifetime. There are besides several points
in the respective narratives of the times of
Samson and Samuel which indicate great prox-
imity. There is no allusion whatever to other
parts of Israel during Samson's judgeship, ex-
cept the single fact of the men of the border
tribe of Judah, 3,000 in number, fetching him
from the rock Etam to deliver him up to the
Philistines (Judg. xv. 9-13). The whole nar-
rative is entirely local, and, like the following
story concerning Micah (Judg. xvii., xviii.),
seems to be taken from the annals of the tribe
of Dan. (2.) As a Nazarite, Samson exhibits
the law in Num. vi. in full practice. (3.) Sam-
son is one of those who are distinctly spoken
of in Scripture as endowed with supernatural
power by the Spirit of the Lord. " The Spirit
of the Lord began to move him at times in
Mahaneh-Dan.' p "The Spirit of the Lord
came mightily upon him, and the cords that
were upon his arms became as flax burnt with
fire." " The Spirit of the Lord came upon
him, and be went down to Askelon, and slew
thirty men of them." The phrase, " the Spirit
of the Lord came upon him," is common to
him with Othniel ana Gideon (Judg. iii. 10, vi.
34) ; but the connection of supernatural power
with the integrity of the Nazaritic vow, and the
particular gift of great strength of body, are
quite peculiar to Samson. Indeed, his whole
character and history have no exact parallel in
Scripture. It is easy, however, to see how for-
cibly the Israelites would be taught, by such an
example, that their national strength lay in their
complete separation from idolatry, and conse-
cration to the true God ; and that He could give
them power to subdue their mightiest enemies,
if only they wen true to His service (comp. 1
Sam. ii. 10).
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It is an interesting question whether any of
the legends which have attached themselves to
the name of Hercules may have been derived
from Phoenician traditions of the strength of
Samson. The combination of great strength
with submission to the power of women, the
slaying of the Nemsean lion, the coming by his
death at the hands of his wife, and especially
the story told by Herodotus of the captivity
of Hercules in Egypt, are certainly remark-
able coincidences. Phoenician traders might
cosily have carried stories concerning the
Hebrew hero to the different countries where
they traded, especially Greece and Italy ; and
such stories would have been moulded accord-
ing to the taste or imagination of those who
heard them. Whatever is thought, however,
of such coincidences, it is certain that the his-
tory of Samson is an historical, and not an alle-
gorical narrative. It has also a distinctly super-
natural element which cannot be explained
away. The history, as we now have it, must
have been written several centuries after Sam-
son's death (Judg. xr. 19, 20, xviii. 1, 30, xix.
I ), though probably taken from the annals of
the tribe of Dan. The only mention of Sam-
son in the N. T. is that in Heb. xi. 32.
Samuel. The last judge, the first of the
regular succession of prophets, and the founder
of the monarchy. He was the Bon of Elkanah,
an Ephrathite or Ephraimite, and Hannah or
Anna. The descent of Elkanah is involved in
great obscurity. In 1 Sam. i. 1, he is described
as an Ephraimite. In 1 Chr. vi. 22, 23, he is
made a descendant of Korah the Levite. His
birthplace is one of the vexed questions of
sacred geography, as his descent is of sacred
genealogy. [See Ramathaim-Zophim.] The
combined family must have been large. Pe-
ninnah had several children ; and Hannah had,
besides Samuel, three sons and two daughters.
It is on the mother of Samuel that our chief
attention is fixed in the account of his birth.
She is described as a woman of a high religious
mission. Almost a Nazari tc by practice (1 Sam.
i. 15), and a prophetess in her gifts (1 Sam. ii.
1 ), she sought from God the gift of the child,
for which she longed with a passionate devotion
of silent prayer of which there is no other ex-
ample in the O. T. ; and, when the son was
granted, the name which he bore, and thus
first introduced into the world, expressed her
sense of the urgency of her entreaty, — Samuel,
" the Asked or Heard of God." Living in the
great age of vows, she had before his birth dedi-
cated him to the office of a Nazarite. As soon
as he was weaned, she herself, with her husband,
brought him to the Tabernacle at Shiloh, where
she had received the first intimation of his birth,
and there solemnly consecrated him. The hymn
which followed on this consecration is the first
of the kind in the sacred volume. From this
time, the child is shut up in the tabernacle. He
seems to have slept within the Holiest Place
(1 Sam. iii. 3), and his special dutv was to put
in order the sacred candlestick, and to open the
doors at sunrise. In this way, his childhood
was passed. It was whilst thus sleeping in the
tabernacle thathe received his first prophetic call
(1 Sam. iii. 1-18). From this moment, the
prophetic character of Samuel was established.
His words were treasured up, and Shiloh be
came the resort of those who came to hear him
(iii. 19-21). In the overthrow of the sanctu-
ary, which followed shortly on this vision, we
hear not what became of Samuel (iv. 11). He
next appears, probably twenty years afterwards,
suddenly amongst the people, warning them
r'nst their idolatrous practices (vii. 3, 4).
convened an assembly at Mizpeh. It was
at the moment that he was offering up a sacri-
fice, that the Philistine host suddenly burst
upon them. A violent thunder-storm came u>
the timely assistance of Israel. The Philistines
fled, and, exactly at the spot where twenty years
before they had obtained their great victory, thev
were totally routed. A stone was set np, which
long remained as a memorial of Israel's triumph,
and gave to the place its name of Eben-ezer,
" the Stone of Help " (1 Sam. vii. 12). This
was Samuel's first, and, as far as we know, his
only military achievement But it was appar-
ently this which raised him to the office of
"Judge" (comp. 1 Sam. xii. 11 and Ecclus.
xlvi. 15-18). He visited, in discharge of his
duties as ruler, the three chief sanctuaries ou the
west of Jordan — Bethel, Gilgal, and Mizpeh
(1 Sam. vii. 16). His own residence was still
his native city, Raman or Ramathaim, which he
further consecrated by an altar (vii. 17). Here
he married, and two sons grew up to repeat
under his eyes the same perversion of Dijrh
office that he had himself witnessed in his child-
hood in the case of the two eons of Eli. Id
his old age, he shared his power with them
(1 Sam. viii. 1-4).
2. Down to this point in Samuel's life, there
is but little to distinguish his career from that
of his predecessors. But his peculiar position in
the sacred narrative turns on the events which
follow. He is the inaugurator of the transition
from what is commonly called the theocracy to
the monarchy. The misdemeanor of his own
sons precipitated the catastrophe which had
been long preparing. The people demanded
a king. For the whole night, ne lay fasting
and sleepless, in the perplexity of doubt and
difficulty. In the vision of that night, as re-
corded by the sacred historian, is given the
dark side of the new institution, on which Sam-
uel dwells on the following day (1 Sam. viii.
9-18). This presents his reluctance to receive
the new order of things. The whole narrative
of the reception and consecration of Saul gives
his acquiescence in it. The final conflict of
feeling and surrender of his office is given in
the last assembly over which he presided, and
in his subsequent relations with Saul. The
assembly was held at Gilgal, immediately after
the victory over the Ammonites. The mon-
archy was a second time solemnly inaugu-
rated, and (according to the LXX) •' Samuel "
(in the Hebrew text "Saul") "and all the
men of Israel rejoiced greatly." Then takes
place his farewell address. It is the most sig-
nal example afforded in the O. T. of a great
character reconciling himself to a changed order
of things, and of the divine sanction resting
on his acquiescence.
3. His subsequent relations with Sanl are of
the same mixed kind. The two institutions
which they respectively represented ran on side
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by side. Samuel was still judge. He judged Is-
rael "all the days of his li/e" (vii. 15), and from
time to time came across the king's path. But
these interventions are chiefly in another capa-
city, which this is the place to unfold. Samuel is
called emphatically " the prophet " (Acts iii. 24,
xiii. 20). He was especially known in his old
age as "Samuel the Seer" (1 Sam. ix. 11, 18,
19 ; 1 Chr. ix. 22, xxvi. 28, xxix. 29). He
was consulted far and near on the small affairs
of life (1 Sam. ix. 7, 8). From this faculty, com-
bined with his office of ruler, an awful reverence
grew up around him. No sacrificial feast was
thought complete without his blessing (ib. ix.
13). A peculiar virtue was believed to reside
in his intercession. There was something pecu-
liar in the long-sustained cry or shout of suppli-
cation, which seemed to draw down as by force
the divine answer (1 Sam. vii. 8, 9). But there
are two other points which more especially placed
him at the head of the prophetic order as it
afterwards appeared. The first is brought out
in his relation with Saul, the second in his rela-
tion with David.
(a.) He represents the independence of the
moral law, of the Divine Will, as distinct from
regal or sacerdotal enactments, which is so
remarkable a characteristic of all the later pro-
phets. He was, if a Levite, yet certainly not a
priest ; and all the attempts to identify his op-
position to Saul with a hierarchical interest are
founded on a complete misconception of the
facts of the case. From the time of the over-
throw of Shiloh, he never appears in the remot-
est connection with the pnestly order. When
he counsel* Sanl, it is not as the priest, but as
the prophet Saul's sin, in both cases where he
came into cotl-sion with Samuel, was not of
intruding into sacerdotal functions, but of dis-
obedience to the prophetic voice. The first
was that of not waiting for Samuel's arrival,
according to the sign given by Samnel at his
original meeting at Rama 1 ) ( 1 Sam. x. 8, xiii.
8) ; the second was that of not carrying ont the
stern prophetic injunction for the destruction of
the Amalekites. The parting was not one of
rivals, but of dear though divided friends. The
king throws himself on the prophet with all
his force ; not without a vehement effort, the
prophet tears himself away.
(o.) He is the first of the regular succession
of prophets (Acts iii. 24). Moses, Miriam, and
Deborah, perhaps Ehud, had been prophets.
Bnt it was only from Samuel that the continu-
ous succession was unbroken. His mother,
though not expressly so called, was in fact a
prophetess. But the connection of the conti-
nuity of the office with Samuel appears to be
■till more direct. It is in his lifetime, long
after he had been " established as a prophet
( 1 Sam. iii. 20), that we hear of the companies
of disciples, called in the O. T. " the sons of
the prophets," by modem writers " the schools
of the prophets. In those schools, and learn-
ing to cultivate the prophetic gifts, were some
whom we know for certain, others whom we
may almost certainly conjecture, to have been
so trained or influenced. One was Saul. Twice
at least he is described as having been in the
company of Samuel's disciples (1 Sam. x. 10,
11, xix. 24). Another was David. The first
acquaintance of Samuel with David was when
he privately anointed him at the house of Jesse.
Bnt the connection thus begun with the shep-
herd-boy must have been continued afterwards.
David, at first, fled to " Naioth in Ramah," as
to his second home (1 Sam. xix. 19). It is
needless to enlarge on the importance with
which these incidents invest the appearance of
Samuel. He there becomes the spiritual father
of the Psalmist king. He is also the founder
of the first regular institutions of religious in-
struction, and communities for the purposes of
education. The death of Samuel is described
as taking place in the year of the close of
David's wanderings. It is said with peculiar
emphasis, as if to mark the loss, that " all the
Israelites were gathered together" from all
parts of this hitherto divided country, and " la-
mented him," and "buried him," not in any
consecrated place, nor outside the walls of his
city, but within his own house, thus in a man-
ner consecrated by being turned into his tomb
( 1 Sam. xxv. 1 ). The place long pointed out
as his tomb is the height, most conspicuous of
all in the neighborhood of Jerusalem, imme-
diately above the town of Gibeon, known to the
Crusaders as " Montjoye," as the spot from
whence they first saw Jerusalem, now called
NebuSamunl, " the Prophet Samuel." Hcman,
his grant'son, was one of the chief singers in
the Levities! choir (1 Chr. vi. 33, xv. 17, xxv.
5). The apparition of Samuel at Endor (1
Sam. xxviii. 14 ; Ecclus. xlvi. 20) belongs to
the history of Saul.
Samuel, Books of. Two historical
books of the Old Testament, which are not sep-
arated from each other in the Hebrew MSS.,
and which, from a critical point of view, must
be regarded as one book. The present division
was first made in the Septuagint translation,
and was adopted in the Vulgate from the Sep-
tuagint. It was not till the year 1518 that
the division of the Septuagint was adopted
in Hebrew, in the edition of the Bible printed
by the Bombergs at Venice. The book was
called by the Hebrews " Samuel," probably
because the birth and life of Samuel were
the subjects treated of in the beginning of
the work. Authorship and Date of the Book. —
1st, as to the authorship. In common with all
the historical books of the Old Testament, ex-
cept the beginning of Neheraiah, the Book of
Samuel contains no mention in the text of the
name of its author. It is indisputable that the
title " Samuel " does not imply that the prophet
was the author of the Book* of Samuel as a
whole ; for the death of Samuel is recorded in
the beginning of the 25th chapter. Again, in
reference to the Book of Samuel, the absence
of the historian's name from both the text and
the title is not snpplied by any statement of any
other writer, mane within a reasonable period
from the time when the book may be supposed
to have been written. No mention of the au-
thor's name is made in the Book of Kings, nor,
as will be hereafter shown, in the Chronicles,
nor in any other of the sacred writings. In
like manner, it is not mentioned either in the
Apocrypha or in Josephus. There is a similar
silence in the Mishna, where, however, the in-
ference from such silence is far less cogent.
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And it is not until we come to the Babylonian
Gcmara, which is supposed to have been com-
pleted in its present form somewhere about 500
a.d., that any Jewish statement respecting the
authorship can be pointed out, and then it is
for the first time asserted that " Samuel wrote
his book," i.e., as the words imply, the book
which bears his name. But this statement can-
not be proved to have been made earlier than
1,550 years after the death of Samuel ; and, un-
supported as it is by reference to any authority
of anv kind, it would be unworthy of credit,
even If it were not opposed to the internal evi-
dence of the book itself. At the revival of learn-
ing, an opinion was propounded by Abrabanel,
a learned Jew, t a.d. 1508, that the Book of
Samuel was written by the prophet Jeremiah,
and this opinion was adopted by Hugo Grotius.
Notwithstanding the eminence, however, of
these writers, this opinion must be rejected as
highly improbable. In our own time, the most
prevalent idea in the Anglican Church seems to
have been that the first twenty-four chapters of
the Book of Samuel were written by the proph-
et himself, and the rest of the chapters by
the prophets Nathan and Gad. Two circum-
stances have probably contributed to toe adop-
tion of this opinion at the present day : — 1st,
the growth of stricter ideas as to the importance
of knowing who was the nuthor of any his-
torical work which advances claims to be
trustworthy ; and 2dly the mistranslation of an
ambiguous passage in the First Book of Chroni-
cles (xxix. 29) respecting the authorities for
the life of David. The first point requires no
comment. On the second point, it is to be ob-
served that the following appears to be the cor-
rect translation of the passage in question : —
" Now the history- of David, first and last, behold
it is written in the history of Samuel the seer,
and in the history of Nathan the prophet, and
in the history of Gad the seer " — in which the
Hebrew word dihri, here translated " history,"
has the same meaning given to it each of the
four times that it is used. And it may be
deemed morally certain that this passage of
the Chronicles is no authority for the suppo-
sition, that, when it was written, any work was
in existence of which cither Gad, Nathan, or
Samuel was the author.
2. Although the authorship of the Book of
Samuel cannot be ascertained, there are some
indications as to the date of the work. And
yet even on this point no precision is attainable.
The earliest undeniable external evidence of
the existence of the book would seem to he the
Greek translation of it in the Septuagint. The
exact date, however, of the translation itself is
uncertain. The next best external testimony
is that of a passage in the Second Book of
Maccabees (ii. 13), in which it is said of Nehe-
miah, that " he, founding a library, gathered
together the acts of the kings, and the prophets,
and of David, and the epistles of the kings
concerning the holy gifts." Now, although
this passage cannot be relied on for proving
that Nehemiah himself did in fact ever found
snen a library, yet it is good evidence to prove
that the Acts of the Kings were in existence
when the passage was written ; and it cannot
wtasonably be doubted that this phrase was in-
tended to include the Book of Samuel, which
is equivalent to the two first Books of Kings
in the Septuagint. Hence there is external
evidence that the Book of Samuel was written
before the Second Book of Maccabees. And,
lastly, the passage in the Chronicles already
quoted (1 Chr. xxix. 29) seems likewise to
prove externally that the Book of Samuel was
written before 'the Chronicles. In this case,
admitting the date assigned, on internal grounds,
to the Chronicles by a modern Jewish writer
of undoubted learning and critical powers,
there would be external evidence for the exist-
ence bf the Book of Samuel earlier than 247
B.C., though not earlier than 312 B.C., the era
of the Scleucids. If the internal evidence re-
specting the Book of Samuel is examined, there
are indications of its having been written some
centuries earlier. 1. The Book of Samuel
seems to have been written at a time when the
Pentateuch, whether it was or was not in exist-
ence in its present form, was at any rate not
acted on as the rule of religious observances.
This circumstance points to the date of the
Book of Samuel as earlier than the reformation
of Josiah. 2. It is in accordance with this early
date of the Book of Samuel that allusions in it
even to the existence of Moses ore so few.
After the return from the Captivity, and more
especially after the changes introduced by Em,
Moses became that great central figure in the
thoughts and language of devout Jews which
he could not fail to be when all the laws of
the Pentateuch were observed, and they were
all referred to hint as the divine prophet who
communicated them directly from Jehovah.
This transcendent importance of Moses most
already have commenced at the finding of the
Book of the Law at the reformation of Josiah.
Now it is remarkable that the Book of Samuel
is the historical work of the Old Testament in
which the name of Moses occurs most rarely.
To a religious Jew, when the laws of the Pen-
tateuch were observed, Moses could not fail to
be the predominant idea in his mind; but
Moses would not necessarily be of etmal im-
portance to a Hebrew historian who hved be-
fore the reformation of Josiah.
3. It tallies with an early date for the com-
position of the Book of Samuel, that it is one
of the best specimens of Hebrew prose in the
golden age of Hebrew literature. In prose, it
holds the same place which Joel and the undis-
puted prophecies of Isaiah hold in poetical or
prophetical language. At the same time, this
argument from language must not be pushed so
for as to imply that, standing alone, it would be
conclusfve ; for some wri ti ngs, the date of which
is about the time of the Captivity, are in pure
Hebrew. Assuming, then, that the work was
composed at a period not later than the refor-
mation of Josiah — say B.C. 622 — the question
arises as to the very earliest point of time at
which it could have existed in its present form.
And the answer seems to be, that the earliest
period was subsequent to the secession of the
Ten Tribes (B.C. 975). If we go beyond this,
and endeavor to assert the precise time between
975 B.C. and 622 B.C., when it was composed,
all certain indications fail us. All that can be
asserted as undeniable is, that the book, as a
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SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
839
SANABASSAB
whole, can scarcely hare been composed later
than the reformation of Josiah, and that it
could not have existed in its present form
earlier than the reign of Rehoboam. It is to
be added that no great weight, in opposition to
this conclusion, is due to the fact that the death
of David, although in one passage evidently
implied (2 Sam. v. 5), is not directly recorded
in the Book of Samuel. From this fact, Hav-
ernick deems it a certain inference that the
author lived not long after the death of David.
But this is a very slight foundation for such an
inference. In this absolute ignorance of the
author's name, and vague knowledge of the
date of the work, there nas been a controversy
whether the Book of Samuel is or is not a
compilation from pre-existing documents ; and
if this is decided in the affirmative, to what
extent the work is a compilation. It is not
intended to enter fully here into this contro-
versy, respecting which the reader is referred to
Dr. Davidson's Introduction to the Critical Study
and Knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, London,
Longman, 1856, in which this subject is dis-
passionately and fairly treated.
Sources of the Book of Samuel. — Assuming
that the book is a compilation, it is a subject
of rational inquiry to ascertain the materials
from which it was composed. But our infor-
mation on this head is scanty. The only work
actually quoted in this book is the Book of
Jasher ; i.e. the Book of the Upright. Not-
withstanding the great learning which has been
brought to bear on this title by numerous com-
mentators, the meaning of the title must be
regarded as absolutely unknown, and the char-
acter of the book itself as uncertain. The best
conjecture hitherto offered as an induction from
facts is, that it was a book of poems ; bnt the
facts are too few to establish this as a positive
general conclusion. Without reference, how-
ever, to the Book of Jasher, the Book of Sam-
uel contains several poetical compositions, on
each of which a few observations may be
offered, commencing with the poetrv of David.
(1.) David's Lamentation over Saul and Jona-
than, called " The Bow." (2.) David's Lamen-
tation on the Death of Abner (2 Sam. iii. 33,
34). There is no reason to doubt the genuine-
ness of this short poetical ejaculation. (3.) 2
Sam. xxii. A Song of David. For poetical
beauty, the song is well worthy to be the pro-
duction of David. The following difficulties,
however, are connected with it. (a.) The date
of the composition is assigned to the day when
David had been delivered not only out of the
hand of all bis enemies, but likewise " ont of
the hand of Saul." Now David reigned forty
rears after Saul's death (2 Sam. v. 4, 5), anil
it was as king that he achieved the successive
conquests to which allusion is made in the
psalm. (6.) In the closing verse (2 Sum. xxii.
51), Jehovah is spoken of as showing "mercy
to His anointed, unto David and his seed for-
evermore." These words would bo more natu-
rally written of David than by David. They
may, however, be a later addition, (r.) In
some passages of the psalm, the strongest asser-
tions are made of the poet's uprightness and
purity. Now it is a subject of reasonable sur-
prise that, at any period after the painful inci-
dents of his life in the matter of Uriah, David
should have used this language concerning
himself. (4.) A song called " Last Words of
David," 2 Sam. xxiii. 2-7. (5.) One other
song remains, which is perhaps the most per-
plexing in the Book of Samuel. This is the
Song of Hannah, a wife of Elkanah (1 Sam.
ii. 1-10). Thenius conjectures that it was
written by Darid after he had slain Goliath,
and the Philistines had been defeated in a great
battle. There is no historical warrant for this
supposition ; but the song is certainly more
appropriate to the victory of David over Goli-
ath than to Hannah's having given birth to a
child under the circumstances detailed in the
first chapter of Samuel. It would, however,
be equally appropriate to some other battles of
the Israelites.
In advancing a single step beyond the songs
of the Book of Samuel, we enter into the re-
gion of conjecture as to the materials which
were at the command of the author ; and, in
points which arise for consideration, we must
be satisfied with a suspense of judgment, or a
slight balance of probabilities. For example,
it being plain that, in some instances, there are
two accounts of the same transaction, it is de-
sirable to form an opinion whether these were
founded on distinct written documents, or on
distinct oral traditions. This point 3s open to
dispute ; but the theory of written documents
seems preferable. In the absence of any ex-
ternal evidence on this point, it is safer to sus-
pend our judgment as to whether any portion
of the Book of Samuel is founded on the
writing of a contemporary, or on a tradition
entitled to any peculiar credit Perhaps the
two conjectures respecting the composition of
the Book of Samuel which are most entitled
. to consideration are — 1st, That the list which
it contains of officers or public functionaries
under David is the result of contemporary
registration ; and 2dly, That the Book of Sam-
uel was the compilation of some one connected
with the schools of the prophets, or penetrated
by their spirit. In conclusion, it may be ob-
served that it is very instructive to direct the
attention to the passages in Samuel and the
Chronicles which treat of the same events, and,
! generally, to the manner in which the life of
David is treated in the two histories. A com-
parison of the two works tends to throw light
on the state of the Hebrew mind at the time
when the Book of Samuel was written, com-
pared with the ideas prevalent among the Jews
some hundred years later, at the time of the
compilation of the Chronicles. It only re-
mains to add, that, in the numerous instances
wherein there is a close verbal agreement be-
tween passages in Samuel and in the Chroni-
cles, the sound conclusion seems to be, that
the Chronit les were copied from Samuel, and
not that both were copied from a common
original. At tho same time, it would be un-
reasonable to deny, und it would be impossible
to disprove, that the compiler, in addition to
the Book of Samuel, made use of other his-
torical documents which are no longer in ex-
istence.
Sanabas'sar. Sheshbama* (l Esd. ii
12, 15). Ap.
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SANDAL
840
SANHEDRIM
Sanabaa'sarus. Sbeshbazzab (l Esd
vi. 18, 20). Ap.
San'asib. The sons of Sanasib were
priests who returned with Zorobabel (1 Esd.
v. 24). Ap.
Sanballat. A Moabite of Horonaim, as
appears by his designation " Sanballat the Ho-
ronite" (Neh. ii. 10, 19, xiii. 28). All that
we know of him from Scripture is that he had
apparently some civil or military command
in Samaria, in the service of Artaxerxes
(Neh. iv. 2), and that, from the moment of
Nebemiah's arrival in Judtea, he set himself
to oppose every measure for the welfare of
Jerusalem, and was a constant adversary to
the Tirshatha. His companions in this Hos-
tility were Tobiah the Ammonite, and Geshem
the Arabian (Neh. ii. 19, iv. 7). For the de-
tails of their opposition, the reader is referred
to the articles Nehemiah, and Nehemiah,
Book op, and to Neh. vi. The only other in-
cident in his life is his alliance with the high-
priest's family by the marriage of his daughter
with one of the grandsons of Eliashib, which,
from the similar connection formed by Tobiah
the Ammonite (Neh. xiii. 4), appears to have
Eliashib and the Samaritan faction. The ex-
pulsion from the priesthood of the guilty son
been part of a settled policy concerted between
of Joiada by Nehemiah must have still further
widened the breach between him and Sanballat,
and between the two parties in the Jewish
state. Here, however, the scriptural narra-
tive ends, — owing, probably, to Nebemiah's
return to Persia, — and with it likewise our
knowledge of Sanballat.
Sandal. The sandal appears to have been
the article ordinarily used by the Hebrews for
protecting the feet. It consisted simply of a
sole attached to the foot by thongs. The He-
brew term na'al implies such an article, its
proper sense being that of confining or shutting
in the foot with thongs : we have also express
notice of the thong (A. V. "shoe-latchet ) in
several passages (Gen. xiv. 23 ; Is. v. 27 ;
Mark i. 7). The Greek term imodn/ia properly
applies to the sandal exclusively, as it means
AmjiUn Randal*. (From L«yard, II. 234.)
what is bound under the foot ; bnt no stress can be
laid on the use of the term by the Alexandrine
writers. A similar observation applies to oavda-
fcov. We learn from the Talmudists that the
materials employed in the construction of the
sole were either leather, felt, cloth, or wood,
and that it was occasionally shod with iron. In
Egypt, various fibrous substances, such as palm-
leaves and papyrus-stalks, were used in add*,
tion to leather ; while in Assyria, wood or leath-
er was employed. In Egypt, the sandals were
usually turned up at the toe, like our skates ;
though other forms, rounded and pointed, an
also exhibited. In Assyria, the heel and the
side of the foot were incased ; and sometimes
the sandal consisted of little else than this.
Sandals were worn by all classes of society in
Palestine, even by the very poor (Am. viii. 6) ;
and both the sandal and the thong, or shoe-
latchet, were so cheap and common, that they
passed into a proverb for the most insignificant
thing (Gen. xiv. 23 ; Ecclus. xlvi. 19). They
were not, however, worn at all periods : they
were dispensed with in-doors, and were only
put on by persons about to undertake some
business away from their homes ; such as a
military expedition (Is. v. 27 ; Eph. vi. 15), or
a Journey (Ex. xii. 11 ; Josh. ix. 5, 13; Acts
xh. 8) : on such occasions, persons carried an
extra pair. During meal-tunes, the feet were
undoubtedly uncovered, as implied in Luke vii.
38 ; John xiii. 5, 6. It was a mark of rever-
ence to cast off the shoes in approaching a
place or person of eminent sanctity (Ex. iii.
5. ; Josh. v. 15). It was also an indication of
violent emotion, or of mourning, if a person
appeared barefoot in public (2 Sam. xv. 30;
Is. xx. 2; Ex. xxiv. 17,23). To carry or to
unloose a person's sandal was a menial office
betokening great inferiority on the part of the
person performing it (Matt. iii. 1 1 ; Mark i. 7 ;
John i. 27 ; Acts xiii. 25). The expression in
Ps. Ix. 8, cviii. 9, " Over Edom I cast out my
shoe," evidently signifies the subjection of that
country ; but tne exact point of the comparison
is obscure. The use of the shoe in tbe transfer
of property is noticed in Ruth iv. 7, 8.
Sanliedrim (accurately Sanhedrin), called
also, in the Talmud, the great Sanhedrin, the
supreme council of the Jewish people in tbe
time of Christ, and earlier. I. The origin of
this assembly is traced in the Mishna (&m-
hedr. i. 6) to the seventy elders whom Moses
was directed (Num. xi. 16, 17) to associate
with him in the government of the Israelites.
This body continued to exist, according to the
rabbinical accounts, down to the close of tbe
Jewish commonwealth. Since the time of
Vorstius, it has been generally admitted that
the tribunal established by Moses was probably
temporary, and did not continue to exist after
the Israelites had entered Palestine. In the
lack of definite historical information as to tbe
establishment of the Sanhedrim, it can only be
said in general that the Greek etymology of
the name seems to point to a period subsequent
to the Macedonian supremacy in Palestine. In
the silence of Philo, Josephus, and tbe Mishna,
respecting the constitution of the Sanhedrim,
we are obliged to depend upon the few inci-
dental notices in the New Testament From
these we gather that it consisted of chief priests,
or the heads of the twenty -four classes into
which the priests were divided, elders, men of
age and experience, and scribes, lawyers, or
those learned in the Jewish law (Matt xxvi.
57, 59 ; Mark xv. 1 ; Lnke xxii. 66 ; Acts
v. 21). 2. The numfter of member* is usually
given as seventy-one ; but this is a point on
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SAPHIR
841
SARAH
which there is not a perfect agreement among
the learned. The president of this body was
styled Nasi, and, according to Maimonides,
was chosen on account of his eminence in worth
and wisdom. Often, if not generally, this pre-
eminence was accorded to the high-priest. The
rice-president, called in the Talmud " father of
the boose of judgment," sat at the right hand
of the president. Some writers speak of a
second vice-president ; but this is not sufficient-
ly confirmed. While in session, the Sanhedrim
sat in the form of a half-circle. 3. The place
in which the sessions of the Sanhedrim were
ordinarily held was, according to the Talmud,
a hall called Gazzith, supposed by Lightfoot to
hare been situated in the south-east corner of
one of the courts near the Temple building.
In special exigencies, however, it seems to have
met in the residence of the high-priest (Matt,
xxvi. 3). Forty years before the destruction
of Jerusalem, and consequently while the Sa-
viour was teaching in Palestine, the sessions of
the Sanhedrim were removed from the hall
Gazzith to a somewhat greater distance from
the temple building, although still on Mount
Moriah. After several other changes, its seat
was finally established at Tiberias. As a judi-
cial body, the Sanhedrim constituted a supreme
court, to which belonged in the first instance
the trial of a tribe fallen into idolatry, false
prophets, and the high-priest ; also the other
priests. As an administrative council, it de-
termined other important matters. Jesus was
arraigned before this body as a false prophet
(John xi. 47), and Peter, John, Stephen, and
Paul, as teachers of error, and deceivers of the
people. From Acts ix. 2, it appears that the
Sanhedrim exercised a degree of authority bc-
Jond the limits of Palestine. According to the
erusalem Gemara, the power of inflicting capi-
tal punishment was taken away from this tri-
bunal forty yean before the destruction of
Jerusalem. With this agrees the answer of the
Jews to Pilate (John xix. 31). The Talmud
also mentions a lesser Sanhedrim of twenty-three
members in every city in Palestine in which
were not less than 120 householders.
8ansan'nah, one of the towns in the
south district of Judah, named in Josh. xv. 31
only. The towns of this district ore not dis-
tributed into small groups, like those of the
highlands or the Shefelan ; and as only very
few of them have been yet identified, we have
nothing to guide us to the position of Sansan-
nah. It does not appear to be mentioned by
any explorer, ancient or modem.
Saptl, one of the sons of the giant slain by
Sibbechai the Hushathite (2 Sam. xxi. 18). In
1 Chr. xx. 4, he is called Sippai.
Sa'phat Shkfhatiah 2 (1 Esd. v. 9).
Ap.
Saphati 88. Shephatiah 2 (1 Esd. viii.
Si). Ap.
Sa'pheth. Srephatiar (1 Esd. t.33). Ap.
Sa'phir, one of the villages addressed by
the prophet Micah (i. 11), but not elsewhere
mentioned. By Eusebius and Jerome, it is
described as " in the mountain district between
Eleutheropolis and Ascalon." In this direc-
tion, a village called et-Sawa]fir still exists (or
rather three of that name, two with affixes),
106
possibly the representative of the ancient 8a-
phir. Es-Sawajir lies seven or eight miles to
the N. E. of Ascalon, and about twelve W. of
Beit-Jibrin, to the right of the coast-road from
Gaza. Tobler prefers a village called Saber,
close to Sawctfir. Schwarx suggests the vil-
lage of Sqjtrfyeh, a couple of miles N. W. of
Lydda (136).
Sapphi ra, the wife of Ananias, and the
participator both in his guilt and in his punish-
ment (Acts v. l-io).
Sapphire (Heb. sapptr), a precious stone,
apparently of a bright blue color (see Ex. xxiv
10). The sapptr was the second stone in the
second row of the high-priest's breastplate
!Ex. xxviii. 18) ; it was extremely precious
Job xxviii. 16) ; it was one of the precious
stones that ornamented the king of Tyre (Ez.
xxviii. 13). Notwithstanding the identity of
name between our sapphire and the oairfctpoc,
and tapphirus of the Greeks and Romans, it is
generally agreed that the sapphirus of the an-
cients was not our gem of that name, viz. the
azure or indigo-blue, crystalline variety of co-
rundum, but our Lapu-lazuli \<Jtra-marine).
It is, however, not so certain that the sapptr
of the Hebrew Bible is identical with the Lapis-
lazuli. Roeenmiiller and Braun argue in fa-
vor of its being our sapphire or precious co-
rundum. We are inclined to adopt this latter
opinion, but are unable to come to any satis-
factory conclusion.
Sara. Sarah, the wife of Abraham
(Heb. xi. 11; 1 Pet iii. 6).
Sara. The daughter of Raguel, in the
apocryphal history of Tobit. Ap.
Sarabi'as. Shebebiah (l Esd. Ix. 48).
Ap.
Sa'rah. 1. The wife of Abraham, and
mother of Isaac. Of her birth and parentage
we have no certain account in Scripture. Her
name is first introduced in Gen. xi. 29, as fol-
lows: "Abram and Nahor took them wives:
the name of Abram's wife was Sarai ; and the
name of Nahor's wife was Milcah, the daughter
of Haran, the father of Milcah and the father
oflscah." In Gen. xx. 1 2, Abraham speaks of
her as " bis sister, the daughter of the same
father, but not the daughter of the same
mother." The common Jewish tradition is
that Sarai is the same as Iscab, the daughter of
Haran, and the sister of Lot. The change of
her name from " Sarai " to " Sarah " was made
at the same time that Abram's name was
changed to Abraham, on the establishment of
the covenant of circumcision between him and
God. That the name "Sarah" signifies
"princess" is universally acknowledged; but
the meaning of " Sarai is still a subject of
controversy. The older interpreters suppose
it to mean " my princess." Her history is of
course that of Abraham. She came with him
from Ur to Haran, from Haran to Canaan, and
accompanied him in all the wanderings of his
life. Her only independent action is the de-
mand that Hagar and Ishmael should be cast
out. The times in which she plays the most
important part in the history are the times
when Abraham was sojourning, first in Egypt,
then in Gerar, and where Sarah shared his
deceit towards Pharaoh (Gen. xii. 11-15) and
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SARDIS
842
8ARGON
towards Abimelech (Gen. xx. 9-11). She died
at Hebron at the age of 127 years, 28 years
before her husband, and was buried by him
in the Cave of Machpelah. She is referred to
in the N. T. as a type of conjugal obedience in
1 Pet in. 6, and "as one of the types of faith
in Heb. xi. 11. — 2. Sarah, the daughter of
Asber (Num. xxvi. 46).
Sara'i, the original name of Sarah, the wife
of Abraham. It is always used in the history
from Gen. xi. 29 to xvii. 15, when it was
changed to Sarah. The meaning of the name
appears to be, as Ewald has suggested, " con-
tentious."
Saraias. 1. Serai ah, the high-priest (1
Esd. v. 5). — 2. Sehaiah, the father of Ezra
(1 Esd. viii. 1; 2 Esd. i. 1). Ap.
Sar'amel, the name of the place in which
the assembly of the Jews was held at which
the bigb-pricsthood was conferred upon Simon
Maccabeus (1 Mace. xiv. 28). Some hare
treated it as a corruption of Jerusalem ; but this
is inadmissible. The following are some of
the other conjectures; — 1. Hahattar Milk,
" the court of Millo." 2. Hahataar Am El,
" the court of the people of God ; that is, the
great court of the Temple." 3. Hamhaar Am
El, " the gate of the people of God." 4. Hat-
tar Am El, " prince of the people of God." as
if not the name of a place, but the title of Si-
mon . ' None of these explanations, however,
con be regarded as entirely satisfactory. Ap.
Sa'raph. Mentioned, in 1 Cur. iv. 22,
among the descendants of Shelah the son of
Judah.
Sarche'donuB, a collateral form of the
name Esar-baddon (Tob. i. 21 ). Ap.
Sarde'ua. Aziz a (1 Esd. ix. 28). Ap.
Sardine. Sardius (Heb.&fem), is, accord-
ing to the LXX. and Josephus, the correct ren-
dering of the Ueb. term which occurs in Ex
xxvlii. 17, xxxix. 10, Ex. xxviil. 13, as the
name of the stone which occupied the first place
In the first row of the high-priest's breastplate.
In Rev. Iv. 3, St. John declares that he whom
he saw sitting on the heavenly throne " was to
look upon like a jasper and a sardine stone."
The sixth foundation of the wall of the heaven-
ly Jerusalem was a sardius (Rev. xxi. 20).
There can scarcely be a doubt that either the
sard or the sardonyx is the stone denoted by
idem. The sard, which is a superior variety
of agate, has long been a favorite stone for the
engraver's art. Sards differ in color : there is
a bright red variety, which, in Pliny's time, was
the most esteemed ; and perhaps the Heb. ddan,
from a root which means " to be red," points
to this kind.
Sar'diS, a citv situated about two miles to
the south of the Itiver Hermns, just below the
range of Tmolus (fiat Dagh), on a spur of
which its acropolis was built It was the an-
cient residence of the kings of Lydia. Sardis
was in very early times, both from the extreme-
ly fertile character of the neighboring region
and from its convenient position, a commercial
mart of importance. Chestnuts were first pro-
duced in the neighborhood. The art of dyeing
wool is said by Pliny to have been invented
there ; and at any rate, Sardis was the entrepot
•f the dyed woollen manufactures. Sardis, too,
was the place where the metal dettntm wa»
procured ; and it was thither that the Spartans
sent. In the 6th century B.C., to purchase gold
for the purpose of gilding the face of the Apol-
lo at Amyclav Sardis recovered the priviteg*
of municipal government (and, as was alleged
several centuries afterwards, the rijrht of a sanc-
tuary) upon its surrender to Alexander the
Great; but its fortunes for the next three hun-
dred years ate very obscure. It changed hands
more than once in the contests between the
dynasties which arose after the death of Alex-
ander. In the year 214 B.C., it was taken and
sacked by the army of Antiochus the Great
After the ruin of Antiochus's fortunes, itpassed,
with the rest of Asia on that side of Taurus,
under the dominion of the kings of Pergamas,
whose interests led them to divert the coarse
of traffic between Asia and Europe away from
Sardis. Its productive soil must always have
continued a source of wealth ; but its impor-
tance as a central mart appears to have dimin-
ished from the time of the invasion of Asia by
Alexander. Of the few inscriptions which have
been discovered, all, or nearly all, belong to the
time of the Roman Empire. Yet there still
exist considerable remains of the earlier days.
The massive temple of Cybele still bears witness
in its fragmentary remains to the wealth and
architectural skill of the people that raised it
On the north side of the acropolis, overlooking
the Valley of the Hermus, is a theatre near 400
feet in diameter, attached to a stadium of about
1,000. This probably was erected after the
restoration of Sardis by Alexander. The mod-
ern name of the ruins at Sardis is Sert-Kaleai.
Travellers describe the appearance of the local-
ity, on approaching it from the N. W., at that
of complete solitude. The Pstctolus is a mere
thread of water, all bat evanescent in summer
time. The Wadit-tchai (Hennas), in the neigh-
borhood of the town, is between 50 and 60 yards
wide, and nearly 3 feet deep. In the time of
the Emperor Tiberius, Sardis was desolated by
an earthquake. The whole face of the country
is said to have been changed by this convul-
sion. In the case of Sardis, the calamity was
increased by a pestilential fever which followed.
In the time of Pliny, it was included in the
same conventui juridictu with Philadelphia The
only passage in which Sardis is mentioned ra-
the Bible is Rev. iii. 1 -6.
Sar'dites, the, descendants of Sered the
son of Zebulun (Num. xxvi. 26).
Sar'donyx is mentioned in tbe N. T. once
only, viz. iiiRev. xxi. 20. The sardonyx con-
sists of " a white opaque layer, superimposed
upon a red transparent stratum of the true red
sard" (King, Antique Gent, p. 9). It is, like
the sard, merely a variety of agate, and is fre-
quently employed by engravers for the purposes
of a signet-ring.
Sare'a, one of the five scribes '* ready to
write swiftlr " whom Esdras was commanded
to take (2 I'sd. xiv. 24). Ap.
Sarep'ta, the Greek form of tbe name
Zarephatii (Luke iv. 26).
Sar'gon was one of tbe greatest of tbe As-
syrian kings. His name Is read in the native
inscriptions as Sargina ; while a town which be
built and called after himself (now Khorsabad)-
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was known as Sarqktin to the Arabian geogra-
phers. He u mentioned bv name only once in
Scripture (Is. xx. 1). Vitringa, Offerhaus,
Eichhorn, and Hupfeld identified him with
Shalmaneser; Grotius, Lowth, and Keil, with
Sennacherib; Perizonins, Kalinsky, and Mi-
chaelis, with Esar-hoddon. All these conjee-
tares are now shown to be wrong by the Assyr-
ian inscriptions, which prove Sargon to have
been distinct from the several monarchs named,
and fix his place in the list between Shalmane-
ser and Sennacherib. He was certainly Sen-
nacherib's father, and there is no reason to
doubt that he was his immediate predecessor.
He ascended the throne of Assyria, as we gather
from his annals, in the same year that Mero-
dach-Baladan ascended the throne of Babylon,
which, according to Ptolemy's Canon, was B.C.
721. He seems to have been a usurper. Sar-
gon was undoubtedly a great and successful
warrior. In his annals, which cover a space of
fifteen years (from B.C. 721 to B.C. 706), he
gives an account of his warlike expeditions
against Babylonia and Susiana on the south,
Media on the east, Armenia and Cappadocia
towards the north, Syria, Palestine, Arabia, and
Egypt towards the west and the south-west. In
this last direction, he seems to have waged three
wars — one in his second year (B.C. 720), for
the possession of Gaza; another in his sixth
year (n.c 715), when Egypt itself was the ob-
ject of attack ; and a third in his ninth (b.c.
712), when the special subject of contention
was Ashdod, which Sargon took by one of his
generals. This is the event which causes the
mention of Sargon's name in Scripture. The
year of the attack, being B.C. 712, would fall
into the reign of the first Ethiopian king, Sa-
baco I., who probably conquered Egypt in B.C.
714. It is not as a warrior only that Sargon
deserves special mention among the Assyrian
kings. He was also the builder of useful works,
and of one of the most magnificent of the As-
syrian palaces. He probably reigned nineteen
vears, from b.c. 721 to B.C. 702, when he
left the throne to his son, the celebrated Sen-
nacherib.
Sa'rid, a chief landmark of the territory
of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 10, 12). All that can
be gathered of its position is that it lay to the
west of Chisloth-Tabor.
Sa ron, the district in which Lydda stood
(Acts ix. 35 only) ; the Shabox of the O. T.
Saro'thie. " The sons of Sarothie " are
among the sons of the servants of Solomon
who returned with Zorobabel (1 Esd. v. 34).
Sar'seohim, one of the generals of Nebu-
chadnezzar's army at the taking of Jerusalem
(Jer. xxxix- 3). He appears to have held the
office of chief eunuch. In Jer. xxxix. 1 3, Nehu-
dhasbun is called Rab-saris, " chief eunuch ; "
and the question arises, whether Nehushasban
and Sorsechim may not he names of the same
person. In Gesenins' Thnavnu, it is conjec-
tured that Sarsccbim and Rab-saris may be
identical, and both titles of the same office.
Sa'ruch. Serug the son of Reu (Luke
iii. 35).
Satan. The word itself, the Hebrew tSt&n,
Is simply an " adversary," and is so nsed in 1
Sam. xxix. 4 : 2 Sam. xix. 22 ; 1 K. v. 4, xi.
14, 23, 25; Nnm. xxii. 22, 32; Ps. cix. «
This original sense is still found in our Lord's
application of the name to St Peter in Matt,
xvi. 23. It is used as a proper name or title
only four times in the O. T., viz. (with the ar-
ticle) in Job i. 6, 12, ii. 1, Zecb. iii. 1, and
(without the article) in I Chr. xxi. 1. It is
with the scriptural revelation on the subject
that we are here concerned ; and it is clear,
from this simple enumeration of passages, that
it is to be sought in the New, rather than in the
Old Testament. It divides itself naturally into
the consideration of his existence, his nature,
and his power and action.
( A. ) His Ex i stbnce. — It would be a waste
of time to prove, that, in various degrees of
clearness, the personal existence of a Spirit of
Evil is revealed again and again in Scripture.
Every quality, every action, which can indicate
personality, is attributed to him in language
which cannot be explained away. The tenden-
cy of the mind in its inquiry as to the origin
of evil is generally towards one or other of two
extremes. The first is to consider evil as a
negative imperfection, arising, in some un-
known and inexplicable way, from the nature
of matter, or from some disturbing influences
which limit the action of goodness on earth.
The other is the old Persian or Manichsean hy-
pothesis, which traces the existence of evil to a
rival Creator, not subordinate to the Creator
of Good, though perhaps inferior to Him in
power, and destined to be overcome by Him at
last. The Revelation of Scripture, speaking
with authority, meets the truth, and removes
the error, inherent in both these hypotheses.
It asserts in the strongest terms the perfect su-
premacy of God, so that under His permission
alone, and for His inscrutable purposes, evil is
allowed to exist (see for example Prov. xvi. 4 ;
Is. xlv. 7 ; Am. iii. 6 ; comp. Rom. ix. 22, 23).
It regards this evil as an anomaly and corrup-
tion, to be taken away by a new manifestation
of Divine Love in the Incarnation and Atone-
ment. The conquest of it began virtually in
God's ordinance after the fall itself, was effect-
ed actually on the cross, and shall be per-
fected in its results at the judgment-dav. still
Scripture recognizes the existence of evil in
the world, not only as felt in outward circum-
stances (" the world "J, and as inborn in the
soul of man (" the flesh "), bnt also as proceed-
ing from the influence of an Evil Spirit excr-
cisinc that mysterions power of free will, which
God's rational creatures possess, to rebel against
Him, and to draw others into the same rebel-
lion (" the devil ").
In accordance with the "economv" and pro-
gressiveness of God's revelation, the existence
of Satan is but gradually revealed. In the first
entrance of evil into the world, the temptation
is referred only to the serpent. Throughout
the whole period of the patriarchal and Jewish
dispensation, this vague and imperfect revela-
tion of the Source of Evil alone was given.
The Source of all Good is set forth in all His
supreme and unapproachable Majesty; evil U
known negatively as the falling-away from Him.
The Book of Job stands, in any case, alone on
the basis of " natural religion, apart from the
gradual and orderly evolutions of the Mosaic
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revelation. In it, for the first time, we find a
distinct mention of " Satan," the " adversary "
of Job. But it is important to remark the
emphatic stress laid on his subordinate position,
on the absence of all but delegated power, of
•11 terror, and all grandeur in his character.
It is especially remarkable that no power of
spiritual influence, but only a power over out-
ward circumstances, is attributed to him. The
Captivity brought the Israelites face to face
with the great dualism of the Persian mytholo-
gy, — the conflict of Ormuzd with Ahriman, the
co-ordinate Spirit of Evil. In the books writ-
ten after the Captivity, we have again the name
of " Satan " twice mentioned (1 Chr. xxi. 1 ;
Zcch. iii. 1,2); but it is confessed by all that
the Satan of Scripture bears no resemblance
to the Persian Ahriman. His subordination
and inferiority are as strongly marked as ever.
In the interval between the Old and New Test,
the Jewish mind had pondered on the scanty
revelations already given of evil spiritual influ-
ence. But the apocryphal books (as, for ex-
ample, Tobit ana Judith), while dwelling on
" demons," have no notice of Satan. The
same may be observed of Josephus. But, while
a moss of fable and superstition grew up on the
general subject of evu spiritual influence, 6till
the existence and nature of Satan remained in
the background, felt, but not understood. The
X. T. first brings it plainly forward. From the
beginning of the gospel, when be appears as
the personal tempter of our Lord, through all
the Gospels, Epistles, and Apocalypse, it is as-
serted or implied, again and again, as a familiar
iind important truth. Without dwelling on
other passages, the plain, solemn, and unmeta-
phorical words of John viii. 44 must be suffi-
cient.
(B.) His Naturk. — Of the nature and
original state of Satan, little is revealed in
Scripture. He is spoken of as a "spirit"
in Eph. ii. 2 ; as the prince or ruler of the " de-
mons" in Matt. xii. 24-26; and as having
"angels" subject to bim in Matt. xxv. 41,
Rev. xii. 7, 9. The whole description of his
power implies spiritual nature and spiritual in-
fluence. We conclude therefore that he was of
angelic nature, a rational and spiritual creature,
superhuman in power, wisdom, and energy ;
and not only so, but an archangel, one of the
" princes " of heaven. We cannot, of course,
conceive that any thing essentially and origi-
nally evil was created by God. We can only
conjecture, therefore, that Satan is a fallen an-
gel, who once hod a time of probation, but
whose condemnation is now irrevocably fixed.
But of the time, cause, and manner of his fall,
Scripture tells us scarcely any thing. It limits
its disclosures, as always, to that which we
need to know. The passage on which all the
fabric of tradition and poetry has been raised is
Rev. xii. 7, 9. Whatever be the meaning of
this passage, it is certain that it cannot refer to
the original fall of Satan. The only other
passage which refers to the fall of the angels is
2 Pet. ii. 4, with the parallel passage in Jude 6.
Here again the passage is mysterious ; but it
seems hardly possible to consider Satan as one
of these ; for they are in chains and guarded till
the Great Day ; he is permitted still to go about
as tbe Tempter and the Adversary, until ha
appointed time be come. Setting these passage*
aside, we have still to consider the declaration
of our Lord in Luke x. 18, " I beheld Satan, as
lightning, fall from heaven." This may refer
to the fact of his original fall ; but, in any case,
it tells nothing of its cause or method. There
is also the passage already quoted (John viii.
44) ; but here it seems likely the words refer to
the beginning of his action upon man. Per-
haps the only one which has any value is 1
Tim. iii. 6, " lest, being lifted up by pride, be
fall into the condemnation of the devil." It is
concluded from this that pride was the cause
of the devil's condemnation. But, while thess
points are passed by almost in silence, Scrip-
ture describes to us distinctly the moral nature
of the Evil One. This is no matter of barren
speculation to those who, by yielding to evil,
may become the "children of Satan," instead
of " children of God." The ideal of goodness
is made up of the three great moral attributes
of God, — Love, Truth, and Purity or Holi-
ness, combined with that spirit which is the
natural temper of a finite and dependent crea-
ture, the spirit of Faith. We find, according-
ly, that the opposites of these qualities an
dwelt upon as the characteristics of the devil.
(C.) His Power and Actiox. — The
power of Satan over the soul is represented at
exercised either directly or by bis instruments.
His direct influence over the soul is simply that
of a powerful and evil nature on those in whom
lurks the germ of the same evil, differing from
the influence exercised by a wicked man in
degree rather than in kind ; bnt it has the
power of acting by suggestion of thoughts,
without the medium of action or words, — a
power which is only in very slight degree ex-
ercised by men upon each other. This influ-
ence is spoken of in Scripture in tbe strongest
terms, as a real external influence, correlative
to, but not to be confounded with, the existence
of evil within. Tet at the same time it is to be
observed that its language is very far from
countenancing, even for a moment, the horrors
of the Manicluean theory. The influence of
Satan is always spoken of as temporary and
limited, subordinated to the Divine counsel,
and broken by the Incarnate Son of God. It
is brought out visibly, in the form of posses-
sion, in the earthly life of our Lord, only in
order that it may give the opportunity of His
triumph. The history of the Book of Job
shows plainly, what is elsewhere constantly
implied, that satanic influence is permitted in
order to be overruled to good, to teach humil-
ity, and therefore faith. Tbe mystery of the
existence of evil is left unexplained ; but its
present subordination and future extinction are
familiar truths. So accordingly, on the other
hand, his power is spoken of as capable of being
resisted by the will of man, when aided by the
grace of "God. Besides his own direct influ-
ence, the Scripture discloses to us tbe fact that
Satan is the leader of a host of evil spirit* or
angels who share his evil work, and for whom
the " everlasting fire is prepared " (Matt. xxv.
41 ). Of their origin ana fall we know no more
than of his, for they cannot be the same a* the
fallen and imprisoned angels of 3 Pet-ii. 4 and
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Jade 6 ; bat one passage (Matt. xii. 24-26)
identifies them distinctly with the iatfiuvia
(A. V. " devils "Who had power to possess the
souls of men. They are mostly spoken of in
Scripture in reference to possession ; but in
Eph. vi. 12 they are described in various
lights, as " principalities," " powers," " rulers
of the darkness of this world," and " spiritual
powers of wickedness in heavenly places" (or
" things ") ; and in all as " wrestling " against
the soul of man. In Rev. xii. 7-9, they are
spoken of as fighting with " the dragon, the old
serpent called the Devil and Satan," against
" Michael and his angels," and as cast out of
heaven with their chiet Taking all these pas-
sages together, we find them sharing the enmity
to God and man implied in the name and na-
ture of Satan ; but their power and action are
but little dwelt upon in comparison with his.
Bnt the Evil One is not only the " prince of
the demons," but also he is called the " prince
of this world," in John. xii. 31 , xiv. 30, xvi.
11, and even the " god of this world " in 2 Cor.
iv. 4 ; the two expressions being united in Eph.
vi. 12. This power he claimed for himself,
at a delegated authority, in the temptation of our
Lord (Luke iv. 6) ; and the temptation would
have been unreal had he spoken altogether
falsely. It implies another kind of indirect in-
flue»-« exercised through earthly instruments.
There are some indications in Scripture of the
exercise of this power through inanimate instru-
ments, of an influence over the powers of na-
ture, and what men call the " chances " of life.
Most of all is this indirect action of Satan man-
ifested in those who deliberately mislead and
tempt men. The method of his action is best
discerned by an examination of the title by
which he is designated in Scripture. He is
railed emphatically i Stuj3oXoc, " the devil."
The derivation of the word in itself implies
only the endeavor to break the bonds between
others, and " set them at variance ; " but com-
mon usage adds to this general sense the spe-
cial idea of " setting at variance by slander."
In the application of the title to Satan, both
the general and special senses should be kept
in view. His general object is to break the
bonds of communion between God and man,
and the bonds of truth and love which bind
men to each other. The slander of God to
man is seen best in the words of Gen. iii. 4, 5.
They attribute selfishness and jealousy to the
Giver of all good. The slander of man to God
is illustrated by the Book of Job (Job i. 9-11,
ii. 4, 5). In reference to it, Satan is called the
" adversary " of man in 1 Pet v. 8, and repre-
sented in that character in Zech. iii. 1,2; and
more plainly still designated in Rev. xii. 10, as
" the accuser of our brethren, who accused
them bofore our God day and night." It is
difficult for us to understand what can be the
need of accusation, or the power of slander,
under the all-searching eye of God. But these
points, important as they are, are of less mo-
ment than the disclosure of the method of Sa-
tanic action upon the heart itself. It may be
summed np in two words, — temptation and
possession. The subject of temptation is illus-
trated, not only by abstract statements, but
also by the record of the temptations of Adam
and of our Lord. It is expressly laid down (as
in James i. 2-4) that " temptation," properly
so called, i.e. " trial," is essential to man, and
is accordingly ordained for him and sent to him
by God (as in Gen. xxii. 1). Man's nature is
progressive ; his faculties, which exist at first
only in capacity, must be brought out to exist
in actual efficiency by free exercise. His appe-
tites and passions need to be checked by the
reason and conscience, and this need constitutes
a trial. Besides this, the will itself delights in
independence of action. The need of giving
up the individual will, freely and by conviction,
so as to be in harmony with the will of God,
is a still severer trial. It is this tentability of
man, even in his original nature, which is rep-
resented in Scripture as giving scope to the evil
action of Satan. He is called the " Tempter"
(as in Matt. iv. 3; 1 Thess. iii. 5). He has
power, first, to present to the appetites or pas-
sions their objects in vivid and captivating
forms ; and next, to act upon the false desire
of the will for independence. It is a power
which can be resisted, because it is under the
control and overruling power of Got/ (1 Cor.
x. 13 ; James iv. 7, &c.). It is exercised both
negatively and positively. Its negative exer-
cise is referred to in the parable of the sower.
Its positive exercise is set forth i-\ the parable
of the wheat and th' tares. This txercise of
the Tempter's power s possible, even against
a sinless nature. We see this in the tempta-
tion of onr Lord. But in the temptation of a
fallen nature, Satan has a greater power.
Every sin committed makes a man th» " ser-
vant of sin " for the future (John viii. 34 ; Rom.
vi. 16) : it therefore creates in the spirit of man
a positive tendency to evil, which sympathizes
with and aids the temptation of the Evil One.
This is a fact recognized by experience It is
this which St. Paul calls " a law," t.e an ex-
ternal power "of sin " over man, bringing the
inner man into captivity (Rom. vii. 14-24).
Its power is broken by the Atonement and the
gift of the Spirit, but yet not completely cast
out. It is to this spiritual pow rr of evil, the
tendency to falsehood, cruelty, pride, and un-
belief, independently of any benefits to be de-
rived from them, that Satun is said to appeal
in tempting us. This twofold power of temp-
tation is frequently referred to in Scripture, as
exercised, chiefly by the suggestion of evil
thoughts, but occasionally by the delegated
power of Satan over outward circumstances.
The subject itself is the most startling form of
the mysterj of evil ; it is one on which, from
our ignoranv.4 of the connection of the First
Cause with Second Causes in nature, and of
the process of origination of human thought,
experience can hardly be held to be competent
either to confirm or to oppose the testimony of
Scripture. On the subject of Possession, see
Demoniacs.
The following extract from Auberlen's work
on the Prophecies of Daniel, and the Apocalypse,
is here appended as bearing upon the subject of
the preceding article. The writer is comment-
ing upon Rev. xii. 7. — Ed.
" But not only in the kingdom of God on
earth, bnt also in heaven itself, has a great
change been effected by the ascension of Christ
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(ver. 5, 10), which is of great importance
tor the church on earth, and is, for this reason,
mentioned here, viz. the casting-out of the devil.
In the second part of the chapter (ver. 7-12),
which we shall now examine, we cannot possi-
bly find any thing else bnt a description of the
fact, known to us from other parts of Scripture,
and especially the writings of St. John, that the
prince of this world is jugded by the completion
of Christ's work of reconciliation. According
to 1 John iii. 8, for this purpose the Son of God,
the vide tyfav, was born, — to destroy the works
of the devil.
" There are, then, three stages in the conflict of
Christ and Satan. The first is the temptation
in the wilderness. Being conquered there by
the Lord, and utterly defeated, Satan departed
from the person of Jesus for a time, or till a
certain time {&XP 1 koioov, Luke iv. 13), and as-
saulted those who were near Christ, in order
thus to oppose the Saviour's work. Hence the
many possessed of devils at that time, and the
driving-out of devils by Christ and His disci-
ples. This is the second stage of the conflict.
Here, also, the Son remained always conqueror,
and proved himself the stronger, who could bind
the strong man (Lake xi. 20, 22). On one of
those occasions, Christ uttered a saying to which
our passage in Revelation bears resemblance
(Luke x. 18), when the seventy disciples tell
Him, with joy, that even the devils were subject
to them through His name ; He said unto them,
' I beheld Satan fall from heaven like .lightning.'
Those victories over the enemy showed Him in
Spirit the full victory over Satan, — in the same
manner as the prophets behold the fulfilment in
the germ, the end of history in the historical
development. The third stage in which the
victory is consummated is the sufferings and
death, the resurrection and ascension, of Jesus.
This is your hour, and the power of darkness,
Christ says to His enemies (Luke xxii. 53). But
Satan tries to sift, also, Christ's friends like
wheat (Luke xxii. 31) ; and we know how he
succeeded in the case of Peter, and especially in
the case of Judas (Luke xxii. 3 ; John xiii. 2,
27). Only in Jesus Himself, whom he now
tempts by the terrors of the world, as he had
before by the lust of the world, ho had and
found nothing (John xiv. 30). On the contra-
ry, he is judged, and cast ont (Ix/ftqftjroerai 2f u)
by Christ's obedience unto death, as the Lord
says, using again an expression resembling that
in the Revelation (John xii. 31, xvi. 11;
comp. Heb. ii. 14) ; and His resurrection and
ascension is a public solemn triumph over the
principalities and powers of death (Col. ii. 15).
"The last-quoted passage is a key to our verse.
What Paul expresses here, with holy joy, in a
didactic form, John saw in a prophetic vision.
The devil is now cast out of heaven, after the
Son is raised to the throne of God, ver. 5. The
archangel, Michael, is appointed the executor
of the judgment For, according to Dan. x.
13, 21, xii. 1, he, among the high angelic
princes, is the angel to whom is intrusted the
defence of God's Church against the opposing
powers in the invisible world of spirits. He
had fought before then with the devil about the
body of the mediator of the old covenant ( Jude
•V But now, when the Mediator of the new
covenant had, of His own free will, offered Hli
own body as His sacrifice, it is possible for the
angel to resume the old combat, and with alto-
gether different success. We have dwelt at
Urge on these conflicts in the spirit-world in
our discussion of Dan. x. Michael and hit
angels overcome the resisting devil and hit
angels, and cast the dark powers and princi-
palities of heaven to the earth (ver. 7-9).
" In the next verse it is said, ' neither was their
place found any more (m) in heaven,' and this
presupposes that hitherto, up to the ascension of
Christ, the demons wane in heaven like the other
angels, and that, like them, they influenced
earth from their abodes in heaven, in which
there are many mansions. As heaven was not
yet opened to man before Christ, so it was not
vet shut against the devils. This is confirmed
Dv the other Holy Scriptures, specially the Old
Testament. In Job i. 6, ii. 1, we see Satan ap-
pear among the other sons of God before Jeho-
vah (compare also 1 Kings xxii. 19-22), in
the same way he stands beside the angel of
Jehovah (Zech. iii. 1, 2). In both cases, he ii
represented as the accuser of his brethren (Rev.
xii. 10). In the latter passage, he wishes to
accuse the high-pritst, Joshua, and Jerusalem,
and Israel, that their guilt was not yet atoned,
and that they were therefore unworthy of the
mercy which the Lord had shown them in lead-
ing them out of the captivity (Zech. iii. 3-4, 9).
In the former passage, he accuses the pious job,
that even he was not a jnst man, and receives
permission from God to tempt him to the utter-
most. As long as the blood of reconciliation
was not actually shed, that atonement, which ii
opposed (Zech. iii. 8, 9) to the accusations of
Satan, but only in the shape of a promise, Sa-
tan possessed still a right over men, and could
plead this, his right, before God day and night
(Rev. xii. 10, KaTvyopim, imperfect). Hence it
follows, that he was in heaven till the ban of
sin and death, resting on humanity, was broken.
We find this view corroborated in the New Tes-
tament. The saying of the Lord Jesus, quoted
above, that He saw Satan fall from heaven like
lightning, rests on the same supposition. Con-
nect with this a passage, which nas caused great
perplexity to commentators, but which may be
easily explained from this point of view, vis.,
Col. i. 20. The apostle endeavors here to
prove the superior dignity of Christ u com-
pared to the angels, because the Colossian fids*
teachers derogated from this dignity by their
doctrines concerning the world of spirits and
asons (ii. 10, 18); Paul has shown, ver. 15-
17, that all creatures, the heavenly powers u
well as the creatures of earth, owe their exig-
ence to the creative agency of Christ. In ver.
18-20, he treats of the second chief activity of
Christ, the atonement, and shows that also, in
this respect, the whole universe, in its two great
divisions, the world of earth and of heaven,
owes to Christ alone the restoration of hannonr
after the conflict which had been introduced,
owes to Him the harmonious subjugation of all
things under One Head. The juxtaposition of
aMc and rd frovTa, which characterise* the six-
teenth and seventeenth verses, meets us there-
fore again in the twentieth, M otfroe arotoraMo-
(at »* navra; and after the intermediate clause.
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he continues, SI o&rov tin rtk M rfc yfjt tin rd
h rolf oipavolc. Sin introduced discord and
conflict, not only on earth, bnt also in hearen,
by the fall of demons. 1 And as little as it was
possible for man to restore peace on earth, so
little was this possible for the angels in heaven.
The good angels were not able of themselves to
overcome the peace-disturbers, to cast out the
devils.and also for them it is only it atro&,through
Christ, that it was effected. It is the blood of
the cross which restored peace, even in heaven
(cifnfvomtTioac 6tu tov aluaroc tov aravpov) ; it is
only now, after Christ has obtained the victory
fully and legally, that Michael and his angels
are able to cast Satan and his servants out of
heaven. Only this view, which is corroborated
by the other passage of the Epistle to the Colos-
sians (ii. 15), enables us to see the striking force
of the Pauline argumentation, in showing us
the entire dependence of the angels on Christ.
Only thus can we explain satisfactorily the
context, and the repetition of the expression
ii abrob.
" Thus the event described in the verses under
consideration is an essential turning-point in
the history of the prince and the kingdom of
darkness. For of such a history Holy Scripture,
and specially the Apocalypse, gives us an outline.
That history consists of an ever-deeper down-
fall, in four gradations or periods. The first
extends to the first coming of Christ In this
period, the devil not only rules on earth, but is
also still in hearen ; his power is not yet bro-
ken; the Old Testament Theocracy is not fur-
nished with the weapons for overcoming the
enemy.
"The second period is from Christ to the
commencement of the millennium ; then Satan
is cast out of heaven to earth, where he exer-
cises yet free power.
" The third period embraces the millennium.
The enemy is bound ; and, as he was cast out of
heaven to earth, he is now cast into the bot-
tomless pit, and rendered harmless (Rev. xx.
1-3).
"After having been let loose for a little
while, he is (fourthly) judged, and cast for
ever and ever into the lake of fire (Rev. xx.
7-10 ; Matt. xxv. 41 ; 1 Cor. vi. 3). Thus the
whole history which the Apocalypse gives us
of Satan is a continual succession of his being
ca« out, hurled down (i)faidrp>tu, xii. 9, xx. 3,
10)."
To the same purport, Alford remarks in his
notes on Rev. xii. 7 : —
" ' And there was war in heaven,' Ac We
now enter upon a mysterious series of events
in the world of spirits, with regard to which
merely fragmentary hints are given us in the
Scriptures. In the O. T., we find the adver-
sary Satan in heaven ; in Job i., ii., he appears
before God as the tempter of His saints ; in
Zech. Hi., we have him accusing Joshua the
< Compare Korti Blbel and Astronomic 3 Ann*.,
p. Z» : — " The Ml of the unrein and the fall of man
brought earn and destruction Into the reirion of
the terreatlal world, and also Into the orlestiitl
•pheres. Into the abodes of the holv angel*, this
twofold catastrophe Introduced, though not positive
disturbance, vet privative loss, a retardation of tlidr
Mgbest and most perfect development, harmonious
gradation, and perfect consummation.''
high-priest in God's presence. Again: onr
Lord, in Luke x. 18, exclaims, 'I beheld Sa-
tan, as lightning, fall from heaven.' In this
brief speech, he sums up proleptically the whole
great conflict with and defeat of the power of
evil, from the first even till accomplished by his
own victory (cf. also John xii. 31); so that
this casting^down of Satan from the office of
accuser in heaven was evidently connected with
the great justifying work of redemption. His
voice is heard before God no more : the day of
acceptance in Christ Jesus has dawned; and
his angels, those rebel spirits whom he led
away, are cast down with him into the earth,
where now the conflict is waging during the
short time which shall elapse between the as-
cension and the second advent, when he shall
be bound. All this harmonizes together ; and,
though we know no more of the matter, we
have at least this sign, that our knowledge, so
far as it goes, is sound ; that the few hints
given us does not, when thus interpreted, con-
tradict one another, but agree as portions of
one whole.
" The war here spoken of appears in some of
its features in the Book of Daniel (x. 13, 21,
xii. 1 ). In Judo 9, also, we find Michael the
adversary of the devil in the matter of the
saints of God."
Sathrabu'sanea. Shkthahboznai (i
Esd. vi. 3, 7, 27). Ap.
Satyrs (Hob. Sfinm), the rendering in the
A. V. of the above-named plural noun, which,
having the meaning of " hairy " or " rough,"
is frequently applied to " he-goats; " the StSrtm,
however, of Is. xiii. 21, and xxxiv. 14, where
the prophet predicts the desolation of Babylon,
have, probably, no allusion to any species of
goat, whether wild or tame. According to tho
old versions, and nearly all the commentators,
our own translation is correct, and relates to
is, demons of woods and desert-places, half
men and half goats (corap. Lev. xvii. 7 ; 2 Chr.
xi. IS). The opinion held by Michaelis and
Licbtenstein, that the S<?rfm probably de-
note some species of ape, has been sanctioned
by Hamilton Smith in Kitto's Cgc. That
some species of Cynocephaiut (dog-faced bnboon)
was an animal that entered into the theology
of the ancient Egyptians is evident from the
monuments, and from what Horapollo has told
us. The other explanation, however, has the
sanction of Gesenius, Bochart, Rosenmiiller,
Parkhurst, Maurer, Fiirnt, and others.
Saul, more accurately Sraul. The name
of various persons in the sacred history. — 1.
Saul of Rehoboth by the river was ono'of the
early kings of Kdom, and successor of Samlah
(Gen. xxxvi. 37, 38). In 1 Chr. i. 48, he is
called Shaol. — 2. The first king of Israel.
There is a contradiction between the pedigree
in 1 Sam. ix. 1, xiv. 51, which represents Saul
and Abner as the grandsons of Abiel, and 1
Chr. viii. 33, ix. 39, which represents them as
his great-grandsons. If we adopt the more
elaborate pedigree in the Chronicles, we must
suppose either that a link has been dropped be-
tween Abiel and Kish, in 1 Sam. ix. 1, or that
the elder Kish, the son of Abiel (1 Chr. iv. 36),
has been confounded with the younger Kish,
the son of Ner (1 Chr. ix. 39). The pedigree
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in 1 Cbr. viii. is not free from confusion, as it
omits, amongst the sons of Abiel, Ner, who,
in 1 Chr. ix. 36, is the fifth son, and who, in
both, is made the father of Kisli. His charac-
ter is in part illustrated by the fierce, wayward,
fitful nature of the tribe, and in part accounted
for by the struggle between the old and new
systems in which he found himself involved.
To this we must add a taint of madness, which
broke out in violent frenzy at times, leaving
him with long lucid intervals. He was remark-
able for his strength and activity (2 Sam. i. 23),
and, like the Homeric heroes, of gigantic stat-
ure, taller by head and shoulders than the rest
of the people, and of that kind of beauty de-
noted by the Hebrew word "good" (1 Sam.
ix. 2), and which caused him to be compared
to the gazelle, " the gazelle of Israel." The
birthplace of Saul is not expressly mentioned ;
but, as Zelah was the place of Kish's sepulchre
(2 Sam. xxi.), it was probably his native vil-
lage. His father, Kish, was a powerful and
wealthy chief, though the family to which he
belonged was of little importance (ix. 1, 21).
A portion of his property consisted of a drove
of asses. In search of these asses, gone astray
on the mountains, he sent his son Saul, accom-
panied by a servant, who acted also as a guide
and guardian of the young man (ix. 3-10). It
was while prosecuting this adventure that Saul
met with Samuel for the first time. A divine
intimation had indicated to him the approach
and the future destiny of the youthful Bcnja-
mite. Surprised at his language, but still obey-
ing his call, they ascended to the high place,
and, in the inn or caravanserai at the top, found
thirty or (LXX., and Joseph.) seventy guests
assembled, amongst whom they took the chief
place. In anticipation of some distinguished
stranger, Samuel had bade the cook reserve a
boiled shoulder, from which Saul, as the chief
guest, was bidden to tear off the first morsel.
They then descended to the city, and a bed was
prepared for Saul on the housetop. At day-
break, Samuel roused him. They descended
again to the skirts of the town ; and there (the
servant having left them) Samuel poured over
Saul's head the consecrated oil, and with a kiss
of salutation announced to him that he was to
be the ruler and (LXX.) deliverer of the nation
(ix. 25-x. 1). From that moment, a new life
dawned upon him. He returned by a route,
which, like that of his search, it is impossible
to make out distinctly ; and at even' step home-
ward it was confirmed by the incidents which,
according to Samuel's prediction, awaited him
(x. 9, 10). This is what may be called the pri-
vate, inner view of his call. The outer call,
which is related independently of the other,
was as follows : — An assembly was convened
by Samuel at Mizpeh, and lots were cast to
find the tribe and the family which was to pro-
duce the king. Saul was named, and, by a
divine intimation, found hid in the circle of
baggage which surrounded the encampment (x.
17-24). His stature at once conciliated the
public feeling, and for the first time the shout
was raised, afterwards so often repeated in
modern times, " Long live the king " (x. 23,
24), and he returned to his native Gibeah. He
was (having apparently returned to his private
life) on his way home, driving his herd of
oxen, when he heard one of those wild lamen-
tations in the city of Gibeah, such as mark in
Eastern towns the arrival of a great calamity.
It was the tidings of the threat issned by Ka-
hasb king of Ammon against Jabesh Gilead.
" The Spirit of the Lord came upon him " as
on the ancient judges. The shy, retiring na-
ture which we have observed vanished, never to
return. Three (or six, LXX.) hundred thon-
sand followed from Israel, and thirty (or seventy,
LXX.) thousand from Judah ; and Jabesh was
rescued. The effect was instantaneous on the
people : the punishment of the murmurers was
demanded, but refused by Sanl ; and the monar-
chy was inaugurated anew at Gilgal (xi. 1—15).
It should be, however, observed that, according
to 1 Sam. xii. 12, the affair of Nahash jmctdtd
and occasioned the election of Saul. He be-
comes king of Israel. But he still so far re-
sembles the earlier judges as to be virtually
king only of his own tribe, Benjamin, or of the
immediate neighborhood. Almost all his ex-
ploits are confined to this circle of territory or
associations. Samuel, who had up to this time
been still named as ruler with Sanl (xi. 7, It,
14), now withdrew, and Saul became the ac-
knowledged chief. In the second year of his
reign, he began to organize an attempt to shake
off the Philistine yoke, which pressed on his
country ; not least on his own tribe, where a
Philistine officer had long been stationed even
in his own field (x. 5, xiii. 3). An armj of
3,000 was formed, which he soon afterwards
gathered together round him; and Jonathan,
apparently with his sanction, rose against the
officer, and slew him (xiii. 2—4). This roused
the whole force of the Philistine nation agaiiut
him. The spirit of Israel was completely
broken. In this crisis, Sanl, now on the very
confines of his kingdom at Gilgal, found him-
self in the position long before described by
Samuel ; longing to exercise his royal right of
sacrifice, yet deterred by his sense of obedience
to the prophet At last, on the seventh day. be
could wait no longer ; but, just after the sacrifice
was completed, Samuel arrived, and pronounced
the first curse on his impetuous zeal (xiii. 5-14).
Meanwhile the adventurous exploit of Jona-
than at Michmash brought on the crisis which
ultimately drove the Philistines back to their
own territory. It was signalized by two re-
markable incidents in the life of Saul. One
was the first appearance of his madness in the
rash vow which all but cost the life of his son
(1 Sam. xiv. 24, 44). The other was the erec-
tion of his first altar, built either to celebrate
the victory, or to expiate the savage feast of
the famished people (xiv. 35).
The expulsion of the Philistines (altbougl
not entirely completed, xiv. 52) at once placed
Saul in a position higher than that of any
previous ruler of Israel. The warlike character
of his reign naturally still predominated, and he
was now able to attack the neighboring tribes
of Moab, Ammon, Edom, Zobah, and finally
Araalek (xiv. 47). The war with Araalek is
twice related, first briefly fxiv. 48), and then at
length (xv. 1-9). Its chief connection with
Saul's history lies in the disobedience to the
prophetical command of Samuel; shown in
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the sparing of the king, and the retention of
the spoil. This second act of disobedience
called down the second curse, and the first dis-
tinct intimation of the transferrence of the
kingdom to a rival. The struggle between
Saranel and Saul in their final parting is in-
dicated by the rent of Samuel's robe of state
as he tears himself away from Saul's grasp
(for the gesture, see Joseph. Ant. vi. 7, § 5),
and by the long mourning of Samuel for the
separation — " Samuel mourned for Saul."
" How long wilt thou mourn for Saul ? " (xiv.
35, xvi. 1.) The rest of Saul's life is one long
tragedy. The frenzy, which had given indica-
tions of itself before, now at times took almost
entire possession of him. It is described in
mixed phrases as " an evil spirit of God "
(much as we might speak of "religious mad-
ness "), which, when it came upon him, almost
choked or strangled him from its violence. In
this crisis, David was recommended to him by
one of the young men of his guard. From
iing
ard,
this time forward, their lives are blended to-
gether. [David.] In Saul's better moments,
he never lost the strong affection which he had
contracted for David. Occasionally too his
prophetical gift returned, blended with his mad-
ness (xix. 24). But his acts of fierce, wild
zeal increased. At last the monarchy itself,
which he had raised up, broke down under the
weakness of its head. The Philistines re-
entered the country, and with their chariots
nn<l horses occupied the Plain of Esdraelon.
Their camp was pitched on the southern slope
of the range now called Little Hermon, by
Shnnem. On the opposite side, on Mount
Gilboa, w<is the Israelite army, clinging as
o*ual to the heights which were their safety.
It was near the spring of Gideon's encamp-
ment, hence called the spring of Harod or
" trembling ; " and now the name assumed an
evil omen, and the heart of the kin;* as he
pitched his camp there " trembled exceedingly "
(1 Sam. xxviii. 5). In the loss of all the usual
means of consulting the Divine Will, he de-
termined, with that wayward mixture of super-
stition and religion which marked his whole
career, to apply to one of the necromancers
who had escaped his persecution. She was a
woman living at Endor, on the other side of
Little Hermon. According to the Hebrew
tradition mentioned by Jerome, she was the
mother of Abner.
Volumes have been written on the question,
whether, in the scene that follows, we are to
understand an imposture or a real apparition
of Samuel. At this distance of time, it is im-
possible to determine the relative amount of
fraud or of reality, though the obvious mean-
ing of the narrative itself tends to the hypothe-
sis of some kind of apparition. She recognizes
the disguised king first bv the appearance of
Samuel, seemingly from his threatening aspect
or tone as towards his enemy. Saul apparently
saw nothing, but listened to her description of
a god-like figure of an aged man, wrapped
round with the roval or sacred robe. On hear-
ing the denunciation which the apparition con-
veyed, Saul fell the whole length of his gigan-
tic stntnre (see xxviii. 20, margin) on the
ground, and remained motionless till the wo-
107
man and his servants forced him to eat. The
next day the battle came on, and according to
Josephus, perhaps according to the spirit of
the sacred narrative, his courage and self-de-
votion returned. The Israelites were driven
i up the side of Gilboa. The three sons of Saul
: were slain (1 Sam. xxxi. 2). Saul himself,
j with his armor-bearer, was pursued by the
J archers and the charioteers of the enemy (1
• Sam. xxxi. 3; 2 Sam. i. 6). He was wounded.
His shield was cast away (2 Sam. i. 21). Ac-
cording to one account, he fell upon his own
sword (1 Sam. xxxi. 4). According to another
account, an Amalekite came up at the moment
of his death-wound, and found him " fallen,"
but leaning on bis spear (2 Sam. i. 6, 10). The
dizziness of death was gathered over him
(LXX., 2 Sam. i. 9), but he was still alive;
and ho was, at his own request, put out of
his pain by the Amalekite, who took off his
royal diadem and bracelet, and carried the
news to David (2 Sam. i. 7-10). The body, on
being found by the Philistines, was stripped,
and decapitated. The armor was sent into the
Philistine cities, as if in retribution for the
spoliation of Goliath, and finally deposited in
the Temple of Astnrte, apparently in the neigh-
boring Canaanitish city of Bethshan ; and
over the walls of the same city was hung the
naked headless corpse, with those of his three
sons (ver. 9, 10). The head was deposited
(probably at Ashdod) in the Temple of Dagon
(1 Chr. x. 10). The corpse was removed from
Bethshan by the gratitude of the inhabitants
of Jabesh Gilead, who came over the Jordan by
night, carried off the bodies, burnt them, and
buried them under the tamarisk at Jabesh
(1 Sam. xxxi. 13). Thence, after the lapso of
several years, his ashes and those of Jonathan
were removed by David to their ancestral
sepulchre at Zelah in Benjamin (2 Sam. xxi.
U).
8. The Jewish name of St. Paul. This was
the most distinguished name in the genealogies
of the tribe of Benjamin, to which the apostle
felt some pride in belonging (Rom. xi. 1 ; Phil.
Hi. 5). Nothing certain is known about the
change of the apostle's name from Saul to
Paul (Acts xiii. 9). Two chief conjectures
Srcvail concerning the change. (1.) That of
erome and Augustine, that the name was de-
rived from Seroius Padmts, the first of his
Gentile converts. (2.) That which appears
due to Lightfoot, that Paulus was the apostle's
Roman name as a citizen of Tarsus, naturally
adopted into common use by his biographer
when his labors among the heathen com-
menced.
Sav'aran, an erroneous form of the title
Avamn, borne by Eleazar the son of Mattathias
(1 Mace. vi. 43). Ap.
Savi'as. Uzzi the ancestor of Ezra ( 1 Esd.
viii. 2). Ap.
Saw. Egyptian saws, so far as has yet been
discovered, were single-handed, though St.
Jerome has been thought to allude to circular
siiws. As is the case in modem Oriental saws,
the teeth usually incline towards the handle,
instead of away from it, like ours. They have,
in most cases, bronze blades, apparently at-
tached to the handles by leathern thongs ; but
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some of those in the British Museum have
their blades let into them, like our knives. A
double-handed iron saw has been fonnd at
Nimrud. No evidence exists of the use of the
itaw applied to stone in Egypt ; nor, without the
double-handed saw, does it seem likely that this
should be the case ; but we read of sawn stones
used in the Temple ( 1 K. vii. 9). The saws
•' under " or " in which David is said to have
placed his captives were of iron. The expres-
sion in 2 Sam. xii. 31 does not necessarily
imply torture ; but the word " cut," in 1 Chr.
xx. 3, can hardly be understood otherwise.
Scape-goat. [Atonement, Day op.]
Scarlet. [Colors.]
Sceptre. The Hebrew term thibet, like its
Greek equivalent oidiwp"", and our derivative
teeptre, originally meant a rod or tlaff. It was
thence specifically applied to the shepherd's
crook (Lev. xxvii. 32; Mic. vii. 14), and to
the wand or sceptre of a ruler. The use of the
staff as a symbol of authority was not confined
to kings : it might be used by any leader, as
instanced in Judg v. 14, where, for'" pen of the
writer," as in the A. V., we should read "scep-
tre of the leader." The allusions to it are all
of a metaphorical character, and describe it
simply as one of the insignia of supreme power,
iGcn. xlix. 10; Num. xxiv. 17; Ps. xlv. 6;
s. xiv. 5; Am. i. 5; Zcch. x. 11 ; Wisd. x.
14; Bar. vi. 14). We are consequently unable
to describe the article from any biblical notices :
we may infer that it was probably made of
wood. The sceptre of the Persian monarch is
described as " golden," i.e. probably of massive
gold (Esth. iv. 11). A carved ivory staff dis-
covered at Nimrud is supposed to have been a
weptre.
Sce'va. A Jew residing at Ephesus at the
time of St. Paul's second visit to that town
(Actsxix. 14-16). He is described as a "high-
priest," either as having exercised the office
at Jerusalem, or as being chief of one of the
twenty-four classes.
Science' In the A. V., this word occurs
only in Dan. i. 4 and 1 Tim. vi. 20. Its use
in Dan. i. 4 is probably to be explained by the
number of synonymous words in the verse, for-
cing the translators to look out for diversified
equivalents in English. Why it should have
been chosen for I Tim. vi. 20 is not so obvious.
Its effect is injurious, as leading the reader to
suppose that St. Paul is speaking of something
else than the " knowledge " of which both the
Judaizing and the mystic sects of the apostolic
age continually boasted, against which he so
urgently warns men (1 Cor. viii. 1, 7), the
counterfeit of the true knowledge which he
prizes so highly (I Cor. xii. 8, xiii. 2 ; Phil. i.
9 ; Col. iii. 10). A natural perversion of the
meaning of the text has followed from this
translation.
Scorpion (Hcb. 'akrab). The well-known
animal of that name, belonging to the class
Antclmida and order Pulmonaria, which is twice
mentioned in the O. T. (Deut. viii. 15 ; Ez. ii.
6), and four times in the N. T. (Luke x. 19,
xi. 12; Rev. ix. 3, 10.) The wilderness of
Sinai is especially alluded to as being inhabited
by scorpions at the time of the Exodus, and to
this day these animals arc common in the same
district, as well as in some parts of Palestine
Ehrenberg enumerates five species as occurring
near Mount Sinai, some of which are found also
in the Lebanon. Scorpions arc generally found
in dry and in dark places, under stones and in
ruins, chiefly in worm climates. They are car-
nivorous in their habits, and move along in a
threatening attitude, with the tail elevated. The
sting, which is situated at the extremity of the
tail, has at its base a gland that secretes a poi-
sonous fluid, which is discharged into the wound
by two minute orifices at its extremity. In hot
climates, the sting often occasions much sofler-
ing, and sometimes alarming symptoms. The
"scorpions" of 1 K. xii. 11, 1*4, 2 Chr. x. II,
14, have clearly no allusion whatever to the
animal, but to some instrument of scourging —
unless indeed the expression is a mere figure.
Celsins thinks the " scorpion " scourge was thr
spiny stem of what the Arabs call Htdek, the
Solarium mtiongena, var. aadeatum, egg-plant.
Scorpion.
Scourging. The punishment of scour-
ging was prescribed by the Law in the case of a
betrothed bondwoman guilty of nnchastiry, and
perhaps in the cose of both the guilty persons
(Lev. xix. 20). The instrument of punishment
in ancient Egypt, as it is also in modern times
generally in the East, was usually the stick,
applied to the soles of the feet — bastinado.
Under the Roman method the culprit was
stripped, stretched with cords or thongs on a
frame, and beaten wilh rods.
Screech-owl. [Owl.]
Scribes (Heb. tdphrrim). I. Namr. — (1.)
Three meanings are connected with the verb
saphar, the root of tdpherim — (1) to write, (2)
to set in order, (3) to connt. The explanation
of the word has been referred to each of these.
The ndpherim were so called because they wrote
out the Law, or because they classified and ar-
ranged its precepts, or because thev counted
with scrupulous minuteness every clause and
letter it contained. The traditions of the
scribes, glorying in their own achievements,
were in favor of the last of these etymologies.
The second fits in best with the military func-
tions connected with the word in the earlier
stages of its history. The authority of most
Hebrew scholars is with the first The Greek
equivalent answers to the derived rather than
the original meaning of the word. The fpap-
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iirri( of a Greek state was not the mere writer,
out the keeper and registrar of public docu-
ments (Thuc. iv. 118, vii. 10; so in Acts xix.
35). (2.) The name of Kibjath-Sepheb
(Josh. xt. 15; Judg. i. 12) may possibly con-
nect itself with some early use of the title. In
the Song of Deborah (Judg. t. 14) the word ap-
pears to point to military functions of some
kind. The " pen of the writer" of the A. V.
is probably the rod or sceptre of the commander
numbering or marshalling his troops. Three
men are mentioned as successively filling the
office of scribe under David and Solomon (2
Sam. viii. 17, xx. 25 ; 1 K. ir. 3). We may
think of them as the king's secretaries, writing
his letters, drawing up his decrees, managing
his finances (comp. 2 K. xii. 10). At a later
period, the word again connects itself -vith the
act of numbering the military forces .of the
country (Jer. Hi. 25, and prooably Is. xxxiii.
18). Other associations, however, began to
gather round it about the same period. The
zeal of Hezekiah led him to foster the growth of
a body of men whose work it was to transcribe
old records, or to put in writing what had been
handed down orally (Prov. xxv. 1). To this pe-
riod, accordingly, belongs the new significance
of the title. It no longer designates only an
officer of the king's court, but a class, students
and interpreters of the Law, boasting of their
wisdom (Jer. viii. 8). (3.) The seventy years
of the Captivity gave a fresh glory to the name.
TVe exiles would be anxious above all things
to preserve the sacred books, the laws, the
hymns, the prophecies, of the past. The words
of Ezr. vii. 10 describe the high ideal of the
new office. The scribe is " to seek the law of the
Lord and to do it, and to teach in Israel statutes
and judgments." (4.) Of the time that followed
we have but scanty records. The scribes' office
apparently became more and more prominent.
They appear as a distinct class, " the families
of the scribes," with a local habitation (1 Chr.
ii. 55). They compile, as in the two Books of
Chronicles, excerpta and epitomes of larger his-
tories (1 Chr. xxix. 29 ; 2 Chr. ix. 29).
II. Development of Doctrine. — ( I . ) It is char-
acteristic of the scribes of this period, that, with
the exception of Ezra and Zadok (Neh. xiii.
13), we have no record of their names. A later
age honored them collectively as the men of
the Great Synagogue. Never, perhaps, was so
important a work done so silently. In the
words of later Judaism, they devoted themselves
to the Mikra (i.«. recitation, reading, as in
Neh. viii. 8), the careful study of the text, and
laid down rules for transcribing it with the
most scrupulous precision. (2.) A saying is
ascribed to Simon the Just (n.c. 300-290),
which embodies the principle on which they
had acted, and enables us to trace the next
stage of the growth of their system. "Our
fathers have taught us," he said, " three things,
to bo cautious in judging, to train many schol-
ars, and to set a fence about the Law." They
wished to make the Law of Moses the rule of
life for the whole nation and for individual
men. The Jewish teacher could recognize no
principles beyond the precepts of the Law. (3.)
The result showed, that in this, as in other j
instances, the idolatry of the letter was destruc- '•
tive of the very reverence in which it hah
originated. Step by step, the scribes were led
to conclusions at which we may believe the
earlier representatives of the order would have
started back with horror. Decisions on fresh
questions were accumulated into a complex
system of casuistry. The new precept*, still
transmitted orally, more precisely fitting in to
the circumstances of men s lives than the old,
came practically to take their place. The right
relation of moral and ceremonial laws was not
only forgotten, but absolutely inverted. (4.)
Here it will be enough to notice what way the
teaching of the scribes in our Lord's time was
making to that result. Their first work was
to report the decisions of previous rabbis.
These were the Halachoth (the current precepts
of the schools), precepts binding on toe con-
science. A new code, a second Corpus Juris,
the Mishna, grew ont of them. The anecdotes
of the schools or courts of law, the obita dicta
of rabbis, the wildest fables of Jewish super-
stition (Tit i. 14), were brought in ; and the
Oenara (completeness) Oiled np the measure
of the institutes of rabbinic law. The
Mishna and the Gemara together were known
as the Talmnd (instruction). (5.) Side by
side with this was a development in another
direction. The sacred books were not studied
as a code of laws only. To search into their
meaning hid from the first belonged to the
ideal office i~»f the scribe. But here also the
book suggested thoughts which could not logi-
cally be deduced from it The fruit of the
effort to find what was not there appears in
the Midrashim (searchings, investigations) on
the several books of the O. T. The process
by which the meaning, moral or mystical, was
elicited, was known as Hagada (saying, opin-
ion). There was obviously no assignable limit
to such a process. But there lay a stage higher
even than the Hagada. The mystical school
of interpretation culminated in the Kabbala
(reception, the received doctrine). Every letter,
everv number, became pregnant with mysteries.
in. History. — ( 1 . ) The names of the earlier
scribes passed away, as has been said, unrecord-
ed. Simon the Just (circ. b.c. 300-290) ap-
pears as the last of the men of the Great Syna-
gogue, the beginner of a new period. The
memorable names of the times that followed —
Antigonus of Socho, Zadok, Boothos — con-
nect themselves with the rise of the first oppo-
sition to the traditional system which was
growing up. The tenet of the Sadducees, how-
ever, never commanded the adhesion of more
than a small minority. It tended, by maintain-
ing the sufficiency of the letter of the Law, to
destroy the very occupation of a scribe ; and
the class, as such, belonged to the party of its
opponents. The words " scribes " and " Phari-
sees" were bound together by the closest
possible alliance (Matt, xxiii. passim ; Luke
v. 30). To understand their relation to each
other in our Lord's time, or their connection
with His life and teaching, we must look hack
to what is known of the five pairs of teachers
who represented the scribal succession. (2.)
The two names that stand first in order are
Joscs ben-Joezer, a priest, and Joses ben-
Jochanan (circ. B.C. 140-130). The precepts
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ascribed to them indicate a tendency to a greater
elaboration of all rules connected with ceremo-
nial defilement. The brave struggle with the
Syrian kings had turned chiefly on questions
of this nature, and it was the wish of the two
teachers to prepare the people for any future
conflict by founding a fraternity (the Lhaberim,
or associates) bound to the strictest observance
of the Law. (3.) Joshua ben-Perachiah and
Nitbai of Arbcla were contemporary with John
Hyrcanus (circ. B.C. 135-108), and enjoyed his
favor till towards the close of his reign, when
caprice or interest led him to pass over to the
camp of the Sadducees. (4.) The secession of
Hyrcanus involved the Pharisees, and therefore
the scribes as a class, in difficulties ; and a period
of confusion followed. The meetings of the
Sanhedrim were suspended or became predomi-
nantly Sadducean. Under his successor, Alex-
ander Jannai, the influence of Simon ben-
Shetach over the queen -mother Salome re-
established for a time the ascendency of the
scribes. The Sanhedrim once again assem-
bled, with none to oppose the dominant Phari-
saic party. The return of Alexander from
his campaign against Gaza again turned the
tables. Sight hundred Pharisees took refuge
in a fortress, were besieged, taken, and put to
death. Joshua bcn-Perachiah, the venerable
head of the order, was driven into exile. The
Sadducees failed, however, to win the confidence
pf the people. On the death of Jannai, the
influence of his widow Alexandra was alto-
gether on the side of the scribes ; and Simon
ben-Shetach and Judah ben-Tabbai entered on
their work as joint teachers. Under them the
juristic side of the scribe's functions became
firominent. Their rules turn chiefly on the
aws of evidence.
(5.) The two that followed, Shemaiah and
Abtalion, were conspicuous for another reason.
Now, for the first time, the teachers who sat in
Moses' seat were not even of the children of
Abraham. Proselytes themselves, or the sons
of proselytes, their pre-eminence in the knowl-
edge of the Law raised them to this office.
The lot of these two also was cast upon evil
days. They had courage to attempt to check
•he rising power of Herod in his bold defiance
of the Sanhedrim. When he showed himself
to be irresistible, they had the wisdom to submit,
and were suffered to continue their work in
peace. Its glory was, however, in great meas-
ure, gone. The doors of their school were no
longer thrown open to all comers so that crowds
might listen to the teacher. A fixed fee had to
be paid on entrance. On the death of Shemaiah
and Abtalion, there were no qualified successors
to take their place. Two sons of Bethera,
otherwise unknown, for a time occupied it; but
they were themselves conscious of their incom-
petence. (6.) The name of Hillel (born circ.
b.c. 112) has hardly received the notice due to
it from students of the gospel history. The
noblest and most genial representative of his
order, we mav see in him the best fruit which
the system of the scribes was capable of pro-
ducing. It is instructive to mark at once now
far he prepared the way for the higher teaching
which was to follow, how far he inevitablv fell
short of it. In the earlier days of his activity.
Hillel had as his colleague Menabem, probata}
the same as the Essene Manaen of Josephus.
He, however, was tempted by the growing powct
of Herod, and, with a large number of his
followers, abandoned at once their calling ai
scribes, and their habits of devotion. The
place thus vacant was soon filled by Shammai.
The two were held in nearly cqnal honor. One,
in Jewish language, was the Nasi, the other the
Ab-beth-din, of the Sanhedrim. They did not
teach, however, as their predecessors bad done,
in entire harmony with each other. Within
the party of the Pharisees, within the order of
the scribes, there came for the first time to be
two. schools with distinctly opposed tendencies :
one vehemently, rigidly orthodox, the other
orthodox also, but with an orthodoxy which,
in the language of modem politics, mi^ht it
classed as liberal conservative. The points on
which they differed were almost innumerable.
In most of* them, questions as to the causes and
degrees of uncleanness, as to the lew of con-
tracts or of wills, we can find little or no
interest. On the former class of subjects, tbe
school of Shammai represented the extixmcst
development of the Pharisaic spirit. (7.) The
teaching of Hillel showed some capacity for
wider thoughts. His personal character w»
more lovable and attractive. While, on the
one side, he taught as from a mind well stored
with the traditions of the elders, he was, on the
other, any thing bnt a slavish follower of those
traditions. He was the first to lay down princi-
ples for an equitable construction of the Law
with a dialectic precision which seems almost u
imply a Greek culture. The genial character
of the man comes out in some of his sayings,
which remind us of the tone of Jesus the son
of Sirach, and present some faint approxima-
tions to a higher teaching.
(8.) The contrast showed itself in the con-
duct of the followers not less than in the teach-
ers. The disciples of Shammai were conspicu-
ous for their fierceness, appealed to popular
passions, and used the sword to decide their
controversies. Out of that school grew the
party of tbe Zealots, fierce, fanatical, vindictive,
the Orangemen of Pharisaism. Those of Hillel
were, like their master (comp. eg. the advice of
Gamaliel, Acts v. 34-42), cautious, gentle, tol-
erant, unwilling to make enemies, content to
let things take their course. One sonpht to
impose upon the proselyte from heathenism the
full burden of the Law, the other that he should
be treated with some sympathy and indulgence.
(9.) Outwardly, the teaching of our Lord must
have appeared to men different in many wa%s
from both. But, in most of the points at
issne between tbe two parties, He must have a; -
pearcd in direct antagonism to the school of
Shammai, in sympathy with that of Hillel. £o
far, on the other hand, as the temper of the
Hillel school was one of mere adaptation to the
feeling of the people, cleaving to tradition, warn-
ing in the intuition of a higher life, the teach-
ing of Christ must have been felt as unsparingly
condemning it. (10.) It adds to the interest of
this inquiry to remember that Hillel himself
lived, according to the tradition of the rabbis,
to the great age of 120, and may therefore have
been present among the doctors' of Luke ii. 46;
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and that Gamaliel, hig grandson and successor,
was at the head of this school during the whole
of the ministry of Christ, as well as in the early
portion of the history of the Acts. We are
thus able to explain the fact, which so many
passages in the Gospels lead us to infer, — the
existence all along of a party among the scribes
themselves, more or less disposed to recognize
Jesus of Nazareth as a teacher.
IV. Education and Life.—(\.) The special
training for a scribe's office began, probably,
about the age of thirteen. According to the
Pirlct Aboth (v. 24), the child began to read the
Mikra at five, and the Mishna at ton. Three
years later, every Israelite became a child of the
Law, and was bound to study and obey it The
great mass of men rested in the scanty teaching
of their synagogues, in knowing and repeating
their TephilUm, the texts inscribed on their
phylacteries. For the boy who was destined
by his parents, or who devoted himself, to the
calling of a scribe, something more was re-
quired. He made his way to Jerusalem, and
applied for admission to the school of some fa-
mous rabbi. If he were poor, it was the duty
of the synagogue of his town or village to pro-
vide for the payment of his fees, and in part
also for his maintenance. The master and his
scholars met, the former sitting on a high chair,
tho elder pupils on a lower bench, the younger
on the ground, both literally " at his feet."
The class-room might be the chamber of the
Temple set apart for this purpose, or the private
school of the rabbi. The education was chiefly
catechetical; the pupil submitting cases and
asking questions, the teacher examining the
pupil (Luke ii.). Parables entered largely into
the method of instruction. (2.) After a suf-
ficient period of training, probably at the age of
thirty, the probationer was solemnly admitted
to his office. The presiding rabbi pronounced
the formula, " I admit thee, and thou art ad-
mitted, to the Chair of the Scribe ; " solemnly
ordained him by the imposition of hands ; and
gave to him, as the symbol of his work, tablets,
-on which he was to note down the sayings of
the wise, and the " key of knowledge (comp.
Luke xi. 52), with which he was to open or
to shut the treasures of divine wisdom.
(3.) There still remained for the disciple after
his admission the choice of a variety of func-
tions, the chances of failure and success. He
might rise to high places, become a doctor of
the law, an arbitrator in family litigations (Luke
xii. 14), the head of a school, a member of the
Sanhedrim. He might have to content himself
with the humbler work of a transcriber, copying
the Law and the Prophets for the use of syna-
gogues, or TephilUm for that of the devout ; or
a notary, writing out contracts of sale, cove-
nants of espousals, bills of repudiation. The
position of the more fortunate was, of course,
attractive enough. (4.) In regard to social
position, there was a bke contradiction between
theory and practice. The older scribes had
had no titles: Shemaiah emphatically warned
his disciples against them. In our Lord's time,
the passion for distinction was insatiable.
Drawing to themselves, as they did, nearly all
the energy and thought of Judaism, the close
hereditary caste of the priesthood was power-
leas to compete with them. Unless the priest
became a scribe also, he remained in obscurity.
(5.) The character of the order was marked
under these influences by a deep, incurable
hypocrisy, all the more perilous because, in
most casus, it was unconscious. We must not
infer from this that all were alike tainted, or
that the work which they had done, and the
worth of their office, were not recognized by
Him who rebuked them for their evil.
Scrip (Heb. yalk&t). The Hebrew word
thus translated appears in 1 Sam. xvii. 40 as
a synonyme for the bag in which the shepherds
of Palestine carried their food or other ncccs-
saijes. In Symmachus and the Vulg., para,
and, in the marginal reading of A. V., " scrip,"
appear in 2 K. iv. 42 for the tsiklon, which, in
the text of the A. V., is translated Aunt. The
scrip of the Galilean peasants was of leather,
used especially to carry their food on a journey,
and slung over their shoulders.
Scripture. The chief facts relating to the
books to which, individually and collectively,
this title has been applied, will be found under
Bible and Canon. It will fall within the
scope of this article to trace the history of the
word, and to determine its exact meaning in
the language of the O. and N. T. (1.) It is
not till the return from the Captivity that the
word meets us with any distinctive force. In
the earlier books, we read of the Law, the Book
of the Law. In Ex. xxxii. 16, the Command-
ments written on the tables of testimony are
said to be " the writing of God ; " hut there is no
special sense in the word taken by itself. In
the passage from Dan. x. 21, where the A. V.
has " the Scripture of Truth," the words do
not probably mean more than " a true writing."
The thought of the Scripture as a whole is
hardly to be found in them. This firkt appears
in 2 Chr. xxx. 5, 18 (" as it was written," A.
V.). The Greek word, as will be seen, kept its
ground in this sense. A slight change passed
over that of the Hebrew, and led to the substi-
tution of another. The word dthUnm ( = writ-
ings), in the Jewish arrangement of the O. T.,
used for a part, and not the whole, of the O. T.
(the Hagiographa; comp. Bible.) Another
word was therefore wanted, and it was found
in the Mikra (anpa, Neh. viii. 8), or " read-
ing," the thing read or recited, recitation. This
accordingly we find as the equivalent for the
collective ypafai. (2.) With this meaning,
the word ypa+q passed into the language of the
N. T. Used in the singular, it is applied chiefly
to this or that passage quoted from the O. T.
iMark xii. 10; John vii. 38, xiii. 18, xix. 37;
yuke iv. 21; Rom. ix. 17; Gal. iii. 8, &c.)
In two passages of some difficulty, some have
seen the wider, some the narrower sense. (1.)
Tlaoa ypafi) Stoirveveroc (2 Tim. iii. 16) has
been translated in the A. v., "All Scripture is
given by inspiration of God." There is a pre-
ponderance of authority in favor of the ren-
dering, " Every ypafii, being inspired, is also
profitable," . . . (2.) The meaning of the
genitive in iraaa irpofrrreia ypaffft (2 Pet. i. 20)
seems at first sight distinctly collective. " Every
prophecy of, i.e. contained in, the O. T. Scrip-
ture," A closer examination of the passage
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SEA
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SEA, MOLTEN
will perhaps lead to a different conclusion. (3. )
In the plural, as might be expected, the collec-
tive meaning is prominent. In 2 Pet. iii. 16,
we And an extension of the term to the Epis-
tles of St. Paul; but it remains uncertain
whether " the other Scriptures " are the Scrip-
tures of the O. T. exclusively, or include other
writings, then extant, dealing with the same
topics. (4. ) In one passage, rd lepa ypuu/iara
(2 Tim. iii. 15) answers to " The Holy Scrip-
tures " of the A. V.
Scyth'ian occurs in Col. iii. 11 as a gener-
alized term for rude, ignorant, degraded. The
same view of Scythian barbarism appears in 2
Mace. iv. 47, and 3 Mace. vii. 5. The Scythi-
ans dwelt mostly on the north of the Black
Sea and the Caspian, stretching thence indefi-
nitely into inner Asia, and were regarded by
the ancients as standing extremely low in point
of intelligence and civilization.
Scythop'olifl, that is, " the city of the
Scythians, occurs in the A. V. of Jud. iii. 10
and 2 Mace. xii. 29 only. Bethshean has now,
like so many other places in the Holy Land,
regained its ancient name, and is known as
Beisan only. A mound close to it on the west
is called Tell Shilc, in which it is perhaps just
possible that a trace of Scythopolis may linger.
But, although there is no doubt whatever of the
identity of the place, there is considerable differ-
ence of opinion as to the origin of the name.
The LXX. and Pliny attribute it to the Scyth-
ians, who, in the words of the Byzantine his-
torian, George Synccllus, " overran Palestine,
and took possession of Baisan, which from
them is called Scythopolis." This has been in
modern times generally referred to the invasion
recorded by Herodotus (i. 104-6), when the
Scythians, after their occupation of Media,
passed through Palestine on their road to Egypt
(about B.C. 600). Reland, however, discarded
this explanation, and suggested that Scythopo-
lis was a corruption of Succotbopolis — the
chief town of the district of Succoth. Since,
however, the objection of Reland to the histori-
cal truth of Herodotus is now removed, the
necessity for this suggestion seems not to exist.
Dr. Robinson suggests, that, after all, City of
the Scythians may be right ; the word Scythia
being used, as in the N. T., as equivalent to a
barbarian or savage. In this sense, he thinks it
may have been applied to the wild Arabs, who
then, as now, inhabited the Ghdr, and at times
may have had possession of Bethshean. Scy-
thopolis was the largest city of the Decapohs,
nnd only one of the ten which lay west of Jor-
dan. It was surrounded by a district of its own
of the most abundant fertility. It became the
seat of a Christian bishop, and its name is
found in the lists of signatures as late as the
Council of Constantinople, a.d. 536. The la-
test mention of it under the title of Scythopolis
is probably that of William of Tyre (xxii. 16
and 26). He mentions it as if it was then ac-
tually so called, carefully explaining that it was
formerly Bethshean. Ap.
Sea. The sea, yam, is used in Scripture to
denote — 1. The "gathering of the waters"
{yamim), encompassing the land, or what we
call in a more or less definite sense " the ocean "
iGen. i. 2, 10 ; Deut. xxx. 13, &c.). 2. Some
portion of this, as the Mediterranean Sea
(Deut. xi. 24), or the Red Sea (Ex. xv. 4).
3. Inland lakes, whether of salt or fresh water.
4. Any great collection of water, as the Rivera
Nile or Euphrates, especially in a state of over-
flow (Is. xix. 5; Am. viii. 8). The qualities
or characteristics of the sea and sea-coast men-
tioned in Scripture are, 1. The sand, whose
abundance on the coast both of Palestine and
Egypt furnishes so many illustrations (Gen.
xxii. 17, xli. 49 ; Jndg. vii. 12 ; I Sam. xiii. 5 ;
I K. iv. 20, 29; Is. x. 22; Matt. vii. 26). 2.
The shore. 3. Creeks or inlets. 4. Harbors.
5. Waves or billows. It may be remarked that
almost all the figures of speech taken from the
sea in Scripture refer either to its power or its
danger. The place "where two seas met"
(Acts xxvii. 41) may perhaps mean one where
two currents, caused by the intervention of the
island, met, and produced an eddy, which made
it desirable at once to ground the ship.
Sea, Molten. In the place of the laver of
the tabernacle, Solomon caused a laver to be
cast for a similar purpose, which from its size
was called a sea. It was made partly or wholly
of the brass, or rather copper, which had been
captured by David from " Tibhatli and Chun,
Hypothetic*] reatoiatton of tht Laver. (From KcilJ
cities of Hadarezer king of Zobah " (1 K. vii.
23-26 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 8). Its dimensions were
as follows : — Height, five cubits ; diameter, ten
cubits ; circumference, thirty cubits ; thickness,
one handbreadth ; and it is said to have been
capable of containing 2,000, or, according to 2
Chr. iv. 5, 3,000 baths. Below the brim there
was a double row of " knops," ten (»\e. 5+5) in
each cubit. These were probably a running
border or double fillet of tendrils, and fruits,
said to be gourds, of an oval shape. The brim
itself, or lip, was wrought " like the brim of a
cup, with flowers of lilies, "i.e. curved oat wards
like a lily or lotus-flower. The laver stood on
twelve oxen, three towards each quarter of the
heavens, and all looking outwards. It was
mutilated by Ahaz, by being removed from its
basis of oxen, and placed on a stone base, and
was finally broken up by the Assyrians (2 K.
xvi. 14, 17, xxv. 13). Josephu* says that the
form of the sea was hemispherical, and that it
held 3,000 baths ; and he elsewhere tells us that
the bath was equal to 72 Attic &orw, or I
furpnrTK = 8 gallons 5- 1 2 pints. The question
arises, which occurred to the Jewish writers
themselves, how the contents of the laver, as
they are given in the sacred text, are to be
reconciled with its dimensions. The Jewish
writers supposed that it had a square hoDow
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SEA, THE SALT
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SEA, THE SALT
'bus for three cubits of its height, and two cu-
bits of the circular form above. A far more
probable suggestion is that of Thenius, in
which Keil agrees, that it was of a bulging
form below, but contracted at the mouth to the
dimensions named in 1 K. vii. 23.
Sea, the Salt. The usual, and perhaps the
most ancient name for the remarkable lake,
which, to the Western world, is now generally
known as the Dead Sea. — I. 1. It is found
only, and but rarely, in the Pentateuch (Gen.
xiv. 3; Num. xxxiv. 3, 12 ; Dent iii. 17), and
in the Book of Joshua (iii. 16, xii. 3, xv. 2, 5,
xriii. 19). 2. Another, and possibly a later
name is the Sea of the Ababah (A. V. " sea
of the plain "), which is found in Dent. iv. 49
and 2 K. xiv. 25; and combined with the
former — " the Sea of the Arabah, the salt sea "
— in Dent. iii. 17 ; Josh. iii. 16, xii. 3. 3. In
the prophets (Joel ii. 20 ; Ezek. xlvii. 18 ; Zech.
xiv. 8), it is mentioned by the title of the East
Sea. 4. In Ex. xlvii. 8, it is styled, without
Jirevious reference, the sea, and distinguished
rom " the great sea " — the Mediterranean
(ver. 10). 5. In the Talrandical books, it is
called both the " Sea of Salt," and " Sea of Sod-
om." 6. Josephus, and, before him, Diodorus
Siculus, names it the Asphaltic Lake. 7. The
name " Dead Sea " appears to have been first
used in Greek by Pausanias (v. 7) and Galen
(iv. 9), and in Latin (man mertuum) by Justin
(xxxvi. 3, § 6), or rather by the older historian,
Tragus Pompeius (cir. B.C. 10), whose work he
epitomized. 8. The Arabic name is Bahr Lit,
the " Sea of Lot."
II. I. The so-called Dead Sea is the final
receptacle of the River Jordan, the lowest and
largest of the three lakes which interrupt the
rush of its downward course. It is the deepest
portion of that very deep natural fissure which
runs like a furrow from the Gulf of Akaba to
the range of Lebanon, and from the range of
Lebanon to the extreme north of Syria. 2.
Viewed on the map, the lake is of an oblong
form, of tolerably regular contour, interrupted
only by a large and long peninsula which pro-
jects from the eastern shore, near its southern
end, and virtually divides the expanse of the
water into two portions, connected by a long,
narrow, and somewhat devious passage. Its
water surface is, from N. to S., as nearly as
possible forty geographical, or forty-six Eng-
lish miles long. Its greatest width (some three
mile* S. of Aw Jiay) is about nine geogr.
miles, or ten and one-third Eng. miles. The
ordinary area of the upper portion is about 174
square geogr. miles ; of the channel, twenty-
nine ; and of the lower portion, hereafter styled
" the lagoon," forty-six ; in all about 250 square
geographical miles. At its northern end, the
lake receives the stream of the Jordan ; on its
eastern side, the Zarka Ma'in (the ancient Cal-
lirrhoe, and possibly the more ancient en-Eg-
?aim), the Mojfb (the Anion of the Bible), and
the Beni-Hemad; on the south, the Kurahy
or A-Ahsy ; and on the west, that of Am July.
These are probably all perennial, though vari-
able streams ; but, in addition, the beds of the
torrents which lead through the mountains
east and west, and over the flat shelving plains
on both north and south of the lake, show
that in the winter a very large quantity of
water must be poured into it. There are also
all along the western side a considerable number
of springs, which appear to run continually,
and all find their way into its waters. The
lake has no visible outlet. 3. Excepting the
last circumstance, nothing has yet been stated
about the Dead Sea that may not be stated of
numerous other inland lakes. The depression
of its surface, however, and the depth which it
attains below that surface, combined with the
absence of any outlet, render it one of the most
remarkable spots on the globe. According to
the observations of Lieut. Lynch, the surface
of the lake in May, 1848, was 1,316-7 feet below
the level of the Mediterranean at Jaffa ; and,
although we cannot absolutely rely on the ac-
curacy of that dimension, still there is reason
to believe that it is not very far from the fact.
The measurements of the depth of the lake
taken by the same party are probably more
trustworthy. The upper portion is a perfect
basin, descending rapidly till it attains, at about
one-third of its length from the north end, a
depth of 1,308 feet Immediately west of the
upper extremity of the peninsula, however, this
depth decreases suddenly to 336 feet, then to 1 14,
and by the time the west point of the peninsula
is reached, to 18 feet. Below this, the southern
portion is a mere lagoon of almost even bottom,
varying in depth from 12 feet in the middle to
3 at the edges. 4. The level of the lake is
liable to variation according to the season of
the year. Since it has no outlet, its level is a
balance struck between the amount of water
poured into it and the amount given off by
evaporation. If more water i» supplied than
the evaporation can carry off, the lake will rise
until the evaporating surface is so much in-
creased as to restore the balance. On the other
hand, should the evaporation drive off a larger
quantity than the supply, the lake will descend
until the surface becomes so small as again to
restore the balance. The extreme differences
in level resulting from these causes have not
yet been carefully observed.
5. The change in level necessarily causes a
change in the dimensions of the lake. This
will chiefly affect the southern end. The shore
of that part slopes up from the water with
an extremely gradual incline. Over so flat a
beach, a very slight rise in the lake would send
the water a considerable distance. Dr. Ander-
son, the geologist of the American expedition,
conjectured that the water occasionally extended
as much as eight or ten miles south of its then
position. On the peninsula, the acclivity of
which is much greater than that of the southern
shores of the lagoon, and in the early part of
the summer (June 2), Irby and Mangles found
the " high-water mark a mile distant from the
water's edge." At the northern end, the shore
being steeper, the water-line probably remains
tolerably constant. The variation in breadth
will not be so much. 6. The mountains which
form the walls of the great fissure in whose
depths the lake is contained continue a nearly
parallel course throughout its entire length,
viewed from the beach at the northern end of
the lake — the only view within the reach
of most travellers — there is little perceptible
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difference between the two ranges. Each is
equally bare and stem to the eye. 7. Of the
eastern side bnt little is known. One traveller
in modern times (Seetzen) has succeeded in
forcing his way along its whole length. Both
Dr. Robinson from Ain Jidy (i. 502), and
Lieut. Molyneux (127) from the surface of the
lake, record their impression that the eastern
mountains are much more lofty than the west-
ern, and much more broken by clefts and ra-
vines. In color they are brown or red, — a
great contrast to the gray and white tones of
the western mountains. Both sides of the
lake, however, are alike in the absence of vegeta-
tion — almost entirely barrel and scorched.
8. Sectzen's journey, just mentioned, was
accomplished in 1807. He started in January
from the ford of the Jordan through the upper
country, by Aflcaur, Attamu, and the ravine of
the Wady Mojib, to the peninsula: returning
immediately after by the lower level, as near
the lake as it was possible to go. He was on
foot, with but a single guide. He represents
the general structure of the mountains as lime-
stone, capped in many places by basalt, and
having at its foot a red ferruginous sandstone,
which forms the immediate margin of the lake.
The rocks lie in a succession of enormous
terraces, apparently more vertical in form than
those on the west. The streams of the Mojib
and ZUrka issue from portals of dark-red sand-
stone of romantic beauty, the overhanging sides
of which no ray of sun ever enters. Palms are
numerous ; but, except near the streams, there
is no vegetation. 9. One remarkable feature
of the northern portion of the eastern heights
is a plateau which divides the mountains half
way up, apparently forming a gigantic landing-
place in the slope, and stretching northwards
from the Wady ZBrka Ma'tn.
10. The western shores of the lake have
been more investigated than the eastern, al-
though they cannot be said to have been yet
more than very partially explored. Two trav-
ellers have passed over their entire length, —
De Saulcy in January, 1851, from north to
south, Voyage dam la Syrie, &c., 1853 ; and
Narrative of a Journey, &c., London, 1854; and
Poole in November, 1855, from south to north
( Geogr. Journal, xxvi. 55). Others have passed
over considerable portions of it, and have re-
corded observations both with pen and pen-
cil. II. The western range preserves for the
greater part of its length a course hardly less
regular than the eastern. That it does not
appear so regular when viewed from the north-
western end of the lake is owing to the pro-
jection of a mass of the mountain eastward
from the line sufficiently far to shut out from
view the range to the south of it. It is Dr.
Robinson's opinion that the projection consists
of the Rus el-FeshJchah and its " adjacent cliffs "
only. But it seems probable that the projec-
tion really commences farther south, at the Rat
Merited, north of Ain Jidy. 12. Farther south,
the mountain-sides assume a more abrupt and
savage aspect, and in the Wady Zuweirah, and
still more at Sebbeh — the ancient Masada —
reach a pilch of rugged and repulsive, though at
the same time impressive, desolation, which per-
haps cannot be exceeded anywhere on die face
of the earth. 13. The region which hes o»
the top of the western heights was probably
at one time a wide table-land, rising gradually
towards the high lands which form the central
line of the country. It is now cut up by deep
and difficult ravines, separated by steep ana
inaccessible summits ; but portions of the table-
lands still remain in many places to testify to
the original conformation. The material is a
soft cretaceous limestone. The surface is en-
tirely desert, with no sign of cultivation. 14.
Of the elevation of this region, we hitherto
possess bat scanty observations. Between Ain
Jidy and Ain Teribeh the summit is a table-
land 740 feet above the lake. Farther north,
above Am Terabeh, the summit of the pass is
1,305-75 feet above the lake, within a few feet
the height of the plain between the Wady
en-Nar and Goumran, which is given by Mr.
Poole at 1,340 feet. 15. A beach of varying
width skirts the foot of the mountains on the
western side. Above Ain Jidy it consists main-
ly of the deltas of the torrents — fan-shaped
banks of de'brit of all sizes, at a steep slope,
spreading from the outlet of the torrent like
those which become so familiar to travellers,
in Northern Italy for example. In one or two
places — as at the mouth of the Kidron and st
Ain Terabeh — the beach may be 1,000 to 1,400
yards wide, but usually it is much narrower,
and often is reduced to almost nothing by the
advance of the headlands. For its major part,
as already remarked, it is impassable. Below
Ain Jidy, however, a marked change occurs in
the character of the beach. Alternating with
the shingle, solid deposits of a new material,
soft friable chalk, marl, and gypsum, with salt,
begin to make their appearance. The width
of the beach thus formed is considerably greater
than that above Am Jidy. From the Birtel
et-KMUil to the wady south of Sebbeh, a dis-
tance of six miles, it is from one to two miles
wide, and is passable for the whole distance-
One feature of the beach is too characteristic
to escape mention — the line of driftwood
which encircles the lake, and marks the highest,
or the ordinary high, level of the water. 16.
At the south-west corner of the lake, below
where the Wadys Zuweirah and Mahauwat break
down through the enclosing heights, the beach
is encroached on by the salt mountain or ridge
of Khathm Utdum. This remarkable object
is hitherto but imperfectly known. It is a long
level ridge, or dike, of several miles long. Its
northern portion runs S. S. E. ; but, after
more than half its length, it makes a sudden
and decided bend to the right, and then runs
S. W. It is from 300 to 400 feet in height, of
inconsiderable width, consisting of a body of
crystallized rock-salt, more or less solid, covered
with a capping of chalky limestone and gyp-
sum. The lower portion, the salt rock, nse*
abruptly from the glossy plain at its eastern
base, sloping back at an angle of not more
than 45°, often less. Between the north end
of K. Utdum and the lake is a mound covered
with stones, and bearing the name of urn-
Zoghal. It is about sixty feet in diameter, and
ten or twelve high, evidently artificial, and not
improbably the remains of an ancient strncture-
17. It follows, from the fact that the lake oo-
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copies s portion of a longitudinal depression,
(hat its northern and southern ends are not
enclosed by highland, as its east and west sides
are. The floor of the Ghor or Jordan Valley
has been already described. [Palestine.] 18.
A small piece of land lies. off the shore about
half way between the entrance of the Jordan
and the western side of the lake. It is nearly
circular in form. Its sides are sloping, and
therefore its size raries with the height of the
water. When the writer went to it in Sept.
1S58, it was about 100 yards in diameter, ten
or twelve feet out of the water, and connected
with the shore by a narrow neck or isthmus of
about 100 yards in length. 19. Beyond the
island, the north-western corner of the lake is
bordered by a low plain, extending up to the
foot of the mountains of Nebu Muaa, and south
as far as Am Feshkhah. This plain must be
considerably lower than the general level of
the land north of the lake, since its appearance
implies that it is often covered with water. A
similar plain (the Ghdr d-Bdka, or Ghdr Seiaa-
ban) appears to exist on the N. E. comer of
the lake, between the embouchure of the Jordan
and the slopes of the mountains of Moab. 20.
The southern end is like the northern, a wide
plain, and, like it, retains among the Arabs the
n.ime of El-Ghdr. It has been visited by but
few travellers. The plain is bounded on the
west side, below the Khashm Usdam, by a tract
thickly studded with a confused mass of un-
important eminences, " low cliffs and conical
hills," of chalky indurated marl. In height
they vary from 50 to 150 feet. In color they
are brilliant white.
21. The waters of two-thirds of the Arabah
drain northwards into the plain at the south of
the lake, and thence into the lake itself. The
Wady el-Jeib — the principal channel by which
this vast drainage is discharged on to the plain
— is very large, " a huge channel," " not far
from half a mile wide," " bearing traces of an
immense volume of water, rushing along with
violence, and covering the whole breadth of the
valley." The body of detritus discharged by
such a river must be enormous. 22. Of the
eastern boundary of the plain we possess hardly
any information. We know that it is formed
by the mountains of Moab, and we can just
discern that, adjacent to the lake, they consist
of sandstone, red aud yellow, with conglomer-
ate containing porphyry and granite. 23. Of
the plain itself, hardly more is known than of
its boundaries. Its greatest width from W. to
E. is estimated at from five to six miles, while
its length, from the cave in the salt mountain
to the range of heights on the south, appears
to be about eight Thus the breadth of the
Ghdr seems to be here considerably less than it
is anywhere north of the lake, or across the lake
itself. That part of it which more immediately
adjoins the lake consists of two very distinct
sections, divided by a lane running nearly N.
and S. Of these the western is a region of
salt and barrenness, bounded by the salt moun-
tain of Khtuhm Usdam. Near the lake, it bears
the name of at-Sabkah, i.e. the plain of salt
mud. 24. To this the eastern section of the
plain is an entire contrast. A dense thicket of
reeds, almost impenetrable, divides it from the
108
Sabkah. This past, the aspect of the land com-
pletely changes. It is a thick copse of shrubs
similar to that around Jericho, and, like that,
cleared here and there in patches where the
Ghawarineh, or Arabs of the Ghdr, cultivate
their wheat and durra, and set up their wretch-
ed villages. The variety of trees appears to be
remarkable. Here, as at Jericho, the secret of
this vegetation is an abundance of fresh water
acting on a soil of extreme richness. This dis-
trict, so well wooded and watered, is called the
Ghdr et-Safieh. Its width is less than that of
the Sablcah. 25. The eastern mountains which
form the background to this district of wood-
land arc no less naked and rugged than those
on the opposite Bide of the valley. They con-
sist, according to the reports of Seetzen, Poole,
and Lynch, of a red sandstone, with limestone
above it — the sandstone in horizontal strata
with vertical cleavage. Of their height nothing
is known ; but all travellers concur in estimating
them as higher than those on the west, and as
preserving a more horizontal line to the south.
After passing from the Ghdr a-Sqfieh to the
north, a salt plain is encountered resembling
the Sabkah, and, like it, overflowed by the lake
when high. 26. We have now arrived at the
peninsula which projects from the eastern shore,
and forms the north enclosure of the lagoon.
Among the Arabs, it appears to bear the names
Ghdr d-Mtxra'ak and Ghdr d-Liaan. 27. Its
entire length from north to south is about ten
geogr. miles, and its breadth from five to
six ; though these dimensions are subject to
some variation according to the time of year.
It appears to be formed entirely of recent
aqueous deposits, late or post-tertiary, very
similar, if not identical, with those which face
it on the western shore, and with the " mounds "
which skirt the plains at the south and N. W.
of the lake. It consists of a friable carbonate
of lime intermixed with sand or sandy marls,
and with frequent masses of sulphate of lime
(gypsum). The whole is impregnated strongly
with sulphur, and also with salt. At the north,
it is worn into a short ridge or mane, with very
steep sides and serrated top. Towards the
south, the top widens into a table-land. A scan-
ty growth of shrubs, so scanty as to be almost
invisible, is found over the table-land.
28. There seems no reason to doubt that this
peninsula is the remnant of a bed of late aqueous
strata which were deposited at a period when
the water of the lake stood very much higher
than it now does, but which, since it attainec*
its present level, and thus exposed them to tho
action of the winter torrents, are gradually be-
ing disintegrated, and carried down into the
depths of the lake. It may have been deposited
either by the general action of the lake, or by
the special action of a river, possibly in the di-
rection of Wady Kerak. 29. The extraordinary
difference between the depth of the two portions
of the lake, north and south of the peninsula,
has been already alluded to. The former is a
bowl, which at one place attains the depth of
more than 1,300 feet, while the average depth
along its axis may be taken as not far short of
1 ,000. On the other hand, the southern portion
is a flat plain, with the greater part of its area
nearly level, a very few feet only below the
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surface. 30. Thus the circular portion below
the peninsula, and a part of the channel, form
a mere lagoon, entirely distinct and separate
from the basin of the lake proper. This por-
tion, and the plain at the south as far as the
rise or offset at which the Arabah commences,
— a district in all of some sixteen miles by
eight, — wonld appear to have been left, by the
la»t great change in the form of the ground, at
a level not far below its present one, and conse-
quently much higher than the bottom of the
lake itself. But surrounded as it is on three
Bides by highlands, the waters of which have
no other outlet, it has become the delta into
which those waters discharge themselves. It
is difficult to speak with confidence on any of
the geological features of the lake, in the ab-
sence of reports by competent observers. But
the theory that the lagoon was lowered by a
recent change, and overflowed, seems directly
contrary to the natural inference from the fact
that such large torrents discharge themselves
into that spot. 31. The water of the lake is
not less remarkable than its other features. Its
most obvious peculiarity is its great weight.
Its specific gravity has been found to be at
much as 12-28; that is to say, a gallon of it
would weigh over 12J lbs. instead of 10 lbs.,
the weight of distilled water. Water so heavy
must not only be extremely buoyant, but must
possess great inertia. Its buoyancy is a com-
mon theme of remark by the travellers who
have been upon it or in it Dr. Kobinson
" could never swim before, either in fresh or
salt water; " yet here he "could sit, stand, lie,
or swim, without difficulty " (B. R. i. 506).
32. So much for its buoyancy. Of its weight
and inertia, the American expedition had also
practical experience. In the gale in which the
[wrty were caught on their first day on the
ake, between the mouth of the Jordan and Ain
Feshkah, " it seemed as if the bows of the boats
were encountering the sledge-hammers of the
Titans." At ordinary times, there is nothing
remarkable in the action of the surface of the
lake. Its waves rise and fall, and surf beats
on the shore, just like the ocean. 33. One or
two phenomena of the surface may be men-
tioned. Many of the old travellers, and some
modern ones, mention that the turbid yellow
stream of the Jordan is distinguishable for a
long distance in the lake. The haze or mist
which perpetually broods over the water has
been already mentioned. It is the result of the
prodigious evaporation.
34. The remarkable weight of this water is
due to the very large quantity of mineral salts
which it holds in solution. From the analysis
of the U. S. expedition, it appears that each
gallon of the water, weighing 12J lbs., contains
nearly 3) lbs. (3-319) of matter in solution, — an
immense quantity when we recollect that sea-
water, weighing 10} lbs. per gallon, contains
less than j a lb. Of this 3 J lbs., nearly 1 lb. is
common salt (chloride of sodium) ; about 2 lbs.
chloride of magnesium, and less than i a lb.
chloride of calcium (or muriate of lime). The
most unusual ingredient is bromide of magne-
sium, which exists in truly extraordinary quan-
tity. 35. The sources of the components of the
water may be named generally without diffi-
E
culty. The lime and magnesia proceed fror-
the dolomitic limestone of the surrounding
mountains ; from the gypsum which exists on
the shores, nearly pure, in Urge quantities;
and from the carbonate of lime and carbonate
of magnesia found on the peninsula and else-
where. The chloride of sodium is supplied
from Khaskm Usdum, and the copious brine-
spriugs on both shores. Balls of nearly pure
sulphur (probably the deposit ot some sulphur-
ous stream) are lound in the neighborhood of
the lake, on the peninsula, on the western beach
and the north-western heights, and on tk
plain S. of Jericho. Manganese, iron, and
alumina have been found on the peninsula ; and
the other constituents are the product of the
numerous mineral springs which surround tlie
lake, and the washings of the aqueous deposits
on the shores, which are gradually restoring to
the lake the salts they received from it a^cs
back when covered by its waters. The strength
of these ingredients is heightened by the con-
tinual evaporation. 36. It has been long sup-
g>sed that no life whatever existed in the lake,
ut recent facts show that some inferior organi-
zations can and do find a home even in these salt
and acrid waters. The Cabinet d 'Hist Natu-
relle at Paris contains a fine specimen of a
coral called Stylophora pistillata, which is stated
to have been brought from the lake in 1837 by
the Marq. de l'Escalopier, and has every appear-
ance of having been a resident there, and not
an ancient or foreign specimen. Ehrenbcrg
discovered eleven species of Folygastcr, two
of Polytbalamise, and five of Phytolitharia:, in
mud and water brought home by Lepsius.
The copious phosphorescence mentioned by
Lynch is also a token of the existence of life
in the waters. The ducks seen diving by Poole
must surely have been in search of some form
of life, either animal or vegetable. 37. The
statements of ancient travellers and geographers,
to the effect that no living creature could exist
on the shores of the lake, or bird fly across its
surface, arc amply disproved by later travellers.
The canebrakes of Ain Fesliiah, and the other
springs on the margin of the lake, harbor snipe,
partridges, ducks, nightingales, and other birds,
as well as frogs ; hawks, doves, and hares are
found along the shore ; and the thickets of Ain
Jidy contain "innumerable birds." 38. Of
the temperature of the water, more observa-
tions are necessary before any inferences can
be drawn. Lynch states that a stratum at
59° Fahr. is almost invariably found at ten
fathoms below the surface. Between Wait/
JBtrlca and Ain Terabeh, the temp, at surface was
76°, gradually decreasing to 62° at 1,044 feet
deep, with the exception just named. At other
times, and in the lagoon, the temp, ranged from
82° to 90°, and from 5° to 10° below that of
the air. 39. Nor does there appear to be any
thing inimical to life in the atmosphere of the
lake or its shores, except what naturally pro-
ceeds from the great heat of die climate. The
Ghawarineh and Rathaidch Arabs, who inhabit
the southern and western sides and the penin-
sula, are described as a poor stunted race; but
this is easily accounted for by the heat and re-
laxing nature of the climate, and by their mea-
gre way of life, without inferring any thing
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specially unwholesome in the exhalations of
the lake.
40. Of the botany of tlte Dead Sea little or
nothing can be said. Dr. Hooker, in his por-
tion of the article Palestine, has spoken of
the vegetation of the GhSr in general, and of
that of Ain Jidu and the N. W. shore of tho
lake in particular. Beyond these, the only
parts of the lake which ho explored, nothing
accurate is known. A few plants are named
l>V Seetzen as inhabiting the Ghdr es-Sq/ieA and
the peninsula. 41. Of the zoology of the
shores, it is hardly too much to say that
nothing is known. The birds and animals
mentioned by Lynch and Robinson have been
already named ; but their accurate identifica-
tion must await the visit of a traveller versed
in natural history. 42. The appearance of the
lake does not fulfil the idea conveyed by its
popular name. " The Dead Sea," says a re-
cent traveller, "did not strike me with that
sense of desolation and dreariness which I sup-
pose it ought. I thought it a pretty, smiling
lake, — a nice ripple on its surface." Seetzen,
in a lengthened and unusually enthusiastic pas-
sage, extols the beauties of the view from the
delta at the mouth of the Wadg Mojib, and the
advantages of that situation for a permanent
residence. 43. The truth lies, as usual, some-
where between these two extremes. On the one
hand, the lake certainly is not a gloomy, deadly,
smoking gulf. In this respect, it does not at
all fulfil the promise of its name. At sunrise
and sunset, the scene must be astonishingly
beautiful. Every one who has been in the
west of Scotland knows what extraordinary
pictures are sometimes seen mirrored in the
sea-water lochs when they lie unruffled in the
calm of early morning or of sunset. The reflec-
tions from the bosom of the Dead Sea are said
to surpass those as far as the hues of the moun-
tains which encircle it, when lit up by the gor-
geous rising and setting suns of Syria, surpass
in brilliancy and richness those of the hills
around Loch Fyne and Loch Goyle. But, on
the other hand, there is something in the preva-
lent sterility, and the -ry, burnt look of the
shores, the overpowering heat, the occasional
smell of sulphur, the dreary salt marsh at the
southern end, and the fringe of dead driftwood
round the margin, which must go far to excuse
the title which so many ages have attached to
the lake, and which we may be sure it will
never lose. 44. It does not appear probable
that the condition or aspect of the lake in bibli-
cal times was materially different from what it
is at present. Other parts of Syria may have
deteriorated in climate and appearance, owing
to the destruction of the wood which once cov-
ered them ; but there are no traces either of the
ancient existence of wood in the neighborhood
of the lake, or of any thing which would ac-
count for its destruction, supposing it to have
existed. When Machterus and CaUirrhoe were
inhabited, and when the Plain of Jericho was
occupied with tho crowded population neces-
sary for the cultivation of its balsam-gardens,
vineyards, sugar-plantations, and palm-groves,
there may have been a little more life on the
shores. But this can never have materially
affected the lake. 45. The connection between
this singular lake and the biblical history is
very slight. In the topographical records of
the Pentateuch and the Book of Joshua, it
forms one among the landmarks of the bounda-
ries of the wholo country as well as of the infe-
rior divisions of Judah and Benjamin. As a
landmark, it is once named in what appears to
be a quotation from a lost work of the prophet
Jonah (2 K. xiv. 25), itself apparently a reminis-
cence of the old Mosaic statement (Mum. xxxiv.
8, 12). Besides this, the name occurs once or
twice in the imagery of the prophets. In the
New Testament, there is not even an allusion to
it. There is, however, one passage in which
the " Salt Sea " is mentioned in a different
manner to any of those already quoted, viz. as
having been in the time of Abraham the Vale
of Siddim (Gen. xiv. 3). 46. Now the evi-
dence of the spot is sufficient to show that no
material change has taken place in the upper
and deeper portion of the lake for a period very
long anterior to the time of Abraham. In the
lower portion, — the lagoon and the plain below
it, — if any change has occurred, it appears to
have been rather one of reclamation than of
submersion — the gradual silting-up of the dis-
trict by the torrents which discharge their con-
tents into it. Owing to the gentle slope of tho
plain, temporary fluctuations in the level of
the lake would affect this portion very materi-
ally ; and it is quite allowable to believe that a
few wet winters, followed by cold summers,
would raise the level of the lake sufficiently to
lay the whole of the district south of the lagoon
under water, and convert it for tho time into a
part of tho " Salt Sea." Such an exceptional
state of things the writer of the words in Gen.
xiv. 3 may have witnessed, and placed on record.
47. This is merely suited as a possible expla-
nation ; and it assumes the Vale of Siddiin to
have been the plain at the south end of the lake,
for which there is no evidence. But it seems
to the writer more natural to believe that the
author of this note on a document, which even
in his time was probably of great antiquity, be-
lieved that the present lake covered a district
which in historic times had been permanently
habitable dry land. Such was the implicit be-
lief of the whole modern world — with the
exception perhaps of Reland — till within less
than half a century. At the same time, it must
not be overlooked that the passage in question
is tho only one in the whole Bible — Old Tes-
tament, Apocrypha, or New Testament — to
countenance the notion that the cities of the
plain were submerged, — a notion which the
present writer has endeavored elsewhere [Sid-
dim ; Sodom ; Zoak] to show does not date
earlier than the Christian era. 48. The writer
has there also attempted to prove that the be-
lief which prompted the statements just quoted
from modern writers, viz. that the Dead Sea
was formed by the catastrophe which overthrew
the " Cities of the Plain, is a mere assump-
tion. It is not only unsupported by Scripture,
but is directly in the teeth of the evidence of
the ground itself. Of the situation of those
cities, we only know that, being in the " Plain
of the Jordan," they must have been to the
north of the lake. Of the catastrophe which
destroyed them, we only know that it is de-
Digitized by
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SEBA
860
SEGUB
scribed as a shower of ignited sulphur descend-
ing from the skies. Its date is uncertain ; but
we shall be safe in placing it within the limit of
2,000 years before Christ The destruction of
Sodom and Gomorrah msy have been by vol-
canic action ; but it may be safely asserted that
no traces of it have yet been discovered, and
that, whatever it was, it can have had no con
nection with that far vaster and far more an-
cient event which opened the great valley of
the Jordan and the Dead Sea, and at some sub-
sequent time cut it off from communication
with the lied Sea by forcing up between them
the tract of the Wady Arabah.
Seal. The importance attached to seals in
the East is so great, that, without one, no docu-
ment is regarded as authentic. The use of
some method of sealing is obviously, therefore,
of remote antiquity. Among such methods
used in Egypt at a very early period were en-
graved stones, pierced through their length, and
Rung by a string or chain from the arm or neck,
or set in rings for the ringer. The most ancient
form used for this purpose was the scarabssus,
formed of precious or common stone, or even
of blue pottery or porcelain, on the flat side of
which the inscription or device was engraved.
Cylinders of stone or pottery bearing devices
were also used as signets. But in many cases
the seal consisted of a lump of clay, impressed
with the seal, and attached to the document,
whether of papyrus or other material, by strings.
The use of clay in sealing is noticed in the
Book of Job (xxxviii. 14), and the signet-ring
as an ordinary part of a man's equipment in the
case of Judah (Gen. xxxviii. 18), who probably,
like many modern Arabs, wore it suspended by
a string from his neck or arm (Cant. viii. 6).
The ring or the seal as an emblem of authority
both in Egypt, in Persia, and elsewhere, is
mentioned in the cases of Pharaoh with Joseph
(Gen. xli. 42), of Ahab (1 K. xxi. 8), of Ahasue-
rus (Esth. Hi. 10, 12, viii. 2), of Darius (Dan.
vi. 17 ; also 1 Mace. vi. 15), and as an evidence
of a covenant in Jer. xxxii. 10, 54 ; Neh. ix.
38. x. 1 ; Hag. ii. 23. Its general importance
is denoted by the metaphorical use of the word,
Rev. v. I, ix. 4. Engraved signets were in use
among the Hebrews in early times, as is evident
in the description of the high-priest's breast-
plate, Ex. xxviii. 11, 36, xxxix. 6; and the
work of the engraver as a distinct occupation
is mentioned in Ecclus. xxxviii. 27.
SelM (pi. SeMim ; A. V. incorrectly ren-
dered Sab^ans) heads the list of the sons of
Cush. The list of the sons of Cush seems to
indicate the position of the Cushite nation or
country Seba. Nimrod, who is mentioned at
the close of the list, ruled at first in Babylonia,
and apparently afterwards in Assyria : of the
names enumerated between Seba and Nimrod,
it is highly probable that some belong to Ara-
bia. We thus may conjecture a curve of Cush-
ite settlements, one extremity of which is to be
placed in Babylonia, the other, if prolonged
tar enough, in accordance with the mention of
the African Cush, in Ethiopia. The more ex-
act position of Seba will oe later discussed.
Besides the mention of Seba in the list of the
sons of Cush (Gen. x. 7 ; 1 Chr. i. 9), there
are but three, or, as some hold, four notices of
the nation (Ps. lxxii. 10 ; Is. xliii. 3, xlv. 14)
The doubtful notice is in Ezekiel, in a difficult
passage : " And with men of the multitude ot
Adam [were] brought drunkards [but the Kcri
reads ' people of Seba '] from the wildernc&k,
which put bracelets upon their hands, and
beautiful crowns upon their beads " (xxiii. 42).
The first clause would seem to faror the ides
that a nation is meant ; but the reading of the
text is rather supported by what follows the
mention of the " drunkards." These passages
seem to show (if we omit the last) that Seba
was a nation of Africa, bordering on or included
in Cush, and in Solomon's time independent,
and of political importance. We are thus able
to conjecture the position of Seba. No ancient
Ethiopian kingdom of importance could have
excluded the Island of Meroe; and therefore
this one of Solomon's time may be identified
with that which must have arisen in the period
of weakness and division of Egypt that fol-
lowed the empire, and have laia the basis of
that power that made SHEBEK, or Sahara,
able to conquer Egypt, and found the Ethio-
pian dynasty which ruled that country as well
as Ethiopia. Josephus says that Saba, was the
ancient name of the Ethiopian island and city
of Meroe ; but he writes Seba, in the notice of
the Koacbian settlements, Sabas. The Island
of Meroe lay between the Astaboras, the At-
bora, the most northern tributary of the Nile,
and the Astapus, the Bahr el-Azrak or " Blue
River," the eastern of its two great confluents :
it is also described as lounded by the Astabo-
ras, the Astapus, and the Astasobas, the hitter
two uniting to form the Blue River, bat this is
essentially the same thing. It was in the time
of the kingdom rich and productive. The
chief city was Meroe, which was an oracle of
Jupiter Ammon. The remains of the dry
Meroe have not been identified with certainty.
Se'bat. [Mokth]
Seo'acah. One of the six cities of Judah
which were situated in the Midbar (" wilder-
ness"), that is, the tract bordering on the
Dead Sea (Josh. xv. 61 ). Its position is not
known.
Secheni'as. 1. Shxchaxiah 2 (l Esd.
viii. 29). — 2. Shecraxiah 3 (1 Ead. viii. 32).
Ap.
Se'chu. A place mentioned once only
(1 Sam. xix. 22), apparently as lying on the
route between Saul s residence, Gibeah, and
Ramah (Ramathaim Zophim), that of Samuel.
It was notorious for " the great well " (or rather
cistern) which it contained. Assuming that
Saul started from Gibeah [Tmlal e/-/W], and
that Aefcy Samtcil is Ramah, then Bit jStinila
(the Well of Neballa), alleged by a modern trav-
eller to contain a large pit, would be in a suita-
ble position for the great Well of Sechu.
Secun'dUB was a Tbessalonian who went
with the Apostle Paul from Corinth as far as
Asia, on his return to Jerusalem from his third
missionary tour (see Acts xx. 4).
Sedeci'as. 1. The father of Maaseiah
(Bar. i. 1), and apparently identical with the
false prophet in Jer. xxix. 21, 22. — 3. Zede-
kiah, king of Judah (Bar. i. 8). Ap.
Seer. [Prophet.]
Se'gub. 1. The youngest son of Hiel the
Digitized by
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SELA
861
8ELAH
snthelite, who rebuilt Jericho (1 K. xvi. 34).
— 2. Son of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 21, 22).
Seir, Mount. We have both " land of
Seir" (Gen. xxxii. 3, xxxvi. 30) and " Mount
Seir" (Gen. xiv. 6). 1. The original name
of the mountain ridge extending along the east
side of the Valley of Arabah, from the Dead Sea
to the Elanitic Gulf. The name may either
have been derived from Seir the Honte, who
appears to have been the chief of the aboriginal
inhabitants (Gen. xxxvi. 20), or, what is per-
haps more probable, from the rough aspect of
the whole country. The name Gebala, or
Gebalene, was applied to this province by Joso-
phus, and also by Euscbius and Jerome. The
northern section of Mount Seir, as far as Petra,
is still called Jebal, the Arabic form of Gebal.
The Mount Seir of the Bible extended much
farther south than the modern province, as is
shown by the words of Deut ii. 1-8. It had
the Arabah on the west (ver. 1 and 8) ; it ex-
tended as far south as the head of the Gulf of
Akabah (vcr. 8) ; its eastern border ran along
the base of the mountain range where the pla-
teau of Arabia begins. Its northern border is
not so accurately determined. The land of
Israel, as described by Joshua, extended from
" the Mount Haluk that goeth up to Seir, even
unto Baal Gad" (Josh. xi. 17). As no part
of Edom was given to Israel, Mount Halak
most have been upon its northern border. Now
there is a line of " naked " (halak signified
' naked " ) white hills or cliffs which runs across
the great valley about eight miles south of the
Dead Sea, forming the division between the
Arabah proper and the deep Ghor north of it.
The view of these cliffs, from the shore of the
Dead Sea, is very striking. They appear as a
line of hills shutting in the valley, and extend-
ing up to the mountains of Seir. The impres-
sion left by them on the mind of the writer was
that this is tho very " Mount Halak that goeth
np to Seir." 2. An entirely different place
from the foregoing; one of the landmarks on
tho north boundary of the territory of Judah
(Josh. xv. 10 only). It lay westward of Kir-
jath-jearim, and between it and Both-shemesh.
If Kuriet d-Enab be the former, and AinsAems
the latter of these two, then Mount Seir cannot
fail to be the ridge which lies between the Wad;/
Altj and the Wady Ghurab. How the name of
Seir came to be placed so far to the north of
the main seats of the Seirites, we have no means
of knowing. Perhaps, like other names oc-
curring in the tribe of Benjamin, it is a monu-
ment of an incursion by the Edomites which
has escaped record. But it is more probable
that it derived its name from some peculiarity
in the form or appearance of the spot.
Sei'rath. The place to which Ehud fled
after his murder of Eglon (Judg. iii. 26, 27).
It was in " Mount Ephraim " (27), a continu-
ation, perhaps, of tne same wooded, shaggy
bills [such seems to be the signification of Seir
and Sarath) which stretched even so far south
as to enter the territory of Judah (Josh. xv.
10). It has hitherto escaped observation in
modern times.
Se la and Selah, 2 K. xiv. 7 ; Is. xvi. I :
rendered " tho rock " in the A. V., in Judg. i.
36, 2 Chr. xxv. 12, Obad. 3. Probably the city
later known as Petra, the ruins of which arc
found about two days' journey N. of the top of
the Gulf of Akaba, and three or four S. from
Jerieho. It was in the midst of Mount Seir, in
the neighborhood of Mount Hor, and there-
fore Edomite territory, taken by Amaziah, and
called Joktheel. In the end of the fourth
century B.C., it appears as the headquarters of
the Nabathaeans, who successfully resisted the
attacks of Antigonus. About 70 B.C., Petra
appears as the residence of the Arab princes
named Aretas. It was by Trajan reduced to
subjection to the Roman Empire. The city
Petra lay, though at a high level, in a hollow
shnt in by mountain-cliffs, and approached only
by a narrow ravine, through which, and across
the city's site, the river winds.
Sela-Ham-Mahlekoth (ia "the cliff
of escapes" or "of divisions"). A rock or
cliff in the wilderness of Maon, the scene of
one of those remarkable escapes which are so-
frequent in the history of Saul's pursuit of
David (1 Sam. xxiii. 28). No identification
has yet been suggested.
Selah. This word, which is only found
in the poetical books of tho Old Testament,
occurs seventy-one times in the Psalms, and
three times in Habukkuk. In sixteen psalms,
it is found once, in fifteen twice, in seven three
times, and in one four times --always at the
end of a verse, except in Ps. Iv. 19 [20], lvii. 3
[4], and Hab. iii. 3, 9, where it is in the mid-
ale, though at the end of a clause. All the
psalms in which it occurs, except eleven (iii.,
vii., xxiv., xxxii., xlviii., 1., lxxxii., Ixxxiii.,
lxxxvii., Ixxxix., cxliii.), have also the musical
direction, " to the Chief Musician " (coinp.
also Hab. iii. 19) ; and in these exceptions we
find the words mixmtr (A. V. " Psalm "), Shig-
gaion, or Maschil, which sufficiently indicate
that they were intended for music. Besides
these, in the titles of the Psalms jn which Se-
lah occurs, we meet with the musical term
Alamoth (xlvi.), Altaschith (lvii., lix., tocv.),
Gittith jlxxxi., lxxxiv.), Mahalath Leunnoth
(lxxxviii.), Michtam (lvii., lix., lx.), Ne^-inah
(lxi.), Neginoth (iv., liv., Iv., Ixvii., lxsvi. ;
comp. Hab. iii. 19), and Sbushan-eduth (lx.) ;
and on this association alone might be formed
a strong presumption that, like these, Selah
itself is a term which had a meaning in the
musical nomenclature of the Hebrews. What
that meaning may have been is now a matter
of pure conjecture. In by far the greater num-
ber of instances, the Targum renders the word
by " for ever," " for ever and ever." In Ps.
xlix. 13 [14], it has " for the world to come ; "
in Ps. xxxix. 5 [6], " for the life everlasting ; "
and in Ps. cxl. 5 [6], "continually." This
interpretation, which is the one adopted by the
majority of rabbinical writers, is purely tradi-
tional, and based upon no etymology whatever.
It is followed by Aquila, Symmachus, Theodo-
tion, Jerome, and tne Peshito Syriac in some
instances. That this rendering is manifestly
inappropriate in some passages, as for instance
Ps. xxi. 2 [3], xxxii. 4, Ixxxi. 7 [8], and Hab.
iii. 3, and superfluous in others, as Ps. xliv. 8
[9], lxxxiv. 4 J5], Ixxxix. 4 [5], was point-
ed out long since by Aben Ezra. In the
Psalms, the uniform rendering of the LXX. is
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SELEMIA
SENAAH
iunfrakia. The Vulgate omits it entirely. The
rendering 6:ufafyut of the LXX. and other
translators in in every way as traditional as that
of the Targum " for ever," and has no founda-
tion in any known etymology. With regard to
the meaning of Aa^aX/ia itself there is great
doubt. Jerome enumerates the various opin-
ions which have been held upon the subject ;
that diapmlma denotes a change of metre, a
cessation of the Spirit's influence, or the begin-
ning of another sense. Others, he says, regard
it as indicating a difference of rhythm, and the
silence of some kind of music in the choir. On
the whole, the rendering iwyaX/ia rather in-
creases the difficulty; for it does not appear to
be the true meaning of Selah, and its own
signification is obscure. Leaving the Versions
and the Fathers, we come to the rabbinical
writers, the majority of whom follow the Tar-
gum, and the dictum of R. Eliezer, in render-
ing Selah " for ever." Bnt Aben Ezra (on Ps.
iii. J) showed that, in some passages, this ren-
dering was inappropriate, and expressed his
own opinion that Selah was a word of empha-
sis, used to give weight and importance to
what was said, and to indicate its truth.
Kiinchi explained it as a musical term, signify-
ing a raising or elevating the voice. Among
modern writers, there is the same diversity of
opinion. Gesenius derives Selah from salah,
to suspend. In accordance with his derivation,
he interprets Selah to mean either, "suspend
the voice," that is, " be silent," a hint to the
singers ; or " raise, elevate the stringed instru-
ments." In either case, he regards it as de-
noting a pause in the song, which was filled up
l>v an interlude played by the choir of Levites.
Ivwald arrives at substantially the same result
by a different process. He regards the phrase
" Higgaion, Selah," in Ps. ix. 16 [17], as the
full form, signifying " music, strike up ! " — an
indication that the voices of the choir were to
cease while the instruments alone came in.
Hengstenberg follows Gesenius, De Wettc, and
others, in the rendering pause, but refers it
to the contents of the psalm, and understands
it of the silence of the music in order to give
room for quiet reflection. If this were the
case. Selah at the end of a psalm, would be su-
perflous. The same meaning of pause, or end,
is arrived at by Fiirst. Davidson says, —
"The word denotes elemtion, or ascent, i.e.
Imtd, clear. The music which commonly ac-
companied the singing was soft and feeble! In
eases where it was to hurst in more strongly
during the silence of the song, Selah was the
sign. At the end of a verse or strophe, whero
it commonly stands, the music may nave read-
ily lR'en strongest and loudest." Angnsti
thought it was an exclamation, like hallelujah :
nnd the same view was taken by the late Prof.
I/ce, who classes it among the interjections, and
renders it praise. Beyond the fact that Selah
is a musical term, we know absolutely nothing
abou t it, and are entirely in the dark as to its
meaning.
Sel'ed. One of the sons of Nadab, a de-
scendant of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 30).
Solemi'a. One of the five men " ready to
write swiftly," whom Esdras was commanded
vo take (a Esd. xiv. 24). Ap.
Selemi'a*- Shblsxiah l (l Esd. ix. 34).
Ap.
Seleuci'a, near the mouth of the Orontes,
was practical!/ the seaport of Aktioch. The
distance between the two towns was about six-
teen miles. We are expressly told that St.
Paul, in company with Barnabas, sailed from
Seleucia at the beginning of his first mission-
ary circuit (Acts xiii. 4) ; and it is almost cer-
tain that be landed there on his return from it
(xiv. 26). This strong fortress and convenient
seaport was constructed by the first Seleucns,
and here he was buried It retained its impor-
tance in Roman times, and in St- Paul's day it
had the privileges of a free city. The remains
are numerous.
Seleu'cus IV. (Philopator), "king of
Asia" (2 Mace. iii. 3), that is, of the prov-
inces included in the Syrian monarchy, ac-
cording to the title claimed by the Seleucidss,
even when they had lost their footing in Asia
Minor (com p. 1 Mace. ▼iii. 6, xi. 13, xii. 39,
xiii. 32), was the son and successor of Anu-
ochns the Great. He took part in the disas-
trous battle of Magnesia (n.c. 190), and three
years afterwards, on the death of his father,
ascended the throne. He was murdered, after
a reign of twelve years (B.C. 175), by He-
liodoms, one of his own courtiers (Dan. xi.
20). His son Demetrius I. (Soter), whom be
had sent, while still a bey, as hostage to Rome,
after a series of romantic adventures, gained
the crown in 162 B.C. (1 Mace. vii. 1 ; 2 Mace
xiv. 1.) The general policy of Seleucus towards
the Jews, like that of his father (2 Mace iii. 2,
3), was conciliatory, and he undertook a large
share of the expenses of the Temple-service (2
Mace. iii. 3, 6). On one occasion, by the false
representations of Simon, a Jewish officer [Si-
mon 3], he was induced to make an attempt to
carry away the treasures deposited in the Tem-
ple by means of the same Heliodorus who
murdered him. The attempt signally failed,
but it does not appear that he afterwards
showed any resentment against the Jews (2
Mucc. iv. 5, 6). Ap.
Sem. Shbm the patriarch (Lake iii.
36).
Semachi'ah. One of the sons of Shema-
iah9 (1 Chr. xxvi. 7).
Sem'ei. 1. Suixei 14 (1 Esd. ix. 33). —
2. Shihei 16 (Esth. xi. 2). — 3. The father
of Mattathias in the genealogy of Jesus Christ
(Luke iii. 26).
Semellius. Shimshai (1 Esd. ii. 16, 17,
25, 30). Ap.
Sem'is. Shixei 13 (1 Esd. ix. 23). A p.
Semitic Languages. [Shemitic Lan-
guages.]
Senaah. The "children of Senaah " are
enumerated amongst the '* people of Israel '•
who returned from the Captivity with Zernb
babel (Ezr. ii. 35; Neh. vii. 38). In Neh. iii
3, the name is given with the article, has-Sen-
aah. The names in these lists are mostly
those of towns ; but Senaah does not occur
elsewhere in tho Bible as attached to a town.
The Magdal-Senna, or " great Senna " of Ensc-
bius and Jerome, seven miles N. of Jericho
("Senna"), however, is not inappropriate in
position. Bertheuu suggests that senaah rep-
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SENNACHERIB
SEPHAR
resents, not a single place, but a district ; bat
there is nothing to corroborate this.
Sen'eh. The name of one of the two iso-
lated rocks which stood in the " passage of
Michmash" (1 Sam. xiv. 4). It was the south-
ern one of the two (ver. 5), and the nearest to
Geba. The name in Hebrew means a " thorn,"
or thorn-bush. Josephus mentions that the
last encampment of Titus's army was at a spot
" which in the Jews' tongue is called the val-
ley " or perhaps the plain " of thorns, near to a
Tillage called Gabathsaoule - ," i.e. Gibeath of
Saul.
Sen'ir. This name occurs twice in the A. V.,
viz. 1 Chr. r. 23 and Ez. xxvii. 5; but it
should be found in two other passages, in each
of which the Hebrew word is exactly similar to
the above, viz. Dent. iii. 9 and Cant iv. 8.
In these it appears in the A. V. as Shexih.
It is the Amonte name for the mountain in the
north of Palestine which the Hebrews called
Hkbmox , and the Phoenicians Sirion ; or per-
haps it was rather the name for a portion of
the mountain than the whole. Abulfeda re-
ports that the part of Anti-Lebanon north of
Damascus — that usually denominated Jebd ah
Shurbf, " the East Mountain " — was in his day
called Sour.
Sennach'erib was the son and successor
of Sargon. His name in the original is read
as Ttm-akki-inb, whicli is understood to mean,
" Sin (or the Moon) increases brothers : " an
indication that he was not the first-born of his
father. We know little or nothing of Sen-
nacherib daring his father's lifetime. From
his name, and from a circumstance related by
Polyhistor, we may gather that he was not the
eldest son, and not the heir to the crown till
the year before his father's death. Sennacherib
mounted the throne B.C. 702. His first efforts
were directed to crushing the revolt of Babylo-
nia, which be invaded with a large army. Mo-
rodach-Baladan ventured on a battle, out was
defeated, and driven from the country. In his
third year (b.c. 700) be turned his arms towards
the west, chastised Sidon, took tribute from
Tyre, Aradus, and the other Phoenician cities,
as well as from Edom and Ashdod, besieged
and captured Ascalon, made war on Egypt,
which was still dependent on Ethiopia, took
Libnah and Lachish on the Egyptian frontier,
nnd, having probably concluded a convention
with his chief enemy, finally marched against
Hezekiah, king of Judah. It was at this time
that "Sennacherib came up against all the
.fenced cities of Judah, and took them " (2 K.
xviii. 13). There can be no doubt that the
record which he has left of his campaign against
" Hiskiah," in his third year, is the war with
Hezekiah so briefly touched in the four verses
of this chapter (ver. 13-16). In the following
year (b.c. 699), Sennacherib invaded Babylonia
for the second time. It was perhaps in this
same year that Sennacherib made his second
expedition into Palestine. Hezekiah had again
revolted, and claimed the protection of Egypt.
Instead, therefore, of besieging Jerusalem, the
Assyrian king marched past it to the Egyptian
frontier, attacked once more Lachish and Lib-
nah, but apparently failed to take them, sent
.messengers from the former to Hezekiah (2 K.
xviii. 17), and, on their return without his sub-
mission, wrote him a threatening letter (2 K.
xix. 14). Tirhakawas hastening to the aid of
the Egyptians when an event occurred which
relieved both Egypt and Judam from their
danger. In one night, the Assyrians lost, either
by a pestilence or by some more awful mani-
festation of divine power, 1 85,000 men ! The
camp immediately broke up — the king fled.
Sennacherib reached his capital in safety, and
was not deterred, by the terrible disaster which
had befallen his arms, from engaging in other
wars, though he seems thenceforward to have
carefully avoided Palestine. In his fifth year,
he led an expedition into Armenia and Media ;
after which, from his sixth to his eighth year,
he was engaged in wars with Susiana and Baby-
lonia. From this point his annals fail us. Sen-
nacherib reigned twenty-two years. The date
of his accession is fixed by the Canon of Ptol-
emy to B.C. 702, the first year of Belibus, or
Elibus. The date of his death is marked in
the same document by the accession of Asari-
danus (Esar-haddon) to the throne of Babylon
in b.c. 680. The monuments arc in exact con-
formity with these dates, for the 22d year of
Sennacherib has been found upon them, while
they have not furnished any notice of a later
year. It is impossible to reconcile these dates
with the chronology of Hezckiah's reign, ac-
cording to the numbers of the present Hebrew
text. Sennacherib was one of the most mag-
nificent of the Assyrian kings. He seems to
have been the first who fixed the set.*, of gov-
ernment permanently at Nineveh, which he
carefully repaired, and adorned with splendid
buildings. His greatest work is the grand pal-
ace at Koyunjik. He also erected monuments
in distant countries. Of the death of Sen
nacherib nothing is known beyond the brief
statement of Scripture, that " as he was wor-
shipping in the house of Nisroch his god,
Adrammelech nnd Sharezer his sons smote him
with the sword, and escaped into the land of
Armenia " (2 K. xix. 37 ; Is. xxxvii. 38).
Sen'uah. Properly Hassenuah, with the
def. article. A Benjamite, the father of Judah,
who was second over the city after the return
from Babylon (Neh. xi. 9).
Se'orim. The chief of the fourth of the
twenty-four courses of priests instituted by Da-
vid (1 Chr. xxiv. 8).
Sephar. It is written, after the enume-
ration of the sons of Joktan, "And their dwell-
ing was from Mcsha as thou gocst unto Sephar,
a mount of the cast " (Gen. x. 30). The immi-
gration of the Joktanites was probably from
west to east, and they occupied the south-west-
ern portion of the peninsula. ' The undoubted
identifications of Arabian places and tribes with
their Joktanite originals are included within
these limits, and point to Sephar as the eastern
boundary. There appears to be little doubt
that the ancient seaport town called Dhafari or
Zafari, and Dhafar or Zafar, without the in-
flectional termination, represents the biblical
site or district. All the evidence is clearly in
favor of this site being that of the Sephar of
the Bible ; and the identification has, according-
ly, been generally accepted by critics. More
accurately, it appears to preserve the name
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mentioned in Gen. x. 30, and to be in the dis-
trict anciently so named. It is situate on the
coast, in the province of Hadramawt, and near
to the district which adjoins that province on
the east, called Esh-Shihr. M. Fresnel gives
almost all that is known of the present state of
this old site in his Lettres sur I' Hist, des Araha
arant I'lslamisme. Zafar, be tells us, pro-
nounced by the modern inhabitants " Isfor, is
now the name of a scries of villages situate, some
of them on the shore, and some close to the shore,
of the Indian Ocean, between Mii-bat and Ras-
Sajir, extending a distance of two days' journey,
or 17 or 18 hours, from east to west. Proceed-
ing in this direction, those near the shore are
named Takah, Ed-Duhoreez, El-Beleed, El-
Hafeh, Salahah, and Awkad. The first four are
on the sea-shore, and the last two at a small
distance from it. El-Beleed, otherwise called
llarkam. is, in M. Fresncl's opinion, the an-
cient Zafar. It is on a small peninsula lying
between the ocean and a bay, and the port is
on the land side of the town. The classical
writers mention Sapphar metropolis or Saphar,
in long. 88°, lat. 14° 30', according to Ptol.,
the capital of the Sappharitffi, placed by Ptol.
near the Homcritsa; but their accounts are
obscure, and probably from hearsay.
Seph'arad. A name which occurs in
Obad. ver. 20 only. Its situation has always
been a matter of uncertainty, and cannot even
now be said to be settled. (1.) The reading of
tho LXX., lui 'K^oaSd, is probably a mere con-
jecture, though it may point to a modified form
of the name in the then original, viz. Scpharath.
(2.) The reading of tho Vulgate, Bosporus, was
adopted by Jerome from his Jewish instructor.
Wc have no means of knowing to which Bos-
porus Jerome's teacher alluded, — the Cimme-
rian or the Thracian. The Targum Jonathan
and the Pcshito-Syriac, and, from them, the
modern Jews, interpret Sepharnd as Spain
(Ispamia and Isnania). (3.) Others have sug-
gested the identity of Sepharnd with Sipphara
in Mesopotamia; but that is more probably
Skpharvaim. (4.) The name has perhaps
been discovered in the cuneiform Persian in-
scriptions of Nalah-i-Rustum and Behistun, and
also in a list of Asiatic nations given by Niclmhr.
In the latter, it occurs between Ka Ta Pa TUK
(Cappadocia) and Ta UNA (Ionia). Tie Saey
was the first to propose the identification of
this with Scpharad ; and subsequently it was
suggested by Lassen that S Pa Ra D was iden-
tical with Sard is, the ancient capital of Lydia.
(5.) Ewald considers that Scpharad has a con-
nection with Zarephath in the preceding verse,
and suggests that the true reading is Scpharam,
and that it is to be found in a place three
hours from Akka, i.e. doubtless the modern
She/a 'Omar. (6.) Michaelis, among other con-
jectures, ingeniously suggests that the " Spar-
tans " of I Mace. xii. 15 are accurately " Seph-
aradites."
Sepharva'im is mentioned by Sennache-
rib in his letter to Hczekiah as a city whose
king had been unable to resist the Assyrians
(2 K. xix. 13 ; Is. xxxvii. 13 ; romp. 2 K. xviii.
34). It is coupled with Hcna and Ava, or
Ivnh, which were towns on the Euphrates
above Babylon. Again, it is mentioned, in i K.
xvii. 24, where it is again joined with Ava,
and also with Cuthah and Babylon. Then
indications are enough to justify us in iden-
tifying the place with the famous town of
Sippara, on the Euphrates above Babylon,
which was near the site of the modern Mosaib.
The dual form indicates that there were two
Sipparas, one on either side of the river. Bc-
rosus called Sippara " a city of the sun ; " and
in the inscriptions it bears the some title, being
called Tsipar s/ia Sliamas, or " Sippara of the
Sun ; " the sun being the chief object of wor-
ship there (comp. 2 K. xvii. 31).
Sephela. The Greek form of the ancient
word has-Shejeteh, the native name for the
southern division of the low-lying flat district
which intervenes between the central highlands
of the Holy Land and the Mediterranean, the
other and northern portion of which was known
as Sharon. The name occurs throughout the
topographical records of Joshua, the historical
works, and tho topographical passages in the
prophets ; always with the article prefixed, and
always denoting the same region (Dent. i. 7;
Josh. ix. 1, x. 40, xi. 2, 16 a, xii. 8, xv. 33 :
Judg. i. 9 ; 1 K. x. 27 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 28 ; 8
Chr. i. 15, ix. 27, xxvi. 10, xxviii. 18; Jer.
xvii. 26, xxxii. 44, xxxiii. 13; Obad. 19;
Zerh. vii. 7). In each of these passages, how-
ever, the word is treated in the A. V. not as a
proper name, analogous to the Campagna, At
Wolds, the Corse, but as a mere appellative,
and rendered " the vale," " the valley," " the
plain," " the low plains," and " the low coun-
try." The name Shefelnh is retained in the
old versions, ivcn those of the Samaritans, and
Rabbi Joseph on Chronicles (probably as late
as the 1 lth century A.D.). It was actually in
use down to the 5th century. No definite
limits are mentioned to the Sbefelah, nor is it
S rotable that there were any. In the list of
oshua (xv. 33-47), it contains 43 "cities," as
well as the hamlets and temporary Tillages
dependent on them. Of these, as far as onr
knowledge av-hils us, the most northern was
Ekron, the most southern Gaza, and the most
western Nezib (about 7 miles N. N. W. of
Hebron). A large number of these towns,
however, were situated, not in the plain, nor
even on the western slopes of the central moun-
tains, but in the mountains themselves. The
Shefelah was, and is, one of the most produc-
tive regions in the Holy Land. It was in an-
cient times the corn-field of Syria, and as such
the constant subject of warfare between Philis-
tines and Israelites, and the refuge of the latter
when the harvests in the central country were
ruined by dronght (2 K. viii. 1-3). But it was
also, from its evenness, and from its situation
on the road between Egypt and Assyria, ex-
posed to continual visits from foreign armies,
— visits which at last led to the destruction of
the Israelite kingdom.
Septuagint. The causes which produced
this version, thenumber and names of the trans-
lators, the times at which different portions were
translated, are all uncertain. It appears at the
firesent day in four principal editions. 1 . Bib-
ia Polyglotta Complutensis, a.d. 1514-1517.
2. The Aldine Edition, Venice, a.d. 1519. 3.
The Roman Edition, edited under Pope Six-
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SEPTUAGINT
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tus V., a.d. 1587. 4. Facsimile Edition of the
Codex Alexandrians, by H. H. Baber, a.d. 1816.
1, 2. The texts of (1) and (2) were proba-
bly formed by collation of several MSS. 3.
The Roman Edition (3) is printed from the
venerable Codex Vaticanut. A transcript of
the Codex Vaticanus, prepared by Cardinal
Mai, was lately published at Rome by Vercel-
loni. It is much to be regretted that this edi-
tion is not so accurate as to preclude the neces-
sity of consulting the MS. 4. The Facsimile
Edition, by Mr. Baber, is printed with types
made after the form of the letters in the Codex
Alexandrinus. — Manuscripts. The various read-
ings given by Holmes and Parsons enable us to
judge, in some measure, of the character of the
several MSS. and of the degree of their accord-
ance with the Hebrew text. They are distin-
guished thns by Holmes : the uncial by Roman
numerals, the cursive by Arabic figures. Among
them may be specially noted, with their proba-
ble dates, and estimates of valne, as given by
Holmes in his Preface to the Pentateuch : —
Uhcial.i
I. Cottomiajics. Brit. Mus. (fragments)
II. Vaticaxus. Vat Library, Rome . .
HI. Alkxaxdbiiii-s. Brit. Mus. ....
VII. Amsrosiahus. Ambros. Lib., Milan .
X. Coisuxiancs. BlbL Imp.. Paris . .
Probable
date.
Century.
. 4
. 4
. 5
. 7
. 7
CUBBIVE.
I*. Medlceus. Med. Laurentlan Lib., Florence . 11
19. CdJkuuius. Similar to CompluL Text and
108, 118 W
35. Monachlensls. Munich 10
U. VaUcaniu (num. x.). Vat Lib., similar to
72 18
SB. GlasfuermU 12
61. Bodtelunua. Laud. 38, not» optima) ... 12
64. rarisiensls(ll). Imperial Library . . 10 or 11
72. Venetus. Maxlml fliclendus 13
74. Oxoniensls. (Univ. ColL) 13
SI. Vaticanus (1901), optima) notaj 11
!£• I Perrariensls. These two agree 14
168.' I Vaticanus ($30) ) SlmUar to CompluL f 14
ll8.}Parisien»l». Imp. Lib. J (Text, and 19) 113
The texts of these MSS. differ considerably
from each other, and consequently differ in
various degrees from the Hebrew original. The
following are the results of a comparison of
the readings in the first eight chapters of Exo-
dus : — 1. Several of the MSS. agree well with
the Hebrew ; others differ very much. 2. The
chief variance from the Hebrew is in the addi-
tion or omission of words and clauses. 3.
Taking the Roman text as the basis, there are
fonnd 80 places (a) where some of the MSS.
differ from the Roman text, cither by addition
or omission, in agreement with the Hebrew : 26
places (•?) where differences of the same kind
are not in agreement with the Hebrew. There is
therefore a large balance against the Roman
text, in point of accordance with the Hebrew.
4. Those MSS. which have the largest number
of differences of class (oj have the smallest
number of class (/?). There is evidently some
strong reason for this close accordance with the
Hebrew in these MSS. But whence these
varieties of text? Was the Version at first
more in accordance with the Hebrew, as in (72)
1 The Oodex Slnaltlcns, an uncial MS., Is sap-
posed by TUobendorf to be as ancient as Cod. Vatl-
eanus (II.).
109
and (59) ? and did it afterwards degenerate into
the less accurate state of the Codex Vaticanus f
Or was the Version at first less accurate, like
the Vatican text, and afterwards brought, by
critical labors, into the more accurate form of
the MSS. which stand highest in the scale ?
History supplies the answer. Jerome speaks
of two copies, one older and less accurate, Kotvij,
fragments of which are believed to be repre-
sented by the still extant remains of the old
Latin Version ; the other more faithful to the
Hebrew, which he took as the basis of his own
new Latin Version. In another place, he speaks
of the corruption of the ancient translation,
and the great variety of copies used in dif-
ferent countries. Origen, finding great discord-
ance in the several copies of the LXX., laid
this version side by side with the other three
translations of Aquila, Theodotion, and Sym-
machus ; and, talcing their accordance with each
other as the test of their agreement with the Hebrew,
marked the copy of the LXX. with an obelos -S-,
where he found superfluous words, and supplied
the deficiencies of the LXX. by words taken
from the other versions, with an asterisk, *,
prefixed. From Eusebius, we learn that this
work of Origen was called rtrpan'Mi, the fourfold
Bible. But this was only the earlier and the
smaller portion of Origcn's labors : he rested
not till he hod acquired the knowledge of
Hebrew, and compared the Septuagint directly
with the Hebrew copies. Eusebius thus de-
scribes the labors which led to the greater work
the Hexapla; the last clause of the passage
refers to the Tetrapla : " So careful was Ori-
gen's investigation of the sacred oracles, that
he learnt the Hebrew tongue, and made him-
self master of the original Scriptures received
among the Jews, in the Hebrew letters ; and
reviewed the versions of the other interpreters
of the Sacred Scriptures, besides the LXX. ;
and discovered some translations varying from
the well-known versions of Aquila, Symmachus,
and Theodotion, which he searched out and
brought to light from their long concealment
in neglected corners ; . . . and in his Hexapla,
after the four principal versions of the Psalms,
added a fifth, yea, a sixth and seventh transla-
tion, stating that one of these was found in a
cask at Jericho, in the time of Antoninus, son
of Scverus; and bringing these all into one
view, and dividing them in columns, over
against one another, together with the Hebrew
text, he left to us the work called Hexapla ;
having arranged separately, in the Tetranla, the
versions of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodo-
tion, together with the version of the Seventy."
From Jerome, we learn that, in the Hexapla, the
Hebrew text was placed in one column in He-
brew letters, in the next column in Greek
letters. The fate of this laborious work is un-
known. It was brought from Tyre, and laid
up in the Library at Csesarea, and there prob-
ably perished by the flames, a.d. 653. One
copy, however, had been made by Pamphilus
and Eusebius, of the column containing the
corrected text of the Septuagint, with Origcn's
asterisks and obeli, and the letters denoting from
which of the other translators each addition
was taken. This copy is probably the ancestor
of those codices which now approach most
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SEPTUAGINT
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SEPTUAGINT
nearly to the Hebrew, and are entitled Hexaplar.
To these main sources of oar existing MSS.
mast be added the recensions of the Septuagint
mentioned by Jerome and others, viz. those of
Lncian of Antioch, and Hesychius of Egypt,
not long after the time of Origen. Each of
these had a wide range, — that of Lucian in the
churches from Constantinople to Antioch, that
of Hesychius in Alexandria and Egypt ; while
the churches lying between these two regions
used the Hexaplar text copied by Eusebius and
Pamphilus.
I. History op the Version. — The an-
cient text, called ««mj, which was current be-
fore the time of Origen, whence came it 1 1 .
This version was highly esteemed by the Hel-
lenistic Jews before the coming of Christ. An
annual festival was held at Alexandria in re-
membrance of the completion of the work.
The manner in which it is quoted by the
writers of the New Testament proves that it
had been long in general use. It was found
wherever the Greek language prevailed, or the
Jews were scattered. To the wide dispersion
of this version we may ascribe in great meas-
ure that general persuasion which prevailed
over the whole East of the near approach of
the Redeemer. 2. Not less wide was the in-
fluence of the Septuagint in the spread of the
gospel. Many of those Jews who were as-
sembled at Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost,
from Asia Minor, from Africa, from Crete and
Rome, used the Greek language ; from Antioch
and Alexandria in the East, to Rome and
Massilia in the West, the voice of the gospel
sounded forth in Greek. For a long period,
the Septnagint was the Old Testament of the
far larger part of the Christian Church. Let
us now try to ascend towards the source. Can
we find any clear, united, consistent testimony
to the origin of the Septuagint ? (1 ) Where
and (2) when was it made 7 and (3) by whom 1
and (4) whence the title? (1) The only point
in which all agree is that Alexandria was the
birthplace of the Version. (2) The Version
was made, or at least commenced, in the time
of the earlier Ptolemies, in the first half of
the third century B.C. (3) By whom was it made t
— The following are some of the traditions
current among the Fathers : — Irenaaus (lib.
iii. c. 24) relates that Ptolemy Lagi, wishing
to adorn his Alexandrian Library with the
writings of all nations, requested from the Jews
of Jerusalem a Greek version of their Scrip-
tures; that they sent seventy elders well skilled
in the Scriptures and in later languages ; that
the king separated them from one another, and
bade them all translate the several books.
When they came together before Ptolemy, and
sliowed their versions, God was glorified ; for
they aU agreed exactly, from beginning to end, in
every phrase and word, so that all men may
know that the Scriptures are translated by the
inspiration of God. Epiphanius says that the
translators were divided into pairs, in thirty-
six cells, each pair being provided with two
scribes ; and that thirty-six versions, agreeing
in every point, were produced, by the gift of the
Holy Spirit. But Jerome boldy throws aside
the whole story of the cells and the inspiration,
and refers to the relation of Aristasus, or Aris-
teas, and to Josephns, the former being fol-
lowed by the latter. This (so called) letter of
Aristeas to his brother Philocrates is still ex-
tant. It gives a splendid account of the origin
of the Septuagint ; of the embassy and presents
sent by King Ptolemy to the high-priest at
Jerusalem by the advice of Demetrius Phalereus,
his librarian, fifty talents of gold and fifty tal-
ents of silver, &c., the Jewish slaves whom
he set free paying their ransom himself; the
letter of the king; the answer of the high-
priest ; the choosing of six interpreters from
each of the twelve tribes, and their names ;
the copy of the Law, in letters of gold ; their
arrival at Alexandria on the anniversary of the
king's victory over Antigonus; the feast pre-
pared for the seventy-two, which continued for
seven days ; the questions proposed to each of
the interpreters in turn, with the answers of
each ; their lodging by the sea-shore ; and the
accomplishment of their work in seventy-two
days, by conference and comparison. This is the
story which probably gave to this version the
title of the Septuagint. A simpler account, and
probably more genuine, is that given by Aris-
tobulus (2d century n.c). For before Deme-
trius Phalereus a translation had been made,
by others, of the history of the Hebrews' going-
forth out of Egypt, and of all that happened
to them, and of the conquest of the land, and
of the exposition of the whole Law. But the
entire translation of onr whole Law was made
in the time of the king named Philadelphia, a
man of greater zeal, under the direction of
Demetrius Phalereus. The Prologue of the
Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach makes
mention of " the Law itself, the prophets and
the rest of the books " having been translated
from the Hebrew into another tongue. The
letter of Aristeas was received as gennine and
true for many centuries. The general belief
of scholars now is, that it was the work of
some Alexandrian Jew, whether with the ob-
ject of enhancing the dignity of his Law, or
the credit of the Greek version, or for the
meaner purpose of gain. But the Pseudo-
Aristeas had a basis of fact for his fiction : on
three points of his story there is no material
difference of opinion, and they are confirmed
by the study of the Version itself: — 1. The
Version was made at Alexandria. 2. It was
began in the time of the earlier Ptolemies,
about 280 B.C. 3. The Law (re. the Penta-
teuch) alone was translated at first. But by
whom was the Version made ? As Hody justly
remarks, " it is of little moment whether it was
made at the command of the king, or sponta-
neously by the Jews; but it is a question of
great importance whether the Hebrew copy
of the Law, and the interpreters (as Psendo-
Aristeas and his followers relate), were sum-
moned from Jerusalem, and sent by the high-
priest to Alexandria." On this question no
testimony can be so conclusive as the evidence
of the Version itself, which bears upon its face
the marks of imperfect knowledge of Hebrew,
and exhibits the forms and phrases of the
Macedonia Greek prevalent in Alexandria,
with a plentiful sprinkling of Egyptian words.
The question as to the moving cause which
gave birth to the Version is one which cannot
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SEPTUAGINT
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be ao decisively answered either by internal
evidence or by historical testimony. * The bal-
ance of probability mast be struck between
the tradition of the king's intervention and the
simpler account suggested by the facts of his-
tory and the phenomena of the Version itself.
It is well known that after the Jews retained
from the captivity of Babylon, having lost in
great measure the familiar knowledge of the
ancient Hebrew, the readings from the Books
of Moses in the synagogues of Palestine were
explained to them in the Chaldaic ongue, in
Targums or Paraphrases ; and the same was
done with the Books of the Prophets, when, at
a later time, they also were read in the syna-
gogues. The Jews of Alexandria had probably
still less knowledge of Hebrew : their familiar
language was Alexandrian Greek. They had
settled in Alexandria in large numbers soon
after the time of Alexander, and under the
earlier Ptolemies. They would naturally fol-
low the same practice as their brethren in
Palestine; the Law first and afterwards the
Prophets would be explained in Greek, and
from this practice would arise in time an entire
Greek version. 4. Whence the Title t — It seems
unnecessary to suppose, with Eichhorn, that
the title Septuagint arose from the approval
given to the Version by an Alexandrian San-
hedrim of 70 or 72 : that title appears suffi-
ciently accounted for above by the prevalence
of the letter of Aristeas, describing the mis-
sion of 72 interpreters from Jerusalem.
II. Character of the Septuagint. — The
Character of the Version. — Is it faithful in sub-
stance? Is it minutely accurate in details?
Does it bear witness for or against the tradi-
tion of its having been made by special inspi-
ration ? These are some of the chief questions :
there are others which relate to particulars.
K- Was the Version made from Hebrew MSS.
-with the vowel-points now used? > Were
the Hebrew words divided from one another,
and were the final letters, T> C|> 1> Oi > in use
-when the Septuagint was made? A minute
•examination shows that the Hebrew MSS. used
by the Greek translators were not pointed as
at present, that they were written without in-
tervals between the words, and that the present
Anal forms were not then in use. In a few
-cases, the translators appear to have preserved
.the true pointing and division of the words.
We now proceed to the larger questions.
A. Is the Septuagint faithful in substance t —
I. It has been clearly shown by Hody, Frankel,
and others, that the several books were trans-
lated by different persons, without any com-
prehensive revision to harmonize the several
parts. Names and words are rendered differ-
ently in different books. 2. Thus the character
of the Version varies much in the several
books ; those of the Pentateuch are the best. 3.
The poetical parts are, generally speaking, in-
ferior to the historical, the original abounding
with rarer words and expressions. 4. In the
major prophets (probably translated nearly 100
years after the Pentateuch), some of the most
important prophecies are sadly obscured. Eze-
kiel and the minor prophets (speaking gene-
rally) seem to be better rendered. 5. Supposing
the numerous glosses and duplicate renderings,
which have evidently crept from the margin
into the text, to be removed, and forming a
rough estimate of what the Septuagint was in
its earliest state, we may perhaps say of it that
it is the image of the original seen through a
glass not adjusted to the proper focus: the
larger features are shown, but the sharpness of
definition is lost.
B. We have anticipated the answer to the
second question — Is the Version minutely ac-
curate in details t — but will give a few exam-
ples. 1. The same word in the same chapter
is often rendered by differing words. 2. Dif-
fering words by the same word. 3. The divine
names arc frequently interchanged. 4. Proper
names are sometimes translated, sometimes not.
5. The translators are often misled by the simi-
larity of Hebrew words. In very many cases,
the error may be thus traced to the similarity
of some of the Hebrew letters ; in some it is
difficult to see any connection between the
original and the Version. 6. Besides the above
deviations, and many like them, which are prob-
ably due to accidental causes, the change of a
letter, or doubtful writing in the Hebrew, there
are some passages which seem to exhibit a
studied variation in the LXX. from the Hebrew
{e.g. Gen. ii. 2 ; Ex. xii. 40). Frequently the
strong expressions of the Hebrew are softened
down where human parts are ascribed to God.
The Version is therefore not minutely accurate
in details.
r. We shall now be prepared to weigh the
tradition of the Fathers, that the Version was
made by inspiration. If there be such a thing
as an inspiration of translators, it must be an
effect of the Holy Spirit on their minds, en-
abling them to do their work of translation more
perfectly than by their own abilities and ac-
quirements ; to overcome the difficulties .arising
from defective knowledge, from imperfect MSS.,
from similarity of letters, from human infirmity
and weariness ; and so to produce a copy of
the Scriptures, setting forth the Word of God,
and the history of His people, in its original
troth and purity. The reader will be able to
judge whether the Septuagint Version satisfies
this test. If it does, it will be found not only
substantially faithful, but minntely accurate in
details ; it will be, in short, a republication of
the original text, purified from the errors of
human hands and eyes, stamped with fresh
authority from Heaven. This is a question to
be decided by facts, bv the phenomena of the
Version itself. We will simply declare our own
conviction, that, instead of such a divine repub-
lication of the original, we find a marked dis-
tinction between the original and the Septua-
gint.
III. What, then, abe the Benefits to
BB DEBIVBD FROM THE STUDY OP THE SeP-
tcaoint ? — 1 . For the Old Testament. The
Septuagint gives evidence of the character
and condition of the Hebrew MSS. from which
it was made, with respect to vowel-points and
the mode of writing. Being made from MSS.
far older than the Masoretic recension, the
Septuagint often indicates readings more an-
cient and more correct than those of our pres-
ent Hebrew MSS. and editions, and often
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SERAIAH
868
SERGroS PAULUS
speaks decisively between the conflicting read-
ings of the present MSS. {e.g. Ps. xvi. 10, xxii.
17 ; Hos. ri. 5.) In Gen. iv. 8, a clause neces-
sary to the sense is omitted in the Hebrew, but
preserved in the LXX. In all these cases, we
do not attribute any paramount authority to the
Septuagint on account of its superior antiquity
to the extant Hebrew MSS. ; but we take it as
an evidence of a more ancient Hebrew text,
as an eye-witness of the texts, 280 or 180 years
B.C. 2. The close connection between the Old
and New Testament makes the study of the
Septuagint extremely valuable, and almost in-
dispensable to the theological student. It was
manifestly the chief storehouse from which
the apostles drew their proofs and precepts.
3. Further, the language of the Septuagint is
the mould in which the thoughts and expres-
sions of the apostles and evangelists are cast.
In this version. Divine Truth has taken the
Greek language as its shrine, and adapted it to
the things of God. 4. The frequent citations
of the LXX. by the Greek Fathers, and of the
Latin Version of the LXX. by the Fathers who
wrote in Latin, form another strong reason for
the study of the Septuagint. 5. On the value
of the Septuagint as a monument of the Greek
language in one of its most curious phases, this
is not the place to dwell.
Objects to be attained bt the Critical
Scholar. — 1. A question of much interest
still waits for a solution : the relation between
the Septuagint and the Samaritan Pentateuch.
2. For the critical scholar it would be a worthy
object of pursuit to ascertain, as nearly as pos-
sible, the original text of the Septuagint as it
stood in the time of the apostles and Philo.
The critic would probably take as his basis the
Roman edition, from the Codex Vaticanus, as
representing most nearly the ancient (ikxv?)
texts. The collection of fragments of Origen's
Hexapla, by Montfaucon and others, would
help him to eliminate the additions which have
been made to the LXX. from other sources,
and to purge out the glosses and double render-
ings ; the citations in the New Testament and
in Philo, Sn the early Christian Fathers both
Greek and Latin, would render assistance of
the same kind ; and perhaps the most effective
aid of all would be found in the fragments of
the Old Latin Version collected by Sabatier in
3 vols, folio (Rheims, 1743). 3. Another
work, of more practical and general interest,
still remains to be done, viz. to provide a Greek
version, accurate and faithful to the Hebrew
original, for the use of the Greek Church, and
of students reading the Scriptures in that lan-
guage for purposes of devotion or mental im-
provement. Such an edition might prepare
the way for the correction of the blemishes
which remain in our Authorized English
Version.
Sepulchre. [Burial.J
Serah, the daughter of Asher (Gen. xlvi.
17 ; 1 Chr. vii. 30), called, in Num. xxvi. 46,
Sarah.
Serai'ah. 1. The king's scribe or secre-
tary in the reign of David (2 Sam. viii. 17).
— 2. The high-priest in the reign of Zedekiah
<2 K. xxv. 18; 1 Chr. vi. 14; Jer. lii. 24).
— 3. The son of Tanhumeth the Netophathite
(2 K. rv. 23; Jer. xl. 8). — 4. The son o.
Kenaz, and brother of Othniel (1 Chr. iv. 13, 14)
— 5. Ancestor of Jehu, a Simeonite chieftain
(1 Chr. iv. 35). — 6. One of the children of
the province who returned with Zernbbabel
(Ezr. ii. 2). — 7. One of the ancestors of Ezra
the scribe (Ezr. vii. 1), but whether or not the
same as Seraiah the hi^h-priest seems uncertain.
— 8. A priest, or priestly family, who signed
the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 2).
— 9. A priest, the son of Hilkiah (Neh. xi. II ).
— 10. The head of a priestly house which went
up from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii.
1, 12). — 11. The son of Neriah, and brother
of Baruch (Jer. Ii. 59, 61 ). He went with Zed-
ekiah to Babylon in the fourth year of his
reign, or, as the Targum has it, " in the mis-
sion of Zedekiah," and is described as mr
mfnichah (lit. " prince of rest ; " A. V. " a quiet
prince ; " marg. " or prince of Mcnuchah, or
chief chamberlain "), a title which is inter-
preted by Kimchi as that of the office of cham-
berlain. Perhaps he was an officer who took
charge of the royal caravan on its march, and
fixed the place where it should halt. Seraiah
was commissioned by the prophet Jeremiah to
take with him on his journey the roll in which
he had written the doom of Babylon, and sink
it in the midst of the Euphrates, as a token
that Babylon should sink, never to rise again
(Jer. Ii. 60-64).
Ser'aphim. An order of celestial beings,
whom Isaiah beheld in vision standing above
Jehovah as He sat upon His throne (Is. vi. 2).
They are described as having each of them three
pairs of wings, with one of which they covered
their faces (a token of humility) ; with the sec-
ond they covered their feet (a token of respect) ;
while with the third they flew. Tbev seem to
have borne a general resemblance to the human
figure, for they are represented as having a
face, a voice, feet, and hands (ver. 6). Their
occupation was twofold — to celebrate the
praises of Jehovah's holiness and power (ver. 3),
and to act as the medium of communication
between heaven and earth (ver. 6). From their
antiphonal chant (" one cried unto another "),
we may conceive them to have been ranged in
opposite rows on each side of the throne. The
idea of a winged tinman figure was not peculiar
to the Hebrews : among the sculptures found
at Mouryhaub in Persia, we meet with a repre-
sentation of a man with two pairs of wings,
springing from the shoulders, and extending,
the one pair upwards, the other downwards, so
as to admit of covering the head and the feet.
Tho meaning of the word " seraph " is extreme-
ly doubtful ; the only word which resembles it
in the current Hebrew is sarapk, " to burn,"
whence the idea of brilliancy has been extracted ;
but it is objected that the Hebrew term never
bears this secondary sense. Gesenius connects
i t with an Arabic term signifying kk/h or naked ;
and this may be regarded as the generally-
received etymology.
Ser'ed, the firstborn of Zebulon (Gen. xlvi.
14 ; Num. xxvi. 26).
Ser'gius Paulas was the name of the
proconsul of Cyprus when the Apostle Paul vis-
ited that island with Barnabas on bis first mis-
sionary tour (Acts xiii. "1 sq.). He is described
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SERPENT
869
SERPENT
as an intelligent man, truth-seeking, eager for
information from all sources within his reach.
It was this trait of his character which led him
in the first instance to admit to his society
Elymas the Magian, and afterwards to seek out
the missionary strangers, and learn from them
the natnre of the Christian doctrine. But Ser-
gius was not effectually or long deceived by
the arts of die impostor ; for on becoming ac-
quainted with the apostle he examined at once
the claims of the gospel, and yielded his mind
to the evidence of its troth.
Se'ron, a general of Antiochns Epiph., in
chief command of the Syrian army (1 Mace. iii.
13, 24), who was defeated at Bcth-horon by Ju-
das Maccabasus (B.C. 166). Ap.
Serpent. The following Hebrew words
denote serpents of some kind : — 'Acthub, pe-
thm, tzephir or tzlph'dni, shephiphdn, nachash, and
eph'eh. The first four are noticed under the
articles Adder and Asp : the two remaining
names we proceed to discuss. 1 . Ndchdsh, the
generic name of any serpent, occurs frequently
in the 0. T. The following are the principal
biblical allusions to this animal : — Its subtilty
is mentioned in Gen. iii. 1 ; its wisdom is al-
luded to by our Lord in Matt. x. 16 ; the poi-
sonous properties of some species are often
mentioned (see Ps. lviii. 4 ; Prov. xxiii. 32) ;
the sharp tongue of the serpent, which, it would
appear, some of the ancient Hebrews believed
to oe the instrument of poison, is mentioned in
Ps. exl. 8; Job xx. 16, "the viper's tongue
shall slay him ; " although in other places, as
in Prov. xxiii. 32, Eccl. x. 8, 11, Num. xxi. 9,
the venom is correctly ascribed to the bite,
while in Job xx. 14 the gall is said to be the
poison. The habit serpents have of lying con-
cealed in hedges is alluded to in Eccl. x. 8 ; and
in holes of walls, in Am. v. 19 ; their dwelling
in dry sandy places, in Deut. viii. 15. Their
wonderful mode of progression did not escape
the observation of the author of Prov. xxx.,
who expressly mentions it as " one of the three
things which were too wonderful for him "(19).
The oviparous nature of most of the order is
alluded to in Is. lix. 5, where the A. V., how-
ever, has the unfortunate rendering of " cocka-
trice." The art of taming and charming ser-
pents is of great antiquity, and is nlluded to in
Ps. lviii. 5, Eccl. x. II, Jer. viii. 17, and
doubtless intimated by St. James (iii. 7), who
particularizes serpents among all other animals
that " have been tamed by man." It was un-
der the form of a serpent that the devil seduced
Eve : hence, in Scripture, Satan is called " the
old Serpent" (Rev. xii. 9, and comp. 2 Cor. xi.
3). The part which the serpent played in the
transaction of the Fall must not be passed over
without some brief comment, being full of deep
and curious interest. First of all, then, we
have to note the subtilty ascrilied to this rep-
tile. It was an ancient belief, both amongst
Orientals and the people of the Western world,
that the serpent was endued with a large share
of sagacity. The particular wisdom alluded to
by our Lord refers, it is probable, to the saga-
city displayed by serpents m avoiding danger.
The disciples were warned to be as prudent in
not incurring unnecessary persecution. It has
been supposed by many commentators that the
serpent, prior to the Fall, moved along in an
erect attitude. It is quite clear that an erect
mode of progression is utterly incompatible
with the structure of a serpent: consequently,
had the snakes before the Fall moved in an
erect attitude, they must have been formed on
a different plan altogether. There is no reason
whatever to conclude from the language of
Scripture that the serpent underwent any
change of form on account of the part it played
in the history of the Fall. The typical form
of the serpent and its mode of progression were
in all probability the same before the Fall as
after it : but subsequent to the Fall its form and
progression were to be regarded with hatred
and disgust by all mankind, and thus the ani-
mal was cursed " above all cattle," and a mark
of condemnation was forever stamped upon it.
Serpents are said in Scripture to " eat dust "
(see Gen. iii. 14; Is. Ixv. 25; Mic. vii. 17):
these animals, which for the most part take
their food on the ground, do consequently swal-
low with it largo portions of sand and dust.
" Almost throughout the East," writes Dr. Ka-
lisch, " the serpent was used as an emblem of
the evil principle, of the spirit of disobedience
and contumacy. A few exceptions only can
be discovered. The Phoenicians adored that
animal as a beneficent genius ; and the Chinese
consider it as a symbol of superior wisdom and
power, and ascribe to the kings of heaven (t ten-
hoangs) bodies of serpents. Some other nations
fluctuated in their conceptions regarding the
serpent" The evil spirit in the form of a ser-
pent appears in the Ahriman, or lord of evil,
who, according to the doctrine of Zoroaster,
first taught men to sin under the guise of this
reptile. But compare the opinion of Dr. Ka-
lisch, who says, " The serpent is the reptile, not
an evil demon that had assumed its shape. . . .
If the serpent represented Satan, it would be
extremely surprising that the former only was
cursed, and tnat the latter is not even men-
tioned : ... it would be entirely at variance with
the divine justice forever to curse the animal
whose shape it had pleased the Evil One to as-
sume." *
Much has been written on the question of
the " fiery serpents " of Num. xxi. 6, 8, with
which it is usnal erroneously to identify the
" fiery flying serpent " of Is. xxx. 6 and xiv.
29. There is no occasion to refer the venom-
ous snakes in question to the kind of which
Niebuhr speaks, and which the Arabs at Basra
denominate Heie surturie, or ffeie thiare, " fly-
ing serpents," which obtained that name from
their habit of "springing" from branch to
branch of the date-trees they inhabit. The He-
brew term rendered " fiery '' by the A. V. is by
the Alexandrine edition of the LXX. repre-
sented by " deadly ; " Onkelos, the Arabic ver-
sion of Saodias, and the Vnlg., translate the
word "burning," in allusion to the sensation
produced by the bite ; other authorities under-
stand a reference to the bright color of the ser-
pents. It is impossible to point out the species
1 Thl» opinion of Dr. Kallsch Is doubtless cor-
rect. Yet the serpent was undoubtedly an emblem
of satanio power of essentially the same signifi-
cance as in the Apocalypse. The whole transaction
was unquestionably emblematic. — Ed.
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SERPENT, BRAZEN
870
SERPENT-CHARMING
ot poisonous snake which destroyed the people
in the Arabian desert. It is obvious that either
the Cerastes, or the Naia haje, or any other
venomous species frequenting Arabia, may de-
note the "serpent of the burning bite" which
destroyed the children of Israel. The "fiery
flying serpent " of Isaiah (/. c.) can have no ex-
istence in nature. Monstrous forms of snakes
with birds' wings occur on the Egyptian sculp-
tures. — 2. Eph'eh occurs in Job xx. 16; Is.
xxx. 6, and hx. 5 (A. V. " viper"). There is
no scriptural allusion by means of which it is
possible to determine the species of serpent in-
dicated by the Hebrew term, which is derived
from a root which signifies " to hiss." Shaw
speaks of some poisonous snake which the
Arabs call Leflah (El effah) : " it is the most
malignant of the tribe, and rarely above a foot
long/' Jackson also mentions this serpent:
from his description it wonld seem to be the
Algerino ailder (Echidna arietans, var. Mauri-
tania!). The snake that fastened on St. Paul's
hand when he was at Melita (Acts xxviii. 3)
was probably the common viper of this country
(Pdias berus), or else the Vipera aspis.
Serpent, Brazen. The familiar history
of the brazen serpent need not be repeated here.
The scene of the history, determined by a com-
C'son of Num. xxi. 3 and xxxiii. 42, must
e been either Zalmonah or Punon. I. The
truth of the history will, in this place, be taken
for granted. Those who prefer it may choose
among the hypotheses by which men halting
between two opinions have endeavored to re-
tain the historical and to eliminate the super-
natural element. To most of the Israelites it
must have seemed as strange then as it did af-
terwards to the later rabbis, that any such
symbol should be employed. The Second Com-
mandment appeared to forbid the likeness of
any living thing. The golden calf had been
destroyed as an abomination. What reason
was there for the difference 1 In part, of course,
the answer may be, that the Second Command-
ment forbade, not all symbolic forms as such,
but those that men made for themselves to
worship; but the question still remains, Why
was this form chosen 1 It is hardly enough to
say, with Jewish commentators, that any out-
ward means might have been chosen. It is
hardly enough again to say, with most Chris-
tian interpreters, that it was intended to be a
type of Christ. If the words of our Lord in
John iii. 14, 15, point to the fulfilment of the
type, there must yet have been another mean-
ing for the symbol. To present the serpent-
form as deprived of its power to hurt, impaled
as the trophy of a conqueror, was to assert that
evil, physical and spiritual, had been overcome,
and thus help to strengthen the weak faith of
the Israelites in a victory over both. To some
writers, this has commended itself as the sim-
plest and most obvious view. Others, again,
nave started from a different ground. They
look to Egypt as the starting-point for all the
thoughts which the serpent could suggest, and
they find there that it was worshipped as an
ai/at/ialiemon, the symbol of health and life.
Contrasted as these views appear, they have, it
is believed, a point of contact. The" idea pri-
marily connected with the serpent in the his-
tory of the Fall, as throughout the proverbial
language of Scripture, is that of wisdom (Gen.
iii. 1 ; Matt. x. 16; 2 Cor. xi. 3). Wisdom,
apart from obedience to a divine order, allying
itself to man's lower nature, passes into can-
ning. Man's nature is envenomed and degraded
by it ; but wisdom, the self-same power of
understanding, yielding to the divine law, is
the source of ail healing and restoring influ-
ences, and the serpentrform thus becomes a
symbol of deliverance and health. The Israel-
ites were taught that it would be so to them
in proportion as they ceased to be sensual and
rebellious.
II. The next stage in the history of the
brazen serpent shows how easily even a legiti-
mate symbol, retained beyond its time, after it
had done its work, might become the occasion
of idolatry. It appears in the reign of Jlcze-
kiah as having been, for some undefined period,
an object of worship. The zeal of that king
leads him to destroy it. We are left to con-
jecture when the worship began, or what was
its locality. All that we know of the reign of
Ahaz makes it probable that it was under his
auspices that it received a new development.
The Church of St. Ambrose, at Milan, has
boasted for centuries of possessing the brazen
serpent which Moses set up in the wilderness.
The earlier history of the relic, so called, is
matter for conjecture. — III. When the mate-
rial symbol had perished, its history began to
suggest deeper thoughts to the minds of men.
The writer of the Book of Wisdom sees in it
" a sign of salvation : " " he that turned himself
was not saved by the thing that he saw, but by
Thee that art the Saviour of all " ( Wisd. xvi.
6, 7). The Targum of Jonathan paraphrases
Num. xxi. 8 : " He shall be healed if he direct
his heart unto the Name of the Word of the
Lord." Philo, with his characteristic taste for
an ethical, mystical interpretation, represents
the history as a parable of man's victory over
his lower sensuous nature. The facts just
stated may help us to enter into the bearing
of the words of John iii. 14, 15. — IV. A full
discussion of the typical meaning here unfolded
belongs to exegesis rather than to a dictiona-
ry. It will be enough to note here that which
connects itself with facts or theories already
mentioned. On the one side, the typical inter-
pretation has been extended to all the details.
On the other, it has been maintained that the
serpent was from the beginning, and remains
still, exclusively the symbol of cril ; that the
lifting-up of the Son of Man answered to tliat
of the serpent, because on the cross the victory
over the serpent was accomplished. It will
not surprise us to find that, in the spiritual as
in the historical interpretation, both theories
have an element of truth.
Serpent-charming. There can be no
question at all of the remarkable power which,
from time immemorial, has been exercised by
certain people in the East over poisonous ser-
pents. The art is most distinctly mentioned in
the Bible, and probably alluded to by St. James
(iii. 7). The usual species operated upon, both
in Africa and in India, are the hooded snakes
(Naia tripudians and Naia haje) and the horned
Cerastes. That the charmers frequently, and
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SEVEN
871
SEVEN
perhaps generally, take the precaution of ex-
tracting the poison-fanes before the snakes are
subjected to their skill, there is much proba-
bility for believing ; but that this operation is
not always attended to is clear from the testi-
mony of Bruce and numerous other writers.
Some have supposed that the practice of taking
out or breaking off the poison-fangs is alluded
to in Ps. lviii. 6 : " Break their teeth, O God,
in their mouth." The serpent-charmer's usual
instrument is a flute. Those who professed
the art of taming serpents were called by the
Hebrews nuTnachSsliim, while the art itself was
called lachash (Jcr. viii. 17; Eccl. x. Ill ; but
these terms were not always used in this re-
stricted sense.
Se'tflg. Son of Reu, and great-grandfather
of Abraham. His age is given in the Hebrew
Bible as 230 years (Gen. xi. 20-23); thirty
years before he begat Nahor, and 200 years
afterwards. Bochart conjectures that the town
of Seruj, a day's journey from Chame in
Mesopotamia, was named from this patriarch.
Suidas and others ascribe to him the deifica-
tion of dead benefactors of mankind. Epipha-
nius states, that, though in his time idolatry
took its rise, yet it was confined to pictures.
He characterizes the religion of mankind up to
Serng's days as Scythic.
Servant. The Hebrew terms na'ar and
meshareth, which alone answer to our " servant,"
in as far as this implies the notions of liberty
and voluntariness, are of comparatively rare
occurrence. On the other hand, 'tied, which
is common, and equally rendered "servant "in
the A. V., properly means a slave. 1 The terms
above given refer to the exceptional cases of
young or confidential attendants. Joshua, for
instance, is described as at once the na'ar and
meshareth of Moses (Ex. xxxiii. II); Elisha's
servant sometimes as the former (2 K. iv. 12,
v. 20), sometimes as the latter (2 K. iv. 43, vi.
15). Amnon's servant was a meshareth (2 Sam.
xiii. 17, 18), while young Joseph was a na'ar to
the sons of Bilhah (Gen. xxxvii. 2). The con-
fidential designation meslidreth is applied to the
priests and Levites, in their relation to Jehovah
(Ezr. viii. 17 ; Is. lxi. 6; Ez. xliv. 11).
Se'siS. Shashai (1 Esd. ix.34). Ap.
Ses'thel. Bezaleel of the sons of Pa-
hath-Moab(l Esd. ix. 31).
Both, Gen. iv. 25, v. 3; 1 Chr. i. 1. The
third son of Adam, and father of Enos. Tho
signification of his name is " appointed " or
" put " in the place of the murdered Abel ; but
Ewald thinks that another signification, which
he prefers, is indicated in the text, viz. " seed-
ling," or " germ." In the 4th centnry, there
existed in Egypt a sect calling themselves
Sethians, who are classed by Neander among
those Gnostic sects which, in opposing Judaism,
approximated to paganism.
BO thur. The Asherite spy, son of Michael
(Xum. xiii. 13).
Seven. The frequent recurrence of certain
numbers in the sacred literature of tho Hebrews
is obvious to the most superficial reader ; and
it is almost equally obvious that these numbers
are associated with certain ideas, so as, in some
i But w p. 465.
instances, to lose their numerical force, and to
pass over into the province of symbolic signs.
This is more or less true of the numbers three,
four, seven, twelve, and forty ; but seven so far
surpasses the rest, both in the frequency with
which it recurs, and in the importance of the
objects with which it is associated, that it may
fairly be termed the representative symbolic num-
ber. It has hence attracted considerable atten-
tion, and may be said to be the keystone on
which the symbolism of numbers depends.
The origin of this symbolism is a question that
meets us at the threshold of any discussion as
to the number seven. The views of biblical
critics may be ranged under two heads, accord-
ing as the symbolism is attributed to theoreti-
cal speculations as to the internal properties of
the number itself, or to external associations
of a physical or historical character. According
to the former of these views, the symbolism of
the number seven would be traced back to the
symbolism of its component elements three and
four, the first of which = Divinity, and the sec-
ond = Humanity, whence seven = Divinity+
Humanity, or, in other words, the union be-
tween God and Mnn as effected by the manifes-
tations of the Divinity in creation and revela-
tion. This theory is seductive from its inge-
nuity, and its appeal to the imagination ; but
there appears to be little foundation for it.
We turn to the second class of opinions
which attribute the symbolism of the number
seven to external associations. The influence
of the number seven was not restricted to the
Hebrews ; it prevailed among the Persians ( Estk.
i. 10, 14), among the ancient Indians, among
the Greeks and Romans to a certain extent,
and probably among all nations where the week
of seven days was established, as in China,
Egypt, Arabia, &c. The wide range of the
word seven is in this respect an interesting and
significant fact : with the exception of " six,"
it is the only numeral which the Shcmitic lan-
guages have in common with the Indo Euro-
pean. In the countries above enumerated, the
institution of seven as a cyclical number is at-
tributed to the observation of the changes of the
moon, or to the supposed number of the plan-
ets. The peculiarity of the Hebrew view consists
in the special dignity of the seventh, and not
simply in that of seven. We cannot trace back
the peculiar associations of the Hebrews farther
than to the point when the seventh day was
consecrated to the purposes of religious rest.
Assuming this, therefore, as our starting-point,
the first idea associated with seven would be
that of religious periodicity. The sabbath, be-
ing the seventh day, suggested the adoption of
seven as the co-efficient, so to say, for the appoint-
ment of all sacred periods ; and we thus find
the seventh month ushered in by the Feast of
Trumpets, und signalized by the celebration of
the Feast of Tabernacles and the great Day
of Atonement ; seven weeks as the interval
i between the Passover nnd the Pentecost ; tho
| seventh year as the Sabbatical Year ; and the
! year succeeding seven times seven years as
the Jubilee Year. From the idea of periodicity,
it passed by an easy transition to the duration
or repetition of religious proceedings ; and thus
seven days were appointed as the length of the
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SHAAPH
872
SUADDAI
Feasts of Passover and Tabernacles; seven days
for the ceremonies of the consecration of priests,
and so on ; seven victims to be offered on any
special occasion, as in Balaam's sacrifice (Num.
xxiii. I ), and especially at the ratification of a
treaty, the notion of seven being embodied in
the very term signifying to swear, literally
meaning to do seven times (Gen. xxi. 28). The
number seven, having thus been impressed with
the seal of sanctity as the symbol of all con-
nected with the Divinity, was adopted generally
as a cyclical number, with the subordinate no-
tions of perfection or completeness. It is men-
tioned in a variety of passages too numerous
for quotation (e.j. Job v. 19 ; Jer. xv. 9 ; Matt,
xii. 45) in a sense analogous to that of a " round
number," but with the additional idea of suffi-
ciency and completeness. The foregoing appli-
cations of the number seven become of great
practical importance in connection with the
interpretation of some of the prophetical por-
tions of the Bible, and particularly of the
Apocalypse. We have but to run over the
chief subjects of that book, in order to see
the necessity of deciding whether the number
is to be accepted in a literal or a metaphorical
sense, — in other words, whether it represents
a number or a quality. The decision of this
question affects not only the number seven, but
also the number which stands in a relation of
antagonism to seven, viz. the half of seven,
which appears under the form of forty-two
months, = 3J years (Rev. xiii. 5), twelve hun-
dred and sixty days, also = 3J years (xi. 3,
xii. 6), and again a time, times, and half a time
= 3} years (xii. 14). If the number seven
express the notion of completeness, then the
number half -seven = incompleteness and the
secondary ideas of suffering and disaster : it'
the one represent divine agency, the other we
mav expect to represent human agency.
Shaal'abbin. A town in the allotment
of Dan, named between Ir-Shemesh and Aja-
lon (Josh. xix. 42).
Sha'albim. The commoner form of the
name of a town of Dan which in one passage
is found as Shaalahbin. It occurs in an ancient
fragment of history inserted in Judg. i. enume-
rating the towns of which the original inhabit-
ants of Canaan succeeded in keeping posses-
sion after the general conquest. It is men-
tioned with Ajalon again in Josh. xix. 42
(Shaalabbin), and with Bethshemesh both
there and in I K. iv. 9. By Eusebius and
Jerome, it is mentioned in the Onomasticon as a
large village in the district of Scbaste (i.e.
Samaria), and as then called Selaba. But
this is not very intelligible. It is also at vari-
ance with another notice of Jerome (on Ezek.
xlviii. 22). No trace appears to have been yet
discovered of any name resembling Shaalbim
in the neighborhood of Yalo or Ain-shems, or
indeed anvwhere else.
Shaal'bonite, the. Elinhba the Shaal-
bonite was one of David's thirty-seven heroes
(2 Sam. xxiii. 32 ; 1 Chr. xi.33). He was the
native of a place named Shaalbon, which is un-
mentioned elsewhere, unless it is identical with
Shaalbim or Shaalabbin of the tribe of
Dan.
Sha'aph. 1. The son of Jahdai (1 Chr.
ii. 47). — 2. The son of Caleb the brother of
Jerahmeel by his concubine Maachah (1 Chr
ii. 49).
Shaara'im. A city in the territory allotted
to Judah (Josh. xv. 36 ; in A. V. incorrectly
Sharaim). It is mentioned again in the ac-
count of the rout which followed the fall of
Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 52). These two notices
are consistent with each other. Shaaraim ii
therefore probably to be looked for somewhere
west of SnuweUxh, on the lower slopes of the
hills, where they subside into the great plain.
We find the name mentioned once more in a
list of the towns of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 31),
occupying the same place with Sharuhen and
Sansannah, in the corresponding lists of
Joshua. It is impossible that the same Shaa-
raim can be intended, and indeed it is quite
doubtful whether it be not a mere corruption
of one of the other two names.
Shaash'gaz. The eunuch in the palace
of Xerxes who had the custody of the women
in the second house (Esth. ii. 14).
Shabbetha'i. 1. A Levite in the time of
Ezra (Ezr. x. 15). It is apparently the same
who with Jeshna and others instructed the
people in the knowledge of the Law (Neb.
viii. 7). — 2. One of the chief of the LtTites
after the return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 16).
Possibly I and 2 are identical.
Shacbi a. Property " Shabiah," a son of
Shaharaim by his wife Hodesh (I Chr. viii
10).
Shadda'l. An ancient name of God, ren-
dered " Almighty " everywhere in the A. V.
In all passages of Genesis, except one (xlix.
25), in Ex. vi. 3, and in Ez. x. 5, it is found
in connection with el, " God," El-Shaddai be-
ing there rendered " God Almighty," or " the
Almighty God." It occurs six times in Gene-
sis, once in Exodus (vi. 3), twice in Numben
(xxiv. 4, 16), twice in Ruth (i. 20, 21), thirty-
one times in Job, twice in the Psalms (lxriii.
14 [15], xci. 1), once in Isaiah (xiii. 6), twice
in Ezekiel (i. 24, x. 5), and once in Joel (i. 15).
In Genesis and Exodus, it is found in what an
called the Elohistic portions of those books, in
Numbers in thejehovistic portion, and through-
out Job the name Shaddai stands in parallelism
with Elohim, and never with Jehovah. By the
name or in the character of El-Shaddai, God
was known to the patriarchs (Gen. xvii. I,
xxviii. 3, xliii. 14, xlviii. 3, xlix. 25), before
the name Jehovah, in its full significance, wu
revealed (Ex. vi. 3). The prevalent idea at-
taching to the name in all the passages in
which it occurs is that of strength and power,
and our translators probably gave to Shad-
dai " its true meaning when they rendered it
"Almighty." The derivations assigned to Shad-
dai are various. We may mention, only to re-
ject, the rabbinical etymology which connects
it with dai, " sufficiency." According to this,
Shaddai signifies " He who is sufficient," "the
all-sufficient One ; " and so " He who is suffi-
cient in Himself," and therefore self-existent
Gesenius ( Gram. § 86, and Jesaia, xiii. 6) re-
gards sltaddai as the plural of majesty from a
singular noun, shad, root shadad, of which the
Frimary notion seems to be, " to be strong.'
t is evident that this derivation was present to
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SHALEM
873
SHALLUM
the mind of the prophet from the play of words
in Is. xiii. 6. On the whole, there seems no
reasonable objection to the view taken by
Gescnins, which Lee also adopts.
Sha'drach. The Chaldee name of Hana-
niah, the chief of the " three children," whose
song, as given in the apocryphal Daniel, forms
part of the service of the Church of England,
under the name of " Bcnedicite, omnia opera."
A longer prayer in the furnace is also ascribed
to him in the LXX. and Vulgate ; but this is
thought to be by a different hand from that
which added the song. The history of Sha-
drach, or Hananiah, as told in Dan. i.-iii., is
well known. After their deliverance from the
furnace, we hear no more of Shadrach, Me-
sbach, and Abed-nego in the O. T. ; neither
are they spoken of in the N. T., except in the
glinted allusion to them in the Epistle to the
ebrews, as having " through faith quenched
the violence of fire" (Heb. xi. 33, 34). But
there are repeated allusions to them in the later
apocryphal books ; and the martyrs of the
Maccabsaan period seem to have been much
encouraged by their example. See 1 Mace. ii.
59, 60 ; 3 Mace. vi. 6 ; 4 Mace. xiii. 9, xvi. 3,
SI, xviii. 12.
Sha'ge. Father of Jonathan the Hararite,
one of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 34). See
Siiammah 5.
Shahara'im. A Benjamite whose history
and descent are alike obscure in the present text
(1 Chr. viii. 8). It is more intelligible if we
remove the full stop from the end of ver. 7, and
read on thus: "and begat Uzza and Ah i hud,
and Shoharaim he begat in the field of Moab,"
*c.
Shahazlmah. One of the towns of the
allotment of Issachar (Josh. xix. 22 only).
Shalom, Gen. xxxiii. 18. It seems more
than probable that this word should not here
be taken as a proper name, but that the sen-
tence should be rendered, " Jacob came safe to
the city of Shechem." It is certainly remark-
able that there should be a modern village bear-
ing the name of Salim in a position, to a certain
degree, consistent with the requirements of the
narrative when so interpreted : — viz. 3 miles
east of Nablus (the ancient Shechem), and
therefore between it and the Jordan Valley,
where the preceding verse (ver. 17) leaves Ja-
cob settled. But there are several considerations
which weigh very much against this being more
than a fortuitous coincidence. 1. If Shalem
was the city in front of which Jacob pitched
his tent, then it certainly was the scene of the
events of chap, xxxiv. ; and the well of Jacob
and the tomb of Joseph must be removed from
the situation in which tradition has so appro-
priately placed them to some spot farther east-
ward, and nearer to Salim. 2. Though east
of Nablut, Salim does not appear to he near
any actual line of communication between it
and the Jordan Valley. 3. With the exception
of the LXX., Peshito-Syriac, and Vulgate,
among the ancients, and Luther's and the
Authorized Version among the moderns, the
unanimous voice of translators and scholars is
in favor of treating shalem as a mere appella-
tive. Salim does not appear to have been
visited by any traveller.
110
Shalim, the Land of. A district
through which Saul passed on his journey in
quest of his father's asses ( I Sam. ix. 4 only).
The spelling of the name in the original, prop-
erly Sha'<m, shows that it had no connection
with Shalem, or with the modern Salim, east
of Nablus. It is more possibly identical with
the "land of Shual." But this can only be
taken as a conjecture.
Shalisha, the Land of. One of the
districts traversed by Saul when in search of
the asses of Kish (1 Sam. ix. 4 only). It
apparently lay between "Mount Ephraim"
and the " land of Shaalim," a specification
which with all its evident preciseness is irrecog-
nizable. The difficulty is increased by placing
Shalisha at Saris or Khirbct Saris, a village a
few miles west of Jerusalem. If the land of
Shalisha contained, as it not impossibly did,
the place called Baal-Shalisha (2 K. iv. 42),
then the whole disposition of Saul's route
would be changed.
Shallech'eth, the Gate. One of the
gates of the " house of Jehovah," whether by
that expression be intended the sacred tent of
David or the Temple of Solomon (1 Chr. xxvi.
16). It was the gate " to the causeway of the
ascent." As the causeway is actually in exist-
ence, the Gate Shallecheth can hardly fail to be
identical with the Bab Silsileh, or Sinsleh, which
enters the west wall of the Haram about 600
feet from the south-west corner of the Haram
Wall.
Shallum, the fifteenth king of Israel, son
of Jabesh, conspired against Zechariah, son
of Jeroboam II., killed him, and brought the
dynasty of Jehu to a close, B.C. 770. In the
English version of 2 K. xv. 10, we read, " And
Shallum the son of Jabesh conspired against
him, and smote him be/ore the people, and slew
him, and reigned in his stead. But in the
LXX. we find KcftTiaufi instead of before the
people, i.e. Shallum and Keblaam killed Zech-
ariah. Ewald accepts this translation, and
considers that Qobolam or KefiXauu was a
fellow-conspirator or rival of Shallum, of whose
subsequent fate we have no information. On
the death of Zechariah, Shallum was made
king, but, after reigning in Samaria for a
month only, was in his turn dethroned and
killed by Menahem. — 2. The husband (or
son, according to the LXX. in 2 K.) of Huldah
the prophetess (2 K. xxii. 14; 2 Chr. xxxiv.
22) in the reign of Josiah. He appears to have
been keeper of the priestly vestments in the
Temple. — 8. A descendant of Shesham (1
Chr. ii. 40, 41).— 4. The third son of Josiah
king of Judah, known in the Books of Kings
and Chronicles as Jehoahaz (1 Chr. iii. 15;
Jer. xxii. 11). Hengstenberg regards the name
as symbolical, " the recompensed one," and
given to Jehoahaz in token of his fate, as
one whom God recompensed according to his
deserts. But it is more probably the original
name of the king, which was changed to Jehoa-
haz when he came to the crown. — 5. Son of
Shaul the son of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 25). — 6.
A high-priest, son of Zadok, and ancestor of
Ezra (1 Chr. vi. 12, 13; Ezr. vii. 2). — 7. A
son of Naphtnli (1 Chr. vii. 13). — 8. The
chief of a family of porters or gatekeepers of
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SHAMGAR
874
8HAMM0TH
the east gate of the Temple (1 Chr. ix. 17).
His descendants were among those who re-
turned with Zerubbabcl (Ezr. ii. 42; Neb. vii.
45). — 9. Son of Kore, a Korahite (1 Chr. ix.
19, 31). With this Shallum we may identify
Meshelemiah and Shelemiah (1 Chr. xxvi. 1,
2, 9, 14) ; but he seems to be different from the
last-mentioned Shallum. — 10. Father of Je-
hizkiah, an Ephraimite (2 Chr. xxviii. 12). —
11. One of the porters of the Temple who had
married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 24). — 12. One
of the sons of Bani (Ezr. x. 42). — 18. The
son of Halohesh, and ruler of a district of Je-
rusalem (Neh. iii. 12). — 14. The ancle of
Jeremiah (Jer. xxxii. 7) ; perhaps the same as
2. — 16. Father or ancestor of Maaseiah (Jer.
xxxt. 4) ; perhaps the same as 9.
Sbal'lun. The son of Col-hozeh, and ru-
ler of a district of the Mizpah (Neh. iii. 15).
Shalma'i. The children of Shalmai (or
Suamlai, as in the margin of Ezr. ii. 46) were
among the Nethinim who returned with Zerub-
babcl (Ezr. ii. 46; Neh. vii. 48). In Neh., the
name is properly Salmai.
Shal'man. Shalmaneser king of Assyria
(Hos. x. 14).
Shalmane'ser was the Assyrian king who
reigned immediately before Sargon, and proba-
bly immediately after Tiglath-pileser. He can
scarcely have ascended the throne earlier than
B.C. 730, and may possibly not have done so
till a few years later. It must have been soon
after his accession that he led the forces of As-
syria into Palestine, where Hoshea, the last
king of Israel, had revolted against his author-
ity (2 K. xvii. 3). No sooner was he come
than Hoshea submitted, acknowledged himself
a " servant" of the Great King, and consented
to pay him a fixed tribute annually. He soon
after concluded an alliance with the king of
Egypt, and withheld his tribute in consequence.
In B.C. 723, Shalmaneser invaded Palestine for
the second time, and, as Hoshea refused to sub-
mit, laid siege to Samaria. The siege lasted
to the third year (b.c. 721), when the Assyrian
arms prevailed (2 K. xvii. 4-6, xviii. 9-1 1 ).
It is uncertain whether Shalmnncser conducted
the siege to its close, or whether he did not lose
his crown to Sargon before the city was taken.
Sha'ma. One of David's guard, son of
Hothan of Arocr ( 1 Chr. xi. 44).
Shamari ah. Son of Rehoboam (2 Chr.
xi. 19).
Sha'med. Properly Siiamer, or Shemcr;
one of the sons of Elpaal the Benjamite ( I Chr.
viii. 12).
Sha'mer. 1. A Mcrarite Levite (1 Chr.
vi. 46). — 2. Suombr the son of Hcber an
Asherite (1 Chr. vii. 34).
Sham'gar. Son of Anath, judge of Israel j
after Ehud, and before Barak, though possibly
contemporary with the latter, since he seems to
be spoken of in Juilg. v. 6 as a contemporary
of Jacl, if the reading is correct It is not im-
probable from his patronymic that Sharagar
may hare been of the tribe of Naphtali, since
Beth-anath U in that tribe (Judg. i. 33). In
the days of Shamgar, Israel wus in a most de-
pressed condition, and the whole nation was
cowed. At this conjuncture, Shamgar was
raised up to be a deliverer. With no arms in
his hand but an ox-goad (Judg. iii. 31 ;
1 Sam. xiii. 21), he made a desperate assault
upon the Philistines, and slew 600 of them.
But it was reserved for Deborah and Barak to
complete the deliverance.
Sham huth. The fifth captain for the
fifth month in David's arrangement of his army
(1 Chr. xxvii. 8). From a comparison of the
lists in 1 Chr. xi., xxvii., it would seem that
Shamhuth is the same as Shammoth the Ha-
rorite.
Sha'mir. The name of two places in the
Holy Land. 1. A town in the mountain dis-
trict of Judah (Josh. xv. 48 only). It proba-
bly lay some eight or ten miles south of He-
bron, out it has not been yet discovered. — 2.
A place in Mount Ephraim, the residence and
burial-place of Tola the judge (Judg. x. 1, 2).
It is singular that this judge, a man of hit-
char, should have taken up his official residence
ont of his own tribe. Shamir is not mentioned
by the ancient topographers. Schwarz pro-
poses to identify it with Samur, half way between
Samaria and Jenin, about eight miles from
each. Van de Vclde proposes Khirbet Sammrr,
ten miles E. S. E. of AoWiu.
Sha'mir. A Kohathite, son of Micah, or
Michah, the first-born of Uzziel ( 1 Chr. xxiv.
Sham'ma. One of the sons of Zophar,
an Asherite (I Chr. vii. 37).
Shammah. 1. The son of Reuel the son
of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 13, 17 ; 1 Chr. i. 37).—
2. The third son of Jesse, and brother of
David (1 Sam. xvi. 9, xvii. 13). Called also
Shimea, SnmEAH, and Shimma. — 8. One
of the three greatest of David's mighty men.
He was with him during his outlaw life in the
Cave of Adullam, and signalized himself br
defending a piece of ground full of lentiis
against the Philistines on one of their maraod-
ing incursions. This achievement gave him a
place among the first three heroes (2 Sam. xxiii.
11-17). The text of Chronicles at this part
is clearly very fragmentary ; and what is there
attributed to Elcazar the son of Dodo properly
belongs to Shammah. There is still, however,
a discrepancy in the two narratives. The
scene of Shammah's exploit is said in Samuel
to be a field of lentils, and in 1 Cbron. a field
of barley. Kennicottproposes in both cases to-
read " barley." — 4. The Harodite, one of Da-
vid's mighties (2 Sam. xxiii. 25). He is called
" Shammoth the Harorite " in 1 Chr. xi. 27,
and in 1 Chr. xxvii. 8 "Shamhuth the Izra-
hite." Kcnnicott maintained the true reading
in both to be " Shamhoth the Harodite." — 6.
In the list of David's mighty men in 2 Sam.
xxiii. 32, 33, we find "Jonathan, Shammah
the Hararite ; " while, in the corresponding
verse of 1 Chr. xi. 34, it is " Jonathan, the son
of Shagc the Hararite." Combining the two,
Kcnnicott proposes to read, "Jonathan, the sod
of Sharaha the Hararite."
Shamma'i. 1. The son of Onam (1 Chr.
ii. 28, 32).— 2. Son of Rekem (I Chr. ii. 44,
45). — 8. The brother of Miriam and Ishbah
the founder of Eshtemoa, in an obscure geneal-
ogy of the descendants of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 17).
Shammoth. The Harorite, one of Da-
vid's guard (1 Chr. xi. 27).
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SHARON
875
SHAVEH, VALLEY OF
Shammu'a. 1. The Reubenite spy, son
of Zaccur (Num. xiii. 4). — 2. Son ot David
by bis wife Bathsheba(l Chr. xiv. 4). — 3. A
Levite, the father of Abda (Neb. xi. 17). The
same as Shemaiah 6. — 4. The representative
of the priestly family of Bilguh, or Bilgai, in
the days of Joiokim (Neh. xii. 18).
Shammu'ah. Son of David (2 Sam. v.
14) ; elsewhere called Shammua and Shimea.
Shamshera'i. One of the sons of Jero-
ham, a Bcnjamitc (1 Chr. viii. 26).
Sha'pham. A Gadite of Bashan (1 Chr.
v. 12).
Sha'phan. The scribe or secretary of King
Josiah. He was the son of Azaliali (2 K. xxii.
3 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 8), father of Ahikam (2 K.
xxii. 12 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 20), Elasah (Jer. xxix.
3), and Gemariah (Jer. xxxvi. 10, 11, 12), and
grandfather of Gedaliab (Jer. xxxix. 14, xl. 5,
9, 11, xli. 2, xliii. 6), Michaiah (Jer. xxxvi.
11), and probably of Jaazaniah (Ez. viii. 11).
There seem* to be no sufficient reason for sup-
posing that Sbaphan the father of Ahikam,
<nd Shaphan the scribe, were different nersons.
The history of Shaphan brings out some points
vita regard to the office of scribe, which he
held. He appears on an equality with the gov-
ernor of the city and the royal recorder, with
whom he was sent by the king to Hilkiah to take
in account of the money which had been col-
lected by the Levites for the repair of the Tem-
ple, ana to pay the workmen (2 K. xxii. 4;
E Chr. xxxiv. 9 ; comp. 2 K. xii. 10). Ewald
calls him Minister of Finance {Gesch. iii. 697).
It was on this occasion that Hilkiah communi-
cated his discovery of a copy of the Law, which
he had probably found while making prepara-
tions for the repair of the Temple. Shaphan
was then apparently an old man; for his son
Ahikam must have been in a position of im-
portance, and his grandson Gedaliah was already
born. Be this as it may, Sbaphan disappears
from the scene, and probably died before the
fifth year of Jehoiakim, eighteen years later,
when we find Elishama was scribe (Jer. xxxvi.
Sba'pbat. 1. The Simeonito spy, son of
Hori (Num. xiii. 5). — 2. The father of the
prophet Elisha (1 K. xix. 16, 19; 2 K. iii. 11,
vi. 31 ). — 3. One of the six sons of Shemaiah
in the roval line of Judab (1 Chr. iii. 22). —
4. One of the chiefs of the Gadites in Bashan
(1 Chr. v. 12). — 6. The son of Adlai, who
was over David's oxen in the valleys ( 1 Chr.
rxvii. 29).
Sha'pher, Mount (Num. xxxiii. 23).
The name of a desert station where the Israel-
ites encamped. No site has been suggested for
it.
Shara'i. One of the sons of Bani (Ezr. x.
♦0).
Share im. An imperfect version (Josh,
xv. 36 only) of the name Shaabaih.
Sha'rar. The father of Ahiam the Hara-
rite (2 Sam. xxiii. 33). In 1 Chr. xi. 35, he is
called Sacar, which Kennicott thinks the true
reading.
Share'zer was a son of Sennacherib,
whom, in conjunction with his brother Adram-
mclech, he murdered (2 K. xix. 37).
Sharon. A district of the Holy Land
occasionally referred to in the Bible (1 Chr. v.
16, xxvii. 29; Is. xxxiii. 9, xxxv. 2, lxv. 10;
Cant. ii. 1 ; Acts ix. 35, A. V. Saron). The
name has on each occurrence, with one excep-
tion only, the definite article (1 Chr. v. 16).
It would therefore appear that " the Sharon "
was some well-defined region familiar to the
Israelites. The only guide to its locality fur-
nished by Scripture is its mention with Lydda
in Acts ix. 35. There is, however, no doubt of
the identification of Sburon. It is tiiat broad,
rich tract of land which lies between the
mountains of the central part of the Holy
Land and the Mediterranean — the northern
continuation of the Suefelau. Eusebius and
Jerome, under the name of Saronas, specify it
as the region extending from Cajsarea to Joppa.
A general sketch of the district is given under
the head of Palestine (p. 678). — 2. The
Sharon of 1 Chr. v. 16, to which allusion has
already been made, is distinguished from the
western plain by not having the article attached
to its name, as the other invariably has. It is
also apparent from the passage itself that it was
some district on the cast of Jordan, in the
neighborhood of Gilead and Bashan. The
name has not been met with in that direction.
Dr. Stanley suggests that Sharon may here be
a synonymc for the ifahor.
Sha'ronite, the. Shitrai, who had charge
of the royal herds pastured in Sharon (1 Chr.
xxvii. 29), is the only Sharonite mentioned in
the Bible.
Shar'uhon. A town named in Josh. xix.
6 only, amongst those which were allotted within
Judah to Simeon. Sharuhen docs not appear
in the catalogue of the cities of Judah ; but in-
stead of it, and occupying the same t>osition
with regard to the other names, we find Sh il-
ium (xv. 32). In the list of 1 Chr., on the
other hand, the same position is occupied by
Shaaraim (iv. 31). Whether these are differ-
ent places, or different names of the same
place, or mere variations of careless copyists,
and, in the last case, which is the original form,
it is perhaps impossible now to determine.
Shasha'i. One of the sons of Bani in the
time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 40).
Sha'shak. A Benjamite, one of the sons
of Bcriah (1 Chr. viii. 14, 25).
Sha'ul. 1. The son of Simeon by a Ca-
naanitish woman (Gen. xlvi. 10; Ex. vi. 15;
Num. xxvi. 13 ; 1 Chr. iv. 24), and founder of
the family of the Shaulitbs. — 2. One of the
kings of Edom (1 Chr. i. 48, 49). In the
A. V. of Gen. xxxvi. 37, he is less accurately
called Saul. — 3. A Kohathite, son of Uz-
ziah (1 Chr. vi. 24).
Sha'veh, the valley of. A name found
only in Gen. xiv. It is one of those archaic
names with which this venerable chapter
abounds — so archaic, that many of them hare
been elucidated, by the insertion of their more
modern equivalents in the body of the docu-
ment, by a later bnt still very ancient hand.
In the present case, the explanation docs not
throw any light upon the locality of Sha-
ved : — " The Valley of Shaveh, that is, the
Valley of the King" (ver. 17). True, the
" Valley of the King " is mentioned again, in 2
Sam. xviii. 18, as the site of a pillar set up by
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SHEBA
876
SHEBA
Absalom; but this passage again conveys no
indication of its position, and it is by no means
certain that the two passages refer to the same
spot.
Sha'veh Kiriathaim, mentioned (On.
xiv. 5) as the residence of the Emim at the
time of Chedorlaomer's incursion. Kiriathaim
is named in the later history, though it has not
been identified ; and Shaveh Kiriathaim was
probably the valley in or by which the town lay.
Shav'sha. The royal secretary in the
reign of David (1 Chr. xviii. 16). He is ap-
parently the same with Skraiah (2 Sam. viii.
17). In 2 Sam. xx. 25, he is called Sheva;
and in 1 K. iv. 3, Siiisha.
Shawm. In the Prayer-book version of
Ps. xcviii. 7, " with trumpets also and shawms "
is the rendering of what stands in the A. V.
" with trumpets, and sound of cornet." The He-
brew word translated " cornet " will be found
treated under that head. The " shawm " was
a musical instrument resembling the clarionet.
She al. One of the sons of Bani who had
married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 29).
Sheal'tiel. Father of Zerubbabel (Ezr.
iii. 2, 8, v. 2; Neh. xii. 1 ; Hagg. i. I, 12, 14,
ii. 2, 23).
Shear i ah. One of the six sons of Azel,
a descendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 38, ix. 44).
Shearing-house, the. A place on the
road between Jezrcel and Samaria, at which
Jehu, on his way to the latter, encountered
forty-two members of the royal family of Judah,
whom he slaughtered at the well or pit attached
to the place (2 K. x. 12, 14). The translators
of our version have given in the margin the
literal meaning of the name — " house of bind-
ing of the shepherds." It is probable that the
original meaning has escaped. Eusebius men-
tions it as a village of Samaria " in the great
plain | of Esdraelon], fifteen miles from Le-
geon."
She'ar-Ja'shub (lit. " a remnant shall re-
turn "). The son of Isaiah the prophet (Is.
vii. 3). The name, like that of Muher-shalal-
hash-boz, had a mystical significance (couip.
Is. x. 20-22).
She'ba. The son of Bichri, a Benjamite
from the mountains of Ephraim (2 Sam. xx.
1-22), the last chief of the Absalom insurrection.
He is described as a " man of Belial." But he
must have been a person of some consequence,
from the immense effect produced by his ap-
pearance. It was in fact all but an anticipation
of the revolt of Jeroboam. The occasion seized
by Shcba was the emulation, as if from loyalty,
between the northern and southern tribes on
David's return (2 Sam. xx. 1, 2). The king
might well say, " Shcba the son of Bichri shall
do us more harm than did Absalom " (16. 6).
Shcba traversed the whole of Palestine, appar-
ently rousing the population, Joab following in
full pursuit. It seems to have been his inten-
tion to establish himself in the fortress of Abcl-
Bcth-maachah, famous for the prudence of its
inhabitants (2 Sam. xx. 18). That prudence
was nut to the test on the present occasion.
Joab s terms were — the head of the insurgent
chief. A woman of the place undertook the
mission to her city, and proposed the execution
to her fellow-citizens. The head of Shcba was
thrown over the wall, and the insurrectio*
ended. — 2. A Gadite of Batman ( 1 Chr. v. 13).
She'ba. 1. A son of Baamah, son of Cush
(Gen. x. 7 ; 1 Chr. i. 9). — 2. A son of Joktan
(Gen. x. 28; 1 Chr. i. 22). — 3. A son of Jok-
shan, son of Keturah (Gen. xxv. 3; 1 Chr. i.
32). We shall consider, first, the history of
the Joktanite Sheba ; and, secondly, the Custi-
ite Sheba and the Kcturahite Sheba together.
— I. It has been shown, in Arabia ana other
articles, that the Joktanitcs were among the
early colonists of Southern Arabia, and that the
kingdom which they there founded was, for
many centuries, called the kingdom of Sheba,
after one of the sons of Joktan. They appear
to have been preceded by an aboriginal race,
which the Arabian historians describe as a peo-
ple of gigantic stature. But, besides these ex-
tinct tribes, there are the evidences of Cushitc
settlers, who probably preceded the Joktanitcs.
Sheba seems to have been the name of the
great south Arabian kingdom and the peoples
which composed it, until that of Himyer took
its place in later times. On this point, mnch
obscurity remains. The apparent difficulties
of the case are reconciled by supposing, as M.
Caussin de Perceval has done, that the kingdom
and its people received the name of Shcba
{Arabic, Scba), but that its chief and sometimes
reigning family or tribe was that of Himyer.
In support of the view that the name of Sheba
applied to the kingdom and its people as a
generic or national name, we find in the Kd-
moos " the name of Scba comprises the tribes
of the Yemen in common." And further, as
Himyer meant the " Red Man," so probably
did Scba. We have assumed the identity of
the Arabic Scba with Sheba. The pi. form
stbaim corresponds with the Greek £<v3oi«, and
the Latin Sabssi.
In the Bible, the Joktanite Sheba, mentioned
genealogically in Gen. x. 28, recurs, as a king-
dom, in the account of the visit of the Queen of
Sheba to King Solomon. That the queen was
of Shcba in Arabia, and not of Seba the Cush-
itc kingdom of Ethiopia, is unquestionable.
The other passages in the Bible which seem to
refer to the Joktanite Shcba occur in Is. Ix.
6, and again in Jcr. vi. 20. On the other
hand, in Ps. lxxii. 10, the Joktanite Shcl-a is
undoubtedly meant. The kingdom of Sheba
embraced the greater part of the Yemen, or
Arabia Felix. Its chief cities, and probably
successive capitals, were Scba, San "a (Ur. a i.),
and Zafar (Skphar). Seba was probably 1 lie
name of the city, and generally of the country
and nation ; but the statements of the Arabian
writers are conflicting on this point. Ne:ir
Scl» was the famous Dike of El-'Arim, said
by tradition to have been built by Lukman the
'Adite, to store water lor the inhabitants of the
place, and to avert the descent of the mountain
torrents. The catastrophe of the rapture of
this dike is an important point in Arab his-
tory, and marks the dispersion in the second
century of the Joktanite tribes. This, like all
we know of Seba, points irresistibly to the
great importance of the city as the ancient cen-
tre of Joktanite power. The history of the
Sahseans has been examined by M. Caussin de
Perceval, but much remains to be adjusted bc-
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fore its details can be received as trustworthy,
the earliest safe chronological point being about
the commencement of our era. An examina-
tion of the existing remains of Sabaean and
Himyerite cities and buildings will, it cannot
be doubted, add more facts to our present
knowledge. The ancient buildings are of mas-
sive masonry, and evidently of Cushite work-
manship or origin. Later temples, and palace-
temples, of which the Arabs give us descriptions,
were probably of less massive character; but
Sabaean art is an almost unknown and inter-
esting subject of inquiry. The religion cele-
brated in those temples was cosmic ; but this
subject is too obscure and too little known to
admit of discussion in this place.
II. Sheba, son of Raamah son of Cush, set-
tled somewhere on the shores of the Persian
Gulf. In the Mardsid (s. v.), Mr. Stanley
Poole has found an identification which appears
to be satisfactory — that on the Island of A wal
(one of the " Bahreyn Islands ") are the ruins
of an ancient city called Seba. It was this
Sheba that carried on the great Indian traffic
with Palestine, in conjunction with, as we hold,
the other Sheba, son of Jokshan son of Kctu-
rah, who, like Dkdan, appears to have formed,
with the Cushite of the same name, one tribe.
SheTsa. One of the towns of the allotment
of Simeon (Josh. xix. 2). In the list of the
cities of the south of Judah, there is a Shema
(xv. 26) which stands next to Moladah, and
which is probably the Sheba in question. This
suggestion is supported by the reading of the
Vatican LXX.
She'bah. The famous well which gave its
name to the city of Beersheba (Gen. xxvi. 33).
According to this version of the occurrence,
Shebah, or more accurately Shibeah, was the
fourth of the series of wells dug by Isaac's peo-
{>le, and received its name from him, apparent-
y in allusion to the oaths (Gen. xxvi. 31)
which had passed between himself and the
Philistine chieftains the day before. It should
not be overlooked, that, according to the narra-
tive of an earlier chapter, the well owed its ex-
istence and its name to Isaac's father (xxi. 32).
Some commentators, as Kalisch (Gen. 500),
looking to the fact that there are two large wells
at Bir cs-Seba, propose to consider the two
transactions as distinct, and as belonging, the
one to the one well, the other to the other.
Others see in the two narratives merely two
versions of the circumstances under which this
renowned well was first dug.
She 'bam. One of the towns in the pas-
toral district, on the east of Jordan, demand-
ed by and Anally ceded to the tribes of Reuben
and Gad (Num. xxiii. 3 only). It is probably
the same which appears in the altered forms of
Shibmah and Sibhah.
Shebani'ah. L A Levite in the time of
Ezra (Neh. ix. 4, S). He sealed the covenant
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 10). — 2. A priest, or
priestly family, who sealed the covenant with
Nehemiah (Neh. x. 4, xii. 14). Called Shech-
AMAH in Neh. xii. 3. — 3. Another Levite
who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh.
x. 12). — 4. One of the priests appointed by
David to blow with the trumpets before the ark
of God (1 Chr. xv. 24).
Sheb'arim A place named in Josh vii.
5 only, as one of the points in the flight from
Ai. No trace of the name has been yet re-
marked.
Shelter. Son of Caleb ben Hezron by
his concubine Maachah (1 Chr. ii. 48).
Sheb'na. A person of high position in
Hezekiah's court, holding at one time the office
of prefect of the palace (Is. xxii. 15), but sub-
sequently the subordinate office of secretary
(Is. xxxvi. 3; 2 K. xix. 2). This change
appears to have been effected by Isaiah's inter-
position. From the omission of his father's
name, it has been conjectured that he was a
novua homo, perhaps a foreigner.
Sheb'uel. 1. A descendant of Gcrshom
(1 Chr. xxiii. 16, xxvi. 24), who was ruler of
the treasures of the house of God ; called also
Suubael (1 Chr. xxiv. 20). He is the last
descendant of Moses of whom there is any
trace. — 2. One of the fourteen sons of He-
man the minstrel (1 Chr. xxv. 4) ; called also
Shcbael (I Chr. xxv. 20).
Shecani'ah. 1. The tenth in order of the
priests who were appointed by lot in the reign
of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 11). — 2. A priest in
the reign of Hczokiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 15).
Shechani'ah. 1. A descendant of Zerub-
babel (1 Chr. Hi. 21, 22). — 2. Some descend-
ants of Shechaniah returned with Ezra (Ezr.
viii. 3). — 8. The sons of Shechaniah were
another family who returned with Ezra (Ezr.
viii. 5). In this verse, some name appears to
have been omitted. Perhaps the reading should
be, "of the sons of Zattu, Shechaniah, the
son of Jahaziel." — 4. The son of Jehicl of
the sons of Elam (Ezr. x. 2). — 6. The fathev
of Shemaiah 2 (Neh. iii. 29). — 6. The son of
Arah (Neh. vi. 18). — 7. The head of a priesu
ly family who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh.
xii. 3).
Shech'em (back or shoulder), an impor-
tant city in Central Palestine. The etymology
of the Hebrew word indicates that the placu
was situated on some mountain or hill-side;
and that presumption agrees with Josh. xx. 7,
which places it in Mount Ephraim (comp. 1 K.
xii. 25), and with Judg. ix. 9, which represents
it as under the summit of Gerizim, which be-
longed to the Ephraim range. Its present
name, iVdWus, is a corruption of Neapolis;
which succeeded the more ancient Shechem,
and received its new name from Vespasian.
On coins still extant, it is called Flavia Neapolis.
The situation of the town is one of surpassing
beauty. It lies in a sheltered valley, protected
by Gerizim on the south, and Ebal oh tne north.
The feet of these mountains, where they rise
from the town, are not more than five hundred
yards apart. The bottom of the valley is about
1,800 feet above the level of the sea, and the
top of Gerizim 800 feet higher still. The site
of the present city, which was also that of the
Hebrew city, occurs exactly on the water-sum-
mit ; and streams issuing from the numerous
springs there flow down the opposite slopes of
the valley, spreading verdure and fertility in
every direction. Travellers vie with each other
in the language which they employ to describe
the scene that bursts here so suddenly upon
them on arriving in spring or early summer at
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this paradise of the Holy Land. " The whole
▼alley," says Dr. Robinson, " was filled with
gardens of vegetables, and orchards of all
kinds of fruits, watered by fountains, which
burst forth in various parts, and flow westwards
in refreshing streams. It came upon us sud-
denly like a scene of fairy enchantment. We
saw nothing to compare with it in all Palestine.
Here, beneath the shadow of an immense mul-
berry-tree, by the side of a purling rill, we
pitched our tent for the remainder of the day
and the night. . . . We rose early, awakened
by the songs of nightingales and other birds,
of which the gardens around us were full."
The allusions to Shechem in the Bible are nu-
merous, and show how important the place
was in Jewish history. Abraham, on his first
migration to the Land of Promise, pitched his
tent and built an altar under the Oak (or Tere-
binth) of Moreh at Shechem. " The Caananite
was then in the land ; " and it is evident that
the region, if not the city, was already in pos-
session of the aboriginal race (see Gen. xii. 6).
At the time of Jacob's arrival here, after his
sojourn in Mesopotamia (Gen. xxxiii. 18,
xxxiv.), Shechem was a Hivite city, of which
Hamor, the father of Shechem, was the head-
man. It was at this time that the patriarch
purchased from that chieftain " the parcel of
the field," which he subsequently bequeathed,
as a special patrimony, to his son Joseph (Gen.
xliii. 22 ; Josh. xxiv. 32 ; John iv. 5). The
field lay undoubtedly on the rich plain of the
MutJina, and its value was the greater on ac-
count of the well which Jacob had dug there,
so as not to be dependent on his neighbors for
a supply of water. The defilement of Dinah,
Jacob s daughter, and the capture of Shechem
and massacre of all the male inhabitants by
Simeon and Levi, are events that belong to
this period (Gen. xxxiv. 1 sq.). Theoaknnder
which Abraham had worshipped survived to
Jacob's time (Gen. xxxv. 1-4). The "oak of
the monument" (Jndg. ix. 6), where the Shech-
emites made Abimelech king, marked, perhaps,
the veneration with which the Hebrews looked
back to these earliest footsteps of the patri-
archs in the Holy Land. In the distribution
of the land after its conquest by the Hebrews,
Shechem fell to the lot or Ephraim (Josh. xx.
7), bat was assigned to the Levites, and became
a city of refuge (Josh. xxi. 20, 21 ). It acquired
new importance as the scene of the renewed
promulgation of the Law, when its blessings
were heard from Gerizim and its curses from
Ebal, and the people bowed their heads, and
acknowledged Jehovah as their King and Ruler
(Deut. xxvii. 11, and Josh. ix. 33-35). It
was here Joshua assembled the people, shortly
before his death, and delivered to them his last
counsels (Josh. xxiv. I, 25). After the death
of Gideon, Abimelech, his bastard son, induced
the Shecheraites to revolt from the Hebrew
commonwealth, and elect him as king (Judg.
ix. ) . In revenge for his expulsion, after a reign
of throe years, Abimelech destroyed the city,
and, as an emblem of the fate to which he
would consign it, sowed the ground with salt
(Judg. ix. 34-45). It was soon restored, how-
ever ; for we are told in 1 K. xii. that all Israel
assembled at Shechem, and Rehoboam, Solo-
mon's successor, went thither to be inaugurat-
ed as king. Here, at this same place, the ten
tribes renounced the bouse of David, and trans-
ferred their allegiance to Jeroboam (IK. xii.
16), under whom Shechem became for a time
the capital of his kingdom. From the time of
the origin of the Samaritans, the history of
Shechem blends itself with that of this people,
and of their sacred mount, Gerizim. [Samaria ;
Samaritan Pent.] Shechem re-appears in
the New Testament It is the Stchar of
John iv. 5, near which the Savionr conversed
with the Samaritan woman at Jacob's WelL
In Acts vii. 16, Stephen reminds his hearers
that certain of the patriarchs (meaning Joseph,
as we see in Josh. xxiv. 32, and following, per-
haps, some tradition as to Jacob's other sons)
were buried at Stchem. The population of
Nabulus consists of about 5,000, among whom
are 500 Greek Christians, 150 Samaritans, and
a few Jews. The enmity between the Samari-
tans and Jews is as inveterate still as it was in
the days of Christ. The Mohammedans, of
course, make up the bulk of the population.
The Well of Jacob and the Tomb of Joseph
are still shown in the neighborhood of the town.
Tbe Well of Jacob lies about a mile and a half
east of the city, close to the lower road, and
just beyond the wretched hamlet of BaJcta.
The Christians sometimes call it Dir a-Samari-
yeh — " the well of the Samaritan woman." The
well is deep — 75 ft when last measured — and
there was probably a considerable accumula-
tion of rubbish at the bottom. Sometimes it
contains a few feet of water, bnt at others it is
quite dry. It is entirely excavated in the solid
rock, perfectly round, 9 ft in diameter, with
the sides hewn smooth and regular. Of all
the special localities of our Lord's life, this is
almost the only one absolutely undisputed.
The Tomb of Joseph lies about a quarter of a
mile north of the well, exactly in the centre of
the opening of the valley between Gerizim and
Ebal. It is a small square enclosure of Mull
whitewashed walls, surrounding a tomb of the
ordinary kind, but with the peculiarity that it
is placed diagonally to the walls, instead of
parallel as usual. A rough pillar, used as an
altar, and black with the traces of fire, is at the
head, and another at the foot, of the tomb. In
the walls are two slabs with Hebrew inscriptions,
and the interior is almost covered with the
names of pilgrims in Hebrew, Arabic, and Sa-
maritan. Beyond this there is nothing to re-
mark in the structure itself. The local tradi-
tion of the tomb, like that of the well, is as old
as the beginning of the 4th century.
Shechem. 1. The son of Hamor the
chieftain of the Hivite settlement of Shechem
nt the time of Jacob's arrival (Gen. xxxiii. 19,
xxxiv. 2-26; Josh. xxiv. 32; Judg. ix. 2?).
— 2. A man of Manasseh, of the clan of Gil-
ead (Num. xxvi. 31 ). — 3. A Gileadite, son of
Shemida, the younger brother of the foregoing
(1 Chr. vii. 19).
Shech'emites.tho. The family of Shech-
em, son of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 31, comp. Josh,
xvii. 2).
Shochi'nah. This term is not found in
the Bible. It was used by the later Jews, and
borrowed by Christians from them, to express"
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the risible majesty of the Divine Presence, es-
pecially when resting or dwelling between the
cherubim on the merer-seat in the Tabernacle
and in the temple or Solomon ; bat not in
Zerubbabel's temple, for it was one of the fire
particulars which the Jews reckon to have been
wanting in the second Temple. The use of the
term is first found in the Targums, where it
forms a frequent periphrasis for God, considered
as dwelling amongst the children of Israel, and
is thus used, especially by Onkelos, to avoid
ascribing corporeity to God Himself. In Ex.
xxr. 8, where the Hebrew has " Let them make
me a sanctuary that I may dwell among them,"
Onkelos has, " I will make my Shechinah to
dwell among them." In xxix. 45, 46, for the
Hebrew " I will dwell among the children of
Israel," Onkelos has, " I will make my She-
chinah to dwell," Ac. In Ps. lxxir. 2, for
" this Mount Zion wherein thou hast dwelt,"
the Targum has " wherein thy Shechinah hath
dwelt." In the description of the dedication of
Solomon's Temple (1 K. viii. 12, 13), the Tar-
gum of Jonathan runs thus: "The Lord is
pleased to make His Shechinah dwell in Jeru-
salem. I have built the house of the sanctuary
for the house of thy Shechinah forever." And
in 1 K. ri. 13, for the Heb. "I will dwell
among the children of Israel," Jonathan has
" I will make my Shechinah dwell." In Is. vi.
5, he has the combination, " the glory of the
Shechinah of the King of ages, the Lord of
Hosts ; " and in the next verse he paraphrases
"from off the altar" by "from before His
Shechinah on the throne of glory in the lofty
heavens that are above the altar." Compare
also Num. r. 3, xxxv. 34; Ps. lxviii. 17, 18,
exxxr. 21 ; Is. xxxiii. 5, lvii. 15; Joel iii. 17,
31 , and numerous other passages. On the other
hand, it should be notice! that the Targums
never render " the cloud " or " the glory " by
Shechinah. Hence, as regards the use of the
word Shechinah in the Targums, it may be le-
fined as a periphrasis for God whenever He is
said to dwell on Zion, amongst Israel, or be-
tween the cherubints, and so on, in order, as
before said, to avoid the slightest approach to
materialism. Our view of the Targumistic
notion of the Shechinah would not be complete
if we did not add, that though, as we have seen,
the Jews reckoned the Shechinah among the
marks of the divine favor which were wanting
to the second Temple, they manifestly expected
the return of the Shechinah in the days of tho
Messiah. Thus Hagg. i. 8, " Build the house,
and I will take pleasure in it, and I will be
glorified, saith the Lord," is paraphrased by
Jonathan, " I will cause my Shechinah to dwell
in it in glory." Compare also Ez. xliii. 7, 9 ;
Zech. ii. 10, viii. 3. As regards the risible
manifestation of the Divine Presence dwelling
amongst the Israelites, to which the term She-
chinah has attached itself, the idea which tho
different accounts in Scripture convey is that of
a most brilliant and glorious light, enveloped
in a cloud, and usually concealed by the cloud,
so that the cloud itself was for the most part
alone visible ; but on particular occasions, the
glory appeared. The allusions in the N. T. to
the Shechinah are not unfrequent. Thus in
tho account of the Nativity, the words, " Lo, the
angel of the Lord came upon them, and the
glory of the Lord shone round about them "
(Luke ii. 9), followed by the apparition of
"the multitude of the heavenly nost," recall
the appearance of the divine glory on Sinai,
when " He shined forth from Paran, and came
with ten thousands of saints" (Deut. xxxiii.
2 ; comp. Ps. lxviii. 17 ; Ezek. xliii. 2; Acts
vii. 53; Heb. ii. 2). The "God of glory"
(Acts vii. 2, 55), " the cherubims of glory "
(Heb. ix. 5), "the glory" (Rom. ix. 4),
and other like passages, are distinct refer-
ences to the manifestations of the glory in
the 0. T. When we read in John i. 14,
that " the Word was made flesh, and dwelt
among us, and we beheld His glory ; " or in 2
Cor. xii. 9, " that the power of Christ may rest
upon me ; " or in Rev. xxi. 3, " Behold the
tabernacle of God is with men, and He will
dwell with them," — we have not only references
to the Shechinah, but are distinctly taught to
connect it with the incarnation and future com-
ing of Messiah, as type with antitype. It
should also be specially noticed that the attend-
ance of angels is usually associated with the
Shechinah. These are most frequently called
(Ez. x., xi.) cherubim ; but sometimes, as in Is.
vi., seraphim (comp. Rev. iv. 7, 8). The pre-
dominant association, however, is with the cher-
ubim, of which the golden cherubim on the
mercy-seat were the representation.
Shed'eur. The father of Elizur, chief of
the tribe of Reuben at the time of tho Exodus
(Num. i. 5, ii. 10, vii. 30, 35, x. 18).
Sheep. Sheep were an important part of
the possessions of the ancient Hebrews and of
Eastern nations generally. The first mention
of sheep occurs in Gen. iv. 2. They were used
in the sacrificial offerings, both the adult animal
(Ex. xx. 24 ; 1 K. viii. 63 ; 2 Chr. xxix. 33)
and the lamb, i.e. " a male from one to three
years old ; " but young lambs of the first year
were more generally used in the offerings (see
Ex. xxix. 38 ; Lev. ix. 3, xii. 6 ; Num. xxviii.
9, &c). No lamb under eight days old was
allowed to be killed (Lev. xxii. 27). A very
young lamb was called tilth (see I Sam. vii. 9~;
Is. lxv. 25). Sheep and Iambs formed an im-
portant article of food (1 Sam. xxv. 18 ; IK. i.
19, iv. 23 ; Ps. xliv. 11, &c.). The wool was
used as clothing (Lev. xiii. 47 ; Deut xxil. 1 1 ;
Prov. xxxi. 13 ; Job xxxi. 20, 4c.). " Rams
skins dyed red " were used as a covering for
the tabernacle (Ex. xxr. 5). Sheep and lambs
were sometimes paid as tribute (2 K. iii. 4).
It is rery striking to notice the immense num-
bers of sheep that were reared in Palestine in
biblical times. Sheep-shearing is alluded to
Gen. xxxi. 19, xxxrni. 13; Deut. xr. 19; I
Sam. xxr. 4 ; Is. liii. 7, &c. Sheep-dogs were
employed in biblical times, as is evident from
Job xxx. 1, "the dogs of my flock." Shep-
herds in Palestine and the East generally go
before their flocks, which they induce to follow
by calling to them (comp. John x. 4; Ps.
lxxvii. 20, Ixxx. 1), though they also drove
them (Gen. xxxiii. 13). The following quota-
tion from Hartley's Researches in Greece and the
Levant, p. 321, is so strikingly illustrative of
the allusions in John x. 1-16, that we cannot
do better than quote it : " Having had my at-
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tention directed last night to the words in John
x. 3, 1 asked my man if it was usual in Greece
to give names to the sheep. He informed me
that it was, and that the sheep obeyed the shep-
herd when he called them by their names. This
morning, I had an opportunity of verifying the
truth of this remark. Passing by a flock of
sheep, I asked the shepherd the same question
which I had put to the servant, and he gave me
the same answer. I then bade him call one of
his sheep. He did so, and it instantly left its
pasturage and its companions, and ran up to
the hands of the shepherd with signs of pleasure,
and with a prompt obedience which I had never
before observed in any other animal. It is also
true in this country that ' a stranger will they
not follow, but will flee from him. The shep-
herd told me that many of his sheep were still
wild, that they had not yet learned their names,
but that by teaching them they would all learn
them." The common sheep of Syria and Pal-
estine are the broad-tail ( Outs laticawdatm), and
Broad-talM Shetp.
^
^
a variety of the common sheep of this country
(Omt aria) called the Bidoween according to
Russell [Aleppo, ii. p. 147). The broad-tailed
kind has long been reared in Syria. The
whole passage in Gen. xxx. which bears on the
subject of Jacob's stratagem with Laban's
sheep is involved in considerable perplexity,
and Jacob's conduct in this matter has been
severely and uncompromisingly condemned by
some writers. It is altogether impossible to
account for the complete success which attended
his device of setting peeled rods before the ewes
and she-goats as they came to drink in the water-
ing-troughs, on natural grounds. We must agree
with the Greek fathers, and ascribe the produc-
tion of Jacob's spotted sheep and goats to di-
vine agency. In Gen. xxxi. 5-13, where Jacob
expressly suites that his success was due to
divine interference, it is hard to believe that
Jacob is littering nothing but a tissue of false-
hoods. We arc aware that a still graver diffi-
culty in the minds of some persons remains, if
the above explanation be adopted ; but we have
no other alternative. As the sheep is an em-
blem of meekness, patience, and submission, it
is expressly mentioned as typifying these qual-
ities in the person of our blessed Lord (Is. liii.
7; Acts vih. 32, &c.). The relation that exists
between Christ, " the chief Shepherd," and His
members, is beautifully compared to that which
in the East is so strikingly exhibited by the
shepherds to their flocks.
Sheepgate, the. One of the gates of
Jerusalem as rebuilt by Nchemiah (Neh. iii. 1,
32 ; xii. 39). It stood between the Tower of
Meah and the chamber of the corner (iii. 32)
or jjate of the guard-house (xii. 39, A. V.
" prison-gate "). The latter seems to have been
at the angle formed by the junction of the wall
of the city of David with that of the city of
Jerusalem proper, having the sheep-gate on the
north of it. The position of the sheep-gate may
therefore have been on or near that of the Dab
el-Kattanin.
Sheep-market, the (John v. 2). The
word " market " is an interpolation of our
translators, possibly after Luther, who has
Scha/haus. The words of the original are «rt
rj irpo3aruuj, to which should probably be sup-
Elied, not market, but gate, wv7y, as in the
iXX. version of the passages in Nehemiab
quoted in the foregoing article.
Shehari'ah. A Benjamite, son of Jehoram
(1 Chr. viii. 26).
Shekel. In a former article [MoketI, a
full account has been given of the coins called
shekels, which are found with inscriptions in
the Samaritan character ; so that the present
article will only contain notices of a few partic-
ulars relating to the Jewish coinage which did
not fall within the plan of the former. It may,
in the first place, be desirable to mention, that,
although some shekels are found with Hebrew
letters instead of Samaritan, these arc un-
doubtedly all forgeries. Ramban, i.e. Ratbi-
Moses-Bar-Nachman, who lived jbout the com-
mencement of the 13th century describes a
shekel which he had seen, and ot vhich the
Cuthccans read the inscription with ease. The
explanation which thev gave of the inscription
was, on one side, Shekel ha-Shehalint, " the
Shekel of Shekels;" and on the other, "Jeru-
salem the Holy." The former was doubtless
a misinterpretation of the usual inscription,
" the shekel of Israel ; " but the latter corre-
sponds with the inscription on our shekels
(Bayer, De Numis. p. 11). But the most im-
portant passage of all is that in which R.
Azarias do Rossi quotes the description «f a
shekel seen by Ramban at St. Jean d'Acre,
a.d. 1210. Be gives the inscriptions as above,
" the Shekel of Shekels," and "Jerusalem the
Holy : " but he also determines the weight,
which he makes about half an avnet. We find,
therefore, that, in earlv times, shekels were
known to the Jewish rabbis with Samaritan in-
scriptions, corresponding with those now found
(except in one point, which is probably an
error), and corresponding with them in weight
Wc believe that W. Postell is the first Christian
writer who saw and described a shekel. He
was a Parisian traveller who visited Jerusalem
early in the 16th century. Postell gives a very
bad woodcut of one of these shekels ; but the
inscription is correct He was unable to ex-
plain the letters over the vase, which soon 1«
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SHELOMTTH
came the subject of a discussion among the
learned men of Europe, which lasted for nearly
two centuries. The correspondence of the
newly-found coins with the earlier description
is almost demonstrative. But they bear such
undoubted marks of genuineness, that no judge
of ancient coins could doubt them for a mo-
ment. On the contrary, to a practised eye, those
with Hebrew inscriptions bear undoubted marks
of spuriousness.
Among the symbols found on this series of
coins is one which is considered to represent
that which was called Lulab by the Jews. This
term was applied to the branches of the three trees
mentioned in Lev. xxiii. 40, which are thought
to be the palm, the myrtle, and the willow.
The symbol on the reverse of the shekels, rep-
resenting a twig with three buds, appears to
bear more resemblance to the buds of the pome-
granate than to any other plant. The follow-
ing list is given by Cavedom as an enumeration
of all the coins which can be attributed with
any certainty to Simon Maccabeus. — I. Shek-
els of three years, with the inscription Shekel
Israel on the obverse with a vase, over which
appears (1) an Aleph ; (2) the letter Shin with
a Beth; (3) the letter Shin with a Gimel.
R. On the reverse is the twig with three buds,
and the inscription Jerusalem Kedoshah, or Halc-
kedoshah. — II. The same as the above, only
half the weight, which is indicated by the word
ehitsi, " a half." These occur only in the first
and second years. The above are silver. —
III. Shlnath Arb'a ChOtsi. The fourth rear
— a half. A citron between two Lulabs.
R. LigeuUath Tsiyon, "Of the Liberation of
Zion. A palm-tree between two baskets of
fruit — IV. Shtnath Arb'a, Rebi'a. The fourth
rear — a fourth. Two Lulabs. R. "Of the
Liberation of Zion," — as before. Citron-fruit.
— V. Sltlnath Arb'a. The fourth year. Lulab
between two citrons. R. LegeuUath Tsiyon,
as before. The vase as on the shekel and
half-shekel. These are of copper. In the course
of 1862. a work of considerable importance
was published at Breslau by Dr. M. A. Levy,
entitled Geschichtederjiidischen Miinzen. There
are one or two points on which it is desirable
to state the views of the author, especially as
he quotes coins which have only become known
lately. Some coins have been described in the
Revue Numismatique (1860, p. 260 seq.), to
which the name of Eleazar coins has been given.
A coin was published some time ago by De
Saulcy, which is supposed by that author to be
a counterfeit coin. It is scarcely legible, but
it appears to contain the name Eleazar on one
side, and that of Simon on the other. During
the troubles which preceded the final destruc-
tion of Jerusalem, Eleazar (the son of Simon),
who was a priest, and Simon ben Giora, were
at the head of large factions. It is suggested
by Dr. Levy that money may have been struck
which bore the names of both these leaders;
but it seems scarcely probable, as they do not
appear to have acted in concert. But a copper
coin has been published in the Revue Numis-
matique which undoubtedly bears the inscrip-
tion of " Eleazar the priest." Its types are —
I. A vase with one handle, and the inscription
" Eleazar the Priest," in Samaritan letters.
Ill
R. A bunch of grapes with the inscription,
" Tear One of the Redemption of Israel." Some
silver coins also, first published by Reichardt,
bear the same inscription on the obverse, under
a palm-tree ; but the letters run from left to
right. The reverse bears the same type and
inscription as the copper coins. These coins,
as well as some that bear the name of Simon
or Simeon, are attributed by Dr. Levy to the
period of this first rebellion. It is, however,
quite clear that tome of the coins bearing similar
inscriptions belong to the period of Bar-cocab's
rebellion (or Barcoceba's, as the name is often
spelt) under Hadrian, because they are stamped
upon denarii of Trajan, his predecessor.
Shelah. 1. The youngest son of Judah
by the daughter of Shuah (Gen. xxxviii. 5, 11,
14, 26, xlvi. 12; Num. xxvi. 20; 1 Chr. ii. 3,
iv. 21). — 2. The proper form of the name of
Salah the son of Arphaxad (1 Chr. i. 18, 24).
Shelanites, the. The descendants of
Shelah 1 (Num. xxvi. 20).
Shelemi'ah. 1. One of the sons of Bani
in the time, of Ezra (Ezr. x. 39). — 2. The
father of Hananiah ( Nch. iii. 30). — 3. A priest
in the time of Nchemiah (Neh. xiii. 13). —
4. The fattier of Jehucal, or Jucal, in the time
of Zedekiah (Jer. xxxvii. 3). — 6. The father
of Irijah, the captain of the ward who arrested
Jeremiah (Jer. xxxvii. 13). — 6. The same as
Mkshelbmiah and Shalldh 8 (1 Chr. xxvi.
14). — 7. Another of the sons of Bani in the
time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 41). — 8. Ancestor of
Jehudi in the time of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 14).
— 9. Son of Abdecl ; one of those who received
the orders of Jehoiakim to take Baruch and
Jeremiah (Jer. xxxvi. 26).
Shel'eph, Gen. x. 26 ; 1 Chr. i. 20. The
second in order of the sons of Joktan. The
tribe which sprang from him has been satis-
factorily identified, both in modern and classical
times ; as well as the district of the Yemen
named after him. Shelcph is found where we
should except to meet with him, in the district
(Mikhlaf, as the ancient divisions of the Yemen
are called by the Arahs) of Sulaf, which appears
to be the same as Nicbnhr's Salfie, written in
his map Sclfia. Besides this j^ographical trace
of Sheleph, we have the tribe of Shelif or
Shulaf. Yakoot in the Moajam, s. v., says,
"Es-Sclif or Es-Sulaf, they are two ancient
tribes of the tribes of Yemen ; Hisham Ibn-
Mohammed says they are the children of Ynk-
tan (Joktan) ; . . . and a district in El-
Yemen is named after the Sulaf." El-Kalka-
sandersays, " El-Sulaf, called also Bcni-s-Silfan.
a tribe of the descendants of Kahtan (Joktan)."
. . . Yikoot also says that El-Muntabik was
an idol belonging to Es-Sulaf. Finallv, accord-
ing to the Kdmaos, Sulaf was a branch-tribe of
Dhn-1-Kilaa.
She'lesh, son of Helem (1 Chr. vii. 35).
Shel'omi. An Asherite, father of Ahihud
(Num. xxxiv. 27).
Shel'omith. 1. The daughter of Dibri of
the tribe of Dan (Lev. xxiv. 11). — 2. The
daughter of Zerubbabcl (1 Chr. iii. 19). — 3.
Chief of tho Izharites (1 Chr. xxiii. 18). — 4. A
descendant of Eliczcr the son of Moses, in the
reign of David (1 Chr. xxvi. 25, 26, 28). — 6.
A Gershonite, son of Shimei (1 Chr. xxiii. 9).
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SHEMAIAH
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SHEMIDAITES
" Shimei " is probably a mistake. — 6. Accord-
ing to the present text, the sons of Shelomith,
-with the son of Josiphiah at their head, re-
turned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 10).
There appears, however, to be an omission, and
the true reading is probably, " Of the sons of
Bani, Shelomith the son of Josiphiah."
Shel omoth. The same as Shelomith 3
(1 Chr. xxiv. 22).
Shelu'miol. The son of Zurishaddai, and
prince of the tribe of Simeon at the time of
the Exodus (Num. i. 6, ii. 12, vii. 36, 41,
x. 19).
Bhem. The eldest son of Noah, born
(Gen. v. 32) when his father had attained the
age of 500 years. He was ninety-eight years
old, married, and childless, at the time of the
Flood. After it, he, with his father, brothers,
sisters-in-law, and wife, received the blessing of
God (ix. 1 ), and entered into the covenant.
Two years afterwards, he became the father of
Arphaxad (xi. 10) ; and other children were
born to him subsequently. With the help of
his brother Japheth, he covered the nakedness
of their father, which Canaan and Ham did not
care to hide. In the prophecy of Noah which
is connected with this incident (ix. 25-27), the
first blessing fulls on Shem. He died at the
age of 600 years. Assuming that the years
ascribed to the patriarchs in the present copies
of the Hebrew Bible are correct, it appears that
Methuselah, who in his first 243 vears was con-
temporary with Adam, had still nearly 100
years of "his long life to run after Shem was
born. And when Shem died, Abraham was
148 years old, and Isaac had been 9 years mar-
ried. The portion of the earth occupied by
the descendants of Shem (x. 21-31 ) intersects
the portions of Japheth and Ham, and stretches
in an uninterrupted line from the Mediterra-
nean Sea to the Indian Ocean. Beginning at
its north-western extremity with Lvdia, it in-
cludes Syria (Aram), Chaldsea (Arphaxad),
parts of Assyria (Asshur), of Persia (Elam),
and of the Arabian Peninsula (Joktan).
She'ma, One of the towns ef the south of
Judah (Josh. xv. 26). In the list of the towns
of Simeon selected from those in the south of
Judah, Shcba takes the place of Shcma, proba-
bly by an error of transcription or a change of
pronunciation.
She'ma. 1. A Reubenite, ancestor of Bela
(1 Chr. v. 8). — 2. Son of Elpaal (1 Chr. viii.
13). Probably the same ns Shimhi. — 8. One
of those who stood at Ezra's right hand when
he read the Law to the people (Neh. viii. 4).
Shemaah. A Bcnjmnite of Gibeah, and
father of Ahiezer and Joash (1 Chr. xii. 3).
Shemai'ah. 1. A prophet in the reign of
Rclioboam. When the king had assembled
1 80,000 men of Benjamin and Judah to recon-
quer the northern kingdom after its revolt,
Shemaiah was commissioned to charge them
to return to their homes, and not to war against
their brethren (1 K. xii. 22 ; 2 Chr. xi. 2). His
second and last appearance upon the stage was
upon the occasion of the invasion of Judah and
siege of Jerusalem bv Shishak king of Egypt
(2 Chr. xii. 5, 7). fie wrote a chronicle con-
taining the events of Rchoboam's reign (2 Chr.
*ii. 15). — 2. The son of Shcchaniah, among
the descendants of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. *S)
He was keeper of the east gate of the city, and
assisted Nehcmiah in restoring the wall (Neh.
iii. 29). — 3. Ancestor of Ziza, a prince of the
tribe of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 37). Perhaps the
same as Shimei 6. — 4. Son of Joel a Rcu
benite ; perhaps the same as Shema (1 Chr. v.
4). — 6. Son of Hasshnb, a Merarite Levite
(1 Chr. ix. 14; Neh. xi. 15). — 6. Father of
Obadiah, or Abda, a Levite (1 Chr. ix. 16). —
7. Son of Elizaphan, and chief of hit house in
the reign of David (1 Chr. xv. 8, 11). — 8. A
Levite, son of Nethaneel, and also a scribe in
the time of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 6). — 9. The
eldest son of Obed-edom the Gittite (I Chr.
xxvi. 4, 6, 7). — 10. A descendant of Jedotbnn
the singer, who lived in the reign of Hezckiah
(2 Cbr. xxix. 14). — 11. One of the son* of
Adonikam who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii.
13). — 12. One of the "heads" whom Ezra
sent for to his camp bv the River of Ahava, for
the purpose of obtaining Levites and ministers
for the Temple from " the place Casiphia "
(Ezr. viii. 16). — 18. A priest of the family of
Harim, who put away his foreign wife at Ezra's
bidding (Ezr. x. 21 ). — 14. A layman of Israel.
son ef another Harim, who also had married
a foreigner (Ezr. x. 31 ). — 16. Son of Delaiah
the son of Mehetabeel, a prophet in the time of
Nehcmiah (Neh. vi. 10). — 16. The head of a
priestly bouse who signed the covenant with
Nehcmiah (Neh. x. 8). His family went up
with Zembbabel, and were represented in tb»
time of Joiakim by Jehonathan (Neh. xii. 6,
18). Probably the same who is mentioned
again in Neh. xii. 35. — 17. One of the princes
of Judah at the time of the dedication of the
Wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 34). — 18. One
of the choir on the same occasion (Neh. xii.
36). — 19. A priest who blew a trumpet on
the same occasion (Neh. xii. 42). — 20. Shema-
iah the Nehelamite, a false prophet in the
time of Jeremiah (Jer. xxix. 24-32). — 21. A
Levite in the reign of Jehoehaphat (2 Chr.
xvii. 8). — 22. A Levite in the reign of Heze-
kiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 15). — 28. A Levite in the
reign of Josiah, who assisted at the solemn
passovcr (2 Chr. xxxv. 9). — 24. The father
of Urijah of Kirjath-jearim (Jer. xxvi. 20). —
26. The father of Delaiah (Jer. xxxvi. 13).
Shemari'ah. 1. One of the Benjamire
warriors who came to David at Ziklag (1 Chr.
xii. 5). — 2. One of the family of Harim, a lay-
man of Israel, who put away his foreign wife
in the time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 32). — 8. One of
the family of Bani, under the same circum-
stances as the preceding (Ezr. x. 41).
Sheme'ber. King of Zebo'im, and all? of
the king of Sodom when he was attacked by
the north-eastern invaders nnder Chedorlaomer
(Gen. xiv. 2).
She'mer. The owner of the hill on which
the city of Samaria was built (1 K. xvi. 24),
and after whom it was called Shomcron by its
founder Omri, who bought the site for two
silver talents.
Shemi'da. A son of Gilead (Num. xxvi.
32 ; Josh. xvii. 2).
Shem'idah. Shemida the son of Gilead
(1 Chr. vii. 19).
Shemida'iteS, the. The descendant* of
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SHEMITIC LANGUAGES
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SHEMITIC LANGUAGES
Shemida the son of Gilead (Nam. xxvi. 32).
They obtained their lot among the male chil-
dren of Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 2).
Shem'inith. The title of Ps. vi. is " To
the Chief Musician on Ncginoth upon Shemi-
nith." or " the eighth," as the margin of the
A. V. has it A similar direction is found in the
title of Ps. xii. (comp. 1 Chr. xv. 21). The
LXX. in both passages renders imip rift 07001^,
and the Vulgate pro octava. The Geneva Ver-
sion gives " upon the eighth tune." Most rab-
binical writers, as Rashi and Aben Ezra, follow
the Targum on the Psalms in regarding it as
a harp with eight strings ; but this has no foun-
dation, and depends upon a misconstruction of
1 Chr. xv. 21. Gesenius says it denotes the
baa, in opposition to Alamoth (1 Chr. xv. 20),
which signifies the treble. Others, with the
author of Shilte Haggibborim, interpret " the
sheminith " as the octave. It seems most proba-
ble that Sheminith denotes a certain air known
as the eighth, or a certain key in which the
psalm was to be sung.
Shemi'ramoth. 1. A Levite of the sec-
ond degree, in the choir formed by David (1
Chr. xv. 18, 20, xvi. 5). — 2. A Levite in the
reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 8)
shemitio Languages and writing.
Ixtbodcctiok, §§ 1-5. — 1. The expressions,
" Shemitic family, ' and " Shemitic languages,"
are based, as is well known, on a reference to
Gen. x. 21 seqq. Subsequently, the obvious
inaccuracy of the expression has led to an
attempt to substitute others, such as Western
Asiatic, or Syro- Arabic, — this last a happily-
chosen designation, as bringing at once before
us the two geographical extremes of this family
of languages. But the earlier, though incor-
rect one, has maintained its ground ; and for
purposes of convenience, we shall continue to
use it. — 2. It is impossible to lay down with
accuracy the boundaries of the area occupied
by the tribes employing so-called Shemitic dia-
lects. For general purposes, the highlands of
Armenia may be taken as the northern bound-
ary, the River Tigris and the ranges beyond
it as the eastern, and the Red Sea, the Le-
vant, and certain portions of Asia Minor, as the
western. — 3. Varieties of the great Shemitic
language-familv are to be found in use in the
following localities within the area named. In
those ordinarily known as Syria, Mesopotamia,
Babylonia, and Assyria, there prevailed Ara-
maic dialects of different kinds, e.g. biblical
Chaldaic, that of the Targums and of the
Syriac versions of Scripture ; to which may be
added other varieties of the same stock, such
as that of the Palmyrene inscriptions, and of
different Sabian fragments. Along the Mediter-
ranean seaboard, and among the tribes settled
in Canaan, must be placed the home of the lan-
guage of the canonical books of the Old Testa-
ment, among which were interspersed some
relics of that of the Phoenicians. In the south,
amid the seclusion of Arabia, was preserved
the dialect destined at a subsequent period so
widely to surpass its sisters in the extent of
territory over which it is spoken. A variety,
allied to this last, is found to have been domi-
ciliated for a long time in Abyssinia. The fol-
lowing table is given by Professor M. Mttl-
ler : —
Qesealogical Table of the Shemitio Family or Languages.
Luring Lamgrnage*.
Dialects of Arabic .
" Ambarlc
" the Jeiri
Neo-Syrlac .
Dead Language*. Clamt.
Ethloplc 1 Arabic, or'
Hlmyarltlc Inscriptions ' f Southern.
S Biblical Hebrew ) Hebraic,
Samaritan (Pentateuch) > or
Carthaginian, Phoenician Inacrlplloni ) Middle.
fChaldee(Ma»ora, Talmud, Targum, Biblical Chaldee) . . > Aramaic,
{Syriac (Peshlto, 2d cent. A.D.).
Cuneiform Inscriptions of Babylon and Nineveh
*
Northern.
There is much that is probable in the notion
held by more than one scholar, that the spoken
dialect of the Shemitic tribes external to Arabia
(in the earliest periods of their history) closely
resembled, or was in fact a better variety of
Aramaic. — 4. The history of the Shemitic "peo-
ple tells us of various movements undertaken
by them, but supplies no remarkable instances
of their assimilating. Though carrying with
them their language, institutions, and habits,
they are not found to have struck root, but
remained strangers and exotics in several in-
stances, passing away without traces of their oc-
cupancy. And the same inveterate isolation still
characterizes tribes of the race when on new
soil. — 5. The peculiar elements of the Shemitic
character will be found to have exercised con-
siderable influence on their literature. Indeed,
accordance is seldom more close than in the
case of the Shemitic race (where not checked
bv external causes), between the generic type
of thought and its outward expression. Lite
other languages, this one is mainly resolvable
into monosyllabic primitives. These monosyl-
labic primitives may still be traced in particles,
and words least exposed to the ordinary causes
of variation. But differences are observable in
the principal parts of speech, — the verb and
the noun. Secondary notions, and those of
relation, are grouped round the primary ones
of meaning in a single word, susceptible of va-
rious internal changes according to the particu-
lar requirement. Another leading peculiarity
of this branch of languages is the absence (save
in the case of proper names) of compound
words, to which the sister family is indebted
for so much life nnd variety. In the Shemitic
family, agglntination, not logical sequence;
independent roots, not compound appropriate
derivations from the same root, — are used to
express respectively a train of thought, or differ-
ent modifications of a particular notion.
§§ 6-13. Hebrew Lanouaoe. — Perioi>
of Growth. — 6. The Hebrew language is a
branch of the so-called Shemitic family, ex-
tending over a larjre portion of South-western
Asia. In the north (or Aram, under which
designation arc comprehended Syria, Mesopo-
tamia, Babylonia), and under a climate par-
tially cold and ungenial, — in the close prox-
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imity of tribes of a different origin, not unfre-
quently masters by conquest, — the Shcmitic
dialect became in places harsher, and its gen-
eral character less pure and distinct. Towards
the south, opposite causes contributed to main-
tain the language in its purity. Originally, the
language of the Hebrews presented more affini-
ties with the Aramaic, in accordance with their
own family accounts, which bring the patriarchs
from the N. E., — more directly from Northern
Mesopotamia. — 7. Two questions, in direct
connection with the early movements of the
ancestors of the subsequent Hebrew nation,
have been discussed with great earnestness by
many writers, — the first bearing on the causes
which set the Terachite family in motion to-
wards the south and west ; the second, on the
origin and language of the tribes in possession
of Canaan at the arrival of Abraham. Scrip-
ture only tells us that, led in a wav which they
knew not, chosen Shcmitic wanderers of the
lineage of Arphaxad set forth on the journey
fraught with such enduring consequences to
the history of the world, as recorded in Scrip-
ture, in its second stage of progress. There is
nothing unreasonable in the thought that the
movement of Terah from Ur of the Chaldees
was caused by divine suggestion, acting on a
mind ill at ease in the neighborhood of Cushite
thought and habits. The leading particulars of
that memorable journey are preserved to us in
Scripture, which is also distinct upon the fact
that the new-comers and the early settlers in
Canaan found no difficulty in conversing. On
what grounds is the undoubted similarity of the
dialect of the Terarhitcs to that of the occu-
pants at the time of their immigration to be ex-
E Inined ? Of the origin of its earliest occupants,
istory records nothing certain. Some claim
for the early inhabitants of Asia Minor a Ja-
phetian origin. Others affirm the descent of
these early tribes from Lud, the fourth son of
Shem.
8. Another view is that put forward by our
countryman Rawlinson, and shared by other
scholars. "Either from ancient monuments,
or from tradition, or from the dialects now
spoken by their descendants, we are authorized
to infer, that at some very remote period, before
the rise of the Shemitic or Arian nations, a
great Scythic " (= Hamitic) " population mnst
have overspread Europe, Asia, and Africa,
speaking languages all more or less dissimi-
lar in their vocabulary, but possessing in com-
mon certain organic characteristics of grammar
and construction." And this statement would
appear, in its leading features, to be historically
sound. As was to be anticipated, both from its
importance and from its extreme obscurity, few
subjects connected with biblical antiquities have
been more warmly discussed than the origin of
the Canaanitish occupants of Palestine. Look-
ing to the authoritative records (Gen. ix. 18, x.
6, 15-20) there would seem to be no reason for
doubt as to the Hamitic origin of these tribes.
Nor can the singular accordances discernible be-
tween the language of these Canaanitish (= Ha-
mitic) occupants and the Shemitic family be
justly pleaded in bar of this view of the origin
of the former. " If we examine the invaluable
othnography of the Book of Genesis, we shall
find that, while Ham is the brother of Shem,
and therefore a relationship between his de-
scendants and the Shemitic nations fully rec-
ognized, the Hamites are described as those
who previously occupied the different countries
into which the Aramsean race afterwards forced
their way. Thus Scripture (Gen. x. seqq.) at-
tributes to the race of Ham not only the abo-
riginal population of Canaan, with its wealthy
and civilized communities on the coast, bnt also
the mightv empires of Babylon and Nineveh,
the rich kingdoms of Sheba and Havilah in
Arabia Felix, and the wonderful realm of
Egypt. There is every reason to believe —
indeed in some cases the proof amounts to dem-
onstration — that all these Hamitic nations
spoke languages which differed only dialcoti-
cally from those of the Syro-Arabic family." —
9. Connected with this subject of the relation-
ship discernible among the early Noachidse is
that of the origin and extension of the art of
writing among the Shemites, the branch with
which we are at present concerned. The ques-
tion would seem to be. in the case of the Tera-
chite branch of the Shemitic stock, Did they
acquire the art of writing from the Phoenicians,
or Egyptians, or Assyrians? — or was it evolved
from given elements among themselves »
[Writing.] — 10. Between the dialects of
Aram and Arabia, that of the Terocbites oc.
cupied a middle place. The dialect which we
are now considering has been ordinarily desig-
nated as that of the Hebrews, rather than of
the Israelites. Probably the term " Hebrews *
should be regarded as designating all the She-
mitic-speaking tribes which had migrated to
the south from the other side of the Euphrates,
and in that case might have been applied by
the earlier inhabitants of Canaan.
11. Many causes, all obvious and intelligible,
combine to'mnke difficult, if not impossible, any
forma) or detached account of the Hebrew lan-
guage, anterior to its assuming a written shape.
The extant remains of Hebrew literature are
destitute of any important changes in language
during the period from Moses to the Captivity.
A certain and intelligible amount of prepress,
but no considerable or remarkable difference
(according to one school), is really ohecrvablt;
in the language of the Pentateuch, the Books
of Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Samuel, the Kin^-s,
the Psalms, or the prophecies of Isaiah, Hosu,
Amos, Joel, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, and
Jeremiah, — widely separated from each other
by time as are many of these writings. At the
first sight, and to modern judgment, much of
this appears strange, and possiblv untenable;
but an explanation of the difficulty is sought
in the unbroken residence of the Hebrew peo-
ple, withont removal or molestation. An addi-
tional illustration of the immunity from change
is to be drawn from the history of the other
branches of the Shemitic stock.
12. Moreover, is it altogether a wild conjec-
ture to assume as not impossible the formation
of a sacred language among the chosen people
at so marked a period of their history as that
of Moses ? Such a language would be the sa-
cred and learned one, — that of the few ; and
no clearer proof of the limited bold exercised
by this classical Hebrew on the ordinary Ian-
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gunge of the people can be required than its
rapid withdrawal, after the Captivity, before a
language composed of dialects hitherto disre-
garded, bat still living in popular use. — 13. A
few remarks may not be out of place here with
reference to some leading linguistic peculiarities
in different books of the 0. T. For ordinary
purposes, the old division into the golden and
silver ages is sufficient. A detailed list of pe-
culiarities observable in the Pentateuch is given
by Scholz, divided under lexical, grammatical,
and syntactical heads. With the style of the
Pentateuch that of Joshua very closely corre-
sponds. In the Book of Roth, the style points
to an earlier date, the asserted Aramaisms being
probably relics of the popular dialect. The same
linguistic peculiarities are observable in the
Books of Samuel. The Books of Job and
Ecclesiastes contain many asserted Aramaisms,
which have been pleaded in support of a late
origin of these two poems. In the case of the
first, it is argued (on the other side) that these
peculiarities are not to be considered so much
poetical ornaments as ordinary expressions and
usages of the early Hebrew language. As re-
spects the Book of Ecclesiastes, in many in-
stances the peculiarities of style seem rather
referable to the secondary Hebrew of a late pe-
riod of Hebrew history than to an Aramaic
origin. In addition to roughness of diction,
so-called Aramaisms are to be found in the re-
mains of Jonah and Hosea, and expressions
closely allied in those of Amos. This is not
the case in the writings of Nahum, Zephaniah,
and Habakkuk, and in the still later-ones of the
minor prophets; the treasures of past times,
which filled their hearts, served as models of
style. In the case of Ezekiel, Jewish critics
have sought to assign its peculiarities of style
and expression to a secondary Hebrew origin.
The peculiarities of language in Daniel belong
to another field of inquiry ; and nnder impar-
tial consideration more difficulties may be found
to disappear, as in the case of those with re-
gard to the asserted Greek words. With these
exceptions, few traces of dialects are discernible
in the small remains still extant, for the most
part composed in Judah and Jerusalem. The
Aramaic elements are most plainly observable
in the remains of some of the less educated
writers. The general style of Hebrew prose
literature is plain and simple, but lively and
pictorial, and rising with the subject, at times,
to considerable elevation. But the requisite
elevation of poetical composition led to the in-
troduction of many expressions which we do
not commonly find in Hebrew prose literature.
For the origin and existence of these, we must
look especially to the Aramaic. But from the
earliest period of the existence of a literature
among the Hebrew people to B.C. 600, the He-
brew language continued singularly exempt
from change. From that period, the Hebrew
dialect will be found to give way before the
Aramaic.
§§ 14-19. Aramaic Language. — Scho-
lastic Pbbiod. — 14. The language ordinarily
called Aramaic is a dialect of the great Shemit-
ic tamily, deriving its name from the district
-over which it was spoken, Aram = the high or
hill country (as Canaan = the low country). |
In general practice, Aram was divided into East,
ern and Western. The dialects of these two
districts were severally called Chaldaic and
Syriac — designations not happily chosen, but,
as in the case of Shemitic, of too long currency
to be changed without great inconvenience.
The eastern boundary of the Shemitic language
is obscure; but this much may be safely as-
sumed, that this family had its earliest settle-
ment on the upper basin of the Tigris, from
which extensions were doubtless made to the
south. — 15. Without entering into the discus-
sions respecting the exact propriety of the
expressions, it will be sufficient to follow the
ordinary division of the Aramaic into the Chal-
daic or Eastern, and the Western or Syriac
dialects. (1.) The earliest extant fragments
are the well-known ones to be found at Dan. ii.
4-viii. 28; Ezr. iv. 8-vi. 18, vii. 12-26; Jer.
x. 1 1. Affinities are to be traced, without diffi-
culty, between these fragments, which differ
again in some very marked particulars from the
earliest Targums. (2.) The Syro-Chaldaic
originals of several of the apocryphal books
are lost; many Hebraisms were ingrafted on
the Aramaic as spoken by the Jews ; but the
dialect of the earlier Targums contains a per-
ceptibly smaller amount of such admixture
than later compilations. (3.) The language
of the Gemaras is extremely composite ; that
of the Jerusalem Gemara being less pure than
that of Babylon. Still lower in the scale are
those of the fast-expiring Samaritan dialect and
that of Galilee. (4.) The curious book Zohar,
among its foreign additions, contains very many
from the Arabic. (5.) The Masora, brief and
symbolical, is chiefly remarkable for what may
be called vernacular peculiarities. (6.) The
Christian or ecclesiastical Aramaic is that ordi-
narily known as Syriac — the language of early
Christianity, as Hebrew and Arabic respec-
tively, of the Jewish religion and Mahometan-
ism, a. The dialect of Galilee appears to have
been marked by confusion of letters — b «nd
3, 3 with p — and aptueresis of the guttural —
a habit of connecting words otherwise separate
— carelessness about vowel-sounds — and the
substitution of a final for ft. J. The Samari-
tan dialect appears to have been a compound
of the vulgar Hebrew with Aramaic. A con-
fusion of the mute letters, and also of the gut-
turals, with a predilection for the letter y, has
been noticed, c. The dialect called that of
Jerusalem or Judasa, between which and the
purer one of the Babylonish Jews so many in-
vidious distinctions have been drawn, seems
to have been variable, from frequent changes
among the inhabitants ; and also to have con-
tained a large amount of words different from
those in use in Babylonia, besides being some-
what incorrect in its orthography. The small
amount of real difference between the two
branches of Aramaic has been often urged as
an argument for making any division superflu-
ous. But it has been well observed by Fiirst,
that each is animated by a very different spirit.
The chief relics of Chaldaic or Eastern Ara-
maic — the Targums — are filled with tradi-
tional faith in the varied pages of Jewish
history. Western Aramaic or Syriac litera-
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tore, on the other hand, is essentially Chris-
tian. Accordingly, the tendency and linguistic
character of the first is essentially Hebrew, that
of the second Hellenic. One is full of Hebra-
isms, the other of Hellenisms.
16. Perhaps few lines of demarcation are
traced with greater difficulty than those by
which one age of a language is separated from
another. This is remarkably the case in re-
spect of the cessation of the Hebrew, and the
ascendency of the Aramaic, or, as it may be
put, in respect of the date at which the period
of growth terminates, and that of exposition
and scholasticism begins, in the literature of
the chosen people. — 17. In the scholastic
period, of which we now treat, the schools of
the prophets were succeeded by " houses of in-
quiry." Two ways only »f extending the
blessings hence derivable seem to have present-
ed themselves to the national mind, — by com-
mentary [targum) and inquiry (dertuh). In the
first of these (Targnmic literature), but limited
openings occurred for critical studies; in the
second, still fewer. The vast storehouse of
Hebrew thought reaching through so many
centuries — known by the name of the Tal-
mud — and the collections of a similar nature
called the Midrashim, extending in the case of
the first, dimly but tangibly, from the period
of the Capt>vity to the times of Rabbi Asher
— the closeV of the Talmud (a.d. 426) — con-
tain comparatively few accessions to linguistic
knowledge. — 18. Of the other main division
of the Aramaic language, — the Western or
Syriac dialect, — the earliest existing document
is the Peshito version of the Scriptures, which
not improbably belongs to the middle of the
second century. The Syrian dialect is thickly
studded with foreign words, — Arabic, Persian,
Greek, and Latin, especially with the third.
A comparison of this dialect with the Eastern
branch will show that they are closely allied
in all the roost important peculiarities of gram-
mar and syntax, as well as in their store of
original words — the true standard in linguis-
tic researches. — 19. The Chaldaic paraphrases
of Scripture are exceedingly valuable for the
light which they throw on Jewish manners and
customs, and the meaning of passages other-
wise obscure, as likewise for many happy ren-
derings of the original text. But they are
valuable also on higher reasons — the Christian
interpretation put by their authors on contro-
verted passages. A comparative estimate is
not yet attainable as to what in Targumic
literature is the pure expression and develop-
ment of the Jewish mind, and what is of for-
eign growth. But, as has been said, the Tar-
fums and kindred writings are of considerable
ogmatical and exegetical value ; and a similar
good work has been effected by means of the
cognate dialect, Western Aramaic or Syriac.
From the 3d to the 9th century, Syriac was
to a great part of Asia what in their spheres
Hellenic Greek and medieval Latin have re-
spectively been, — the one ecclesiastical lan-
guage of the district named.
§§20-24. Arabic Language. — Period
of Revival. — 20. The early population of
Arabia, its antiquities and peculiarities, have
been described under Arabia. We find Arabia
occupied by a confluence of tribes, the leading
one of undoubted Ishmaelitish descent ; the
others of the seed or lineage of Abraham, and
blended by alliance, language, neighborhood,
and habits. Before these, any aboriginal in-
habitants mnst have disappeared. We have
seen that the Peninsula of Arabia lay in the
track of Cushite civilization, in its supposed
return-course towards the north-east. There
may now be found abundant illustration of the
relationship of the Himyaritic with the early
Shemitic ; and the language of the Ehkili (or
Mahrah) presents us with the singular phe-
nomenon of a dialect less Arabic than Hebrew,
and possessing close affinity with the Ghez,
or Ethiopian. — 21 . The affinity of the Ghez
(Cush ? the sacred language of Ethiopia) with
the Shemitic has been long remarked. In its
lexical peculiarities, the Ghez is said to resem-
ble the Aramaic ; in its grammatical, the Ara-
bic. The alphabet is very curious, differing
from Shemitic alphabets in the number, order,
and name and form of the letters, by the direc-
tion of the writing, and especially by the form
of vowel-notation. — 22. Internal evidence de-
monstrates that the Arabic language, at the
time when it first appears on the field of his-
tory, was being gradually developed in its re-
mote and barren peninsular home. A well-
known legend speaks of the present Arabic
language as being a fusion of different dialects,
effected by the tribe of Korcish settled round
Mecca, and the reputed wardens of the Caaba.
In any case, the paramount purity of the Ko-
reishite dialect is asserted by Arabic writers on
grammar. But the recognition of the Koran,
as the ultimate standard in linguistic as in
religions matters, established in Arabic judg-
ment the superior pnrity of the Korcishite
dialect. That the Arabs possessed a literature
anterior to the birth of Mohammed, and ex-
pressed in a language marked with many gram-
matical peculiarities, is beyond doubt.* Even
in our own times, scholars nave seemed unwill-
ing altogether to abandon the legend, — how,
at the fair of Ocadh, goods and traffic, wants
and profit, were alike neglected, while bards
contended amid their listening countrymen,
anxious for such a verdict as should entitle
their lays to a place among the Moallakat, the
ava$iiiMXTa of the Caaba, or national temple at
Mecca. But the appearance of Mohammed
Eut an end for a season to commerce and
ardic contests ; nor was it until the work of
conquest was done that the faithful resumed the
pursuits of peace. The earliest reliable relics
of Arabic literature are only fragments, to be
found in what has come down to us of pre-
Islamite compositions. And various argu-
ments have been put forward against the proba-
bility of the present form of these remains
being their original one. Their obscurities, it
is contended, are less those of age than of in-
dividual style, while their uniformity of lan-
guage is at variance with the demonstrably late
cultivation and ascendency of the Koreishite
dialect. Another, and not a feeble argument,
is the utter absence of allusion to the early
religion of the Arabs. It is not within tb»
scope of this sketch to touch upon the theologi-
cal teaching of the Koran, its objects,
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merits, or deficiencies. But its style is very
peculiar. Assuming that it represents the best
forms of the Koreishite dialect about the mid-
dle of the 7th century, we may say of the
Koran, that its linguistic approached its reli-
gious supremacy. The Koran may be charac-
terized as marking the transition from versifi-
cation to prose, from poetry to eloquence. —
23. With regard to the value of Arabic in
illustration, two different judgments obtain.
According to one, al! the lexical riches and
grammatical varieties of the Shemitic family are
to bo found combined in the Arabic. — 24. An-
other school maintains very different opinions.
The comparatively recent date (in their present
form at least) and limited amount of Arabic
remains are pleaded against its claims as a
standard of reference in respect of the Hebrew.
Its verbal copiousness, elaborate mechanism,
subtlety of thought, wide and diversified fields
of literature, cannot be called in question. But
it is urged (and colorably) that its riches are
not all pure metal, and that no great attention
to etymology has been evinced by native
writers on the language. Undoubtedly, schools
such as that of Albert Schultens (d. 1730) have
unduly exalted the value of Arabic in illustra-
tion ; but, in what may be designated as the
field of lower criticism, its importance cannot
be disputed.
§§ 25-32. Structure of the Shemitic
Laxouaoes. — 25. The question as to whether
any large amount of primitives in the Shemitic
languages is fairly deducible from imitation of
sounds has been answered very differently by
high authorities. Gesenius thought instances
of onomatopoeia very rare in extant remains,
although probably more numerous at an early
period. Hoffmann's judgment is the same, in
respect of Western Aramaic. On the other
hand, Renan qualifies his admission of the
identitv of numerous Shemitic and Japhetiun
primitives by a suggestion that these, for the
most part, may be assigned to bi-literal words,
originating in the imitation of {he simplest and
most obvious sounds. But more probably " the
460 or 500 roots which remain as the constitu-
ent elements in different families of languages
are not interjections, nor are they imitations.
They are phonetic types, produced by a power
inherent in human nature." — 26. The deeply
curious inquiry as to the extent of affinity still
discernible between Shemitic and Japhetian
roots belongs to another article. Nothing in
the Scripture which bears upon the subject can
be fairly pleaded against such an affinity being
possible. But in treating the Shemitic lan-
guages in connection with Scripture, it is most
prudent to turn away from this tempting field
of inquiry to the consideration of the simple
elements — the primitives — the true base of
every language, in that these rather than the
mechanism of grammar are to be regarded as
exponents of internal spirit and character. —
27. Humboldt has named two very remarkable
points of difference between the Japhetian and
Shemitic language-families. The first pecu-
liarity is the tri-literal root (as the language is
at present known) — the second the expression
of significations by consonants, and relations by
vowels — both forming part of the flections
within words, so remarkable in the Shemitic
family. In the opinion of the same scholar,
the prevalent tri-literal root was substituted for
an earlier or bi-literal, as being found impracti-
cable, and obscure in use. Traces of this sur-
vive in the rudest, or Aramaic branch, where
what is pronounced as one syllable, in the He-
brew forms two, and in the more elaborate
Arabic three — e.g. ktal, katal, katala. It is
needless to say that much has been written on
the question of this peculiarity being original
or secondary. A writer among ourselves has
thus stated the case : — "A uniform root-for-
mation by three letters or two syllables de-
veloped itself out of the original monosyllabic
state by the addition of a third letter. * This
tendency to enlargement presents itself in the
Indo-Germanic also : but there is this differ-
ence, that, in the latter, monosyllabic roots re-
main besides those that have been enlarged,
while in the other they have almost disap-
peared." In this judgment most will agree.
28. We now approach a question of great
interest. Was the art of writing invented by
Moses and his contemporaries, or from what
source did the Hebrew nation acquire it ? It
can hardly be doubted that the art of writing
was known to the Israelites in the time of Mo-
ses. Great difference of opinion has prevailed
as to which of the Shemitic peoples may justly
claim the invention of letters. As has been
said, the award to the Phoenicians, so long un-
challenged, is now practically set aside. A
more probable theory would seem that vhich
represents letters as having passed fror* the
Egyptians to the Phoenicians and Hebrews.
Eitner people may have acquired this accom-
plishment from the same source, at the same
time, and independently — or one may have
preceded the other, and subsequently imparted
the acquisition. As the Hebrew and Phoeni-
cian alphabets do correspond, and the charac-
ter is less Phoenician than Hebrew, the latter
people would seem to have been the first pos-
sessors of this accomplishment, and to have im-
parted it subsequently to the Phoenicians. The
theory (now almost passed into a general be-
lief) of an early uniform language overspread-
ing the range of countries comprehended in
Gen. x. serves to illustrate this question. Ac-
cording to the elaborate analysis of Lepsius,
the original alphabet of the language-family,
of which the Shemitic formed a part, stood as
follows : —
Weak Guttural*. Labial*. Guttural*. Dental*.
Aleph = A . Beth + Glmel + Dnletb = Media
He»=E-t-l . V»v -t-Hcth -f-Tem = Aspirate*
Ohalti = O + u Pe -t-Kuph +Tau = Venue*
As the processes of enunciation became more
delicate, the liquids Lamed, Mem, Nun, were
apparently interposed as the third row, with the
original S, Samcch, from which were derived
Zain, Tsaddi, and Shin — Caph (soft it), from
its limited functions, is apparently of later
growth ; and the separate existence of Resh,
in many languages, is demonstrably of com-
paratively recent date, as distinguished from
the kindred sound Lamed. In the one letter
yet to be mentioned — Yod — as in Kuph and
Lamed, the same scholar finds remains of tho
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ancient vowel-strokes, which carry as back to
the early syllabaria, whose existence he main-
tains with great force and learning. — 29. The
history of the formation of the written characters
among the Hebrews is discussed in the article
Wbitino. The history of the characters ordi-
narily used in the Syriac (or Western) branch
of the Aramaic family is blended with that of
those used in Judaea. Like the square charac-
ters, they were derived from the old Phoenician,
but passed through some intermediate stages.
The first variety is that known by the name of
Estrangelo — a heavy cumbrous character said
to be derived from the Greek orpoyytoof, but
more probably from two Arabic words signify-
ing the writing of the gospel. It is to be found
in use in the very oldest documents. Concur-
rently with this are traces of the existence of a
smaller and more cursive character, very much
resembling it There are also other varieties,
slightly differing — the Nestorian for example
— bat that in ordinary use is the Peshito =
simple (or lineal according to some). Its origin
is somewhat uncertain, but probably may be
assigned to the seventh century of onr era.
The history of the Arabic language has another
peculiar feature, beyond its excessive purism,
which has been alluded to, at first sight, so
singular among the dwellers in the desert. Un-
til a comparatively short time before the days
of Mohammed, the art of writing appears to
have been practically unknown. For the Him-
yarites guarded with jealous care their own pe-
culiar character — the " musnad," or elevated ;
in itself unfitted for general use. Possibly, dif-
ferent tribes might nave possessed approaches
to written characters ; but about the beginning
of the seventh century, the heavy, cumbrous
Cufic character (so called from Cufa, the city
where it was most early used) appears to have
been generally adopted. It was said to have
been invented bv Muramar-Ibn Murrat, a na-
tive of Babylonian Irak. — 30. As in the He-
brew and Aramaic branches, so in the Arab
branch of the Shemitic family, various causes
rendered desirable the introduction of diacritical
signs and vowel-points, which took place towards
the close of the seventh century of our era — not
however without considerable opposition at the
outset, from Shemitic dislike of innovation, and
addition to the roll of instruction already com-
plete in itself. At first a simple mark or stroke,
like the diacritical line in the Samaritan MSS.,
was adopted to mark unusual significations.
A further and more advanced stage, like the
diacritical points of the Aramaic, was the em-
ployment of a point above the line to express
sounds of a high kind, like a and o: one oe/oto
for feebler and lower ones, like i and «,- and a
third in the centre of the letters for those of a
harsher kind, as distinguished from the other
two. — 31. The reverence of the Jews for their
sacred writings would have been outraged by
any attempts to introduce an authoritative svs-
tem of interpretation at variance with exist-
ing ones. To reduce the reading of the Scrip-
tures to authoritative and intelligible uniformity
was the object of the Masoretes, by means of a
system of vowels and accents. Of the names
of the inventors, or the exact time of their in-
troduction, nothing can be stated with certainty.
Their nse probably began about the sixth cen-
tury, and appears to have been completed about
the tenth. The system has been carried out
with far greater minuteness in the Hebrew
than in the two sister dialects. The Arabic
grammarians did not proceed beyond three
signs for a, t, u; the Syriac added e and a,
which they represented by figures borrowed
from the Greek alphabet, not very much al-
tered. Connected with this is the system of
accents, which is involved in the same obscurity
of origin. But it bears rather on the relation
of words and the members of sentences then
on the construction of individual words. — 32.
A comparison of the Shemitic languages, as
known to us, presents them as very unevenly
developed. In their present form, the Arabic
is undoubtedly the richest ; but it would have
been rivalled by the Hebrew, had a career been
vouchsafed equally long and favorable to this
latter.
Shem'uel. 1. Son of Ammihud, appoint-
ed from tb" tribe of Simeon to divide the land
of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 20). — 2. Samuel
the prophet (1 Chr. vi. 33). — 3. Son of Tola,
and one of the chiefs of the tribe of Issachar
(1 Chr. vii. 2).
Shan. A place mentioned only in 1 Sun.
vii. 12. Nothing is known of it.
Shen'asar. Son of Salathkl, or Shealtiel
(1 Chr. iii. 18).
She'nir. This name occurs in Dent iii
9, Cant iv. 8. It is an inaccurate equivalent
for the Hebrew Senir, the Amorite name for
Mount Hermon. [Sehik.]
She'pham. A place mentioned only in
the specification by Moses of the eastern bound-
ary of the Promised Land (Num. xxxiv. 10,
11). The ancient interpreters (Targ. Pseudo-
ion. ; Saadiah) render the name by Apameia ;
but it seems uncertain whether by this tbey in-
tend the Greek city of that name on the Orontes,
fifty miles below Antioch, or whether they use it
as a synonyme of Banias or Dan, as Schwan
affirms. No trace of the name appears, how-
ever, in that direction.
Shephathi'ah. A Benjamite, father of
Meshullajc 6 (1 Chr. ix. 8). The name is
properly Shephathh, as in the ed. of 1611.
Shephati'ah. 1. The fifth son of David
by his wife Abital (2 Sam. iii. 4 ; 1 Chr. iii. 3).
— 2. The family of Shephatiah, 372 iu num-
ber, returned with Zerubbabel (Ear. ii. 4 ; Neb.
vii. 9). A second detachment of eighty, with
Zebadiah at their head, came up with Em
( Ezr. viii. 8). — S. The family of another Sheph-
atiah were among the children of Solomon's
servants, who came np with Zerubbabel (Ezr.
ii. 57; Neh. vii. 59). — 4. A descendant of
Perez, or Pharez, the son of Judah, and ances-
tor of Athaiah (Neh. xi. 4). — 6. The son
of Mattan ; one of the princes of Jndah who
counselled Zedekiah to put Jeremiah in the
dungeon (Jer. xxxviii. 1 ). — 6. The Haruphite,
or Hariphite, one of the Benjamite warriors
who joined David in bis retreat at Ziklag (1
Chr. xii. 5). — 7. Son of Maachah, and chief
of the Simeonites in the reign of David (1 Chr.
xxvii. 16). — 8. Son of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr.
xxi. 2).
Shepherd. In a nomadic state of nodetj.
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SHEPHERD
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8HE8HACH
«very man, from the sheik down to the slave,
to more or less a shepherd. The progenitors
of the Jews in the patriarchal age were nomads,
and their history is rich in scenes of pastoral
life. The occupation of tending the flocks
was undertaken, not only by the sons of wealthy
chiefs (Gen. xxx. 29 ff., xxxvii. 12 If.), bat
even by their daughters (Gen. xxix. 6 ff. ; Ex.
ii. 19). The Egyptian captivity did much to
implant a love of settled abode, and consequent-
ly we find the tribes which still retained a taste
lor shepherd life selecting their own quarters
apart from their brethren in the trans-Jordanic
district (Num. xxxii. 1 ff.). Henceforward in
Palestine Proper the shepherd held a subordi-
nate position. The office of the Eastern shep-
herd, as described in the Bible, was attended
with much hardship, and even danger. He
was exposed to the extremes of heat and cold
(Gen. xxxi. 40) ; his food frequently consisted
of the precarious supplies afforded by nature,
such as the fruit of the " sycamore" or Egyp-
tian fig (Am. vii. 14), the "husks" of the
carob-tree (Luke xt. 16), and perchance the lo-
custs and wild honey which supported the Bap-
tist (Matt. iii. 4) ; he had to encounter the
attacks of wild beasts, occasionally of the larger
species, such as lions, wolves, panthers, and
bears (1 Sam. xvii. 34; Is. xxxi. 4 ; Jer. v. 6 ;
Am. iii. 12); nor was he free from the risk of
robbers or predatory hordes (Gen. xxxi. 39).
To meet these various foes, the shepherd's equip-
ment consisted of the following articles : — a
mantle, made probably of sheepskin with the
fleece on, which he turned inside out in cold
weather, as implied in the comparison in Jer.
xliii. 12 (cf. Juv. xiv. 187) ; a scrip or wallet,
containing a small amount of food (1 Sam.
xvii. 40) ; a sling, which is still the favorite
weapon of the Bedouin shepherd (1 Sam. xvii.
40) ; and, lastly, a staff, which served the double
Jmrpose of a weapon against foes, and a crook
or the management of the flock (1 Sam. xvii.
40; Ps. xxiii. 4; Zcch. xi. 7). If the shep-
herd was at a distance from his home, he was
provided with a light tent (Cant. i. 8; Jer.
xxxv. 7), the removal of which was easily ef-
fected (Is. xxxviii. 12). In certain localities,
moreover, towers were erected for the double
purpose of spying an enemy at a distance, and
protecting the flock : such towers were erected
by Uzziah and Jotham (2 Chr. xxvi. 10, xxvii.
4), while their existence in earlier times is tes-
tified by the name Migdal-Eder (Gen. xxxv.
21, A. V. " tower of Edar ; " Mic. iv. 8, A. V.
"tower of the flock"). The routine of the
shepherd's duties appears to have been as fol-
lows : — In the moming, he led forth his flock
from the fold (John x. 4), which he did by going
before them and calling to them, as is still usual
in the East ; arrived at the pasturage, he watched
the flock with the assistance of dogs (Job xxx.
1 ), and, should any sheep stray, he had to search
for it until he found it (Ez. xxxiv. 12; Luke
xt. 4) ; he supplied them with water, either at
a running stream or at troughs attached to
wells (Gen. xxix. 7, xxx. 38 ; Ex. ii. 16 ; Ps.
xxiii. 2) ; at evening he brought them back to
the fold, and reckoned them to see that none
were missing, by passing them " under the rod "
as they entered the door of the enclosure (Lev.
112
xxvii. 32 ; Ez. xx. 37), checking each sheep as
it passed, by a motion of the hand (Jer. xxxiii.
13) ; and, finally, he watched the entrance of
the fold throughout the night, acting as porter
(John x. 3). The shepherd's office thus re-
quired great watchfulness, particularly by night
(Luke it. 8, cf. Nah. iii. 18). It also required
tenderness towards the young and feeble (Is.
xl. 1 1 ), particularly in driving them to and from
the pasturage (Gen. xxxiii. 13). In large es-
tablishments, there were various grades of shep-
herds, the highest being styled "rnlers" (Gen.
xlvii. 6), or" chief shepherds" (1 Pet. v. 4) : in
a royal household, the title of abhir, " mighty,"
was bestowed on the person who held the post
(1 Sam. xxi. 7). The hatred of the Egyptians
towards shepherds (Gen. xlvi. 34) may have
been mainly due to their contempt for the sheep
itself, which appears to have been valued neither
for food nor generally for sacrifice, the only
district where they were offered being about the
Natron lakes. It may have been increased by
the memory of the Shepherd invasion.
She'phl. Son of Shobal, of the sons of
Seir ( 1 Chr. i. 40). Called also Subpuo (Gen.
xxxvi. 23).
Shc'pho. The same as Shkpbi (Gen.
xxxvi. 23).
Sheph'uphan. One of the sons of Bela
the first-born of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 5). His
name is also written Shephupham (A. V.
" Shupham," Num. xxvi 39), Shdppim (1 Chr.
vii. 12, 15), and Mupmm (Gen. xlvi. 21).
[Mtippm.l
She rail. Daughter of Ephraim (1 Chr.
vii. 24), and foundress of the two Beth-horons,
and of Uzzkx-Shbrah.
Sherebi'ah. A Levite in the time of
Ezra, of the family of Mahli the son of Merari
(Ezr. viii. 18, 24). When Ezra read the Law
to the people, Shercbiah was among the Levites
who assisted him (Neh. viii. 7). Ho took part
in the psalm of confession and thanksgiving
which was sung at the solemn fast after the
Feast of Tabernacles (Neh. ix. 4, 5), and signed
the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 12). He
is again mentioned as among the chief of the
Levites who belonged to the choir (Neh. xii.
8, 24).
She'resh. Son of Machir the son of Ma-
nasseh by his wife Moachah (I Chr. vii. 16).
Shere'zer. Properly " Sharezer ; " one of
the messengers sent in the fourth year of Darius
by the people who had returned from the Cap-
tivity to inquire concerning fasting in the fifth
month (Zecn. vii. 2). [Rkokmmelech.]
She'sh&ch is a term which occurs only in
Jeremiah (xxv. 26, li. 41), who evidently uses
it as a synonyme either for Babylon or for Baby-
lonia. According to some commentators, it
represents " Babel " on a principle well known
to the later Jews, — the substitution of letters
according to their position in the alphabet,
counting backward* from the last letter; for
those which hold the same numerical position,
counting in the ordinary way. It may well be
doubted, however, if this fanciful practice is as
old as Jeremiah. Sir H. Rawlinson has ob-
served that the name of the moon-god, which
was identical, or nearly so, with that of the
city of Abraham, TJr (or Hur), " might have
Digitized by
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SHOWBREAD
890
SHOWBREAD
been read in one of the ancient dialects of Bab-
ylon as Shithaki." Sheshach may stand for
IJr, Ur itself, the old capital, being taken to
represent the country,
Shesha'i. One of the three sons of Anak
who dwelt in Hebron (Num. xiii. 22), and were
driven thence and slain by Caleb at the head
of the children of Judah (Josh. xv. 14; Judg.
i. 10).
She'shan. A descendant of Jerahtneel the
son of Hczron (1 Chr. ii. 31, 34, 35).
Sheshbaz'zar . The Chaldean or Persian
name given to Zerubbabel in Err. i. 8, 11,
T. 14, 16; 1 Esd. ii. 12, IS. The Jewish tra-
dition that Sheshbazzar is Daniel is utterly
without weight. [Zerubbabel.]
Sheth. 1. The patriarch Skth (1 Chr. i.
1).— 2. In the A. V. of Num. xxiv. 17, the
Heb. Sheth is rendered as a proper name ; but
there is reason to regard it as an appellative,
and to translate, instead of " the sons or Sheth,"
" the sons of tumult," the wild warriors of
Moab (corap. Jer. xlviii. 45).
She'thar (Pers. "a star"). One of the
seven princes of Persia and Media, who had
access to the king's presence, and were the first
men in the kingdom, in the third year of Xerxes
(Esth. i. 14).
She thar-Boz'nai (Pen. "star of splen-
dor "). A Persian officer of rank, having a
command in the province "on this side the
river" under Tatnai the satrap, in the reign of
Darius Hystaspis |Ezr. v. 3, 6, vi. 6, 13). He
joined with Tatnai and the Apharsachites in
trying to obstruct the progress of the Temple
in the time of Zerubbabel, and in writing a
letter to Darius, of which a copy is preserved
in Bzr. v. As regards the name Shethar-boznai,
it seems to be certainly Persian. The first ele-
ment of it appears as the name Shcthar, one
of the seven Persian princes in Esth. i. 14. The
whole name is not unlike Sati-barzanes, a
Persian in the time of Artaxerxcs Mnemon
(Ctesias, 57).
She'va. 1. The scribe or royal secretary
at David (2 Sam. xx. 25). He is called else-
where Seraiah (2 Sam. viii. 17), Shisha (1 K.
iv. 3), and Shavsha (1 Chr. xvi. 18). — 2. Son
of Caleb ben Hezron by his concubine Maachah
(1 Chr. ii. 49).
Showbread (Exod. xxv. so, xxxv. is,
xxxix. 36, Ac.), literally "bread of the face" or
" faces." Within the Ark it was directed that
there should be a table of shittim-wood, i.e.
acacia, two cubits in length, a cnbit in breadth,
and a cubit and a half in height, overlaid with
pure gold, and " having a golden crown to the
border thereof round about," i.e. a border or
list, in order, as we may suppose, to hinder
thai which was placed on it from, by any acci-
dent, falling off. The further description of
this table will be found in Ex. xxv. 23-30, and
a representation of it as it existed in the Hero-
dian Temple forms an interesting feature in the
bass-reliefs within the Arch of Titus. The ac-
curacy of this may, as is obvious, be trusted.
It exhibits one striking correspondence with
the prescriptions in Exodus. We there find
the following words: "And thou sha.lt make
unto it a bonier of a handbrcadth round about."
In the sculpture of the Arch, the hand of one
of the slaves who is carrying the table, anft
the border, are of about equal breadth. It was
thought by Philo and Clement of Alexandria
that the table was a symbol of the world, it*
four sides or legs typifying the four seasons.
In 2 Chr. iv. 19, we have mention of " the tables
whereon the showbread was set," and at vcr. 8
we read of Solomon making ten tables. The
table of the second Temple was carried away
by Autiocbus Epiphanes (1 Mace. i. 22), and
a new one made at the refurnishing of the sanc-
tuary under Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace. iv. 49).
Afterwards Ptolemy Philadelphia presented a
magnificent table. The table stood in the sanc-
tuary together with the seven-branched candle-
stick and the altar of incense. Every sabbath
twelve newly-baked loaves were put on it in two
rows, six in each, and sprinkled with incense,
where they remained till the following sabbath.
Then they were replaced by twelve new ones,
the incense was burned, and they were eaten
by the priests in the Holy Place, out of which
they might not be removed. Besides these, the
showbread table was adorned with dishes,
spoons, bowls, &c., which were of pure cold
(Ex. xxv. 29). The number of loaves (twelve)
is considered by Philo and Joscphus to repre-
sent the twelve months. If there was such a
reference, it mast surely have been quite subor-
dinate to that which is obvious at once. The
twelve loaves plainly answer to the twelve tribes
(compare Rev. xxii. 2). But, taking this for
granted, we have still to ascertain the meaning
of the rite ; and there is none which is left in
Scripture so wholly unexplained. But, al-
though unexplained, it is referred to as one of
the leading and most solemn appointment!
of the sanctuary (comp. 2 Chr. xiii. 10, 11).
In this absence of explanation of that which is
yet regarded as so solemn, we have bnt to seek
whether the names bestowed on and the rites
connected with the showbread will lead us to
some apprehension of its meaning. The first
name we find given it is obviously the dominant
one, lechem pdnXm, " bread of the face or faces."
We have used the words fact or facts ; for pi-
rim, it needs scarcely be said, exists only in the
{>lural, and is therefore applied equally to the
ace of one person and of many. In connection
with this meaning, it continually bears the sec-
ondary one of pretence. The panSm, therefore,
or Presence, is that not of the people, but of
God. But in what sense ' Spencer and others
consider it bread offered to God as was the
Minchah, a symbolical meal for God somewhat
answering to a heathen Lectisterniun. But it
is not easy to find this meaning in the recorded
appointments. Bahr remarks, and justly, that
the term panim is applied solely to the table
and the bread, not to the other furniture of the
sanctuary, the altar of incense, or the golden
candlestick. There is something, therefore, pe-
culiar to the former which is denoted by the
title. Of the Angel of God's Presence it is
said that God's " Name is in Him " (Ex. xxiii.
20). The Presence and the Name may there-
fore be taken as equivalent. Both, in reference
to their context, indicate the manifestation of
God to His creatures. Hence, as Name stands
for He or Himself, so Face for Person.- to see
the Face, for to see the Person. The Bread
Digitized by
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SHIELD
891
SHIHOR-LIBNATH
of the Face is therefore that bread through
which God is seen, that is, with the participation
of which the seeing of God is bound up, or
through the participation of which man attains
the sight of God. Whence it follows, that we
have not to think of bread merely as such, as
the means of nourishing the bodily life, but as
spiritual food, as a means of appropriating and
retaining that life which consists in seehvg the
face of God.
Shibboleth, Judg. xiL 6. The Hebrew
word which the Gileadites under Jephthah made
use of at the passages of tho Jordan, after a vic-
tory over the Ephraimites, to test the pronun-
ciation of the sound $k by those who wished to
cross over the river. The Ephraimites, it
would appear, in their dialect, substituted for
sA the simple sound s ; and the Gileadites, re-
garding every one who failed to pronounce sA
as an Ephraimite, and therefore an enemy,
put him to death accordingly. The wont
" Shibboleth," which has now a second life in
the English language in a new signification, has
two meanings in Hebrew : 1st, an ear of corn ;
2dly, a stream or flood (Ps. lxix. 2, tC) : and it
was, perhaps, in the latter sense that this par-
ticular word suggested itself to the Gileadites,
the Jordan being a rapid river. There is no
mystery in this particular word. Any word
beginning with the sound $K would have an-
swered equally well as a test.
Shib'mah (properly Sibmah). One of the
places on the east of Jordan which were taken
possession of and rebuilt by the tribe of Reuben
(Num. xxxii. 38). It is probably the same with
Shebam, i.e. Sebam.
Shio'ron. One of the landmarks at the
western end of the north boundary of Judah
(Josh. xv. 11 only). It lay between Ekron
( Akir) and Jabneel ( Yebna), the port at which
the boundary ran to the sea. No trace of the
name has been discovered between these two
places, which are barely four miles apart.
Shield (tsinnah, magen, sheUt, sdcherdfi).
The three first of the Hebrew terms quoted
have been already noticed under the head of
Asms, where it is stata' that the tzinnah was a
large oblong shield or target, covering the
whole body ; that the magen was a small
round or oval shield ; and that the term Met
is of doubtful import, applying to some orna-
mental piece of armor. To these we may
add tdcKerah, a poetical term occurring only
in Ps. xci. 4. The ordinary shield consisted
of a frame-work of wood covered with leather ;
it thus admitted of being burnt (Ez. xxxix. 9).
The magen was frequently cased with metal,
either brass or copper : its appearance in this
case resembled gold, when the sun shone on it
( 1 Mace. vi. 39) ; and to this, rather than to the
practice of smearing blood on the shield, we
may refer the redness noticed by Nahum (ii. 3).
The surface of the shield was kept bright by
the application of oil, as implied in Is. xxi. S ;
hence Saul's shield is described as " not
anointed with oil," i.e. dusty and gory (2 Sam.
i. 211 Oil would he as useful for the metal as
for the leather shield. In order to preserve it
from the effects of weather, the shield was kept
covered, except in actual conflict (Is. xxii. 6).
The shield was worn on the left arm, to which it
was attached by a strap. Shields of state were
covered with beaten gold. Solomon made such
for use in religious processions (1 K. x. 16, 17).
Shields were suspended about public build-
ings for ornamental purposes (1 K. x. 17;
1 Mace. iv. 57, vi. 2). In the metaphorical
language of the Bible, the shield generally rep-
resents the protection of God (e.g. Ps. lii. 3,
xxviii. 7) ; but in Ps. xlvii. 9 it is applied to
earthly rulers, and in Eph. vi. 16 to faith.
Shlggai'on, Ps. vii. 1. A particular kind
of psnlm, the specific character of which is
now not known. In the singular number, the
word occurs nowhere in Hebrew, except in the
inscription of the seventh Psalm. In the in-
scription to the Ode of the Prophet Habakkuk
( iii. 1 ) the word occurs in the plural number ; but
the phrase in which it stands, " 'al Mgydiidtli," is
deemed almost unanimously, as it would seem,
by modern Hebrew scholars to mean " after the
manner of the shiggaion," and to be merely a
direction as to the kind of musical measures by
which the ode was to be accompanied. Gese-
nius and Fiirst, «.»., concur in deriving it from
shigpah, in the sense of magnifying or extolling
with praises ; and they justify this derivation
by kindred Syriac words. Shiggaion would
thus mean a hymn or psalm ; but its specific
meaning, if it has any, as applicable to the sev-
enth Psalm, would continue unknown. Ewald,
Rodiger, and Delitzsch derive it from s/mgiih,
in the sense of reeling, as from wine, and con-
sider the word to be somewhat equivalent to a
dithyrambus ; while De Wette, Lee, and Hit-
zig interpret the word as a psalm of lamenta-
tion, or a psalm in distress, as derived from
Arabic. Hupfeld, on the other hand, conjec-
tures that shiggaion is identical with higgaion
(Ps. ix. 16) in the sense of poem or song.
The Versions give no help. In the A. V. of
Hab. iii. 1, the rendering is "upon shigionoth,"
as if shigionoth were some musical instrument.
But under any circumstances 'al must not be
translated " upon " in the sense of playing upon
an instrument. It would be better rendered
there " to the accompaniment of."
Shi'hon. A town of Issachar, named only
in Josh. xix. 19. It occurs between Haphraim
and Anaharath. Ensebius and Jerome ( Otto-
man.) mention it as then existing " near Mount
Tabor." The only name at all resembling it
at present in that neighborhood is the Chirbet
Schi'in of Dr. Schulz, 1» mile N. W. of Dtbu-
rich. The identification is, however, very un-
certain.
SWhor of Egypt (1 Chr. xiii. 5) is spo-
ken of as one limit of the kingdom of Israel in
David's time, the entering-in of Hamath being
the other. It must correspond to " Shihor,
" the Shihor which [is] before Egypt " (Josh.
xiii. 2, 3), A. V. "Sinor," sometimes, at least,
a name of the Nile. It would appear that Shi-
hor of Egypt and " the Shihor which [is] be-
fore Egypt might designate the stream of the
Widi-1- Areesh : Shihor alone would still be
the Nile.
Sbi'hor-Lib'nath. Named only in Josh,
xix. 26 as one of the landmarks of the bound-
ary of Aslicr. Nothing is known of it. By
the ancient translators and commentators, the
names are taken as belonging to two distinct
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8HIL0H
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SHILOH
places. Bat modern commentators, beginning
perhaps with Masins, have inclined to consider
Shilior as identical with the name of the Nile,
and Shihor-Libnath to be a river. They inter-
pret the Shihor-Libnath as the glass river,
which they then naturally identify with the
Bel us of Pliny, the present NaJir Naman.
But this theory is surely very far-fetched.
Shil'hi. The father of Azubah, Jehosha-
phat's mother (1 K. xxii. 42 ; 2 Chr. xx. 31).
Shil'him. One of the cities in the south-
ern portion of the tribe of Judah. Its place in
the list is between Lebaoth and Ain, or Am-Rim-
mon (Josh. xv. 32), and it is not elsewhere
mentioned. No trace of it has yet been dis-
covered. The juxtaposition of Shillim and
Ain has led to the conjecture that they are
identical with the Salim and jEnon of St John
the Baptist ; but their position in the south of
Judah seems to forbid this.
Shillem. Son of Naphtali, and ancestor
of the family of the Shillemites (Gen. xlvi. 24 ;
Num. xxvi. 49).
Shillemites, the. The descendants of
Shillem the son of Naph tali (Num. xxvi. 49).
Shilo'ah, the waters of. A certain
soft-flowing stream mentioned by the prophet
Isaiah (viii. 6). There is no reason to doubt
that the waters in question were the same which
are better known under their later name of
Siloax, — the only perennial spring of Jeru-
salem.
Shiloh. In the A. V. of the Bible, Shi-
loh is once used as the name of a person, in a
very difficult passage, in the tenth verse of the
forty-ninth chapter of Genesis. Supposing that
the translation is correct, the meaning of the
word is Peaceable, ot Pacific ; and the allusion
is either to Solomon, whose name has a similar
signification, or to the expected Messiah, who,
in Is. ix. 6, is expressly called the Prince of
Peace. But, on the other hand, if the original
Hebrew text is correct as it stands, there are
three objections to this translation, which, taken
collectively, seem fatal to it. 1st. The word
" Shiloh occurs nowhere else in Hebrew as the
name or appellation of a person. 2dly. The
only other Hebrew word, apparently, ' of the
same form, is Giloh (Josh. xv. 51 ; 2 Sam. xv.
12) ; and this is the name of a city, and not of
a person. 3dly. By translating the word as it
is translated everywhere else in the Bible, viz.
as the name of the city in Ephraim where the
Ark of the Covenant remained during snch a
long period, a sufficiently good meaning is
given to the passage without any violence to
the Hebrew language, and, indeed, with a pre-
cise grammatical parallel elsewhere (comp. 1
Sam. iv. 12). The simple translation is, "The
sceptre shall not depart from Judah, nor the
ruler's staff from between his feet, till he shall
go to Shiloh." And, in this case, the allusion
would be to the primacy of Judah in war
(Judg. i. 1, 2, xx. 18; Num. ii. 3, x. 14), which
was to continue until the Promised Land was
conquered, and the Ark of the Covenant was
solemnly deposited at Shiloh. The objections
to this interpretation are set forth at length by
Hengstenberg ; and the reasons in its favor,
with an account of the various interpretations
which hare been suggested by others, are well
given by Davidson (Introduction to the Old TW
tamest, l. 199-210).
2. The next best translation of Shiloh is per-
haps that of " Rest." The passage would then
ran thus : " The sceptre shall not depart from
Judah ... till rest come, and the nations obey
him; " and the reference would be to the Mes-
siah, who was to spring from the tribe of
Judah. This translation deserves respectful
consideration, as having been ultimately adopt-
ed by Gesenius. — 3. A third explanation of
Shiloh, on the assumption that it is not the
name of a person, is a translation by various
learned Jews, apparently countenanced by the
Targum of Jonathan, tluit Shiloh merely means
" bis son," i.e. the son of Judah (in the sense
of the Messiah), from a supposed word Shil,
"a son." There is, however, no snch word
in known Hebrew. The translation, then, of
Shiloh as the name of a city is to be regarded
as the soundest, if the present Hebrew text is
correct. It is proper, however, to bear in mind
the possibility of there being some error in that
text. When Jerome translated the word " qui
missus est," we may be certain that he did not
read it as Shiloh, but as some form of tkalach,
" to send." We may likewise be certain that
the translator in the Septuagint did not read
the word as it stands in our Bibles. He read it
as shettoh = the/li, and translated it well by the
phrase rd anoxei/uva airy ; so that the meaning
would be, " The sceptre shall not depart from
Judah ... till the things reserved for him
come." It is most probable that Ezekiel read
the word in the same way. It is not meant by
these remarks that tlielldh is more likely to have
been correct than Shiloh. But the 'fact that
there were different readings, in former times,
of this very difficult passage, necessarily tends
to suggest the possibility that the correct read-
ing may have been lost. Wliaterer interpreta-
tion of the present reading may be adopted, the
one which must be pronounced entitled to
the least consideration is that which supposes
the prophecy relates to the birth of Christ as
occurring in the reign of Herod, just before
Judaea became a Roman province. There is
no such interpretation in the Bible ; and, how-
ever ancient this mode of regarding the passage
may be, it must submit to the ordeal of a dis-
passionate scrutiny. 1
■ " The Targum Onkelos reads, ' One having tlw
principality shall not be taken from the house of
Judah, nor a scribe from his children's children,
until the Messiah come, whose the kingdom U;'
the Targ. Jerus., 'Kings shall not fall from the
house of Judah, nor skilful doctors of the law from
their children's children, till the time when the
King's Messiah shall come ; ' Syr., ' The sceptre
Bhall not fail from Judah, nor an expounder from
between his feet, till He eome whose it Is," i*. the
Bhall not fail from Judah, nor an ex
between his feet, till He come whose .. ... .^. ..^
sceptre; Arab., ' The sceptre shall not be taken
away from Judah, nor a lawgiver from nnder hi*
rule, until He shall come whose it Is ; * Sam.,' Until
the Pacific shall come: • Lat. Vulg., ' Until Bethall
come vko it lobe tent.'
" IttspriiielpallyamongtheJews that the opinion
of A ben Kira finds currency, who makes Shiloh to
be the name of the place where the tabernacle was
first fixed after the conquest of Canaan. . . . Bat
there is no mention made of Shiloh elsewhere la
the Pentateuch, and no probability that aar such
place existed in the time of Jacob. It Is, moreover,
scarcely conceivable that such a splendid train or
predlotlon should be interrupted by an allusion i*
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SHILOH
SHIMEI
Shiloh. In Jadg. xxi. 19, it is said that
Sbiloh is " on the north side of Bethel, on the
east side of the highway that goeth up from
Bethel to Shechem, and on the south of Lebo-
nah." In agreement with this, the traveller at
the present day, going north from Jerusalem,
lodges the first night at Beitin, the ancient
Bethel ; the next day, at the distance of a few
hours, turns aside to the right in order to visit
Seilun, the Arabic for Shiloh ; and then, pass-
ing through the narrow wady which brings
him to the main road, leaves d-Lebban, the Lebo-
nah of Scripture, on the left, as he pursues
" the highway " to NMus, the ancient Shechem.
[Shechem.] Its present name is sufficiently
like the more familiar Hebrew name, while it is
identical with Shilon (see above), on which it
is evidently founded. Shiloh was one of the
earliest ana most sacred of the Hebrew sanctu-
aries. The Ark of the Covenant, which had
been kept at Gilgal during the progress of the
Conquest (Josh, xviii. 1 sq.), was removed
thence on the subjugation of the country, and
kept at Shiloh from the last days of Joshua to
the time of Samuel (Josh, xviii. 10; Judg.
xriii 31 ; 1 Sam. iv. 3). It was here the He-
brew conqueror divided among the tribes the
portion of the west Jordan-region, which had
not been already allotted (Josh, xviii. 10, xix.
SI). In this distribution, or an earlier one,
Shiloh fell within the limits of Ephraim (Josh,
xvi. 5). The seizure here of the " daughters of
Shilon," by the Benjamites, is recorded as an
event which preserved one of the tribes from
extinction (Judg. xxi. 19-23). The ungodly
conduct of the sons of Eli occasioned tho loss
of the Ark of the Covenant, which had been
carried into battle against the Philistines ; and
Shiloh from that time sank into insignificance.
It stands forth in the Jewish history as a strik-
ing example of the divine indignation (Jer. vii.
12). The contour of the region, as the travel-
ler views it on the ground, indicates very closely
where the ancient town must have stood. A
tell, or moderate hill, rises from an uneven
plain, surrounded by other higher hills, except
a narrow valley on the south, which hill would
naturally be chosen as the principal site of the
town. The tabernacle may have been pitched
on this eminence, where it would be a conspic-
uous object on every side. The ruins found
there at present are very inconsiderable. They
consist chiefly of the remains of a comparatively
modern village, with which some large stones and
fragments of columns are intermixed, evidently
from much earlier times. At the distance of
such an Inconsiderable locality. It is so utterly out
of keeping with the general tone of the prophecy,
that it la surprising that any mind not Infatuated
by rabbiuio trivialities should entertain the theory
for a moment. Yet Teller, Mendelssohn, Elchhorn,
Amnion, Bosenmuller (In first edition), Kellr, and
others, have enrolled themselves In favor of this
crude conceit."
These observations are taken from a writer in
Kitto's Cyclopedia, who propoie* a new render-
ing. Shiloh Is derived from a root signifying to
ask, seek, require ; and Its true Import, he conceives,
is the desired, the longed-for One. Whatever view
may be taken of the derivation of the Hebrew
term, the probability arising from the ancient ver-
sions, the general consent of the Jews and of Chris-
tians, that Mk&siaii is referred to, Is very strong.—
Kl>.
about fifteen minutes from the main site is •
fountain, which is approached through a nar-
row dale. Its water is abundant, and, accord-
ing to a practice very common in the East,
flows first into a pool or well, and thence into
a larger reservoir, from which flocks and herds
arc watered.
Shilo'ni. This word occurs in the A. V.
only in Nch. xi. 5, where it should be rendered
— as it is in other cases — "the Shilonite,"
that is, the descendant of Shelah, the youngest
son of Judah.
Shilonite, the, that is, the native or resi-
dent of Shiloh, — a title ascribed only to
Ahijah (I K. xi. 29, xii. 15, xv. 29 ; 2 Chr. ix.
29, x. 15).
Shilo'nites, the, are mentioned among
the descendants of Judah dwelling in Jerusa-
lem at a date difficult to fix (1 Chr. ix. 5).
They arc doubtless the members of the honso
of Shelah, who in the Pentateuch are more
accurately designated Shelanites.
Shil shah. Son of Zophah of the tribe of
Asher(l Chr. vii. 37).
Shim'ea. 1. Son of David by Bathsheba
(1 Chr. Hi. 5). — 2. A Merarite Levite ( 1 Chr.
vi. 30 [15]). — 3. A Gershonitc Levite, ances-
tor of Asaph the minstrel (1 Chr. vi. 39 [24]).
— 4. The brother of David (I Chr. xx. 7),
elsewhere called Shammah, Shimma, and
Shimbah.
Shim'eah. 1. Brother of David, and fa-
ther of Jonathan and Jonadab (2 Sam. xxi.
21 ) ; called also Shammah, Shimba, and Shim-
ma. 2. A descendant of Jehiel the father or
founder of Gibcon (1 Chr. viii. 32).
Shim'eam. A descendant of Jehiel, the
founder or prince of Gibcon (1 Chr. ix. 38).
Called Shimeah in 1 Chr. viii. 32.
Shim'eath. An Ammonitens, mother of
Jozachar, or Zabad, one of the murderers of
King Joash (2 K. xii. 21 [22] ; 2 Cbr. xxit.
26).
Shim'ei. L Son of Gershom the son of
Levi (Num. iii. 18; 1 Chr. vi. 17, 29, xxiii. 7,
9, 10; Zech. xii. 13) ; called Shimi in Ex.
vi. 17. In 1 Chr. vi. 29, according to the
present text, he is called the son of Libni, and
both are reckoned as sons of Mernri ; bnt there
is reason to suppose that there is something
omitted in this verse. — 2. Shimei the non of
Gera, a Benjamite of the house ol Saul, who
lived at Bahurim. When David and his suite
were seen descending the long defile, on his
flight from Absalom (2 Sam. xvi. 5-13), the
whole feeling of the clan of Benjamin burst
forth without restraint in the person of Shimei.
He ran along the ridge, cursing, throwing
stones at the king and his companions, and,
when he came to a patch of dust on the dry
hill-side, taking it up, and throwing it over
them. Abishai was so irritated, that, but for
David's remonstrance, he would have darted
across the ravine (2 Sam. xvi. 9), and cut off
his head. The whole conversation is remark-
able, as showing what may almost be called the
slang terms of abuse prevalent in the two rival
courts. The royal party passed on, Shimei
following them with his stones and curses as
long as thev were in sight. The next meeting
was very different. The king was now return-
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8HIMRI
894
SHIP
ing from his successful campaign- Just as he
was crossing the Jordan, in the ferry-boat or
on the bridge (2 Sam. xix. 18), the first person
to welcome him on the western, or perhaps even
on the eastern side, was Shimei, who may have
seen him approaching from the heights above,
lie threw himself at David's feet in abject peni-
tence. But the king's suspicions were not set
at rest by this submission ; and on his deathbed
he recalls the whole scene to the recollection of
his son Solomon. Solomon gave Shimei notice
that from henceforth he must consider himself
confined to the walls of Jerusalem on pain of
death. He was to bnild a house in Jerusalem
(1 K. ii. 36, 37). For three years, the engage-
ment was kept At the end of that time, for
the purpose of capturing two slaves who had
escaped to Gath, he went out on his ass, and
made his journey successfully (ib. it. 40). On
his return, the king took him at his word, and
he was slain by Benaiah (ib. ii. 41-46). —
3. One of the adherents of Solomon at the
time of Adonijah's usurpation (1 K. i. 8).
Unless he is the same as Shimei the son of Blah
(1 K. iv. 18), Solomon's commissariat officer,
or with Shimeah, or Sham man, David's brother,
it is impossible to identify him. — 4. Solo-
mon's commissariat officer in Benjamin (1 K.
iv. 18). — 6. Son of Pedaiah, and brother of
Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 19). — 6. A Simeonite.
son of Zacchur (1 Chr. iv. 26, 27). — 7. Son
of Gog, a Beubcnite (1 Chr. v. 4). — 8. A Ger-
shonite Levite, son of Jahath (1 Chr. vi. 42).
— 9. Son of Jeduthun, and chief of the tenth
division of the singers (1 Chr. xxv. 17). —
10. The Ramathite who was over David's
vineyards (1 Chr. xxvii. 27). — 11. A Levite
of the sons of Heman, who took part in the
purification of the Temple under Hezekiah
(2 Chr. xxix. 14). — 12. The brother of
Cononiah the Levite in the reign of Hezekiah
(2 Chr. xxxi. 12, 13). Perhaps the same as
the preceding. — 13. A Levite in the time of
Ezra who had married a foreign wife (Ezr.
x. 23). —14. One of the family of Hasbum,
who put away his foreign wife at Ezra's com-
mand (Ezr. x. 33). — 15. A son of Bani, who
had also married a foreign wife and put her
away (Ezr. x. 38). — 16. Son of Kish a Ben-
jamite, and ancestor of Mordecai (Esth. ii.
5).
Shim'eon. A layman of Israel, of the
family of Harim, who hod married a foreign
wile and divorced her in the time of Ezra (Ezr.
x. 31).
ShimTli. A Benjamite, apparently the
same as Shema the son of Elpaal (1 Chr.
viii. 21).
Shim'i = Shimei 1 (Ex. vi. 17).
Shim'ites, the. The descendants of
Shimei the son of Gershom (Num. iii. 21).
Shim'ma. The third son of Jesse, and
brother of David (1 Chr. ii. 13).
Shi'mon. The four sons of Shimon are
enumerated in an obscure gcncalogv of the
tribe of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20).
Shim'rath. A Benjamite, of the sons of
Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 21).
Shim'ri. 1. A Simeonite, son of Shema-
iah (1 Chr. iv. 37).— 2. The father of Jediael,
one of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 45). — 3.
A Kohathite Levite in the reign of Hezekiah
(2 Chr. xxiv. 13).
Shim'rith. A Moabiteas, mother of Je-
hozabad, one of the assassins of King Joash
(2 Chr. xxiv. 26). In 2 K. xii. 21 , she u called
Shomer.
Shim'rom. Shimkoh the son of Issachar
(1 Chr. vii. 1).
Shim'ron. A city of Zebulun (Josh. xi.
1, xix. 15). Its full appellation was perhaps
Shimron-meroh. Schwarz proposes to iden-
tify it with the Simonias of Josephus, now
Sirminii/eh, a village a few miles W. of Naza-
reth.
Shim'ron. The fourth son of Issachar,
according to the lists of Genesis (xlvi. 13) and
Numbers (xxvi. 24), and the head of the fam-
ily of the Srimrohites.
Shim'ronites, the. The family of
Shimron, son of Issachar (Num. xxvi. 24).
Shim'ron-me'ron. The king of Shim-
ron-meron is mentioned as one of the thirty-one
kings vanquished by Joshua (Josh. xii. SO).
It is probably (though not certainly) the com-
plete name of the place elsewhere called Sbim-
ron. There are two claimants to identity with
Shimron-meron. The old Jewish traveller
hap-Parchi fixes it at two hours east of Engan-
nim (Jenin), south of the mountains of Gilboa,
at a village called in his day Dar Mertm. The
other is the village of Sim&iiyeh, west of
Nazareth.
Shimsha'i. The scribe or secretary of
Rehum, who was a kind of satrap of the con-
quered province of Judaea, and of the colon v of
Samaria, supported by the Persian court (Ezr.
iv. 8, 9, 17, 23). He was apparently an Ara-
msean, for the letter which he wrote to Arta-
xerxes was in Syriac (Ezr. iv. 7), and the form
of his name is in favor of this supposition.
Shin'ab. The king of Admah in the time
of Abraham (Gen. xiv. 2).
Shi'nar seems to have been the ancient
name of the great alluvial tract through which
the Tigris and Euphrates pass before reaching
the sea, — the tract known in later times as
Clialdaja or Babylonia. It was a plain country,
where brick had to be used for stone, and slime
for mortar (Gen. xi. 3). Among its cities
were Babel (Babylon), ErechorOrech (Orclioe),
Calneh or Calno (probably Niffer), and Accad,
the site of which is unknown. These notices
arc quite enough to fix the situation. The
native inscriptions contain no trace of the term,
which seems to be purely Jewish, and unknown
to any other people. At least it is extremely
doubtful whether there is really any connection
between Shinar and Singara or Sinjar. Sin-
gam was the name of a town in Central Meso-
potamia, well known to the Romans. It may
lie suspected that Shinar was the name l>y
which the Hebrews originally knew the lower
Mesopotamian country, where they so long
dwelt, and which Abraham brought with him
from " Ur of the Chaldees."
Ship. No one writer in the whole range of
Greek and Roman literature has supplied as
with so much information concerning the mer-
chant-ships of the ancients as St Luke in the
narrative of St. Paul's voyage to Rome (Acts
xxvii., xxviii). It is important to remember
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SHIP
895
SHIP
that he accomplished it in three ships: first, the
Adramyttian vessel, which took him from Ctesa-
rea to Myra, and which was probably a coasting-
vessel of no great size (xxvii. 1-6) ; secondly,
the large Alexandrian corn-ship, in which he
was wrecked on the coast of Malta (xxvii. 6-
xxviii. 1 : and thirdly, another large Alexan-
drian corn-ship, in which he sailed from Malta
by Syracuse and Rhegium to Puteoli (xxviii.
11-13). (1.) Size of Ancient Ships. — The
narrative which we take as onr chief guide af-
fords a good standard for estimating this. The
ship in which St. Paul was wrecked had 276
persons on board (Acts xxvii. 37), besides a
cargo of wheat (ib. 10, 38) ; and all these pas-
sengers seem to have been taken on to Puteoli
in another ship (xxviii. 11) which had its own
crew and its own cargo. Now, in English
transport-ships, prepared for carrying troops,
it is a common estimate to allow a ton and a
half per man. On the whole, if we say that an
ancient merchant-ship might range from 500 to
1,000 tons, we are clearly within the mark.
(2.) Steering Apparatus. — Some commenta-
tors have fallen into strange perplexities from
observing that in Acts xxrii. 40 (" the fasten-
ings of the rudders ") St. Luke uses the plural.
Ancient ships were in truth not steered at all
by rudders fastened or hinged to the stern, but
by means of two paddle-rudders, one on each
quarter, acting in a rowlock or through a port-
hole, as the vessel might be small or large.
(3.) Build and Ornaments of the Hull. — It is
probable that there was no very marked differ-
ence between the bow and the stern. The
" hold " (Jonah i. 5) would present no special
peculiarities. One characteristic ornament,
rising in a lofty curve at the stern or the bow,
is familiar to us in works of art, but no allusion
to it occurs in Scripture. That personification
of ships, which seems to be instinctive, led the
ancients to paint an eye on each side of the
bow (comp. Acts xxvii. 15). An ornament of
that which took him on from Malta to Pozzuoli
is more explicitly referred to. The " sign " of
that ship (Acts xxviii. 1 1 ) was Castor and
Pollux ; and the symbols of these heroes
were doubtless painted or sculptured on each
side of the bow. (4. ) Undergirders. — The im-
perfection of the build, and still more (see be-
low, 6) the peculiarity of the rig, in ancient
ships, resulted in a greater tendency than in
our times to the starting of the planks, and con-
sequently to leaking and foundering. Hence
it was customarv to take on board peculiar con-
trivances, suitably called " helps" (Acts xxvii.
17), as precautions against such dangers.
These were simply cables or chains, which, in
case of necessity, could be passed round the
frame of the ship, at right angles to its length,
and made tight. (5.) Anchors. — It is probable
that the ground tackle of Greek and Roman
s.tilors was quite as good as our own. Ancient
anchors were similar in form to those which
we use now, except that they were without
flukes. Two allusions to anchoring are fonnd
in the N. T., one in a very impressive metaphor
concerning Christian hope (Heb. vi. 19). The
•other passage is part of the literal narrative of
St. Paul's voyage at its most critical point.
The ship in which he was sailing had foul an-
chors on board, and these were all employed In
the night, when the danger of falling on break-
ers was imminent. The sailors on this occasion
anchored by the stern (Acts xxvii. 29).
(6.) Masts, Sails, Ropes, and Yards. — These
were collectively called OKein or OKevij, or gear.
We find this word twice used for parts of tht
rigging in the narrative of the Acts (xxvii. 17,
19). The rig of an ancient ship was more sim-
ple and clumsy than that employed in modern
times. Its great feature was one large mast,
with one large square sail fastened to a yard of
great length. Hence the strain upon the hull,
and the danger of starting the planks, were
greater than under the present system, which
distributes the mechanical pressure more even-
ly over the whole ship. Not that there wen-
Andtnt Ship. (From a painting at PompcIL;
never more masts than one, or more sails than
one on the same mast, In an ancient merchant-
man. But these were repetitions, so to speak,
of the same general unit of rig. In the O. T.
the mast is mentioned (Is. xxxiii. 23); and
from another prophet (Ez. xxvii. 5) we learn
that cedar-wood from Lebanon was sometimes
used for this part of ships. There is a third
passage (Prov. xxiii. 34), where the top of a
ship's mast is probably intended. In Ez.
xxvii. 29, oars are distinctly mentioned ; and it
seems that oak-wood from Bashan was used in
making them Another feature of the ancient,
as of the modern ship, is the flag at the top of
the most (Is. /.<•., and xxx. 17). (7.) Rate of
Sailing. — St. Paul's voyages furnish excellent
data for approximately estimating this; and
they are quite in harmony with what we learn
from other sources. We must notice hero,
however (what commentators sometimes curi-
ously forget), that winds arc variable. Thus
the voyage between Troas and Philippi, ac-
complished on one occasion (Acts xvi. 11, 12)
in two days, occupied on another occasion
(Acts xx. 6) five days. With a fair wind, an
ancient ship would sail fully seven knots an
hour
( 8. ) Sailing before the Wind, and near the Wind.
— The rip which has been described is, like tho
rig of Chinese junks, peculiarly favorable to a
quick run before the wind (Acts xvi. 11, xxvii.
16). It would, however, be a great mistake to
suppose that ancient ships could not work to
windward. The superior rig and build, how-
ever, of modern ships enable them to sail nearer
I to the wind than was the case in classical time*.
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SHIP
896
SHISHAK
A modern ship, if the weather is not very bois-
terous, will sail within six points of the wind.
To an ancient vessel, of which the hull was
more clumsy, and the yards could not be braced
so tight, it would be safe to assign seven points
as the limit. (9.) Lying-to. — A ship that
could make progress on her proper course, in
moderate weather, when sailing within seven
points of the wind, would lie to in a gale, with
her length making about the same angle with
the direction of the wind. This is done when
the object is, not to make progress at all
hazards, but to ride out a gale in safety ; and
this is what was done in St. Paul's ship when
she was undergirded and the boat taken on
board (Acts xxvii. 14-17) under the lee of
Clauda. (10.) Ship's Boat. — This is per-
haps the best place for noticing separately the
wtufyn, which appears prominently in the narra-
tive of the voyage (Acts xxvii. 16, 32). Every
large merchant-ship must have had one or more
boats. It is evident that the Alexandrian corn-
ship in which St. Paul was sailing from Fair
Havens, and in which the sailors, apprehending
no danger, hoped to reach Pihenice, had her
boat towing behind. (11.) Officers and Crew.
— In Acts xxvii. 11, we have both KvPepvqrne
and vahkfaipoc. The latter is the owner (in
part or in whole) of the ship or the cargo, re-
ceiving also (possibly) the fares of the passen-
gers. The former has the charge of the steer-
ing. The word for " shipmen " (Acts xxvii.
27, 30) and " sailors " (Rev. xviii. 17) is simply
the usual term vavrai. (12.) Storms and Ship-
mm la. — The first century of the Christian era
was a time of immense traffic in the Mediter-
ranean ; and there must have been many vessels
lost there every year by shipwreck, and (per-
haps) as many by foundering. This Inst dan-
ger would be much increased by the form of
rig described above. Besides this, we must re-
member that the ancients had no compass, and
very imperfect charts and instruments, if any
at all. Certain coasts were much dreaded,
especially the African Syrtis (il>. 17). The
danger indicated by breakers (ib. 29), and the
fear of falling on rocks, are matters of course.
St. Paul's experience seems to have been full
of illustrations of all these perils. (13.) Boats
on the Sea of Galilee. — In the narratives of the
call of the disciples to be " fishers of men "
(Matt iv. 18-22 ; Mark i. 16-20 ; Luke v. 1-1 1 ),
there is no special information concerning the
characteristics of these boats. In the account
of the storm and the miracle on the lake (Matt,
viii. 23-27 ; Mark iv. 35-41 ; Luke viii. 22-25),
it is for every reason instructive to compare the
three narratives ; and we should observe that
Lake is more technical in his language than
Matthew, and Mark than Luke. With the
large population round the Lake of Tiberias,
there must have been a vast number both
of fishing-boats and pleasure-boats, and boat-
building must have been an active trade on its
shores. (14.) Merchant-ships in the Old Testa-
ment. — The earliest passages where seafaring
is alluded to in the 0. T. are the following in
order: Gen. xlix. 13, in the prophecy of Jacob
concerning Zebulun ; Num. xxiv. 24, in Ba-
laam's prophecy ; Deut. xxviii. 68, in one of
the warnings of Moses ; Judg. v. 17, in Debo-
rah's Song. Next after these it is natural tc
mention the illustrations and descriptions con-
nected with this subject in Job (ix. 26) ; and in
the Psalms (xlvii. [xlviii.] 7, ciii. Iciv.J 26, cvi.
23). Prov. xxiii. 34 has already been quoted.
To this add xxx. 19, xxxi. 14. Solomon's own
ships, which may have suggested some of the*
illustrations (I K. ix. 26 ; 2 Chr. viii. 18, ix.
21), have previously been mentioned. We
must notice the disastrous expedition of Jehosh-
aphat's ships from the same port of Ezion-
geber (1 K. xxii. 48, 49 ; 2 Chr. xx. 36, 37).
The passages which remain are in the prophets
(Is. ii. 16, xxiii. I, 14, lx. 9; Ex. xxvii.; Jon.
i. 3-16). In Dan. xi. 40, we touch the sulijcrt
of ships of war. (15.) Ships of War in the
Apocrypha. — Military operations both by land
and water ( 1 Mace. viii. 23, 32 ) are prominent
subjects in the Books of Maccabees (I Mace
viii. 26, 28 ; 2 Mace. iv. 20). Here we mast
not forget the monument erected by Simon
Maccabceus on his father's grave. Finally most
be mentioned the noyade at Joppa, when the
resident Jews, with wives and children, 200 in
number, were induced to go into boats, and were
drowned (2 Mace. xii. 3, 4).
Shiph'i. A Simeonite, father of Ziia, a
prince of the tribe in the time of Hezekiah (1
Chr. iv. 37).
Shiph'mite, the. Probably, though not
certainly, the native of Shepham (I Chr. xxvii.
27)-
Bhiph'rah (Ex. i. 15). The name of one
of the two midwives of the Hebrews who dis-
obeyed the command of Pharaoh to kill the
male children (ver. 15-21).
Shiph'tan. Father of Kemuel, a prince
of the tribe of Ephraim (Num. xxxiv. 24).
Shi'sha. Father of Elihoreph and Ahiah,
the royal secretaries in the reign of Solomon
(1 K. "iv. 3). He is apparently the same as
Shavsiia, who held the same position under
David.
Shi'shak, king of Egypt, the Sheshenk I.
of the monuments, first sovereign of the Biilm*-
tite xxiid dynasty. Chronology. — The reign
of Shishak offers the first determined synchro-
nisms of Egyptian and Hebrew history. The
synchronism of Shishak and Solomon, and
that of Shishak and Rehoboara, may be nearly
fixed, as shown in article Chrosoi.oct. The
first year of Shishak would about correspond
to the 26th of Solomon, and the 20th to the
5th of Rehoboam. The synchronism of Zerah
and Asa is more difficult to determine. It
seems most probable that the war with Zersh
took place early in Asa's reign, before his 15th
year, and thus also early in die reign of Ussr-
ken H. The chronological place of these syn-
chronisms mav be calculated on the Egyptian
as well as the biblical side. The evidence from
the data supplied by the monuments would lead
us to place the accession of Sheshenk I. B.C.
980 or 983, or else seven years later than eai-h
of these dates. The biblical date of Sbeshenk's
conquest of Judah has been compnted to he
B.C. cir. 969 ; and this hnving taken place in his
20th year, his accession would have been B.C.
cir. 988. The progress of Assyrian discovery
has, however, induced some writers to propose
to shorten the chronology by taking thirty-five
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SHISHAK
897
8HITTAH-TBEE
years as the length of Manasseh's reign, in
which case all earlier dates would have to be
lowered twenty years. The proposed reduc-
tion would place the accession of Sheshenk I.
B.C. cir. 968, and this date is certainly more in
accordance with those derived from the Egyp-
tian data than the higher date ; but these data
are too approximative for us to lay any stress
upon minute results from them.
History. — The origin of the royal line of
which Sheshenk I. was the head is extremely
obscure. Mr. Birch's discovery that several of
the names of the family are Shemitic has led
to the supposition that it was of Assyrian or
Babylonian origin. Lepsius gives a genealogy
of Sheshenk I. from the tablet of Har-p-sen
from the Serapenm, which, if correct, decides
the question. In this, Sheshenk I. is the son
of a chief Namuret, whose ancestors, excepting
his mother, who is called " royal mother, not,
as Lepsius gives it, " royal daughter," are all
untitled persons, and, all but the princess, bear
foreign, apparently Shemitic names. But, as
M. de Rouge" observes, this genealogy cannot
be conclusively made out from the tablet, though
we think it more probablj than he does. She-
shenk I., on his accession, must have found the
state weakened by internal strife, and deprived
of much of its foreign influence. In the time
of the later kings of the Rameses family, two,
if not three, sovereigns had a real or titular
authority ; but before the accession of Sheshenk
it is probable that their lines had been united ;
certainly towards tho close of the xxist dynasty
a Pharaoh was powerful enough to lead an
expedition into Palestine, and capture Gezer
( 1 K. ix. 16). Sheshenk took as the title of his
standard, " He who attains royalty by uniting
the two regions [of Egypt]." He himself prob-
ably married the heiress of the Rameses family,
while his son and successor Usarken appears to
have taken to wife the daughter, and perhaps
heiress, of the Tanite xxist dynasty. Probably
it was not until late in his reign that he was
able to carry on the foreign wars of the earlier
king who captured Gezer. It is observable
that we trace a change of dvnasty in the policy
that induced Sheshenk at the beginning of his
reign to receive the fugitive Jeroboam ( 1 K. xi.
40). The king of Egypt does not seem to
have commenced hostilities during the power-
ful reign of Solomon. It was not until the
division of the tribes, that, probably at the in-
stigation of Jeroboam, he attacked Rehoboam.
The following particulars of this war are re-
lated in the Bible : " In the fifth year of King
Rehoboam, Shishak king of Egypt came up
against Jerusalem, because they had trans-
gressed against the Lord, with twelve hundred
chariots, and threescore thousand horsemen :
and the people [were] without number that
came with him out of Egypt ; the Lubim, the
Sukkiim, and the Cushim. And he took the
fenced cities which [pertained] to Judah, and
came to Jerusalem "(2 Chr. xii. 2-4). Shishak
did not pillage Jerusalem, but exacted all the
treasures of his city from Rehoboam, and ap-
parently made him tributary (5, 8-12). The
narrative in Kings mentions only the invasion
and the exaction (I K. xiv. 25, 26). The
strong cities of Rehoboam are thus enumerated
118
in an earlier passage : " And Rehoboam dwelt
in Jerusalem, and built cities for defence in
Judah. He built even Bethlehem, and Etatn,
and Tekoa, and Beth-zur, and Shoco, and
Adullara, and Gath, and Mareshah, and Ziph,
and Adoraim, and Lachish, and Azekah, and
Zorah, and Aijalon, and Hebron, which [are]
in Judah and in Benjamin fenced cities " (2
Chr. xi. 5-10). Shishak has left a record of
this expedition sculptured on the wall of the
great Temple of El-Karnak. It is a list of the
countries, cities, and tribes conquered or ruled
by him, or tributary to him. In this list, Chara-
pollion recognized a name which he translated
incorrectly, " the kingdom of Judah," and was
thus led to trace the names of certain cities of
Palestine. The document has since been more
carefully studied by Dr. Brugsch, and with less
success by Dr. Blau. The Pharaohs of the
empire passed through Northern Palestine to
push their conquests to the Euphrates and Meso-
potamia. Shishak, probably unable to attack
the Assyrians, attempted the subjugation of
Palestine and the tracts of Arabia which border
Egypt, knowing that the Arabs would interpose
an effectual resistance to any invader of Egypt.
He seems to have succeeded in consolidating
his power in Arabia; and we accordingly find
Zerah in alliance with the people of Gcrar, if
we may infer this from their sharing his over-
throw.
Shitra'i. A Sharon itc who was over
David's herds that fed in Sharon ( I Chr. xxvii.
29).
Shittah -tree, Shittim (Heb. Shittah), is
without doubt correctly referred to some species
of Acacia, of which three or four kinds occur
Acacia S. yri.
in the Bible lands. The wood of this tree —
perhaps the A. Sa/ai is more definitely signified
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8H0A
8H0SHANNIM-EDUTH
— wu extensively employed in the construction
of the tabernacle (see Ex. xxv., xxvi., xxxvi.,
xxxvii., xxxviii.). The Egyptian name of the
Acacia is sort, stmt, or santh. The Heb. term is,
by Jablonski, Celsius, and many other authors,
derived from the Egyptian word. The ShittaA-
trte of Scripture is by some thought to refer
more especially to the Acacia Seyal, though
perhaps the Acacia Nilotica and A. Arabica
may be included under the term. The A. Seyal
is very common in .some parts of the peninsula
of Sinai. These trees are more common in
Arabia than in Palestine, though there is a val-
ley on the west side of the Dead Sea, the Wady
Seyal, which derives its name from a few acacia-
trees there. The Acacia Seyal, like the A.
Arabica, yields the well-known substance called
gum arabic, which is obtained by incisions in
the bark ; but it is impossible to say whether
the ancient Jews were acquainted with its use.
From the tangled thickets into which the stem
of this tree expands, Stanley well remarks, is
to be traced the use of the plural form of the
Heb. noun, Shittim, the sing, number occurring
but once only in the Bible. Besides the Acacia
Seyal, there is another species, the A. tortilis,
common on Mount Sinai. These acacias, which
are for the most part tropical plants, must not
be confounded with the tree (Boblnia pseudo-
acacia) popularly known by this name in Eng-
land, which is a North-American plant, and
belongs to a different genus and sub-order.
The true acacias belong to the order Leaumi-
noeat, sub-order Mimosea,
Shitf tim. The place of Israel's encamp-
ment between the conquest of the trans-Jordamc
highlands and the passage of the Jordan (Num.
xxxiii. 49, xxv. 1 ; Josh. ii. 1, iii. 1 ; Mic. vi.
5). Its full name appears to be given in the
first of these passages, — Abel has-Shittim, —
" the meadow, or moist place, of the acacias."
It was " in the Arboth-Moab, by Jordan-Jeri-
cho" (Num. xxii. 1, xxvi. 3, xxxi. 12, xxxiii.
48, 49) ; that is to say, it was in the Arabah
or Jordan Valley, opposite Jericho. The Na-
chal-Shittim, or Wady sunt, as it would now
be called, of Joel (iii. 18), can hardly be the
same spot as that described above ; but there is
nothing to give a clew to its position.
Shi Ba. A Beubenite, father of Adina
(1 Chr. xi. 42).
Sho'8> A proper name, which occurs only
in Ei. xxiii. 23, in connection with Pekod and
Koa. The three apparently designate districts
of Assyria with which the southern kingdom
of Judah had been intimately connected, and
which were to be arrayed against it for punish-
ment. Rashi remarks on the three words,
" The interpreters say that they signify officers,
princes, and rulers." Those who take Shoa as
an appellative refer to the usage of the word in
Job xxxiv. 19 (A. V. " rich ") and Is. xxxii.
5 ( A. V. " bountiful "). But a consideration of
the latter part of the verse Ex. xxiii. 23, and
the fondness which Ezekiel elsewhere shows for
playing upon the sound of proper names (as in
xxvii. 10, xxx. 5), lead to the conclusion that
in this case Pekod, Shoa, and Koa are proper
names also. The only name which has been
fonnd at all resembling Shoa is that of a town
in Assyria, mentioned by Pliny, " Sue in rupi-
bus," near Gaugamcla, and west of the Orontea
mountain-chain.
Sho'bab. L Son of David by Bathsbeba
(2 Sam. v. 14; 1 Chr. iii S, xiv. 4). — 2.
Apparently the son of Caleb the son of Hezron
by his wile Azubah (1 Chr. ii. 18).
Sho'bach. The general of Hadarexer king
of the Syrians of Zoba, who was defeated by-
David in person at Helam. Sbobach waa
wounded, and died on the field (2 Sam. x. 15-
18). In 1 Chr. xix. 16, 18, he is called Sho-
PUACH.
Shoba'i. The children of Shobai were a
family of the doorkeepers of the Temple, who
returned with Zerubbabel (Err. ii. 42; Neh.
vii. 45).
ShoTjal. 1. The second son of Seir the
Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 20 ; 1 Chr. i. 38), and one
of the " dukes " or pbylarchs of the Horitet
(Gen. xxxvi. 29). — 2. Son of Caleb the son
of Hur, and founder or prince of Kirjath-jearim
(1 Chr. ii. 50, 52).— 8. In 1 Chr. iv. 1, a,
Shobai appears with Hur among the sons of
Judah. He is possibly the same as the preced-
ing.
Sho'bek. One of the heads of the people
who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Xeh-
x. 24).
Sholsi. Son of Nahash of Rabbah of the
children of Ammon (2 Sam. xvii. 27). He
was one of the first to meet David at Maha.
naim on his flight from Absalom.
Sho'OO, 2 Chr. xi. 7. Sho'cho, 2 Chr.
xxviii. 18. Sho'choh, 1 Sam. xvii. 1. Three
variations of the name Socoa.
Sho'ham. A Mcrarite Lerite, son of Jaa-
ziah (1 Chr. xxiv. 27).
Shoe. [Sandal.]
Sho'mer . L An Asherite ( 1 Chr. vii. 32 ) ;
also called Shamer (vcr. 34). — 2. The father
of Jehozabad, who slew King Joash (2 K. xii.
21 ) : in the parallel passage in 2 Chr. xxiv. 26,
the name is converted into the feminine form
Shimrith, who is further described as a Moabi-
tess.
Sho'phaoh. Sbobach, the general of
Hadarexer (1 Chr. xix. 16, 18).
Sho'ph&n. One of the fortified towns on
the east of Jordan which were taken possession
of and rebuilt by the tribe of Gad (Nam.
xxxii. 35).
Shoshan'nim. " To the chief musician
upon Shoshannim " is a musical direction to the
leader of the temple-choir, which occurs in Pa.
xlv., lxix., and most probably indicates the
melody " after " or " in the manner of" (A. V.
"upon") which the psalms were to be sung.
As " Shoshannim " literally signifies " lilies,"
it has been suggested that the word denote*
lily-shaped instruments of music, perhaps cym-
bals. Ben Zeb regards it as an instrument of
psalmody; and Junius and Tremellius, after
Kimchi, render it" hexachorda," an instrument
with six strings, referring it to the root skitk,
" six."
Shoshan'nim-e'duth. In the title of
Ps. lxxx. is found the direction " to the chief
musician upon Shoshannim-eduth," which ap>
pears, according to the most probable conjec-
ture, to denote the melody or air " after " or " in
the manner of " which the psalm was to be sang.
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SHUNEM
899
SHUSHAN
As the words now stand, they signify " lilies, a
testimony ; " and the two are separated by a large
distinctive accent. In themselves, they have no
meaning in the present text, and most therefore
be regarded as probably a fragment of the be-
ginning of an older psalm with which the choir
were familiar.
Shu'a. A Canaanite of Adullam, father
of Judah's wife (1 Chr. ii. 3).
Shu' ah. 1. Son of Abraham by Keturah
(Gen. xxv. 2; 1 Chr. i. 32). — 2. Properly
" Shuchah ; " brother of Chelub ( 1 Chr. iv. 1 1 j.
— 3. The father of Judah's wife (Gen. xxxviii.
2, 12) ; also called Shua in the A. V.
Shu'al. Son of Zophah, an Asherite (1
Chr. vii. 36).
Shu'al, the Land of. A district named
only in I Sam. xiii. 17. It is pretty certain
from the passage that the land of Shual lay
north of Michmash. If therefore it be identi-
cal with the "land of Shalim" (I Sam. ix. 4),
— as is not impossible, — we obtain the first
and only clew yet obtained to Saul's journey in
quest of the asses. The name Shtial has not
yet been identified.
Shu'bael. 1. Shebcbl the son of Ger-
ahom (1 Chr. xxiv. 20). — 2. Shebuel the
son of Hcman the minstrel (1 Chr. xxv. 20).
Shu'ham. Son of Dan, and ancestor of
the Shuhamites (Num. xxri. 42).
ShuTlite. This ethnic appellative " Shu-
hite " is frequent in the Book of Job, bnt only
as the epithet of one person, Bildad. The
local indications of the Book of Job point to a
region on the western side of Chaldtea, border-
ing on Arabia; and exactly in this locality,
above Hit, and on both sides of the Euphrates,
are found, in the Assyrian inscriptions, the
Taukhi, a powerful people. It is probable that
these were the Shuhites.
Shulamite, the. One of the personages
in the poem of Solomon's Song (vi. 13). The
name denotes a woman belonging to a place
called Shulem. The only place bearing that
name, of which we have any knowledge, is
Shunem itself. In fact there is good ground
tot believing that the two were identical. If,
then, Shulammite and Shunammite are equiva-
lent, there is nothing surely extravagant in
supposing that the Shunammite who was the
object of Solomon's passion was Abishag.'
Shu'mathites, the. One of the four fam-
ilies who sprang from Kirjath-jearim (1 Chr.
ii. 53).
Shunammite, the, «■*. the native of
Shunem, as is plain from 2 K. iv. 1. It is ap-
plied to two persons, — Abishag, the nurse of
King David (1 K. i. 3, 15, ii. 17,21, 22), and
the nameless hostess of Elisha (2 K. iv. 12, 25,
36).
Shunem. One of the cities allotted to the
tribe of Isaac har (Josh. xix. 18). It occurs in
the list between Chesulloth and Haphraim. It
is mentioned on two occasions ( 1 Sam. xx viii.
4 ; 2 K. iv. 8). It was, besides, the native place
of Abishag (1 K. i. 3). By Eusebins ana Je-
rome it is mentioned twice, as five miles south
• Another view Ik, that Shulamite la the feminine
■of Shelomoh, meaning the peaeeftil ; the latter typi-
fying Christ, the Prince of Peaoe; the former ills
4>rid«, the Church. — Eo.
of Monnt Tabor, and then known as Snlem;
and as a village in Acrabattine, in the territory
of Sebaste called Sanim. The latter of these
two identifications probably refers to Sanwr, a
well-known fortress some seven miles from Se-
basliyeh, and four from Arrabdi. The other has
more in its favor, since it agrees with the posi-
tion of the present Solum, a village on the S. W.
flank of Jebd Duhu, three miles N. of Jezreel,
five from Gilboa (J. Fulcua), full in view of the
sacred spot on Mount Cannel, and situated in
the midst of the finest corn-fields in the world.
Shu'ni. Son of Gad, and founder of the
family of the Shunites (Gen. xlvi. 16; Num.
xx vi. 15).
Shu'pham. [Shcppim.1
Shu'phamites, the. The descendants
of Shupnam, or Shephupham, the Benjamite
(Num. xxvi. 39).
Shuppim. In the genealogy of Benjamin,
" Shuppim and Huppim, the children of Ir,"
are reckoned in 1 Chr. vii. 12. Ir is the same
as Iri the son of Beta the son of Benjamin, so
that Shuppim was the great-grandson of Ben-
jamin. Lord A. Hervey conjectures that Shup-
pim or Shephupham was a son of Benjamin,
whose family was reckoned with that of Ir or
Iri.
Shur, a place just without the eastern bor-
der of Egypt. Shur is first mentioned in the
narrative of Hagar's flight from Sarah (Gen.
xvi. 7). Abraham afterwards " dwelled between
Kadesh and Shur, and sojourned in Gerar "
(xx. 1). The first clear indication of its posi-
tion occurs in the account of Ishmacl's posteri-
ty : " And they dwelt from Havilah uu-to Shur,
that [is] before Egypt, as thou goest toward
Assyria (xxv. 18 ; comp. 1 Sam. xv. 7, xxvii.
8). The Wilderness of Snur was entered by the
Israelites after they had crossed the Bed Sea
(Ex. xv. 22, 23). It was also called the Wil-
derness of Etham (Num. xxxiii. 8). Shur
may have been a fortified town east of the an-
cient head of the Bed Sea, but in the hands of
the Arabs, or at one time the Philistines, not
of the Egyptians. From its being spoken of
as a limit, it was probably the last Arabian
town before entering Egypt. The hieroglyphic
inscriptions have not been found to throw any
light upon this question.
Shu'shan, or Susa, is said to have re-
ceived its name from the abundance of the lily
(Shidian or Shmhanah) in its neighborhood.
1. History. — It was originally the capital of
the country called in Scripture Elam, and by
the classical writers, sometimes Cissia, some-
times Susis or Susiana. The first distinct men-
tion of the town that has been as yet found is
in the inscriptions of Atshw-bani-pal, the son
and successor of Esar-haddon, who states that
he took the place, and exhibits a ground-plan
of it upon his sculptures. The date of this
monument is about B.C. 660. We next find
Susa in the possession of the Babylonians, to
whom Elam hud probably passed at the division
of the Assyrian Empire made bv Cyaxares and
Nabopolassar (Dan. viii. 2). The conquest of
Babylon by Cyrus transferred Susa to the Per-
sian dominion ; and it was not long before the
Achtemcnian princes determined to make it
the capital of their whole empire, and the chief
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SHUSHAN-EDUTH
900
SIBBECHAI
place of their own residence. According to
some writers, the change was made by Cyras ;
according to others, it had at any rate taken
place before the death of Cambvses ; bnt, ac-
cording to the evidence of the place itself and
of the other Achsemenian monuments, it would
seem most probable that the transfer was really
the work of Darius Hystospis. Susa accord-
ingly became the metropolis of Persia, and is
recognized as such by iEschylus, Herodotus,
Ctesias, Strabo, and almost all the best writers.
Susa retained its pre-eminence to the period of
the Macedonian conqnest. After this it de-
clined. The preference of Alexander for Baby-
lon caused the neglect of Susa by his successors,
none of whom ever made it their capital city.
We hear of it once only in their wars, when it
rails into the power of Antigonus (b.c. 315).
2. Position, frc. — Most historians and compara-
tive geographers have inclined to identify it
with the modern Sus or Shttsfi, which is in lat.
32° 1C, long. 48° 26' E. from Greenwich, be-
tween the Shapur and the River of Dizful. At
the distance of a few miles east and west of
the city were two other streams, — the Coprates
or River of Dizful, and the right arm of the
Choaspes (the modern Kerkhah). Thus the
country about Susa was most abundantly wa-
tered. 3. General Description of the Ruins. — The
ruins of Susa cover a space about 6,000 feet
long from east to west by 4,500 feet broad
from north to south. The circumference of
the whole, exclusive of outlying and compara-
tively insignificant mounds, is about three miles.
According to Mr. Loftus, " The principal exist-
ing remains consist of four spacious artificial
platforms, distinctly separate from each other.
Of these the western mound is the smallest in
superficial extent, but considerably the most
lofty and important. ... Its highest point is
119 feet above the level of the Shaour (Shapur).
In form it is an irregular, obtuse-angled tri-
angle, with its corners rounded off, and its base
facing nearly due east." Mr. Loftus regards
this mound as indubitably the remains of the
famous citadel of Susa, so frequently mentioned
by the ancient writers.
Shu'Bhan-e'duth. "To the chief mu-
sician upon Shushan-eduth " is plainly a musi-
cal direction, whatever else may be obscure
about it (Ps. lx.). In Ps. lxxx., we have the
fuller phrase " Shoshannim-eduth," of which
Rodiger regards Shushan-eduth as an abbre-
viation. As it now stands, it denotes " the lily
of testimony," and possibly contains the first
words of some psalm to the melody of which
that to which it was prefixed was sung. There
does not appear to be much support for the
view taken by some that Shushan-eduth is a
musical instrument, .so called from its resem-
blance to a lily in shape, or from having lily-
shaped ornaments upon it, or from its six (shesn)
strings. As a conjecture, this is certainly in-
genious; but it has the disadvantage of intro-
ducing as many difficulties as it removes. Si-
monis connects 'iduth with the Arabic 'id, a
lute, or kind of guitar played with a plectrum,
and considers it to be the melody produced by
this instrument ; so that, in his view, Shushan-
eduth indicates that the lily-shaped cymbals
were to be accompanied with playing on the
lute. We may therefore regard the word ia
question as a fragment of an old psalm or mel-
ody, the same in character as Aijeleth Shahar
and others, which contained a direction to the
leader of the choir.
Shu'thalhites, the. The descendants
of Sbuthelah the son of Ephraim (Num. xxvi.
35).
Shuthelah. Head of an Ephraimite fam-
ily, called after him Shuthalhites (Num. xxvi.
35), and lineal ancestor of Joshua, the son of
Nun (1 Chr. vii. 20-27). Sbuthelah appears
from the former passage to be a son of Ephraim,
and the father of Eran, from whom sprung a
family of Eranites (ver. 36). He appears also
to have had two brothers : Bechrr, father of the
Bachrites ; and Tahan, father of the Tohonites.
But in I Chr. vii. we have a further notice of
Shuthelah, where he appears first of all, as in
Num., as the son of Ephraim ; but in vcr. 21
he is placed six generations later. From the
recurrence of other names too, it appears that
the text in I Chr. vii. is corrupt. The follow-
ing observations will perhaps assist us to re-
store it. I. The names that are repeated oTcr
and over again, either in identical or in slightly
varied forms, represent probably only one per-
son. Hence, Shuthelah in ver. 20 and 21, and
Tclah in ver. 25, are the same as the Shuthe-
lah of Num. xxvi. 35, 36. 2. The words " his
son " are improperly added after Bcred and
Tahath in 1 Chr. vii. 20. 3. Tahan is improp-
erly inserted in 1 Chr. vii. 25 as a son of Shu-
thelah, as appears from Num. xxvi. 33, 36.
The result is that Shuthelah 's line may be thur
restored: (1) Joseph. (2) Ephraim. (3) Shu-
thelah. (4) Eran, or Laadan. (5) Ammihud.
(6) Elishama, captain of the host of Ephraim
(Num. i. 10, ii. 18, vii. 48). (7) Nun. (8)
Joshua. As regards the interesting story of
the destruction of Ephraim 's sons by the men
of Gath, which Ewald, Bunsen, Lepsius, and
others have variously explained, it is impossible
in the confused state of the text to speak posi-
tively as to the part borne in it by the house of
Shuthelah. Putting together the insuperable
difficulties in understanding the passage of the
literal Ephraim, and his literal sons and daugh-
ter, with the fact that the settlements of the
Ephraimites in the mountainous district, where
Beth-horon, Gezer, Timnath-Serah, &c., lay,
were exactly suited for a descent npon the plains
of the Philistine country where the men of
Gath fed their cattle, and with the further facts
that the Ephraimites encountered a successful
opposition from the Canaanites in Gezer (Josh,
xvt. 10 ; Judg. i. 29), and that they apparently
called in later the Bcnjamites to help them in
driving away the men of Gath (1 Chr. viii. 13),
it seems best to understand the narrative as of
the times after the entrance into Canaan.
Si'a. " The children of Sis " were a family
of Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel
(Neb. vii. 47). The name is written Si ah a in
Ezr. ii. 44, and Sud in 1 Esd. v. 29.
Si'aha = Si* (Ezr. ii. 44).
Sibbeca'i. Sibbbcbai the Hushathite
(2 Sara. xxi. 18 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 1 1 ).
Sibbeoha'i. One of David's guard, and
eighth captain for the eighth month of 24,000
men of the king's army (1 Chr. xi. 29, xxvii.
Digitized by
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SIDDIM, VALE OF
901
SIDE
11). He belonged to one of the principal fami-
lies of Judah, the Zarhites, or descendants of
Zerah, and is called " the Hushathite," proba-
bly from the place of his birth. Sibbechai's
great exploit, which gave him a place among
the mighty men of David's army, was his sin-
gle combat with Saph, or Sippai, the Philistine
giant, in the battle at Gezer, or Gob (2 Sam.
xxi. 18; 1 Chr. xx. 4).
Siblboleth. The Ephraimite pronuncia-
tion of the word " Shibboleth " (Judg. xii. 6).
Sib'mah. A town on the east of the Jor-
dan, one of those which were taken and occu-
£ied by the tribe of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 19).
like most of the trans-Jordanic places, Sibmah
disappears from view during the main part of
the Jewish history. Wc, however, gain a part-
ing glimpse of it in the lament over Moab pro-
nounced by Isaiah and by Jeremiah (Is. xvi. 8,
9 ; Jer. xlviii. 32). Sibmah seems to have been
known to Eusebius ; and Jerome states that it
was hardly 500 paces distant from Heshbon.
No trace of the name has been discovered more
recently.
Sibra'im. One of the landmarks on the
northern boundary of the Holy Land as stated
by Ezekiel (xlvii. 16). It has not been identi-
fied.
Si'chom. L The same well-known name
— identical in the Hebrew — with that which
in all other places in the O. T. is accurately
rendered by our translators Shecheh (Gen.
xii. 6). — 2. Ecclus. 1. 26. The Greek origi-
nal here is in the form which is occasionally
fonnd in the O. T. as the equivalent of She-
chkm.
8i"cyon. A city mentioned with several
others in I Mace. xv. 23. The oldest name of
the town on the coast (the Sicyon of the times
before Alexander) was said to have been
Aiyiakii, or AiytaXoi. This was perhaps the
common native name, and Sicyon that given
to it by the Phoenician traders. But the Si-
cyon referred to in the Book of Maccabees is a
more recent city, built on the site which served
as an acropolis to the old one, and distant from
the shore from twelve to twenty stades. Deme-
trius Poliorcetes, in the year 303 b.c, surprised
the garrison which Ptofemy had five years be-
fore placed there, and made himself master of
the harbor and the lower town. The acropolis
was surrendered to him, and he then persuaded
the population, whom he restored to independ-
ence, to destroy the whole of the buildings
adjacent to the harbor, and remove thither;
the site being one much more easily defensi-
ble, especially against any enemy who might
attack from the sea. Diodorus describes the
new town as including a largo space, so sur-
rounded on every side by precipices as to be
unapproachable by the machines which at that
time were employed in sieges, and as possessing
the great advantage of a plentiful supply of
water within its circuit. Modern travellers
completely confirm his account. Ap.
Sid'dim, the Vale of. A place named
only in one passage of Genesis (xiv. 3, 8, 10).
The meaning of the name is very doubtful.
Gesenius expresses his conviction that the real
meaning of the words Ernek has-Siddim is " a
plain cat up by stony channels which render it
difficult of transit" Dr. Stanley conjectures
that Siddim is connected with Sadeh (field),
and thus that the signification of the name was
the " valley of the fields." As to the spot it-
self: — 1. It was one of that class of valleys
which the Hebrews designated by the word
Emdc. This term appears to have been as-
signed to a broad flattish tract, sometimes of
considerable width, enclosed on each side by a
definite range of hills. 2. It was so far a suita-
ble spot for the combat between the four and
five kings (ver. 8) ; but, 3. It contained a
multitude of bitumen-pits sufficient materially
to affect the issue of the battle. 4. In this val-
ley the kings of the five allied cities of Sodom,
Gomorrah, Admab, Zeboim, and Beta, seem to
have awaited the approach of the invaders. It
is therefore probable that it was in the neigh-
borhood of the " plain, or circle, of Jordan, in
which those cities stood. 5. So much may be
gathered from the passage as it appears origi-
nally to have stood. But the words which
more especially bear on the subject of this ar-
ticle (ver. 3) do not form part of the original
document. If we could venture, as some lave
done, to interpret the latter clause of verse 3,
"which is near," or " which is at, or by, the
Salt Sea," then we might agree with Dr.* Rob-
inson and others in idemifying the Valley of
Siddim with the enclosed plain which inter-
venes between the south end of the lake and the
range of heights which terminate the Gh6r, and
commence the Wady Arabah. But the original
of the passago will not bear even this slight
accommodation, and it is evident that, in the
mind of the author of the words, the Salt Sea
covers the actual space formerly occupied by the
Vale of Siddim.
Sid'e. A city on the coast of Pampbylia
in lat 36° 46', long. 31° 27', ten or twelve miles
to the east of the River Eurymedon. It i» men-
tioned, in 1 Mace. xv. 23, among the list of
places to which the Roman senate sent letters
in favor of the Jews. It was a colony of Cu-
mieans. Side was closely connected with Ara-
dus in Phoenicia by commerce, even if there was
not a considerable Phoenician clement in the
population. It is possible that the name has
the same root as that of Sidon, and that it was
originally a Phoenician settlement, and that tho
Cumsean colony was something subsequent.
In the times in which Side appears in history, it
had become a place of considerable importance.
It was the station of Antiochus's navy on the
eve of the battle with the Rhodian fleet de-
scribed by Livy (xxxvii. 23, 24). The remains,
too, which still exist, arc an evidence of its
former wealth. They stand on a low peninsula
running from N. E. to S. W., and the maritime
character of the former inhabitants appears from
the circumstance that the walls towards the sea
were but slightly built, while the one which
faces the land is of excellent workmanship, anil
remains, in a considerable portion, perfect even
to this time. A theatre (belonging apparently
to the Roman times) is one of the largest and
best preserved in Asia Minor, and is calculated
to have been capable of containing more than
15,000 spectators. Three gates led into the
town from the sea, and one, on the north-
eastern side, into the country. The two
Digitized by
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SIHOR
902
SILO AM
principal harbors, which at first seem to
have been united in one, were at the extremi-
ty of the peninsula : they were closed, and to-
f ether contained a surface of nearly 500 yards
y 200. The country by which Side is backed
is a broad swampy plain, stretching out for
some miles beyond the belt of sand-hills which
fringe the sea-shore. Low hills succeed, and
behind these, far inland, are the mountains
which, at Mount Climax forty miles to the
west, and again about the same distance to the
east, come down to the coast. Art.
Si'don. The Greek form of tne Phoenician
name Zidon. As such it occurs naturally in
the N. T. and Apocrypha of the Auth. Ver-
sion ; 2 Esd. i. 11 ; Jud. ii. 28 ; 1 Mace. v. 15 ;
Matt. xi. 21, 22, xt. 21 ; Mark iii. 8, &c.
But we also find it in the O. T. (Gen. x. 15,
19.)
Sido'nians. The Greek form of the word
Zioonians, usually so exhibited in the Auth.
Vers, of the O. T. It occurs Dent. iii. 9 ; Josh,
xiii. 4, 6 ; Judg. iii. 3 ; 1 K. v. 6.
Si'hon. King of the Amorites when Is-
rael arrived on the borders of the Promised
Land (Num. xxi. 21 ). He was evidently a man
of great courage and audacity. Shortly before
the time of Israel's arrival, he had dispossessed
the Moabites of a splendid territory, driving
them south of the natural bulwark of the Arnon
(xxi. 26-29). When the Israelite host appears,
be does not hesitate or temporize, like Balak,
but at once gathers his people together, and
attacks them. But the tattle was his last.
He and all his host were destroyed, und their
district from Arnon to Jabbok became at once
the possession of the conqueror.
Sl'hor, accurately Shihor, once the
Shihor or Shihor Of Egypt, when un-
qualified, a name of the Nile. It is held to
signify " the black " or " turbid." There are
but three occurrences of Shihor in the Bible,
and but one of Shihor of Egypt, or Shihor-
Mizraim. It is spoken of as one of the limits
of territory which was still unconqucred when
Joshua was old (Josh. xiii. 2, 3). With this
passage must be compared that in which Sbi-
nor-Mizraim occurs. David is related to have
"gathered all Israel together from Shihor of
Egypt even unto the entering of Hamath "
(1 Chr. xiii. 5). There is no other evidence
that the Israelites ever spread westward beyond
Gaza. The stream may therefore be that of
the Wadi-1'Areesh. That the stream intended
by Shihor unqualified was a navigable river is
evident from a passage in Isaiah, where it is
said of Tyre, "And by great waters, the sowing
of Shihor, the harvest of the river [is] her
revenue " (xxiii. 3). Here Shihor is cither the
same as, or compared with, Yeor, generally
thought to be the Nile, but in this work sug-
gested to lie the extension of the Red Sea.
{Red Sea.] In Jeremiah, the identity of Shi-
hor with the Nile seems distinctly stated (ii. 18).
In articles Nile and River of Egypt, it is
maintained too strongly that Shihor, however
qualified, is always the Nile. The later opin-
ion of the writer is expressed here under Shi-
hor op Egypt. The latter is, he thinks, un-
nnquestionably the Nile, the former two proba-
bly, but not certainly, the same.
Silas. An eminent member of the early
Christian Church, described under that name
in the Acts, but as Silvanus in St. Paul's
Epistles. He first appears as one of the leaders
of the Church at Jerusalem (Acts xr. 22), hold-
ing the office of an inspired teacher (xv. 32).
His name, derived from the Latin st/ca, " wood,"
betokens him a Hellenistic Jew ; and he appears
to have been a Roman citizen (Acts xvi. 3T).
He was appointed as a delegate to accompany
Paul and Barnabas on their return to Antioch
with the decree of the Council of Jerusalem
(Acts xv. 22, 32). Having accomplished this
mission, he returned to Jerusalem (Acts xv. 33).
He must, however, have immediately revisited
Antioch, for we find him selected by St. Paul
as the companion of his second missionary
journey (Acts xv. 40-xvii. 40). At Berora, he
was left behind with Timothy while St. Paul
proceeded to Athens (Acts xvii. 14) ; and we
near nothing more of his movements nntil he
rejoined the apostle at Corinth (Acts xviii. 5).
His presence at Corinth is several times noticed
(2 Cor. i. 19; 1 Thess. i. 1 ; 2 Thess. i. 1).
Whether he was the Silvanus who conveyed St,
Peter's First Epistle to Asia Minor (l'Pet. v.
12) is doubtful : the probabilities are in favor
of the identity. A tradition of very slight
authority represents Silas to have become bishop
of Corinth. We have finally to notice, for the
purpose of rejecting, the theories which identify
Silas with Tertius (Rom. xvi. 22).
Silk. The only undoubted notice of silk in
the Bible occurs in Rev. xviii. 12, where it is
mentioned among the treasures of the tvpical
Babylon. It is, however, in the highest depree
probable that the texture was known to the
Hebrews from the time that their commercial
relations were extended by Solomon. The
well-known classical name of the substance does
not occur in the Hebrew language. The He-
brew terms which have been supposed to refer
to silk are meshi and demeslirk. The former
occurs only in Ez. xvi. 10, 13 (A. V. "silk").
The other term, demeskek, occurs in Am. iii. 12
(A. V. " Damascus "), and has been supposed
to refer to silk from the resemblance of the
word to our '* damask." It appears, however,
that " damask " is a corruption of dimakso, a
term applied by the Arabs to the raw material
alone. We must, therefore, consider the refer-
ence to silk as extremely dubious. The value
set npon silk by the Romans, as implied in
Rev. xviii. 12, is noticed by Josephus, as well
as by classical writers.
Silla. " The house of Millo which goeth
down to Silla " was the scene of the murder of
King Joash (2 K. xii. 20). What or where Silla
was is entirely matter of conjecture. Some
have suggested the Pool of Siloam. Others
refer it to a place on or connected with th*
causeway or flight of steps (mrsUldk) which led
from the central valley of the city up to the
court of the Temple. We have no clew to iu
position.
Silo'ah. the Pool of. Properly " the
Pool of Shclach," or rather " has-Shelach "
(Neh. iii. 15). This was possibly a corrupt
form of the name which is first presented as
Shiloach, then as Siloam, and is now Seluxn.
Silo am (Shiloach, Is. viii. 6 ; SUadt. Neh
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SILO AM
903
SILOAM
iii. 15). Rabbinical writers, and, following
them, Jewish travellers, both ancient ana
modern, retain the earlier Shiloaclt in preference
to the later Shelach. Siloam is one of the few
undisputed localities in the topography of Jeru-
salem, still retaining its old name (with Arabic
modification, Siluxm), while every other pool
has lost its Bible-designation. This is the
more remarkable, as it is a mere suburban tank
of no great size, and for many an age not par-
ticularly good or plentiful in its waters, though
Josephus tells us that, in his day, they were both
" sweet and abundant." Apart from the iden-
tity of name, there is an unbroken chain of
exterior testimony, during eighteen centuries,
connecting the present Birlcet SUwdn with the
S.'tiloah of Isaiah, and the Siloam of St. John.
From Josephus, we learn that it was without
the city ; that it was at this pool that the " old
wall " took a bend, and shot out eastward ; that
there was a valley under it, and one beside it ;
a hill right opposite, apparently on the other
side of the Kedron, hard by a cliff or rock called
Peristercon ; that it was at the termination or
mouth of the Tyroposon ; that close beside it,
apparently eastward, was another pool, called
Solomon's Pool, to which the " old wall " came
after leaving Siloam, and past which it went on
to Ophlas, where, bending northward, it was
united to the eastern arcade of the Temple. In
th8 Antonine Itinerary (a.d. 333) it is set down
in the same locality, but it is said to be " jnxta
murum," as Josephus implies ; whereas now it
is a considerable distance — upwards of 1,200
feet - • from the nearest angle of the present
wall, and nearly 1,900 feet from the southern
wall of the Haram. Jerome speaks of it as
being in the Valley of the Son of Hinnom, as
Josephus does of its being at the month of the
Tyropceon. He speaks of Siloam as dependent
on the rains, and as the only fountain used in
his day. But other authorities, and the modern
water-provision of the city, show us that it
never could have been wholly dependent on its
pools. Its innumerable bottle-necked private
cisterns kept up a supply at all times. In the j
7th cent., Antoninus Martyr mentions Siloam I
as both fountain and pool. Bcrnhard the monk '
speaks of it in the 9th cent., and the annalists .
of the Crusades mention its site, in the fork of
two valleys, as we find it. Benjamin of Tudela .
(a.d. 1173) speaks of "the great spring of
Shiloach which runs into the Brook Kedron."
Felix Fabri (a.d. 1484) describes Siloam at
some length. Arnold von Harff (a.d. 1496)
also identities the spot. After this, the refer-
ences to Siloam are innumerable ; nor do they,
with one or two exceptions, vary in their loca-
tion of it. A little way below the Jewish bury-
inz-ground, but on the opposite side of the
valley, where the Kedron turns slightly west-
ward, and widens itself considerably," is the
fountain of the Virgin or Um ed-Deraj, near
the beginning of that saddle-shaped projection
of the Temple-hill supposed to be the Ophel
of the Bible, and the Ophlas of Josephus. At
the back part of this fountain, n subterraneous >
passage begins, through which the water flows, '
and through which a man may make his way,
as did Robinson and Barclay, sometimes walk-
ing erect, sometimes stooping, sometimes kneel-
ing, and sometimes crawling, to Siloam. This
rocky conduit, which twists considerably, but
keeps, in general, a south-westerly direction, is,
according to Robinson, 1,750 feet long, while
the direct distance between Silicon and Um ed-
JJeraj is only a little abovo 1,200 feet. In
former days, this passage was evidently deeper,
as its bed is sand of some depth, which has
been accumulating for ages. This conduit has
had tributaries which have formerly sent their
waters down from the city pools or Temple-
wells to swell Siloam. It enters Siloam at the
north-west angle ; or rather enters a small ruck-
cut chamber which forms the vestibule of Siloam,
about five or six feet broad. To this you de-
scend by a few rude steps, under which the
water pours itself into the main pool. This
pool is oblong ; eighteen pacer, in length accord-
ing to Laffi; fifty feet according to Barclay;
and fifty-three according to Robinson. It is
eighteen feet broad, and nineteen feet deep, ac-
cording to Robinson; but Barclay gives a
more minute measurement, — "fourteen and
a half at the lower (eastern) end, and seven-
teen at the upper ; its western end side being
somewhat bent: it is eighteen and a half in
depth, but never filled ; the water either passing
directly through, or being maintained at a depth
of three or four feet." The present pool is a
ruin, with no moss or ivy to make it romantic;
its sides falling in ; its pillars broken ; its stair
a fragment ; its walls giving way ; the edge of
every stone worn round or sharp by time ; in
some parts mere detris ; once Siloam, now,
like the city which overhung it, a heap ; though
around its edges, wild flowers, and, among
other plants, the caper-tree, grow luxuriantly.
The gray crumbling limestone of the stone (as
well as of the surrounding rocks, which are
almost verdurelcss) gives a poor and worn-out
aspect to this venerable relic. The present
pool is not the original building ; the work of
Crusaders it may be ; perhaps even improved
by Saladin, whose affection for wells and pools
led him to care for all these things ; perhaps
the work of later days. Yet the spot is the
same. This pool, which we may call the second,
seems anciently to have poured its waters into
a third before it proceeded to water the royal
gardens. This third is perhaps that which
Josephus calls " Solomon s Pool," and which
Nehemiah calls "the King's Pool" (ii. 14).
Siloam is in Scripture always called berecah, a
regularly-built pool or tank (2 K. xx. 20;
Nch. iii. 15 ; Eccl. ii. 6). It is the least of all
the Jerusalem pools ; hardly the sixth part of
the Birlcet el-Manilla : hardly the tenth of the
Birlcet es-Sultan, or of the lowest of the three
pools of Solomon at El-Buralc. Yet it is a
sacred spot, even to the Moslem ; much more
to the Jew ; for not only from it was the water
taken at the Feast of Tabernacles, but the
water for the ashes of the red heifer. Jewish
tradition makes Gihon and Siloam one. The
expression in Isaiah, " waters of Shiloah that
go softly," seems to point to the slender rivulet,
flowing gently, though once very profusely, ont
of Siloam into the lower breadth of level, where
the king's gardens, or royal paradise, stood,
and which is still the greenest spot about the
Holy City.
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SIMEON
904
SIMEOS
Silo'am, Tower in (Lake xiii. 4). Of
this we know nothing definitely beyond these
words of the Lord. In connection with Ophel,
there is mention made of " a tower that lieth
out " (Neh. iii. 26) ; and there is no unlikeli-
hood in connecting this projecting tower with
the Tower in Siloam, while one may be almost
excused for the conjecture that its projection
was the cause of its ultimate fall.
Silva'nus. [Silas.]
Silver (Heb. ccseph). In very early times,
according to the Bible, silver was used for
ornaments (Gen. xxiv. 53) and for vessels of
various kinds. Images for idolatrous worship
were made of silver, or overlaid with it (Ex.
xx. 23 ; Hos. xiii. 2 ; Hab. ii. 19 ; Bar. vi. 39) ;
and the manufacture of silver shrines for Diana
was a trado in Ephesus (Acts xix. 24). But
its chief use was as a medium of exchange, and
throughout the O. T. we find ceeeph, " silver,"
nsed for money, like the Fr. argent. Vessels
and ornaments of gold and silver were common
in Egypt in the times of Osirtasen I. and
Thothraes III., the contemporaries of Joseph
and Moses. In the Homeric poems, we find
indications of the constant application of silver
to purposes of ornament and luxury. The
practice of overlaying silver with gold, referred
to in Homer (Oil. vi. 232, xxiii. 159), is no-
where mentioned in the Bible, though inferior
materials were covorcd with silver (Pro v. xxvi.
23). Silver was brought to Solomon from
Arabia (2 Chr. ix. 14) and from Tarshish (2
Chr. ix. 21 ), which supplied the markets of
Tyre (El. xxvii. 12). From Tarshish it came
in the form of plates (Jer. x. 9), like those on
which the sacred books ot the Singhalese are
written to this day. In Homer {It. ii. 857),
Alybe is called the birthplace of silver, and was
probably celebrated for its mines. But Spain
appears to have been the chief source whence
silver was obtained by the ancients. Possibly
the hills of Palestine may have afforded some
supply of this metal. For an account of the
knowledge of obtaining and refining silver pos-
sessed by the ancient Hebrews, see the articles
Lead and Mines. Silver mixed with alloy is
referred to in Jer. vi. 30; and a finer kind,
either purer in itself, or more thoroughly puri-
fied, is mentioned in Prov. viii. 19.
Silver/lings, a word used once only in the
A. V. (Is. vii. 23), as a translation of the He-
brew word ceaeph, elsewhere rendered " silver "
or " money."
Simalcu'e, an Arabian chief who had
charge of Antiochus, the young son of Alex-
ander Balas, before he was put forward by
Tryphon as a claimant to the Syrian throne
(1 Mace. xi. 39). Ap.
Sim'eon. The second of Jacob's sons by
Leah. His birth is recorded in Gen. xxix. 33.
The first group of Jacob's children consists,
besides Simeon, of the three other sons of
Leah, — Reuben, Levi, Judah. With each of
these, Simeon is mentioned in some connection.
" As Reuben and Simeon are mine," says Jacob,
" so shall Joseph's sons Ephraim and Manas-
seh be mine (Gen. xlviii. 5). With Levi,
Simeon was associated in the massacre of the
Shechemites (xxxiv. 25). With Jodah, the
connection was drawn still closer. He and
Simeon not only " went up " together, side by
side, in the forefront of the nation, to the con-
quest of the south of the Holy Land ( Judg. i.
3, 17), but their allotments lay together in a
more special manner than those of the other
tribes. Besides the massacre of Shechem, the
only personal incident related of Simeon is the
fact of his being selected by Joseph as the hos-
tage for the appearance of Benjamin (Gen.
xiii. 19, 24, 36 ; xliii. 23). The chief families
of the tribe are mentioned in the lists of Gen.
xlvi. 10, in which one of them, bearing the
name of Shaul (Saul), is specified as " the ton
of the Canaanitess " (Num. xxvi. 12-14 and
1 Chr. iv. 14-43). At the census at Sinai,
Simeon numbered 59,300 fighting men (Num.
i. 23). When the second census was taken, at
Shittim, the numbers had fallen to 22,200, and
it was the weakest of all the tribes. This was
no doubt partlv dne to the recent mortality
following the idolatry of Peor ; but there must
have been other causes which have escaped
mention. The connection between Simeon and
Levi implied in the blessing of Jacob (Gen.
xlix. 5-7) has been already adverted to. The
non-appearance of Simeon s name in the bless-
ing of Moses (Deut. xxxiii. 6) may be ex-
Slained in two ways. The connection between
udah and Simeon already mentioned seems to
have begun with the Conquest. Judah and the
two Joseph-brethren were first served with the
lion's share of the land ; and then, the Canaan,
ites having been sufficiently subdued to allow
the Sacred Tent to be established without risk
in the heart of the country, the work of divid-
ing the remainder amongst the seven inferior
tribes was proceeded with (Josh. viii. 1-6).
Benjamin had the first turn, then Simeon (xix.
1). By this time, Judah had discovered that
the tract allotted to him was too large (xix. 9),
and also too much exposed on the west and
south for even his great powers. To Simeon
accordingly was allotted a district out of the
territory of his kinsman, on its southern fron-
tier, which contained eighteen or nineteen cities,
with their villages, spread round the venerable
well of Becrsbeba (Josh. xix. 1-8 ; 1 Chr. iv.
28-33). Of these places, with the help of Jo-
dah, the Simeomtes possessed themselves
(Judg. i. 3, 17); and here they were found,
doubtless by Joab, residing in the reign of Da-
vid (1 Chr. iv. 31). What part Simeon took
at the time of the division of the kingdom, we
are not told. The only thing which can be in-
terpreted into a trace of its having taken any
part with the northern kingdom are the two
casual notices of 2 Chr. xv. 9 and xxxiv < 6,
which appear to implv the presence of Simeon-
ites there in the reigns of Asa and Josiah.
On the other hand, the definite statement of
1 Chr. iv. 41-43 proves that at that time there
were still some of them remaining in the origi-
nal seat of the tribe, and actuated by all the
warlike lawless spirit of their progenitor.
Simeon is named by Exekiel (xlvin. 25) and
the author of the Book of the Revelation (vii.
7) in their catalogues of the restoration of Is-
rael. — 2. A priest of the family of Joarib —
or Jbhoiarib — one of the ancestors of the
Maccabees (1 Mace. ii. 1). — 3. Son of Judaand
father of Levi in the genealogy of our Lord
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SIMON
905
SIN
(Lake iii. 30). — 4. That is, Simon Peter
(Actf xv. 14). — 5. A devout Jew, inspired by
the Holy Ghost, who met the parents of our
Lord in the Temple, took Him in his arms,
and gave thanks for what he saw, and knew of
Jesus (Lake ii. 25-35). In the apocryphal
Gospel of Nicodemus, Simeon is called a high-
priest. Rabban Simeon, whose grandmother
was of the family of David, succeeded his
father Hillel as president of the Sanhedrim
about a.d. 13, and his son Gamaliel was the
Pharisee at whose feet St. Paul was brought
up (Acts xxii. 3). A Jewish writer specially
notes that no record of this Simeon is preserved
in the Mishna. It has been conjectured that
he, or his grandson of the same name, may be
the Simeon of St. Luke.
Simeon Niger (Acts xiii. 1). [Niger.]
Simon. 1. Son of Mattathias. [Macca-
bees.) — 2. Son of Onias the high-priest,
whose eulogy closes the "praise of famous
men " in the Book of Ecclesiasticus (ch. iv.).
IEcclbsi asticos.J — 3. "A governor of the
Temple " in the time of Seleucus Philopator,
whose information as to the treasures of the
Temple led to the sacrilegious attack of Helio-
dorus (2 Mace. iii. 4, &cj. — 4. Simon the
Brother or Jesus. — The only undoubted
notice of this Simon occurs in Matt. xiii. 55,
Mark vi. 3. He has been identified by some
writers with Simon the Canaanite, and still
more generally with Symcon, who became
bishop of Jerusalem after the death of James,
a.d. 62. The former of these opinions rests
on no evidence whatever, nor is the latter with-
out its difficulties. —6. Simon the Canaan-
itk, one of the twelve apostles (Matt. x. 4;
Mark iii. 18), otherwise described as Simon
Zelotes (Luke vi. 15; Acts i. 13). The latter
term, which is peculiar to Luke, is the Greek
Suivalent for the Chaldee term preserved by
atthew and Mark. [Canaanite.] Each of
these equally points out Simon as belonging
to the faction of the Zealots, who were con-
spicuous for their fierce advocacy of the Mosaic
ntual. — 6. Simon of Ctrene. — A Helle-
nistic Jew, born at Gyrene on the north coast of
Africa, who was present at Jerusalem at the
time of the crucifixion of Jesus, either as an
attendant at the feast (Acts ii. 10), or as one
of the numerous settlers at Jerusalem from
■hat place (Acts vi. 9). Meeting the proces-
sion that conducted Jesus to Golgotha, as he
was returning from the country, he was pressed
into the service to bear the cross (Matt, xxvii.
32 ; Mark xv. 21 ; Luke xxiii. 26) when Jesus
himself was unable to bear it any longer (comp.
John xix. 17). Mark describes him as the
father of Alexander and Rufus, perhaps be-
cause this was the Rufus known to the Roman
Christians (Rom. xvi. 13), for whom he more
especially wrote. — 7. Simon the Leper. —
A resident at Bethany, distinguished as " the
leper." It is not improbable that he had been
miraculously cured by Jesus. In his honse,
Mary anointed Jesus preparatory to His death
and burial (Matt. xxvi. 6, &c. ; Mark xiv.
3, Ac. ; John xii. 1, 4c.). — 8. Simon Maous.
— A Samaritan living in the apostolic age,
distinguished as a sorcerer or "magician,"
-from nis practice of magical arts (Acts viii. 9).
114
His history is a remarkable one : he was born
at Gitton, a village of Samaria, identified with
the modern Kuryet Jit, near Nabultu. He was
probably educated at Alexandria, and there be-
came acquainted with the eclectic tenets of the
Gnostic school. Either then, or subsequently,
he was a pupil of Dositheus, who preceded him
as a teacher of Gnosticism in Samaria, and
whom he supplanted with the aid of Cleobius.
He is first introduced to us in the Bible as
practising magical arts in a city of Samaria,
perhaps Sychar (Acts viii. 5, comp. John iv.
5), and with such success, that he was pro-
nounced to be " the power of God which is
called great" (Acts viii. 10). The preaching
and miracles of Philip having excited his ob-
servation, he became one of his disciples, and
received baptism at his hands. Subsequently,
he witnessed the effect produced by the impo
sition of hands, as practised by the apostles
Peter and John ; and, being desirous of acquir-
ing a similar power for himself, he offered a
sum of money for it. His object evidently was
to apply the power to the prosecution of magi-
cal arts. The motive and the means were
equally to be reprobated ; and his proposition
met with a severe denunciation from Peter,
followed by a petition on the part of Simon,
the tenor of which bespeaks terror, but not
penitence (Acts viii. 9-24). Simon's history,
subsequently to his meeting with Peter, is in-
volved in difficulties. Early Church historians
depict him as the pertinacious foe of the apos-
tle Peter, whose movements he followed for
the purpose of seeking encounters, in which ho
was signally defeated. His first encounter with
Peter took place at Ceesarea Stratonis, whence
he followed the apostle to Rome. His death is
associated with the meeting in question. Ac-
cording to Hippolytns, the earliest authority
on the subject, Simon was buried alive, at his
own request, in the confident assurance (hat he
wonld rise again on the third day. According
to another account, he attempted to fly, in
proof of his supernatural power : in amiwer to
the prayers of Peter, he fell, and sustained a
fracture of his thigh and ankle bones ; over-
come with vexation, he committed suicide. —
8. Simon Peter. IPeteb.] — 10. Simon,
a Pharisee, in whose house a penitent woman
anointed the head and feet of Jesus (Luke vii.
40). — 11. Simon the Tanner. — A Christian
convert living at Joppa, at whose house Peter
lodged (Acts ix. 43). The house was near the
seaside (Acts x. 6, 32), for the convenience of
the water. — 12. Simon, the father of Judas
Iscariot (John vi. 71, xiii. 2, 26).
Si'mon Chosamse'us. Shimeon, and
the three following names in Ezr. x. 31 , 32, are
thus written in the LXX. (1 Esd. ix. 32.) Ap.
Sim'ri. Properly " Shimri," son of Hosah,
a Merarite Levite in the reign of David ( 1 Chr.
xxvi. 10).
Sin. a city of Egypt, mentioned only by
Ezckiel (xxx. 15, 16)' The name is Hebrew,
or at least Shemitic : Gesenius supposes it to
signify "clay." It is identified in the Vulg.
with Pclusium, TlijXobmov, " the clayey or
muddy " town. The antiquity of the town of
Sin may perhaps be inferred from the mention
of " the Wilderness of Sin " in the journeys of
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8IN-0FFERING
906
SINAI
the Israelites (Ex. xvi. 1; Num. xxxiii. 11).
Pelusium is mentioned by Ezekiel, in one of
the prophecies relating to the invasion of Egypt
by Nebuchadnezzar, as one of the cities which
should then suffer calamities, with, probably,
reference to their later history. The prophet
speaks of Sin as " Sin the stronghold of
Egypt" (ver. 15). This place it held from
that time until the period of the Romans.
Herodotus relates that Sennacherib advanced
against Felusium, and that near Pclusium
Cambyses defeated Psammenitus. In like man-
ner, the decisive battle in which Ochus defeated
the last native king, Nectanebos, NEKHT-
NKBF, was fought near this city.
Sin, Wilderness of. T'he name of a
tract of the wilderness which the Israelites
reached after leaving the encampment by the
Red Sea (Num. xxxiii. 11, 12). Their next
halting-place (Ex. xvi. 1, xvii. 1) was Rephi-
dim, probably the Wady Faran [Rephidim] ;
on which supposition it would follow that Sin
must lie between that wady and the coast of
the Gulf of Suez, and of course west of Sinai.
In the Wilderness of Sin, the manna was first
gathered ; and those who adopt the supposition
that this was merely the natural product of
the far/a-bush find from the abundance of that
shrub in Wady es-Shcilch, S. E. of W. GhOrun-
dd, a proof of local identity. At all events,
that wady is as probable as any other.
Sin-offering (Heb.cAaffaM). The sin-of-
fering among the Jews was the sacrifice, in which
the ideas of propitiation and of atonement for
sin were most distinctly marked. The ceremo-
nial of the sin-offering is described in Lev. iv. and
vi. The Trespass-offering (Heb. asham) is
closely connected with the sin-offering in Leviti-
cus, but at the same time clearly distinguished
from it, being in some cases offered with it as a
distinct part of the same sacrifice ; as. for exam-
ple, in the cleansing of the leper (Lev. xiv.).
The distinction of ceremonial clearly indicates a
difference in the idea of the two sacrifices. The
nature of that difference is still a subject of
great controversy. We find that the sin-offer-
ings were — (A.) Regular. (1.) For the whole
people, at the New Moon, Passover, Pentecost,
Feast of Trumpets, and Feast of Tabernacles
(Num. xxviii. 15-xxix. 38) ; besides the sol-
emn offering of the two goats on the Great Day
of Atonement (Lev. xvi.). (2.) For the Priests
and Levites at their consecration (Ex. xxix.
10-14, 36); besides the yearly sin-offering (a
bullock) for the high-priest on" the Great Day
of Atonement (Lev. xvi.). (B.) Special. (1.)
For any sin of "ignorance" (Lev. iv.). (2.)
For refusal to bear witness (Lev. v. 1). (3.) For
ceremonial defilement not wilfully contracted
(Lev. v. 2, 3, xii. 6-8, xiv. 19, 31, xv. 15, 30;
Num. vi. 6-11, 16). (4.) For the breach of a
rath oath (Lev. v. 4). The trespass-offerings,
on the other hand, were always special, as —
(1.) For sacrilege "in ignorance" (Lev. v. 15, 16).
(2.) For ignorant transgression (v. 17-19). (3.)
For fraud, suppression of the tram, or perjury (vi.
1-6). (4.) For rape of a betrothed dave (Lev.
xix. 20, 21). (5.) At the purification of the leper
(Lev. xiv. 12), and the polluted Nazarite (Num.
vi. 12), offered with the sin-offering. From this
(numeration, it will be clear that the two classes
of sacrifices, although distinct, touch closely
upon each other, as especially in B. ( I ) of the
sin-offering, and (2) of the trespass-offering.
It is also evident that the sin-offering was the
only regular and general recognition of sin in
the abstract, and accordingly was far more sol-
emn and symbolical in its ceremonial ; the tres-
pass-offering was confined to special cases, most
of which related to the doing of some material
damage, cither to the holy things or to man,
except in (5), where the trespass-offering is
united with the sin-offering. Joscphus declares
that the sin-offering is presented by those " who
fall into sin in ignorance," and the trespass-of-
fering by " one who has sinned, and is conscious
of his sin, but has no one to convict him there-
of." Without attempting to decide so difficult
and so controverted a question, we mav draw
the following conclusions : — First, that the sin-
offering was far the more solemn and compre-
hensive of the two sacrifices. Secondly, that
the sin-offering looked more to the guilt "of the
sin done, irrespective of its consequences, while
the trespass-offering looked to the evil conse-
quences of sin, either against the service of
God or against man, and to the duty of atone-
ment, as far as atonement was possible. Third-
ly, that in the sin-offering especially we find
symbolized the acknowledgment of sinfulness
as inherent in man, and of the need of expia-
tion by sacrifice to renew the broken covenant
between man and God.
Si'na, Mount. The Greek form of the
well-known name Sinai (Jud. v. 14 ; Acta vii.
30, 38).
Si'nai. Nearly in the centre of the penin-
sula which stretches between the horns of the
Red Sea lies a wedge of granite, griinstein, and
porphyry rocks rising to between 8,000 and
9,000 feet above the sea. It has been arranged in
three chief masses as follows : — V. The N. W.
cluster above Wady Feiran : its greatest relief
found in the five-peaked ridge of Serbol, at *
height of 6,342 feet above the sea. 2. The
eastern and central one ; its highest point the
Jdtd Katherin, at a height of 8,063 (Riippell)
to 8,168 (Russegger) feet 3. The S. E. one
closely connected, however, with 2 ; its highest
point, Um Shaumer, being that also of the
whole. Before considering the claims of the
individual mountains to scriptural notice, there
occurs a question regarding the relation of the
names Horeb and Sinai. The latter name first
occurs as that of the limit on the farther side
from Egypt of the Wilderness of Sin (Ex. xvi.
1), and again (xix. 1,2) as the "Wilderness "or
" Desert of Sinai," before Mount Sinai is actual-
ly spoken of, as in ver. 1 1 soon after we find it.
But the name " Horeb" is, in the case of the
rebuke of the people by God for their sin in
making the golden calf, re-introduced into the
Sinaitic narrative (xxxiii. 6), having been pre-
viously most recently used in the story of the
murmuring at Reptiidim (xvii. 6), and earlier
as the name of the scene of the appearance of
God in the " burning bush " (iii. 1 ). Horeb,
strictly taken, may probably be a dry plain,
valley, or bed of a wady near the mountain ;
and yet Mount Horeb, on the " vast green plain "
of which was doubtless excellent pasture, may
mean the mountain viewed in reference thereto.
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SINIM
907
SISERA
or its side abutting thereon. Bat beyond the
question of the relation which these names nat-
arally bear, there remains that of site. Sinai
is clearly a summit distinctly marked. Where
are we to look for it ? There are three princi-
pal views in answer to this question : — I. That
of Lepsius, favored also by Burckhardt ( Trav.
p. 609), that Serbal is Sinai, some thirty miles
distant westward from the Jebel Alum, but
close to the Wady Feirdn and El-Hessue, which
he identifies, ns do most authorities, with Rcphi-
dim, just a mile from the old convent of Fardn.
The earliest traditions are in its favor. But
there are two main objections to this: — (1.)
It is clear, from Ex. xix. 2 (comp. xvii. 1),
that the interval between Rephidim and Sinai
was that of a regular stage of the march. (2.)
There is no plain or wady of any sufficient
size near Serbal to offer camping-ground to so
large a host, or perhaps the tenth part of them.
— II. The second is that of Ritter, that, allow-
ing Serbal the reverence of an early sanctuary,
the Jebel Mum is Sinai, and that the Wady a-
Sebaaeh, which its S. E. or highest summit
overhangs, is the spot where the people camped
before the mount ; but the second objection to
Serbal applies almost in equal force to this, —
the want of space below. — III. The third is
that of Robinson, that the modern Horeb of the
monks, — viz. the N. W. and lower face of the
Jeliel .Visa, crowned with a range of- magnifi-
cent cliffs, the highest point called Rat Sasdfeh,
or Stftffeh, as spelt by Robinson, — overlook-
ing the pi.iin er-Rahah, is the scene of the giving
of the Law, and that peak the mountain into
which Moses ascended. Lepsius objects, but
without much force (since he himself climbed
it), that thfi peak Sasdfeh is nearly inaccessible.
It is more to the purpose to observe that the
whole Jebel Musa is comparatively, with adja-
cent mountains, insignificant. The conjunction
of mountain with plain is the greatest feature
of this site : in choosing it, we lose in the
mountain, as compared with Serbal; but wo
fain in the plain, of which Serbal has nothing,
t may be added that, supposing Wady Tayilxk
to have been the encampment " by the sea," as
stated in Num. xxxiii. 10, three routes opened
there before the Israelites : the most southerly
one down the plain el-Kda to Tur: the most
northerly by the Sarbit d-Khadem ; and the
middle one by Wady Feirdn, by which they
would pass the foot of Serbal, which therefore
in this case alone could possibly be Sinai. The
middle route aforesaid from W. Tayibeh reaches
the W. Feirdn through what is called the W.
Molcatteb, or " written valley," from the inscrip-
tions on the rocks which line it, generally con-
sidered to have been the work of Christian
hands ; but whether those of a Christian people
localized there at an unknown period, as Lep-
sius thinks, or of passing pilgrims, as is the
more general opinion, is likely to continue
doubtful.
Sin'im. A people noticed in Is. xlix. 12
as living at the extremity of the known world,
either in the south or east. The majority of
the earlv interpreters adopted the former view ;
bat the LXX. in giving Xlepoat favors the latter,
and the weight of modern authority is thrown
into die same scale, the name being identified
bv Gesenius, Hitzig, Knobel, and others, with
tfne classical Since, the inhabitants of the south-
ern part of China. No locality in the south
equally commends itself to the judgment.
There is no a priori improbability in the name
of the Sinse being known to the inhabitants of
Western Asia in the age of Isaiah ; for though
it is not mentioned by the Greek geographer
until the age of Ptolemy, it is certain that an
inland commercial route connected the extreme
east with the west at a very early period. The
Sinse attained an independent positiou in West-
ern China as early as the 8th century B.C., and
in the 3d century B.C. established their sway
under the dynasty of Tsin over the whole of
the empire.
Si'nite. A tribe of Canaanites (Gen. x.
17 ; I Chr. i. 15), whose position is to be sought
for in the northern part of the Lebanon district.
Various localities in that district bear a certain
amount of resemblance to the name, particu-
larly Sinna, a mountain fortress mentioned bv
Strabo ; Sinom or Sini, the ruins of whicii
existed in the time of Jerome ; Syn, a village
mentioned in the 1 5th century as near the River
Area; and Dunniyeh, a district near Tripoli.
The Targams of Onkelos and Jonathan give
Orthosia, a town on the coast to the north-cast
of Tripolis.
Sion, Mount. 1. One of the various
names of Mount Hermon which are fortunately
preserved, all not improbably more ancient
than " Hermon " itself (Deut. iv. 48 only). —
2. The Greek form of the Hebrew name Zion
(Tsion), the famous Mount of the Temple
(1 Mace. iv. 37, 60, v. 54, vi. 48, 62, vii. 33,
x. 11, xiv. 27 ; Heb. xii. 22; Rev. xiv. 1).
Siph'moth. One of the places in the
south of Judah which David frequented daring
his freebooting life (1 Sam. xxx. 28). No one
appears yet to have even suggested an identifi-
cation of it.
Sippa'i. Saph, one of the sons of Repha
or " the giants,' slain bv Sibbechai at Gc
(1 Chr. xx. 4).
Si'rach, the father of Jesus (Joshua), the
writer of the Hebrew original of the Book of
Ecclesiasticus. An.
Si'rah, the well of. The spot from
which Abner was recalled by Joab to his death
at Hebron (2 Sam. iii. 26 only). It was appar-
ently on the northern road from Hebron.
There is a spring and reservoir on the western
side of the ancient northern road, about one
mile out of Hebron, which is called Ain Sara.
This may be a relic of the Well of Sirah.
Sir'iori. One of the various names of
Mount Hermon, that by which it was known
to the Zidonians (Deut. iii. 9). The use of
the name in Ps. xxix. 6 (slightly altered in the
original, — Shirion instead of Sirion) is re-
markable.
Sisama'i. A descendant of Sheshon in
the line of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 40).
Sis'era. Captain of the army of Jabin
King of Canaan who reigned in Hazor. He
himself resided in Harosheth of the Gentiles.
The particulars of the route of Megiddo and
of Sisera's flight and death are drawn oat under
the heads of Barak, Deborah, Jael, Ken-
ites, Kishojj, Mantle, Tent. — 2. After a
haim,
Gczer
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SLAVE
908
SLAVE
long interval, the name re-appeara in the lists
of the Nethinim who returned from the Cap-
tivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 53 ; Neh. Tii.
55). It doubtless tells of Canaanite captives
devoted to the lowest offices of the Temple.
Sisin'nes. Tatnai, the governor of Syria
and Phoenicia under Darius, and a contempo-
rary of Zerubbabel (1 Esd. vi. 3). Ap.
Sit'nsh. The second of the two wells dug
by Isaac in the Valley of Oerar, the possession
of which the herdmen of the valley disputed
with him (Gen. xxvi. 21 ). Of the situation of
Sitnah, nothing whatever is known.
Si'van. [Month.]
Slave. The institution of slavery was rec-
ognized, though not established, by the Mo-
saic Law, with a view to mitigate its hardship,
and to secure to every man his ordinary rights.
— Hebrew Slaves. 1. The circumstances under
which a Hebrew might be reduced to servitude
were — (1) poverty; (2) the commission of
theft ; and (3) the exercise of paternal authori-
ty. In the first case, a man who had mort-
gaged his property, and was unable to support
his family, might sell himself to another He-
brew, with a view both to obtain maintenance,
and perchance a surplus sufficient to redeem his
property (Lev. xxv. 25, 39). It has been de-
bated whether under this law a creditor could
seize his debtor and sell him as a slave: the
words do not warrant such an inference. (2)
The commission of theft rendered a person
liable to servitude, whenever restitution could
not be made on the scale prescribed by the Law
( Ex. xxii. 1,3). The thief was bound to work
out the value of his restitution-money in the
service of him on whom the theft had been com-
mitted. (3) The exercise of paternal authority
was limited to the sale of a daughter of tender
age to be a maid-servant, with the ulterior view
of her becoming the concubine of the purchaser
(Ex. xxi. 7). 2. The servitude of a Hebrew
might be terminated in three ways: — (1) by
the satisfaction or the remission of all claims
against him ; (2) by the recurrence of the Tear
of Jubilee (Lev. xxv. 40) ; and (3) the expira-
tion of six years from the time that his servi-
tude commenced (Ex. xxi. 2; Deut. xv. 12).
(4) To the above modes of obtaining liberty the
rabbinists added, as a fourth, the death of the
master without leaving a son, there being no
power of claiming the slave on the part of
any heir except a son. If a servant did not
desire to avail himself of the opportunity of
leaving his service, he was to signify his inten-
tion in a formal manner before the judges (or,
more exactly, at the place of judgment), and then
the master was to take him to the door-post,
and to bore his ear through with an awl (Ex.
xxi. 6), driving the awl into or "unto the
door," as stated in Deut. xv. 17, and thus fix-
ing the servant to it. A servant who had sub-
mitted to this operation remained, according to
the words of the Law, a servant " forever " ( Ex.
xxi. 6). These words are, however, interpreted
by Joscphus and by the rabbinists as meaning
until the Year of Jubilee. 3. The condition
of n Hebrew servant was by no means intolera-
ble. His master was admonished to treat him,
not " as a bond-servant, but as a hired servant
and as a sojourner," and, again, " not to rule over
him with rigor" (Lev. xxv. 39, 40, 43). At
the termination of his servitude, the master ws*
enjoined not to " let him go away empty," but
to remunerate him liberally ont of bis flock,
his floor, and his winepress (Deut. xv. IS, 14).
In the event of a Hebrew becomingthe servant
of a " stranger," meaning a non-Hebrew, the
servitude could be terminated only in two wars,
viz. by the arrival of the Tear of Jubilee, or or
the repayment to the master of the purchase-
money paid for the servant, after deducting a
sum for the value of his services proportioned
to the length of his servitude ( Lev. xxv. 47-55).
A Hebrew woman might enter into voluntary
servitude on the score of poverty, and in this
case she was entitled to her freedom after six
years' service, together with her usual gratuity
at leaving, just as in the case of a man (Deut
xv. 12, 13). Thus far we hare seen little that
is objectionable in the condition of Hebrew ser-
vants. In respect to marriage, there were some
peculiarities which, to our ideas, would be re-
garded as hardships. A master might, for in-
stance, give a wife to a Hebrew servant for the
time of his servitude, the wife being in this case,
it must be remarked, not only a slave, but a
non-Hebrew. Should he leave when his term
had expired, his wife and children would re-
main (Ex. xxi. 4, 5). Again : a father might
sell his young daughter to a Hebrew, with a
view ei ther of his marrying her himself, or giving
her to his son (Ex. xxi. 7-9). It diminishes
the apparent harshness of this proceeding if we
look on the purchase-money as in the light of a
dowry given, as was not unusual, to the parents
of the bride ; still more if we accept the rahbin-
nical view, that the consent of the maid was re-
quired before the marriage could take place.
The position of a maiden thus sold by her fa-
ther was subject to the following regulations : —
( 1 ) She could not " go out as the men-servants
do," i.e. she could not leave at the termination
of six years, or in the Year of Jubilee, if her
master was willing to fulfil the object for which
he had purchased her. (2) Should he not wish
to marry her, he should call upon her friends to
procure her release by the repayment of the
I pnrchasc-moncy. (3) If he betrothed her to his
son, he was bound to make such provision for
her as he would for one of his own daughters.
(4) If either he or his son, having married her,
took a second wife, it should not be to the preju-
dice of the first. (5) If neitherof the three first
specified alternatives took place, too maid was
entitled to immediate and gratuitous liberty
(Ex. xxi. 7-11). The custom of reducing He-
brews to servitude appears to have fallen into
disuse subsequently to the Babylonish captivity.
Vast numbers of Hebrews were reduced to sla-
very as war-captives at different periods by the
Phoenicians (Joel iii. 6), the Philistines {Joel
iii. 6 ; Am. i. 6), the Syrians (1 Marc. iii. 41 ;
2 Mace. viii. 11), the Egyptians (Joseph. Ant.
xii. 2, § 3), and, above all, bv the Romans (Jo-
seph. B. ./. vi. 9, §3). —II. tfon-Hebrew Slaves.
1. The majority of non-Hebrew slaves were
war-captives, either of the Canaanites who had
snrvived the general extermination of their rare
under Joshua, or snch as were conquered from
the other surrounding nations (Num. xxxi. 2$
ff.). Besides these, many were obtained by
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SLIME
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purchase from foreign slave-dealers (Ler. xxv.
44, 45); and others may have been resident
foreigners who were reduced to this state either
by poverty or crime. The children of slaves
remained slaves, being the class described as
"born in the house" (Gen. xiv. 14, xvii. 12;
Eccl. ii. 7), and hence the number was likely to
increase as time went on. The average value
of a slave appears to have been thirty shekels
(Ex. xxi. 32). 2. That the slave might be
manumitted appears from Ex. xxi. 26, 27 ;
Lev. xix. 20. As to the methods by which this
might be effected, we are told nothing in the
Bible ; but the rabbinists specify the following
four methods: — (1) redemption by a money
payment, (2) a bill or ticket of freedom, (3) tes-
tamentary disposition, or (4) any act that im-
plied manumission, such as making a slave
one's heir. 3. The slave is described as the
" possession " of his master, apparently with a
special reference to the power which the latter
had of disposing of him to his heirs as he would
any other article of personal property ( Lev. xx v.
45, 46) : the slave is also described as his mas-
ter's " money" (Ex. xxi. 21), i\«. as represent-
ing a certain money value. 1 Such expressions
show ihat he was regarded very much in the
light of a mancipium or chattel. But on the
other hand, provision was made for the protec-
tion of his person (Lev. xxiv. 17, 22 ; Ex. xxi.
20). A minor personal injury, such as the loss
of an eye or a tooth, was to be recompensed by
giving the servant his liberty (Ex. xxi. 26, 27).
The position of the slave in regard to religious
privileges was favorable. He was to be circum-
cised (Gen. xvii. 12), and hence was entitled to
partake of the Paschal sacrifice (Ex. xii. 44), as
well as of the other religious festivals ( Deut. xii.
12, 18, xvi. 11,14). The occupations of stoves
were of a menial character, as implied in Lev.
xxv. 39, consisting partly in the work of the
house, and partly in personal attendance on
the master.
Slime. The rendering in the A. V. of the
Hob. chemar, the Hommar of the Arabs, trans-
lated aa^aXroc by the LXX. and bitumen in the
Vulgate. The three instances in which it is
mentioned in the O. T. are abundantly illus-
trated by travellers and historians, ancient and
modern. It is first spoken of as used for cem-
ent by the builders in the Plain of Shinar, or
Babylonia (Gen. xi. 3). The bitumen-pits in
the vale of Siddim are mentioned in the ancient
fragment of Canaanitisb history (Gen. xiv. 10) ;
and the ark of papyrus in which Moses was
placed was made impervious to water by a coat-
ing of bitumen and pitch (Ex. ii. 3). Herodo-
tus (i. 179) tells us of the bitumen found at Is,
a town of Babylonia, eight days' journey from
Babylon. The captive Eretrians (Her. vi. 1 1 9 )
were sent by Darins to collect asphaltum, salt,
and oil at Ardericca, a place two hundred and
ten stadia from Susa, in the district of Cissia.
The town of Is was situated on a river, or
small stream, of the same name, which flowed
into the Euphrates, and carried down with it
the lumps of bitumen which was used in the
building of Babylon. Ammianus Marcellinus
(xxiii. 6, § 23) tells ns that Babylon was built
i On this point, however, see page 46S, para-
graph " Hastku axd Slavic."
with bitumen by Semiramis. The town of
Is, mentioned by Herodotus, is without doubt
the modern Hit or Heet, on the west or right
bank of the Euphrates, and four days' journey
N. W., or rather W. N. W., of Bagdad. The
principal bitumen-pit at Heet, says Mr. Rich,
has two sources, and is divided by a wall in the
centre, on one side of which bitumen bubbles
up, and on the other the oil of naphtha. Sir R.
K. Porter observed " that bitumen was chiefly
confined by the Chaldaean builders to the foun-
dations and lower parts of their edifices, for
the purpose of preventing the ill effects of
water." The use of bitumen appears to have
been confined to the Babylonians ; for at Nine-
veh, Mr. Layard observes, " bitumen and roeds
were not employed to cement the layers of bricks,
as at Babylon ; although both materials are to
be found in abundance in the immediate vicin-
ity of the city." The bitumen of the Dead Sea
is described by Strabo, Josephus, and Pliny.
Strabo (xvi. p. 763) gives an account of tuo
volcanic action by which the bottom of the sea
was disturbed, and the bitumen thrown to the
surface. It was at first liquefied by the heat,
and then changed into a thick viscous sub-
stance by the cold water of the sea, on the sur-
face of which it floated in lumps. The Arabs
of the neighborhood have perpetuated the story
of its formation as given by Strabo. Dr. Thom-
son tells us that they still call the bitumen-pits
by the name biaret h&mmar, which strikingly re-
sembles the Heb. befrdth chemar of Gen. xiv. 10.
Strabo says that, in Babylonia, boats were made
of wicker-work, and then covered with bitumen
to keep out the water (xvi. p. 743).
Sling. The sling has been in all ages the
favorite weapon of the shepherds of Syria
(1 Sam. xvii. 40), and hence was adopted by
the Israelitish army, as the most effective
weapon for light-armod troops. The Benja-
mites were particularly expert in their use of
it (Judg. xx. 16, comp. 1 Chron. xii. 2). It
was advantageously used in attacking and de-
fending towns (2 K. iii. 25), and in skirmish-
ing. Other Eastern nations availed themselves
of it, as the Syrians ( 1 Mace. ix. 1 1 ), who also
invented a kind of artificial sling (1 Mace. vi.
51). The construction of the weapon hardly
KtjpOtn SUafm. fWukliuon.)
needs description : it consisted of a couple of
strings of sinew or some fibrous substance,.
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SOCOH
attached to a leathern receptacle for the stone
in the centre, which was termed the caph, i.e.
pan (1 Sam. xxv. 29) : the sling was swung
once or twice round the head, and the stone
was then discharged by letting go one of the
strings. Sling-stones were selected for their
smoothness (I Sam. xvii. 40), and were recog-
nized as one of the ordinary munitions of war
(2 Chr. xxvi. 14). In action, the stones were
either carried in a bag round the neck (1 Sam.
xvii. 40), or were heaped up at the feet of the
combatant.
Smith. The work of the smith, together
with an account of his tools, is explained in
Handicraft. A description of a smith's
workshop is given in Ecclus. xxxviii. 28.
Smyr/na. The city to which allusion is
made in Revelation ii. 8-1 1, was founded, or
at least the design of founding it was enter-
tained, by Alexander the Great, soon after the
battle of the Granicus. It was situated twenty
stades from the city of the same name, which,
after a long series of wars with the Lydians,
had been finally taken and sacked by Halyattes.
Snail. The representative in the A. V. of
the Hebrew words shablul and cMmtt. 1.
Shablul occurs only in Fs. lviii. 9 (8 A. V.).
The rendering of the A. V. (" snail ") is sup-
Sorted by the authority of many of the Jewish
octors, "and is probably correct The term
Skablil would denote either a Limax or a Helix,
which are particularly noticeable for the slimy
track they leave behind them. 2. Chdmet occurs
only, as the name of some unclean animal, in
Lev. xi. 30. The LXX. and Vulg. understand
some kind of lizard by the term ; the Arabic
versions of Erpenius and Saadias give the
chameleon as the animal intended. Perhaps
some kind of lizard may be intended, as the
two most important old versions conjecture.
Snow. The historical books of the Bible
contain only two notices of snow actually falling
(2 Sam. xxiii. 20; 1 Mace. xiii. 22) ; but the al-
lusions in the poetical books are so numerous,
that there can be no doubt as to its being an
ordinary occurrence in the winter months (Ps.
cxlvii. 16, cxlviii. 8). The snow lies deep in
the ravines of the highest ridge of Lebanon
nntil the summer is far advanced, and, indeed,
never wholly disappears : the summit of Her-
mon also perpetually glistens with frozen snow.
From these sources, probably, the Jews obtained
their supplies of ice for the purpose of cooling
their beverages in summer (Prov. xxv. 13).
The liability to snow must, of course, vary
considerably in a country of such varying alti-
tude as Palestine. At Jerusalem, snow often
falls to the depth of a foot or more in January
and February, but it seldom lies. At Nazareth
it falls more frequently and deeply, and it has
been observed to fall even in the maritime Plain
of Joppa, and about Carmel.
So. " So, king of Egypt," is once mentioned
in the Bible. Hoshea, the last king of Israel, evi-
dently intending to become the vassal of Egypt,
sent messengers to him, and made no present,
as had been the yearly custom, to the king of
Assyria (2 Kings xvii. 4). So has been iden-
tified by different writers with the first and
second kings of the Ethiopian xxvth dynasty,
tailed by Manetho, Sabakdn (Shebek'), and
Sebichos (Shebetek). The accession of Tehar-
ka, or Tirhakah, was perhaps B.C. 695. If wo
assign twenty-four years to the two predecessors,
the commencement of the dynasty would bo
B.C. 719. But it is not certain that their reigns
were continuous. If we adopt the earlier dates.
So must correspond to Shebek ; if the later,
perhaps to Shebetek : but, if it should be found
that the reign of Tirhakah is dated too high,
the former identification might still be held.
From Egyptian sources, we know nothing more
of Shebek than that he conquered and put to
death Bocchoris, the sole king of the xxirth
dynasty, as we learn from Manetbo's list, and
that he continued the monumental works of
the Egyptian kings. The standard inscription
of Sargon in his palace at Khnrsabid states,
according to M. Oppert, that, after the capture
of Samaria, Hanon King of Gaza, and Sebecb
sultan of Egypt, met the king of Assyria in
battle at Rapih (Raphia), ana were defeated.
Sebech disappeared, but Hahon was captured.
Soap. The Hebrew term b&rith is a general
term for any substance of cleansing qualities.
As, however, it appears in Jer. ii. 22 in con-
tradistinction to netlier, which undoubtedly
means " natron," or mineral alkali, it is fair to
infer that b&rith refers to vegetable alkali, or
some kind of potash, which forms one of the
usual ingredients in our soap. Numerous
plants, capable of yielding alkalies, exist in
Palestine and the surrounding countries ; we
may notice one named Hubeibeh (the Salsola tab
of botanists), found near the Dead Sea, the
ashes of which are called el-Kuli from their
strong alkaline properties; the Ajram, found
near Sinai, which, when pounded, serves as a
substitute for soap. Modern travellers hare
also noticed the Saponaria officinalis and the
Mestmbryanthemum nodiflorum, both possessing
alkaline properties, as growing in Palestine.
So'eho (I Chr. iv. 18). Probably the town
of Socoh in Judah, though which of the two
cannot be ascertained.
So'choh. Another form of the name
which is more correctly given in the A. V. as
Socoh. The present one occurs in 1 K. iv. 10,
and is therefore probably, though not certainly,
Socoh L
So'COh. The name of two towns in the
tribe of Judah. 1. In the district of the Shrf-
elah (Josh. xv. 35). It is a member of
the same group with Jarmnth, Aaekah, Shaarn-
im, &c. The same relative situation is implied
in the other passages in which the place is men-
tioned (1 Sam. xvii. 1 ; 2 Chr. xi. 7, xxviii.
18). In the time of Eusebius and Jerome
( Onomast. " Soccbo "), it bore the name of Soc-
choth, and lay between eight and nine Roman
miles from Eleutheropolis, on the road to Jeru-
salem. Dr. Robinson's identification of Socoh
with csh-Shuweikeh, in the western part of the
mountains of Judah, is very probable. It lies
about one mile to the north of the track from
Beit Jibrin to Jerusalem, between seven and
eight English miles from the former. From
this village, probably, came " Antigonus of
Soco," who lived about the commencement of
the 3d century b.c. — 2. Also a town of Judah,
but in the mountain district (Josh. xv. 48). It
has been discovered by Dr. Robinson in the
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SODOM
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SODOM
Wady d-Khalil, about ten miles S. W. of He-
bron ; bearing, like the other Socoh, the name
of esh-Shuweixeh.
So'di. The father of Gaddiel, the spy se-
lected from the tribe of Zcbulun (Num. xiii.
10).
Sodom. One of the most ancient cities of
Syria. It is commonly mentioned in connection
with Gomorrah, but also with Admah and
Zeboim, and on one occasion (Gen. xiv.) with
Bela or Zoar. Sodom was evidently the chief
town in the settlement. The four are first
named in the ethnological records of Gen. x.
19, as belonging to the Canaanitcs. The next
mention of the name of Sodom (Gen. xiii. 10-
13) gives more certain indication of the position
of the city. Abram and Lot are standing to-
gether between Bethel and Ai (vcr. 3), taking,
as any spectator from that spot may still do, a
survoy of the land around and below them.
Eastward of them, and absolutely at their feet,'
lay the " circle of Jordan." The whole circle
was one groat oasis — " a garden of Jehovah "
(vor. 10). In the midst of the garden, tho four
cities of Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, and Ze-
boim, appear to have been situated. It is neces-
sary to notice how absolutely the cities arc
identified with the district. In the subsequent
account of their destruction (Gen. xix.), the
topographical terms are employed with all the
precision which is characteristic of such early
times. The mention of the Jordan is conclu-
sive as to the situation of the district ; for
the Jordan ceases where it enters the Dead Sea,
and can have no existence south of that point.
We have seen what evidence the earliest records
afford of the situation of tho five cities. Let us
now see what they say of the nature of that
catastrophe by which they are related to have
been destroyed. It is described in Gen. xix. as
a shower of brimstone and fire from Jehovah,
from the skies. However we may interpret
the words of the earliest narrative, one thing is
certain, — that the lake was not one of the agents
in the catastrophe. Nor is it implied in any of
tho later passages in which the destruction of the
cities is referred to throughout tho Scriptures.
Quite the contrary. Those passages always
speak of the district on which the cities once
stood, not as submerged, but as still visible,
though desolate and uninhabitable. In agree-
ment with this is the statement of Josephus,
and the accounts of heathen writers, as Strabo
and Tacitus ; who, however vague their state-
ments, are evidently under the belief that the
district was not under water, and that the re-
mains of the towns were still to be seen. From
all these passages, though much is obscure,
two things seem clear : 1 . That Sodom and
the rest of ihe cities of the Plain of Jordan stood
on the novo of the Dead Sea ; 2. That neither
the cities nor the district were submerged by
the laki, but that the cities were overthrown
and tho land spoiled, and that it may still be
seen in ils desolate condition. When, however,
we turn to more modern views, we discover a
remarkable variance from these conclusions. 1 .
T'le opinion long current, that the five cities
were submerged in the lake, and that their
remains — walls, columns, and capitals — might
V still discerned below the water, hardly needs
refutation after the distinct statement and the
constant implication of Scripture. But — 2.
A more serious departure from the terms of
the ancient history is exhibited in the prevalent
opinion that the cities stood at the south end
of the lake. This appears to have been the
belief of Josephus and Jerome. It seems to
have been universally held by the mediaeval
historians and pilgrims, and it is adopted by
modern topographers, probably without excep-
tion. There are several grounds for this belief;
but the main point on which Dr. Robinson
rests his argument is the situation of Zoar.
(a.) " Lot," says he, " fled to Zoar, which was
near to Sodom; and Zoar lay almost at the
southern end of the present sea, probably in
the mouth of the Wady Kerak." (ft.) Another
consideration in favor of placing the cities at
tho southern end of the lake is the existence of
similar names in that direction, (c.) A third
argument, and perhaps the weightiest of the
three, is the existence of the salt mountain at
the south of the lake, and its tendency to split
off in columnar masses, presenting a rude re-
semblance to the human form. But it is by no
means certain that salt docs not exist at other
spots round the lake. It thus appears that on
the situation of Sodom ho satisfactory conclu-
sion can at present be come to. On* the one
hand, the narrative of Genesis seems to state
positively that it lay at the northern end of tho
Dead Sea. On the other hand, the long-con-
tinued tradition and the names of existing spots
seem to pronounce with almost eq.ial positive-
ness that it was at its southern end. Of the
catastrophe which destroyed the city and tho
district of Sodom, we can hardly hope ever to
form a satisfactory conception. Some catas-
trophe there undoubtedly was. But what sec-
ondary agencies, besides fire, were employed in
tho accomplishment of the punishment, c&unot
be safely determined in tho almost total absence
of exact scientific description of the natural
features of the ground round the lake. It was
formerly supposed that tho overthrow of Sodom
was caused by the convulsion which formed the
Dead Sea. This theory is stated by Dean Mil
man in his History of the Jews (i. IS, 16) with
great spirit and clearness. But the changes
which occurred when the limestone strata of
Syria were split by that vast fissure which forms
the Jordan Valley and the basin of the Salt
Lake must not only have taken place at a time
long anterior to the period of Abraham, but
must have been of such a nature and on such a
scale as to destroy all animal life far and near.
Since the knowledge of these facts has rendered
the old theory untenable, a new one has been
broached by Dr. Robinson. " That the fertile
Elain is now in part occupied by the southern
ay lying south of the peninsula ; and that, by
some convulsion or catastrophe of Nature con-
nected with the miraculous destruction of the
cities, either the surface of this plain was scooped
out, or the bottom of the lake heaved up so as
to cause the waters to overflow and cover per-
manently a larger tract than formerly." To
this very ingenious theory two objections may
betaken, jl.) The " plain of the Jordan," in
which the cities stood (as has hern stated), can
hardly have been at the south end of the lake;
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and (2.) The geological portion of the theory
does not appear to agree with the facts. The
whole of the lower end of the lake, including
the plain which borders it on the south, has
every appearance, not of having been lowered
since the formation of the valley, but of under-
going a gradual process of filling up. But in
fact the narrative of Gen. xix. neither states
nor implies that any convulsion of the earth
occurred. The word haphac, rendered in the
A. V. "overthrow," is the only expression
which suggests such a thing. If it were pos-
sible to speculate on materials at once so slen-
der and so obscure as are furnished by that
narrative, it would be more consistent to suppose
that the actual agent in the ignition and de-
struction of the cities had been of the nature of
a tremendous thunder-storm, accompanied by a
discharge of meteoric stones. The name Se-
dom has been interpreted to mean " burning."
This is possible, though it is not at all certain.
Furst connects it with a root meaning to enclose
or fortify. In fact, like most archaic names, it
may, by a little ingenuity, be made to mean al-
most any thing. The miserable fate of Sodom
and Gomorrah is held up as a warning in nume-
rous passages of the Old and New Testaments
(2 Pet. ii. 6; Jude 4-7 ; Mark vi. 11).
Sod'oma (Rom. ix. 29). In this place
alone, the Authorized Version has followed the
Greek and Vulgate form of the well-known ;
name Sodom.
Sodomites. This word does not denote I
the inhabitants of Sodom (except only in 2
Esd. vii. 36) or their descendants; but it is
employed in the A. V. of the Old Testament
for those who practised as a religious rite the
abominable and unnatural vice from which the
inhabitants of Sodom and Gomorrah have de-
rived their lasting infamy. It occurs in Deut.
xxiii. 17 ; 1 K. xiv. 24, xv. 12, xxii. 46 ; 2 K.
xxiii. 7; and Job xxxvi. 14 (margin). The
Hebrew word Kadesh is said to be derived from
a root Icadash, which (strange as it mav appear)
means "pure," and thence "holy. A "This
dreadful 'consecration,' or rather desecration,
was spread in different forms over Phoenicia,
Syria, Phrygia, Assyria, Babylonia. Ashta-
roth, the Greek Astarte, was its chief object"
Sodomi'tish Sea, the (2 Esd. v. 7);
meaning the Dead Sea. Ap.
Solomon. I. Early Life and Accession. —
He was the child of David's old age, the last-
born of all his sons (1 Chr. iii. 5). The feel-
ings of the king and of his prophet-guide
expressed themselves in the names with which
they welcomed his birth. The yearnings of
the " man of war " now led him to give to the
new-born infant the name of Solomon (Sh£16-
moh = the peaceful one). Nathan, with a marked
reference to the meaning of the king's own
name (David = the darling, the beloved one),
calls the infant Jcdidiah (Jedid-yah), that is, the
" darling of the Lord " (2 Sam. xii. 24, 25).
He was placed under the care of Nathan from
his earliest infancy. At first, apparently, there
was no distinct purpose to make him his heir.
Absalom is still the king's favorite son (2 Sam.
xiii. 37, xviii. 33), is looked on by the people
as the destined successor (2 Sam. xiv. 13, xv.
1-6). The death of Absalom, when Solomon
was about ten years old, left the place vacant,
and David pledged his word in secret to Bath
sheba that he, and no other, should be the heir
(1 K. i. 13). The feebleness of David's old
age led to an attempt which might have de-
prived Solomon of the throne his father des-
tined for him. Adonijah, next in order of
birth to Absalom, like Absalom, " was a goodly
man" (1 K. i. 6), in full maturity of years,
backed by the oldest of the king's friends and
counsellors. Following in the steps of Absa-
lom, he assumed the kingly state of a chariot
and a body-guard. At last a time was chosen
for openly proclaiming him as king. A solemn
feast at Ln-Bogel was to inaugurate the new
reign. It was necessary for those whose inter-
ests were endangered to take prompt measures.
Baihsbcba and Nathan took counsel together.
The king was reminded of his oath. Solomon
went down to Gihon, and was proclaimed and
anointed king. The shouts of his followers fell
on the startled cars of the guests at Adonijah 's
banquet. One by one they rose and departed.
The plot had failed. A few months more, and
Solomon found himself, by his father's dealh,
the sole occupant of the throne. The position
to which he succeeded was unique. Never be-
fore, and never after, did the kingdom of Israel
take its place among the great monarchies
of the East. Large treasures, accumulated
through many years, were at his disposal. Of
Solomon's personal appearance, we nave no di-
rect description, as we have of the earlier kin;.-*.
There are, however, materials for filling up the
pip. Whatever higher mystic meaning may
be latent in Ps. xiv., or the Song of Songs, we
are all but compelled to think of them as hav-
ing had, at least, an historical starting-point.
They tell us of one who was, in the eyes of the
men of his own time, " fairer than the children
of men," the face " bright and ruddy " as his
father's (Cant. v. 10; I Sam. xvii. 42), bnshy
locks, dark as the raven's wing, yet not with-
out a golden glow, the eyes soft as " the eyes of
doves," the "countenance as Lebanon, excel-
lent as the cedars," " the chiefest among ten
thousand, the altogether lovely " (Cant v. 9-16).
Add to this all gifts of a noble, far-reaching in-
tellect, large and ready sympathies, a playful
and genial numor, the Dps " full of grace," the
soul " anointed " as " with the oil of gladness "
(Ps. xiv.), and we may form some notion of
what the king was like in that dawn of his
golden prime. The narrative of the earliest
facts in the history of the new reign, as told in
1 K. ii., is not a little perplexing. Bathshcba,
who bad before stirred up David against Adoni-
jah, now appears as interceding for him, beg-
ging that Abishag the Shunamite, the virgin
concubine of David, might be given him as a
wife. Solomon, who nil then had professed
the profoundest reverence for his mother, sud-
denly flashes into fiercest wrath at this. The
petition is treated as part of a conspiracy in
which Joab and Abiathar are sharers. Adoni-
jah is put to death at once. Joab is slain even
within the precincts of the Tabernacle, to which
he had fled as an asylum. Abiathar is deposed
and exiled, sent to a life of poverty and shame
(1 K. ii. 31-36), and the high-priesthood trans-
ferred to another family. [Zadok.] — D. Reign.
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— • All the data for a continuous history that we
have of Solomon's reign are — (a.) The dura-
tion of the reign, 40 years (1 K. xi. 42) B.C.
1015-975. (4.) The commencement of the
Temple in the 4th, its completion in the 11th
year of his reign (1 K. vi. 1, 37, 38). (c.) The
commencement of his own palace in the 7th, its
completion in the 20th year (1 K. rii. 1 ; 2 Chr.
viii. 1). (</.) The conquest of Hamath-Zobah,
and the consequent foundation of cities in the
region north of Palestine after the 20th year
(2 Chr. viii. 1-6). With materials so scanty
as these, it will be better to group the chief facts
in an order which will best enable us to appre-
ciate their significance. — III. Foreign Policy. —
1. Egypt. The first act of the foreign policy of
the new reign must have been to most Israel-
ites a very startling one. He made affinity
with Pharaoh, king of Egypt, by marrying his
■ laughter (1 K. iii. 1). The immediate results
were probably favorable enough. The new
queen Drought with her as a dowry the frontier
city of Gezer, against which, as threatening the
tranquillity of Israel, and as still possessed by a
remnant of the old Canaanites, Pharaoh had
led his armies. She was received with all hon-
or. A separate and stately palace was built
for her, before long, outside the city of David
(2 Chr. viii. 11). The ultimate issue of the
alliance showed that it was hollow and impoli-
tic. There may have been a revolution in Egypt.
There was at any rate a change of policy. There
was planned the scheme which first led to the
rebellion of the ten tribes, and then to the attack
of Shishak on the weakened and dismantled
kingdom of the son of Solomon. 2. Tyre. The
alliance with the Phoenician king rested on a
somewhat different footing. It had been part
of David's policy from the beginning of his
reign. Hiram had been "ever a lover of Da-
vid." As soon as he heard of Solomon's acces-
cession, he sent ambassadors to salute him. A
correspondence passed between the two kings,
which ended in a treaty of commerce. The
opening of Joppa as a port created a new coast-
ing-trade, and the materials from Tyre were
conveyed to it on floats, and thence to Jerusa-
lem (2 Chr. ii. 16). In return for these exports,
the Phoenicians were only too glad to receive
the corn and oil of Solomon's territory. The
results of the alliance did not end here. Now,
for the first time in the history of Israel, they
entered on a career as a commercial people.
They joined the Phoenicians in their Mediter-
ranean voyages to the coasts of Spain. Solo-
mon's possession of the Edomite coast enabled
him to open to his ally a new world of com-
merce. The ports of Elath and Ezion-gcber
were filled with ships of Tarshish, merchant-
ships, manned chiefly by Phoenicians, but built
at Solomon's expense, which sailed down the
jdanitic Gulf of the Red Sea, on to the Indian
Ocean, to lands which had before been hardly
known even by name. 3. These were the two
most important alliances. The absence of any
reference to Babylon and Assyria, and the fact
that the Euphrates was recognized as the bound-
ary of Solomon's kingdom (2 Chr. ix. 26),
suggest the inference that the Mesopotamia
monarchies were at this time comparatively fee-
ble. Other neighboring nations were content
116
to pay annual tribute in the form of gifts (1
Chr. ix. 42). 4. The survey of the influence
exercised by Solomon on surrounding nations
would be incomplete if we were to pass over
that which was more directly personal, — the
fame of his glory and his wisdom. Wherever
the ships of Tarshish went, they carried with
them the report, losing nothing in its passage,
of what their crews had seen and heard. The
journey of the Queen of Sheba, though from
its circumstances the most conspicuous, did not
stand alone. She had heard of the wisdom of
Solomon, and connected with it " the name of
Jehovah" (1 K. x. 1). She came with hard
questions to test that wisdom, and the words
just quoted may throw light upon their nature.
The historians of Israel delighted to dwell on
her confession, that the reality surpassed the
fame ; " the one-half of the neatness of thy
wisdom was not told me" (2 Chr. ix. 6). — I V.
Internal History. — 1 . The first prominent scene
in Solomon's reign is one which presents his
character in its noblest aspect. There were two
holy places which divided the reverence of the
people, — the Ark and its provisional tabernacle
at Jerusalem, and the original Tabernacle of the
congregation, which, after many wanderings,
was now pitched at Gibeon. It was thought
right that the new king should offer solemn
sacrifices at both. After those at Gibeou, there
came that vision of the night, in which Solo-
mon prayed, not for riches, or long life, or \ic-
tory over enemies, but for a " wise and under-
standing heart," that he might judge the peo-
ple. The "speech pleased the Lord." The
wisdom asked for was given in large measure,
and took a varied range. The wide world of
nature, animate and inanimate, the lives and
characters of men, lay before him, and he took
cognizance of all. But the highest wisdom
was that wanted for the highest work, — for gov-
erning and guiding ; and the historian hastens
to give an illustration of it. The pattern-in-
stance is, in all its circumstances, thoroughly
Oriental (1 K. iii. 16-28). 2. In reference to
the king's finances, the first impression of the
facts given us is that of abounding plenty.
Large quantities of the precious metals were
imported from Ophir and Tarshish (1 K. ix. 28).
All the kings and princes of the subject-prov-
inces paid tribute in the form of gifts, in money
and in kind, "at a fixed rate year by year
(1 K. x. 25). Monopolies of trade contributed
to the king's treasury (1 K. x. 28, 29). The
king's domain-lands were apparently let ont, at
a fixed annual rental (Cant. viii. 1 1 ). All the
provinces of his own kingdom wire bound each
in turn to supply the king's enormous house-
hold with provisions (1 K. iv. 21-23). The
total amount thus brought into the treasury in
gold, exclusive of all payments in kind, amount-
ed to 666 talents (1 K. x. 14). 3. It was hardly
possible, however, that any financial system
could bear the strain of the king's passion for
magnificence. The cost of the Temple was, it
is true, provided for by David's savings and the
offerings of the people ; but even while that was
building, yet more when it was finished, one
structure followed on another with ruinous ra-
pidity. All the equipment of his court, the
" apparel " of his servants, was on the
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SOBEK, VALLEY OF
Mate. A body-guard attended him, " three-
score valiant men," tallest and handsomest of
the sons of Israel. Forty thousand stalls of
horses for his chariots, and twelve thousand
horsemen, made up the measure of his magnifi-
cence (1 K. iv. 26). As the treasury became
empty, taxes multiplied and monopolies became
mora irksome. The people complained, not of
the king's idolatry, but of their burdens, of his
"grievous yoke (1 K. xii. 4). Their hatred
fell heaviest on Adoniram, who was over the
tribute. 4. A description of the Tkmple erect-
ed by Solomon is given elsewhere. After seven
years and a half, the work was completed, and
the day came to which all Israelites looked back
as the culminating glory of their nation. The
Ark from Zion, the Tabernacle from Gibcon,
were both removed (2 Chr. v. 5), and brought to
the new Temple. In the solemn dedication of
the building, the person of the king is the one
central object, compared with whom even priests
and prophets are for the time subordinate.
From him came the lofty prayer, the noblest
utterance of the creed of Israel, setting forth
the distance and the nearness of the Eternal
God, One, Incomprehensible, dwelling not in
temples made with hands, yet ruling men, hear-
ing their prayers, giving them all good things,
wisdom, peace, righteousness. S. But the king
soon fell from the loftiest height of his religious
life to the lowest depth. Before long the priests
and prophets had to grieve over rival temples
to Moloch, Chemosh, Ashtaroth, forms of ritual
not idolatrous only, but cruel, dark, impure.
This evil came as the penalty of another ( 1 K.
xi. 1-8). He gave himself to " strange women."
He found himself involved in a fascination which
led to the worship of strange gods. Disasters
followed before long as the natural consequence
of what was politically a blunder as well as re-
ligiously a sin. Tbe strength of the nation
rested on its unity, and its unity depended on
its faith. Whatever attractions the sensuous
ritual which he introduced may have had for
the great body of the people, the priests and
Levites must have looked on the rival worship
with entire disfavor. The zeal of the prophetic
order was now kindled into active opposition
(t K. xi. 28-39). The king in vain tried to
check the current that was setting strong against
him. The old tribal jealousies gave signs of
renewed vitality. Ephraim was prepared once
more to dispute the supremacy of Judah, need-
ing special control (1 K. xi. 28). And with
this weakness within there came attacks from
without. The king, prematurely old, must
have foreseen the rapid ureaking-up of the great
monarchy to which he had succeeded. Of the
inner changes of mind and heart which ran
parallel with this history, Scripture is compara-
tively silent. Something may be learnt from
the books that bear his name." They represent
the three stages of his life. The Song of Songs
brings before us the brightness of his youth.
Then comes in the Book of Proverbs, the stage
6( practical, prudential thought. The poet has
become the philosopher, the mystic has passed
into the moralist. Bat the man passed through
both stages without being permanently the bet-
ter for either. They were to him but phases
of his life which he had known and exhausted
(Eccl. i., ii.). And therefore there came, a* hi
the Confessions of the Preacher, the great retri-
bution. — V. Legend*. — Bound tbe facts of tbe
history, as a nucleus, there gathers a whole
world of fantastic fables, Jewish, Christian, and
Mahometan. Even in the Targum of Ecclesi-
astes, we find strange stories of his character.
He left behind him spells and charms to cure
diseases, and cast out evil spirits. His wisdom
enabled him to interpret the speech of beasts and
birds. He knew the secret virtues of gems and
herbs. Arabic imagination took a vet wilder
flight. After a strong struggle with the rebel-
lious Afreets and Jinns, Solomon conquered
them, and cast them into the sea. To him be-
longed the magic ring which revealed to him
the past, the present, and tbe future. The visit
of the Queen of Sheba famished some three or
four romances.
Solomon's Porch. [Palacb.]
Solomon's Servants (Childbik or)
(Ezr. ii. 56, 58 ; Nch. vii. 57, 60). The persons
thus named appear in the lists of the exiles
who returned from the Captivity. They occupy
all but the lowest places in those lists, and their
position indicates some connection with tbe
services of the Temple. (1.) The name, as
well as the order, implies inferiority even to tbe
Netlnnim. (2.) The starting-point of their
history is to be found probably in 1 K. v. 13,
14, ix. 20, 21 ; 2 Chr. viii. 7, 8. Canaanites
were reduced by Solomon to the helot state,
and compelled to labor in the king's stone-
?uarries, and in building his palaces and cities.
3.) 1 Chr. xxii. 2 throws some li;;ht on their
special office. The Nethinim were appointed
to be hewers of wood (Josh. ix. 23), and this
was enough for the services of the Tabernacle.
For the construction and repairs of the Tempi*,
another kind of labor was required, and the
new slaves were set to the work of hewing and
squaring Hones (1 K. v. 17, 18). Their de-
scendan ts appear to have formed a distinct order,
inheriting probably the same functions and lbs
same skill.
Solomon's Song. [CakticlesJ
Solomon, Wisdom of. (wisdom.
Book OF.jf
Son. The term " son " is used in Scripture
language to imply almost any kind of descent
or succession, as ben shanah, " son of a year,*
i.e. a year old, ben hsheth, " son of a bow," U.
an arrow. The word bar is often found in
N. T. in composition, as Bar thruens.
Soothsayer. [Divinatiom.1
So'pater. Sopater the son of Pyrrhus of
Bercea was one of the companions of St
Paul on his return from Greece into Asia, as
he came back from his third missionary journey
(Acts xx. 4).
Soph'ereth. "The children of Sophereth"
were a family who returned from Babylon with
Zerubbabel among the descendants of Solo-
mon's servants (Ezr. ii. 55 ; Neb. vii. 57).
Sophoni'as. The prophet Zzfhaviab
(2 Esd. i. 40). Ap.
Sorcerer. [Divinatiox.J
So'rek, the Valley of. A wady in
which lay the residence of Delilah (Jndg. xvi.4).
It appears to have been a Philistine place, and
possibly was nearer Gaza than any other of tbs
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SOUL
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8PAIN
chief Philistine cities, since thither Samson was
taken after his capture at Delilah's bouse.
Beyond this there are no indications of its po-
sition, nor is it mentioned again in the Bible.
Euscbius and Jerome state that a village named
Capharsorech was shown in their day " on the
north of Eleutheropolis, near the town of Saar
(or Saraa), i.e. Zorah, the native place of
Samson."
Sosip'ater. 1. A general of Judas Mac-
cabseus, who, in conjunction with Dositheus,
defeated Timotheus, and took him prisoner,
c. B.C. 164 (2 Mace. xii. 19-24). — 2. Kinsman
or fellow-tribesman of St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 21 J.
He is probably the same person as Sopateb
of Berosa.
Sos'thenes was a Jew at Corinth, who
was seized and beaten in the presence of Gallio
(see Acts xviii. 12-17). Some have thought
that he was a Christian, and was maltreated
thus by his own countrymen because be was
known as a special friend of Paul. A better
view is, that Sosthenes was one of the bigoted
Jews ; and that the "crowd " were Greeks, who,
taking advantage of the indifference of Gallio,
and ever ready to show their contempt of the
Jews, turned their indignation against Sos-
thenes. In this case, he must have been the
successor of Crispus (Acts xviii. 8). Paul
wrote the First Epistle to the Corinthians
jointly in his own name and that of a certain
Sosthenes whom he terms "the brother"
(1 Cor. i. 1). Some have held that he was
identical with the Sosthenes mentioned in the
Acts. If this be so, be must have been con-
verted at a later period, and have been at
Ephesus, and not at Corinth, when Paul wrote
to the Corinthians. The name was a com-
mon one ; and but little stress can be laid on
that coincidence.
Sos'tratUS, a commander of the Syrian
garrison in the Acra at Jerusalem in the reign
of Antiochus Epiphanes (c. B.C. 172; 2 Mace,
iv. 27, 29).
Sota'i. The children of Sotai were a
family of the descendants of Solomon's servants
who returned with Zcrubbabel (Ezr. ii. 55;
Neh. vii. 57).
Soul (Heb. Niphlah, Gr. yjn>xv)- One of the
three parts of which man was anciently be-
lieved to consist. The term fvxv is sometimes
used to denote the vital principle, sometimes
the sentient principle, or seat of the senses, de-
sires, affections, appetites, passions. In the lat-
ter sense it is distinguished from rd mieiua, the
higher rational nature. This distinction ap-
pears in the Scptuagint, and sometimes in the
New Testament. Thus 1 Thcss. 5, 23 : " your
whole spirit and soul and body ; " compare
Heb. iv. 12, Luke i. 46.
Keil (OpuK. Acad. pp. 619-632) asserts, as
confirmed by abundant documentary evidence,
that this view of man's tripartite nature was
held by the Jews. " God," says Josephus
( Ant. i. 1, 2), " made man, taking dust from the
ground, and placed in him a soul and a spirit."
From the Jews, this idea was transmitted to the
early Christian Fathers, being found in the writ-
ings of Justin Martyr, Tatian, Irensus, Clem-
«ns Alexandrinus, Origen, and others.
Olshausen, in commenting on 1 Thess. v. 23,
considers it "indispensable, under a purely his-
torical view, to acknowledge the triple division
of human nature as a doctrine of the apostolical
age. In fact, it follows that many points of
Christian doctrine can be made intelligible only
by assuming the distinction between spirit and
soul. We have, therefore, by continued inves-
tigation, been only more and more convinced
of the correctness of our treatise de trichotomia
humanas natural (Opwsc. thiol, pp. 143 seq.),
which, in essentials, Vitringa also had already
expressed in earlier times in reference to caba-
listic and PlatonUt views ; just as, in later
times, Usteri at least recognized it is an histori-
cal fact.
"For whilst the fvxn (soul) denotes the lower
region of the spiritual man, — comprises there-
fore the powers to which analogous ones are
found in animal life also, as understanding
(fphitc), appetitive faculty (nap&ia), memory,
fancy, — the itvevua includes those capacities
which constitute the true human life : viz., rea-
son (twt), as the faculty of perceiving the
divine ; conscience, as the faculty of distin-
guishing moral good and evil ; free-will, as the
faculty of moral choice, which alone renders us
proper subjects o>* history.
" Just according to the predominance of one
or the other principle in man, he appears cith-
er as wivuaruuc, or ^w^ucoc, or even oapiuxoc.
The Divine Spirit, attaching itself to the human
spirit weakened by sin, and filling it with com-
plete energy, frees man from the power of sin,
which rules him, and exhibits him as itvtvua-
tuoc in the full sense of the word."
The image presented before the mind in
Scripture of the yvgucof is found in Adam as
first formed from dust. The image of the
irvtvaanKoc is found in Christ as he was
raised from the dead. See 1 Cor. xv. 44-48. —
Ed.
South Ba'moth. One of the places fre-
quented by David and his band of outlaws dur-
ing the latter part of Saul's life (1 Sam. xxx.
27). The towns mentioned with it show that
Ramoth must have been on the southern con-
fines of the country, — the very border of the
desert. It is no doubt identical with Ramath
of the South.
Sow. [Swine.]
Sower, Sowing. The operation of sow-
ing with the hand is one of so simple a charac-
ter as to need little description. The Egyptian
paintings furnish many illustrations of the
mode in which it was conducted. The sower
held the vessel or basket containing the seed in
his left hand, while with his right he scattered
the seed broadcast. The " drawing-out " of the
seed is noticed, as the most characteristic action
of the sower, in Ps. exxvi. 6 (A. V. " precious ")
and Am. ix. 13. In wet soils, the seed was
trodden in by the feet of animals (Is. xxxii. 20).
The sowing season commenced in October, and
continued to the end of February, wheat being
put in before, and barley after, the beginning
of January. The Mosaic Law prohibited the
sowing of mixed seed (Lev. xix. 19 ; Dent,
xxii. 9).
Spain. The Hebrews were acquainted
with the position and the mineral wealth of
Spain from the time of Solomon, whose alliance
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8PARB0W
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SPARTA
with the Phoenicians enlarged the circle of their
geographical knowledge to a very great extent.
The local designation, Tarshish, representing
the Tartessus of the Greeks, probably prevailed
until the fame of the Roman wars in that coun-
try reached the East, when it was superseded
by its classical name. The Latin form of this
name is represented by the 'laTtavia of 1 Mace,
viii. 3 (where, however, some copies exhibit the
Greek form) ; and the Greek, by the Ejrawaof
Rom. xv. 24, 28. The passages cited contain
all the biblical notices of Spain. The mere
intention of St. Paul to visit Spain implies two
interesting facts, viz. the establishment of a
Christian community in that country, and this
by means of Hellenistic Jews resident there.
The early introduction of Christianity into that
country is attested by Irenreus (i. 3) and Ter-
tullian (adv. .lud. 7).
Sparrow ( Heb. tzippor). This Hebrew word
occurs upwards of forty times in the O. T.
In all passages, excepting two, it is rendered by
A. V. indifferently " bird " or " fowl." In Ps.
lxxxiv. 3, and Ps. cii. 7, it is rendered " spar-
row." The Greek ZrpovBiov ("sparrow, A.
V.) occurs twice in N. T., — Matt. x. 29, Luke
xii. 6, 7. Tzippor, from a root signifying to
"chirp" or " twitter," appears to be a phonetic
representation of the call-note of any passerine
bird. Although the common sparrow of Eng-
land (Passer domesticus, L.) does not occur in
the Holy Land, its place is abundantly supplied
by two very closely allied Southern species (Pas-
ter salicicota, Vieill., and Passer cisalpina, Tern.).
Our English tree-sparrow ( Passer munlanus, L. )
is also very common, and may be seen in num-
bers on Mount Olivet, and also about the sacred
enclosure of the Mosque of Omar. This is per-
haps the exact species referred to in Ps. lxxxiv. 3.
l'etrocovtfiphua cyan
Most of our commoner small birds are found
in Palestine. The starling, chaffinch, green-
finch, linnet, goldfinch, corn-bunting, pipits,
blackbird, song-thrash, and the various species
of wagtail, abound. The rock-sparrow ( Petronia
stulla, Strickl. ) is a common bin! in the barer
portions of Palestine, eschewing woods, and
generally to be seen perched alone on the top
of a rock or on any large stone. From this
habit, it has been conjectured to be the bird
alluded to in Ps. cii. 7, as " the sparrow that
aitteth alone upon the house-top ; but as the
rock-sparrow, though found among ruins, never
resorts to inhabited buildings, it seems more
probable that the bird to which the Psalmist al-
ludes is the blue-thrush (PthxKOSsyphus cyanem) .
It is a solitary bird, eschewing the society of its
own species, and rarely more than a pair are
seen together. There arc but two allusions to
the singing of birds in the Scriptures, — Ecclcs.
xii. 4 and Ps. civ. 12. As the Psalmist is here
speaking of the sides of streams and rivers, he
probably had in his mind the bulbnl of the coun-
try, or Palestine nightingale (Ixot xantkop^gitu.
Hempr.), a bird not very far removed from the
thrush tribe, and a closely-allied species of
which is the true bulbnl of Persia and India.
Small birds were probably as ordinary an arti-
cle of consumption among the Israelites as they
still are in the markets both of the Continent
and of the East (Luke xii. 6; Matt. x. 29).
There are four or five simple methods of fowl-
ing practised at this day in Palestine, which arc
p.obably identical with those alluded to in the
0. T. The simplest, but by no means the least
successful, among the dexterous Bedouins, is
fowling with the throw-stick. The only weapon
used is a short stick, about eighteen inches
long, and half an inch in diameter. When the
game has been discovered, the stick is hurled
with a revolving motion so as to strike the legs
of the bird as it runs, or sometimes at a rather
higher elevation ; so that when the victim,
alarmed by the approach of the weapon, be-
gins to rise, its wings are struck, and it is slight-
ly disabled. The fleet pursuers soon com; up,
and, using their burnouses as a sort of net,
catch and at once cut the throat of the game.
A more scientific method of fowling is that al-
luded to in Ecclus. xi. 30, by the use of decoy-
birds. Whether falconry was ever employed as
a mode of fowling or not is by no means so
clear. At the present day, it is practised with
much care and skill by the Arab inhabitants of
Syria, though not in Judaea Proper.
Sparta (1 Mace. xiv. 16; 2 Marc v. 9;
A. V. " Lacedssmonians "). In the history of
the Maccabees, mention is made of a remarkable
correspondence between the Jews and the Spar-
tans, which has been the subject of much dis-
cussion. The alleged facts are briefly these :
When Jonathan endeavored to strengthen his
government by foreign alliances (b.c. 144), he
sent to Sparta to renew a friendly intercourse
which had been begun at an earlier time between
Areus and Onias, on the ground of their com-
mon descent from Abraham (1 Mace. xii. 5-23).
The embassy was favorably received ; and, after
the death of Jonathan, "the friendship and
league " was renewed with Simon (1 Marc
xiv. 16-23). Several questions arise out of
these statements. 1 . The whole context of tin
passage, as well as the independent reference to
the connection of the " Lacedssmonians " ami
Jews in 2 Mace. v. 9, seem to prove clearly that
the reference is to the Spartans, properlv so
called. 2. The actual relationship of the Jews
and Spartans (2 Mace. v. 9) is an ethnological
error, which it is difficult to trace to its origin.
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SPICES
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SPIKENARD
It is certain, from an independent passage, that
a Jewish colony existed at Sparta at an early
time ( 1 Mace. xv. 23). 3. The difficulty of fix-
ing the date of the first correspondence is
increased by the recurrence of the names in-
volved. Two kings bore the name Areas,
one of whom reigned B.C. 309-265, and the
other, his grandson, died B.C. 257, being only
eight years old. The same name was also borne
by an adventurer, who occupied a prominent
position at Sparta, B.C. 184. In Judeea, again,
three high-priests bore the name Onias, the first
of whom held office B.C. 330-309 (or 300) ; the
second B.C. 240-226 ; and the third B.C. 198-
171. Josephns is probably correct in fixing the
event in the time of Onias III. Ap.
Spear. IAbmb.1
Spearmen. The word thus rendered in
the A. V. of Acts xxiii. 23 is of very rare occur-
rence, and its meaning is extremely obscure.
Two hundred bt%uAupoi formed part of the
escort which accompanied St. Paul in the
night-march from Jerusalem to Csssarea.
They are clearly distinguished, both from the
heavy-armed legionaries, who only went as far
as Antipatris, and from the cavalry, who con-
tinued the journey to Csssarea. As nothing is
saM of the return of the 6c!jtohu3ot to Jerusalem
after their arrival at Antipatris, we may infer
that they accompanied the cavalry to Csssarea ;
and thit strengthens the supposition that they
were irregular light-armed troops, so lightly
armed, indeed, as to be able to keep pace on
the march with mounted soldiers.
Spice. Spices. Under this head, it will
be desirable to notice the following Hebrew
words, basam, nfedth, and sammtm. 1 . Basam,
besem, or bdtem. The first-named form of the
Hebrew term, which occurs only in Cant. v. 1,
" I have gathered my myrrh with my spice,"
points apparently to some definite substance.
In the other places, with the exception perhaps
of Cant i. 13, vi. 2, the words refer more gen-
erally to sweet aromatic odors, the principal
of which was that of the balsam, or balm-of-
Gilead : the tree which yields this substance is
now generally admitted to be the Amyris (Bal-
tamodendnm ) opobalsamum ; though it is probable
that other species of Amuridacea are included
under the terms. The identity of the Hebrew
name with the Arabic Basham or Bakuan
leaves no reason to doubt that the substances
are identical. The form Besem or BSsem, which
is of frequent occurrence in the O. T., may well
be represented by the general term of " spices,"
or " sweet odors," in accordance with the ren-
derings of the LXX. and Vulg. The balm-of-
Gilead-tree grows in some parts of Arabia and
Africa, and is seldom more than fifteen feet
high, with straggling branches and scanty foli-
age. The balsam is chiefly obtained from incis-
ions in the bark ; but the substance is procured
also from the green and ripe berries. 2. NlkoUh
(Gen. xxxvii. 25, xliii. 11). The most proba-
ble explanation is that which refers the word
to the Arabic naha'at, i.e. " the gum obtained
from the tragacanth " (Astragalus). The gum
id a natural exudation from the trunk and
branches of the plant It is uncertain whether
the word nacdth in 2 K. xx. 13, Is. xxxix. 2,
-denotes spice of any kind. The A V. reads
in the text " the house of his precious things ,
the margin gives " spicery." 3. Sammim. A
general term to denote those aromatic sub-
stances which were used in the preparation of
the anointing oil, the incense-offerings, &c.
The spices mentioned as being used by Nicode-
mus for the preparation of our Lord's body
(John xix. 39, 40) are " myrrh and aloes," by
which latter word must be understood, not the
aloes of medicine (Aloe), but the highly-scented
wood of the Aquilaria agalhchum.
ttaa-ajnyrm a a su tm m.
Spider. The representative in the A. V.
of the Hebrew words 'acc&bith and tanamUk.
1. 'Accabish occurs in Job viii. 14, and in Is.
lix. 5. There is no doubt of the correctness of
our translation in rendering this word " spider."
2. Sfm&mith, wrongly translated by the A. V.
" spider " in Prov. xxx. 28, the only passage
where the word is found, has reference, it if
probable, to some kind of lizard. The lizard
indicated is evidently some species of Gecko,
some notice of which genus of animals is given
under the article Lizard.
Spikenard (Heb. nerd). Of this sub-
stance, mention is made twice in the 0. T. ;
viz., in Cant i. 12, iv. 13, 14. The ointment
with which our Lord was anointed as He sat
at meat in Simon's house at Bethany consisted
of this precious substance, the costliness of
which may be inferred from the indignant sur-
prise manifested by some of the witnesses of
the transaction (see Mark xiv. 3-5 ; John xii.
3. 5). There is no doubt that nmbul is by
Arabian authors used as the representative of
the Greek nardos, as Sir W. Jones has shown.
Dr. Boyle, having ascertained that the jaiainan-
see, one of the Hindoo sy nonymes for the sunbul,
was annually brought from the mountains over
hanging the Ganges and Jumna Bivers down
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SPIRIT, HOLY
918
STAB OF THE WISE MEN
to the plains, purchased gome of these fresh
roots, and planted them in the botanic gardens
at Saharunpore. This plant, which has been
called Nardostachy* jatamansi by De Candolle,
is evidently the kind of nardot described by
Dioscorides (i. 6) under the name of yayyiru;,
i.e. " the Ganges nard."
Spikenard.
Spinning. The notices of spinning in the
Bible are confined to Ex. xxxv 25, 26, Matt,
vi. 28, and Prov. xxxi. 19. The latter passage
implies (according to the A. V.) the use of the
same instruments which have been in vogue
for hand-spinning down to the present day, viz.
the distaff and spindle. The distaff, however,
appears to have been dispensed with, and the
term so rendered means the spindle itself, while
that rendered "spindle'' represents the whirl
of the spindle, a button of circular rim which
was affixed to it, and gave steadiness to its cir-
cular motion. The " whirl " of the Syrian
women was made of amber in the time of Pliny.
The spindle was held perpendicularly in the
one hand, while the other was employed in
drawing out the thread.
Spirit (Heb. raSch, Gr. irvev/ia), the rational
principle in man. For the distinction between
soul and spirit, according to the tripartite the-
ory of human nature, see art. Soul, p. 915. —
Ed.
Spirit, Holy. The third person of the
Trinity, whose office-work it is to sanctify, or
make holy, the people of God. The personality
of the Holy Spirit is implied in the baptismal
formula and in the apostolic benediction. As
the Father and the Son are real persons, so must
the Holy Spirit be also, thns joined with them
in the solemn initiatory rite of the Church.
The believer is baptized into the name of the
Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost,
three equally distinct persons. In the apostoli-
cal benediction, " The grace of our Lord Jesus
Christ, and the love of God, and the communion
of the Holy Ghost, be with you all " (2 Cor.
xiii. 13), the same distinct personality appears,
in numerous instances, personal acts and at-
tributes are ascribed to the Holy Spirit He
speaks (Acts xxviii. 25) ; he speaks expressly
(1 Tim. iv. 1) ; he teaches (Lake xii. 12) ; he
shall reprove or convince the world of sin
(John xvi. 8) ; he helps our infirmities, making
intercession for the saints (Rom. viii. 26, 27);
he may be grieved (Eph. iv. 30). What can
be more striking than the statement (Acts
xiii. 2), "The Holy Ghost said, Separate me
Barnabas and Saul for the work whereanto I
have called them"! So in the letter of the
council at Jerusalem (Acts xv. 28), " For it
seemed good to the Holy Ghost, ana to us, to
lay upon you no greater burden than these
necessary things."
The Holy Spirit is sent from the Father, in
the name of the Son. He is also said to be
gent by the Son from the Father. "He,"
said Jesus (John xv. 26), " shall testify of
me." Again (xvi. 13) : " He shall not speak
of Himself, but whatsoever He shall hear, that
shall He speak ; and He will show you things to
come. He shall glorify me; for He shall re-
ceive of mine, and shall show it unto you." No
language can be framed to indicate personality
more explicitly and literally than this. Com-
pare also what is said of blasphemy against
Him (Matt. xii. 31), and concerning gifts (1
Cor. xii. 4-11). — Ed.
Sponge is mentioned only in the N. T.
(Matt xxvii. 48 ; Mark xv. 36 ; John xix. 29).
The commercial value of the sponge was known
from very early times ; and although there ap-
pears to be no notice of it in the O. T., yet it
is probable that it was used by the ancient He-
brews, who could readily have obtained it from
the Mediterranean.
Sta'chys. A Christian at Borne, saluted
by St. Pom in the Epistle to the Romans (xvi.
9).
Spouse. [Marriage.]
Stacte (Heb. nalaf), the name of one of the
sweet spices which composed the holy incense
(see Ex. xxx. 34). The Heb. word occurs once
again (Job xxxvi. 27). For the various opin-
ions as to what substance is intended by rmtif,
see Celsius (Hierob. i. 529). Rosenmiiller iden-
tifies the ndta/°with the gum of the storax-tree
(Styrax officinale) ; but all that is positively
known is that it signifies an odorous distillation
from some plant
Standards. JEnsigss.]
Star of the wise Hen. Until the last
few years, the interpretation of St Matt ii. 1-
12, by theologians in general, coincided in tbe
main with that which would be given to it by
any person of ordinary intelligence who read
the account with due attention. Some super-
natural light resembling a star had appeared
in some country (possibly Persia) far to the
east of Jerusalem, to men who were versed in
the study of celestial phenomena, conveying to
their minds a supernatural impulse to repair to
Jerusalem, where they would find a new-born
king. It supposed them to be followers, and
possibly priests, of the Zend religion, whereby
they were led to expect a Redeemer in the per-
son of the Jewish infant On arriving at Jeru-
salem, after diligent inquiry, and consultation
with the priests and learned men, who conld
naturally best inform them, they arc directed to
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STAR OF THE WISE MEN
919
STEPHEN
proceed to Bethlehem. The star which they
had seen in the east re-appeared to them, and
preceded them, until it took up its station over
the place where the young child was. The
whole matter, that is, was supernatural. Lat-
terly, however, a very different opinion has
gradually become prevalent upon the subject.
The star has been displaced from the category
of the supernatural, and has been referred to
the ordinary astronomical phenomenon of a
conjunction of the planets Jupiter and Saturn.
The idea originated with Kepler. In the
month of May, b.c. 7, a conjunction of the
planets Jupiter and Saturn occurred, not far
Hour the first point of Aries ; the planets rising
in Chaldaaa about 3} hours before the sun. It
is said that on astrological grounds such a con-
junction could not fail to excite the attention of
men like the Magi. Supposing them to have
set oat at the end of May, b.c. 7, upon a jour-
ney for which the circumstances wilt be seen to
require at least seven months, the planets were
observed to separate slowly until the end of
July, when, their motions becoming retrograde,
they again came into conjunction by the end of
September. At that timi, there can be no doubt
Jupiter would present to astronomers, especially
in so clear an atmosphere, a magnificent spec-
tacle. It was then at its most brilliant appari-
tion, for it was at its nearest approach both to
the sun and to the earth. Not far from it would
be seen its duller and much less conspicuous
companion, Saturn. This glorious spectacle
continued almost unaltered for several days,
when the planets again slowly separated, then
came to a halt, when, by re-assuming a direct
motion, Jupiter again approached to a conjunc-
tion for the third time with Saturn, just as the
Magi may be supposed to have entered the Holy
City. And, to complete the fascination of the
tale, about an hour and a half after sunset, the
two planets might be seen from Jerusalem,
hanging as it were in the meridian, and sus-
pended over Bethlehem in the distance. These
celestial phenomena thus described are, it will
be seen, beyond the reach of question ; and at
the first impression they assuredly appear to
fulfil the conditions of the star of the Ma^i.
The first circumstance which created a suspicion
to the contrary arose from an exaggeration,
unaccountable for any man having a claim to
be ranked among astronomers, on the part of
Dr. Ideler himself, who described the two plan-
ets as wearing the appearance of one bright but
diffused light to persona having weak eyes. Not
only is this imperfect eyesight inflicted upon
the Magi, but it is quite certain that, had they
possessed any remains of eyesight at all, they
could not have failed to see, not a single star,
but two planets, at the very considerable dis-
tance of double the moon's apparent diameter.
Exaggerations of this description induced the
writer of this article to undertake the very for-
midable labor of calculating afresh an epheme-
ra of the planets Jupiter and Saturn, and of the
sun, from May to December b.c. 7. The re-
sult was to confirm the fact of there being three
conjunctions during the above period, though
somewhat to modify the dates assigned to them
by Dr. Ideler. (a) It is inconceivable that,
solely on the ground of astrological reasons,
men would be induced to undertaao a seven.
months' journey. And as to the widely-spread
and prevalent expectation of some powerful
personage about to show himself in the east,
the fact of its existence depends on the testi-
mony of Tacitus, Suetonius, and Josephus.
But it ought to be very carefully observed that
all these writers speak of this expectation as
applying to Vespasian, in a.d. 69, which date
was seventy-five years, or two generations, after
the conjunction in question. (6) On Decem-
ber 4, B.C. 7, the sun set at Jerusalem at 5, p.m
Supposing the Magi to have then commence*
their journey to Bethlehem, they would first sea
Jupiter ana his .lull and somewhat distant
companion ljj houi distant from the meridian.
in a S. E. direction, and decidedly to the east of
Bethlehem. By the time they came to Rachel \
tomb, the planets would be due south of thcra,
on the meridian, and no longer over the hill of
Bethlehem. The road then takes a turn to tho
east, and ascends the hill near to its western
extremity ; the planets therefore would now be
on their right hands, and a little behind them :
the " star, therefore, ceased altogether to go
" before them " as a guide. Arrived on the hill
and in the village, it became physically impos-
sible for the star to stand over any house what-
ever close to them, seeing that it was now
visible far away beyond the hill to the west,
and far off in tho heavens, at an altitude of 57°.
As they advanced, the star would of necessity
recede, and under no circumstances could it b*
said to stand " over " any house, unless at tki
distance of miles from the place where they
were. Thus the beautiful phantasm of Kepler
and Ideler, which has fascinated so manr
writers, vanishes before the more perfect day-
light of investigation.
Stater. [Money.]
Steel. In all cases where the word " steel "
occurs in the A. V., the true rendering of the
Hebrew is " copper."
Steph'anas. A Christian convert of
Corinth, whose household Paul baptized as the
" first-fruits of Achaia" (1 Cor. i. 16, xvi. 15).
Ste'phen, the first Christian martyr, was
the chief of the Seven (commonly called Dea-
cons) appointed to rectify the complaints in
the early Church of Jerusalem, made by the
Hellenistic against the Hebrew Christians.
His Greek name indicates his own Hellenistic
orgin. His importance is stamped on the nar-
rative by a reiteration of emphatic, almost super-
lative phrases : " full of faith and of tho Holy
Ghost (Acts vi. S); " full of grace and power
(ib. 8) ; irresistible " spirit and wisdom " (ib. 10) ;
" full of the Holy Ghost" (vii. 55). He shot
far ahead of his Bix companions, and far above
his particular office. First, ho arrests attention
by the " great wonders and miracles that he did."
Then begins a series of disputations with the
Hellenistic Jews of North Africa, Alexandria,
and Asia Minor, his companions in race and
birthplace. The subject of these disputations
is not expressly mentioned; but, from what
follows, it is evident that he struck into a new
vein of teaching, which evidently caused his
martyrdom. Down to this time, the apostles
and the early Christian community had clung
in their worship, not merely to the Holy Land
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8TONE8
920
8TORK
and the Holy City, but to the Holy Place of
the Temple. This local worship, with the
Jewish customs belonging to it, he now de-
nounced. So we must infer from the accusa-
tions brought against him, confirmed as they
are by the tenor of his defence. He was arrested
at the instigation of the Hellenistic Jews, and
brought before the Sanhedrim. His speech in
his defence, and his execution by stoning out-
side the gates of Jerusalem, are related at length
in the Acts (vii.). Those who took the lead in
the execution were the persons who had taken
upon themselves the responsibility of denoun-
cing him (I)eut. xvii. 7, comp. John viii. 7).
In this instance, they were the witnesses who
had reported or misreiwrted the words of
Stephen. They, according to the custom,
stripped themselves ; and one of the prominent
leaders in the transaction was deputed by cus-
tom to signify his assent to the act by taking
the clothes into his custody, and standing over
them whilst the bloody work went on. The
person who officiated on this occasion was a
young man from Tarsus, — the future Apostle
of the Gentiles. [Paul.]
Stocks. The term " stocks " is applied in
the A. V. to two different articles, one of which
answers rather to our pillory, while the other
answers to our " stocks," the feet alone being
confined in it. The prophet Jeremiah was con-
fined in the first sort (Jer. xx. 2), which appears
to have been a common mode of punishment in
his day (Jer. xxix. 26), as the prisons contained
a chamber for the special purpose, termed " the
house of the pillory" (2 Chr. xvi. 10; A. V.
" prison-house ). The stocks, properly so
called, are noticed in Job xiii. 27, xxxiii. 11,
and Acts xvi. 24. The term used in Prov. vii.
12 (A. V. "stocks") more properly means a
fitter.
Stoics. The Stoics and Epicureans, who
are mentioned together in Acts xvii. 18, rcpre-
«ent the two opposite schools of practical phi-
losophy which survived the fall of higher specu-
lation in Greece. The Stoic school was found-
ed by Zeno of Citium (c. B.C. 280), and derived
its name from the painted " portico" (oroa) in
which ho taught. Zeno was followed by
Clcanthcs (c. B.C. 260), Cleanthcs by Chry-
sippus (c. B.C. 240), who was regarded as
the intellectual founder of the Stoic system.
The ethical system of the Stoics has been com-
monly supposed to have a close connection with
Christian morality. But the morality of Stoi-
cism is essentially based on pride, that of Chris-
tianity on humility ; the one upholds individual
ndependence, the other absolute faith in an-
other ; the one looks for consolation in the
issue of Fate, the other in Providence ; the one
is limited by periods of eosmical ruin, the other
is consummated in a jiersonal resurrection
(Acts xvii. 18).
Stomacher. The Hebrew word so trans-
lated descrilws some article of female attire
(Is. iii. 24), the character of which is a mere
matter of conjecture.
Stones. Besides the ordinary nses to which
stones were applied, we may mention that large
stones were set up to commemorate any remark-
able events (Gen. xxviii. 18, xxxi. 45, xxxv.
U ; Josh. iv. 9 ; 1 Sam. vii. 12). Such stones
were occasionally consecrated by anointini
(Gen. xxviii. 18). A similar practice existed
in heathen countries ; and by a singular coin-
cidence these stones were described in Phoenicia
bv a name very similar to Bethel, viz. batylia.
The only point of resemblance between the two
consists in the custom of anointing. That the
worship of stones prevailed among the heathen
nations surrounding Palestine, and was bor
rowed from them by apostate Israelites, appear!
from Is. Ivii. 6, according to the ordinary ren-
dering of the passage. Stones are used meta-
phorically to denote hardness or insensibility
(1 Sam. xxv. 37; Ei. xi. 19, xxxvi. 26), as
well as firmness or strength (Gen. xlix. 24).
The members of the Churrh are called " liv-
ing stones," as contributing to rear that living
temple in which Christ, Himself " a living
stone," is the chief or head of the corner (Eph.
ii. 20-22 ; 1 Pet. ii. 4-8).
Stones, Precious. Precious stones are
frequently alluded to in the Holy Scriptures :
they were known and very highly valued in
the earliest times. The Tyrians traded in pre-
cious stones supplied by Syria (Ez. xxvii. 16).
The merchants of S!"*ba and Raamah in South
Arabia, and doubtless India and Ceylon, sup-
plied the markets of Tyre with various pre-
cious stones. The art of engraving on precious
stones was known from the very earliest times
(Gen. xxxviii. 18). The twelve stones of the
breastplate were engraved each one with the
name of one of the tribes (Ex xxviii. 17-21).
Precious stones arc used in Scripture in a figo-
rative sense, to signify value, beauty, durability,
&«., in those objects with which they are com-
pared (see Cant. v. 14; Is. liv. 11, IS; Lam.
iv. 7; Rev. iv. 3, xxi. 10, 21).
Stoning. IPunishmestsJ
Stork (Heb. chasidah). The white stork
(Ciconia alba, L.) is one of the largest and
Whitr Stork (Cronln aT>a\
most conspicuous of land birds, standing nearly
four feet high, the jet black of its wings and it*
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STRANGER
921
BTREET
oright red beak and legs contrasting finely with
the pure white of its plumage (Zech. v. 9). In
the neighborhood of man, it devours readily
all kinds of offal and garbage. For this reason,
doubtless, it is placed in the list of unclean birds
by the Mosaic Law (Lev. xi. 19; Dout.xiv.18).
The range of the white stork extends over the
whole of Europe, except the British Isles, where
it is now only a rare visitant, and over Northern
Africa and Asia as far at least as Birmah.
Tbo black stork (Ciconia nigra, L.), though
leas abundant in places, is scarcely less widely
distributed, but has a more easterly range than
its congener. Both species are very numerous
in Palestine. While the black stork is never
found about buildings, but prefers marshy
places in forests, and breeds on the tops of tho
loftiest trees, the white stork attaches itself to
man, and, for the service which it renders in
the destruction of reptiles and the removal of
offal, has been repaid from the earliest times by
protection and reverence. The derivation of
chaslddh (from dined, " kindness") points to the
paternal and filial attachment of which the
stork seems to have been a type among the He-
brews no less than the Greeks and Romans.
Strain at. The A. V. of 16U renders
Matt, xxiii. 24, " Ye blind guides ! which strain
at a gnat, and swallow a camel." There can
be little doubt that this obscure phrase is due
to a printer's error, and that the true reading
is " strain out." Archbishop Trench gives an
interesting illustration of the passage from the
letter of a traveller in North Africa, who says,
" In a ride from Tangier to Tetuan, I observed
that a Moorish soldier who accompanied me,
when he drank, always unfolded the end of his
turban, and placed it over the mouth of his bota,
drinking through the muslin, to strain out the
gnat*, whose larvae swarm in the water of that
country."
Stranger. A " stranger " in the technical
sense of the term may be defined to be a person
of foreign, i.e. non-fsraelitish extraction, resi-
dent within the limits of the Promised Land.
He was distinct from the proper " foreigner,"
inasmuch as the latter still belonged to another
country, and would only visit Palestine as a
traveller: he was still more distinct from the
" nations," or non- Israelite peoples. The term
may be compared with our expression " nat-
uralized foreigner." The terms applied to the
"stranger" have special reference to the fact
of his rending in the land. The existence of
such a class of persons among the Israelites is
easily accounted for: the "mixed multitude"
that accompanied them out of Egypt (Ex. xii.
38) formed one element ; the Canaanitish pop-
ulation, which was never wholly extirpated
from their native soil, formed another, and a
still more important one ; captives taken in war
formed a third ; fugitives, hired servants, mer-
chants, &?., formed a fourth. The enactments
of the Mosaic Law, which regulated the political
and social position of resident strangers, were
conceived in a spirit of great liberality. With
the exception of the Moabites and Ammonites
(Deut xxiii. 3), all nations were admissible to
the rights of citizenship under certain condi-
tions. The stranger appears to have been eli-
trible to all civil offices, that of king excepted
US
(Dent xvii. 15). In regard to religion, it was
absolutely necessary that the stranger should
not infringe any of the fundamental faws of the
Israel itish state. If he was a bondsman, he was
obliged to submit to circumcision (Ex. xii. 44);
if he was independent, it was optional with him ;
but, if he remained uncircumised, he was pro-
hibited from partaking of the Passover (Ex.
xii. 48), and could not be regarded as a full
citizen. Liberty was also given in regard to
the use of prohibited food to an uncircumised
stranger. Assuming, however, that the stranger
was circumised, no distinction existed in regard
to legal rights between the stranger and the
Israelite. The Israelite is enjoined to treat him
as a brother (Lev. xix. 34; Deut. x. 19). It
also appears that the " stranger " formed the
class whence the hirelings were drawn ; the
terms being coupled together in Ex. xii. 45;
Lev. xxii. 10, xxv. 6, 40. The liberal spirit
of the Mosaic regulations respecting strangers
presents a strong contrast to the rigid exclu-
siveness of the Jews at the commencement of
the Christian era. The growth of this spirit
dates from the time of the Babylonish captivity.
Straw. Both wheat and barley str&w were
used by the ancient Hebrews chiefly as fodder for
their horses, cattle, and camels (Gen. xxiv. 25 ;
1 K. iv. 28 ; Is. xi. 7, lxv. 25). There is no
intimation that straw was used for litter. It
was employed by the Egyptians for making
bricks (Ex. v. 7, 16), being chopped up, and
mixed with the clay, to make them more com-
pact, and to prevent their cracking. The ancient
Egyptians reaped their corn close to the ear,
and afterwards cut the straw close to the ground,
and laid it by. This was the straw that Pha-
raoh refused to give to the Israelites.
Stream or Egypt occurs once is the
A. V. instead of " the river of Egypt " (Is.
xxvii. 12). IRiver or Eotpt.J
Street. The streets of a modern Oriental
town presented a great contrast to those with
which we are familiar, being generally narrow,
tortuous, and gloomy, even in the best towns.
Their character is mainly fixed by the climate
and the style of architecture ; the narrowness be-
ing due to the extreme heat, and the gloominess
to the circumstance of the windows looking for
the most part into the inner court. As thc»»
same influences existed in ancient times, we
should be inclined to think that the streets were
much of the same character as at present The
street called " Straight," in Damascus (Acts
ix. 11), was an exception to the rule of narrow-
ness: it was a noble thoroughfare, 100 feet
wide, divided in the Roman age by colonnades
into three avenues, the central one for foot pas-
sengers, the side passages for ^ ehicles and horse-
men going in different directions. The shops
and warehouses were probably collected togeth-
er into bazaars in ancient as in modern times
(Jer. xxxvii. 21 ), — like the wool, brazier, and
clothes bazaars in Jerusalem (Joseph. B. J. v.
8, $ 1 ) ; and perhaps the agreement between
Benhadad and Ahab that the latter should
" make streets in Damascus" (1 K. xx. 34),
was in reference rather to bazaars, and thus
amounted to the establishment of a jfut com-
mercii. That streets occasionally had names
appears from Jer. xxxvii. 21, Acts ix. 11.
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SUCCOTH
922
SUA
That they were generally unpaved may be in-
ferred from the notices of the pavement laid by
Herod the Great at Antioch, and by Herod
Agrippa U. at Jerusalem. Hence pavement
forms one of the peculiar features of the ideal
Jerusalem (Tob. xiii. 17 ; Rev. xxi. 21). Each
street and bazaar in a modern town is locked up
at night: the same custom appears to have
prevailed in ancient times (Cant. iii. 3).
Stripes. [Punishments.]
Su'ah. Son of Zophah, an Asherite ( 1 Chr.
vii. 36).
Su'ba. The sons of Suba were among the
sons of Solomon's servants who returned with
Zorobabel (1 Esd. v. 34). Ap.
Suba'i = Shalmai (1 Esd. v. 30, comp.
Ezr. ii. 46). Ap.
Suc'COth. A town of ancient date in the
Holy Land, which is first heard of in the ac-
count of the homeward journey of Jacob from
Padan-aram (Gen. xxxiii. 17). The name is
fancifully derived from the fact of Jacob's hav-
ing there put np " booths " (Succdth) for his
cattle, as well as a house for himself. From
the itinerary of Jacob's return, it seems that
Succoth lay between Peniel, near the ford of
the torrent Jabbok, and Shechem (comp. xxxii.
30 and xxxiii. 18). In accordance with this
is the mention of Succoth in the narrative of
Gideon's pursuit of Zebah and Zolmunna
(Judg. viii. 5-17). It would appear from this
passage that it lay on the east of Jordan, which
is corroborated by the fact that it was allotted
to the tribe of Gad (Josh. xiii. 27). Succoth
is named ones again after this — in 1 K. vii.
46; 2 Chr. h 17 — as marking the spot at
which the brass founderics were placed for cast-
ing the metal-work of the Temple. It appears
to have been known in the time of Jerome,
who says that there was then a town named
Sochoth beyond the Jordan, in the district of
Rcythopolis. Nothing more, however, was
heard of it till Burckhardt's journey. He men-
tions it in a note to p. 345 (July 2). He is
speaking of the places about the Jordan, and,
after naming three ruined towns " on the west
side of the river to the north of Bysan," he
says, " Near where we crossed to the south are
the ruins of Sukkot. The spot at which he
crossed he has already stated to have been
" two hours from Bysan, which boreN. N. W."
Dr. Robinson and Mr. Van deVelde have dis-
covered a place named Sakut, evidently entirely
distinct lx>th in name and position from that
of Burckhardt. In the accounts and maps of
these travellers, it is placed on the west side of
the Jordan, less than a mile from the river, and
about ten miles south of Beitdn. The distance
of Sakit from Beisdn is too great, even if it
were on the other side of the Jordan, to allow
of its being the place referred to by Jerome.
The Sukkot of Burckhardt is more suitable.
But it is doubtful whether either of them
can be the Succoth of the Old Test. For the
events of Gideon's story, the latter of the two
is not unsuitable. Sakit, on the other hand,
seems too far south, and is also on the west of
the river. But both appear too far to the north
for the Snccoth of Jacob. Until the position
of Succoth is more exactly ascertained, it is
impossible to say what was the Valley of
Sdccoth mentioned in Pa. lx. 6 and cviii
7.
Suc'COth, the first camping-place of the
Israelites when they left Egypt (Ex. xii. 37,
xiii. 20 ; Num. xxxiii. 5, 6)7 This place was
apparently reached at the close of the first day's
march. Rameses, the starting-place, was prob-
ably near the western end of the Wadi-l-Tu-
meylat. The distance traversed in each day's
journey was about fifteen miles ; and as Succoth
was not in the desert, the next station, Etham,
being "in the edge of the wilderness "( Ex.
xiii. 20 ; Num. xxxiii. 6), it must have been
in the valley, and consequently nearly due east
of Rameses, and fifteen miles distant in a
straight line.
Suc'COth-Be'noth occurs only in 2 K.
xvii. 30. It has generally been suppose*! that
this term is pure Hebrew, and signifies the
" tents of daughters ; " which some explain as
" the booths in which the daughters of the Bab-
ylonians prostituted themselves in honor of
their idol," others as "small tabernacles in
which were contained images of female deities."
Sir H. Rawlinson thinks that Snccoth-Benoib
represents the Chaldaean goddess Zirbanit, the
wife of Merodach, who was especially wor-
shipped at Babylon.
Su'chathites. One of the families of
scribes at Jabez (1 Chr. ii. 55).
Sud. A river in the immediate neighbor-
hood of Babylon, on the banks of which Jewish
exiles lived (Bar. i. 4). No such river is known
to geographers ; but the original text may have
been Sur, the River Euphrates, which is always
named by Arab geographers " the River of
Sura." Ap.
Sud = Si a, or Siaha (I Esd. v. 29; comp.
Neh. vii. 47 ; Ezr. ii. 44). Ap.
Su'dias = Hodaviah 3 and Hodetab (1
Esd. v. 26; comp. Ezr. iii. 40; Neh. xii. 43).
Ap.
Suklciims, a nation mentioned (2 Chr.
xii. 3) with the Lubim and Cushira as supply-
ing part of the army which came from Shishak
out of Egypt when he invaded Judah. Tbe
Sukkiims may correspond to some one of the
shepherd or wandering races mentioned on the
Egyptian monuments.
Sun. In the history of the creation, the sun
is described as the " greater light " in contra-
distinction to the moon, or " lesser light," in
conjunction with which it was to serve " for
signs, and for seasons, and for days, and fot
years," while its special office was " to rule the
day" (Gen. i. 14-16). The joint influence
assigned to the sun and moon in deciding tbe
" seasons," both for agricultural operations and
for religions festivals, and also in regulating the
length and subdivisions of the "years," cor-
rectly describes the combination of the lunar
and solar year, which prevailed at all events
subsequently to the Mosaic period. The sun
" ruled the day," not only in reference to its
powerful influences, but also as deciding the
length of the day, and supplying the means of
calculating its progress. Sunrise and sunset
are the only denned points of time in the ab-
sence of artificial contrivances for telling the
honr of the day. Between these two points,
the Jews recognized three periods : viz., when
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SWEAT, BLOODY
the sun became hot, about 9, a.m. (1 Sam. xi.
9 ; Neh. vii. 3), the double light or noon (Gen.
xliii. 16 ; 8 Sam. iv. 5), and " the cool of the
day," shortly before sunset (Gen. iii. 8). The
sun also served to fix the quarters of the hemi-
sphere, — east, west, north, and south, — which
were represented respectively by the rising sun,
the setting sun (Ps. I. 1 ; Is. xlv. 6), the dark
quarter (Gen. xiii. 14; Joel ii. 20), and the
brilliant quarter (Deut. xxxiii. 23 ; Job xxxvii.
17 ; Ez. xl. 24) ; or otherwise by their position
relative to a person facing the rising sun, — be-
fore, behind, on the left hand, and on the right
hand (Job xxiii. 8, 9). The apparent motion
of the sun is frequently referred to in terms
that would imply its reality (Josh. x. 13 ; 2 K.
xx. 11; Ps. xix. 6; Eccl. i. 5; Hab. iii. 11).
The worship of the sun, as the most prominent
and powerful agent in the kingdom of nature,
was widely diffused throughout the countries
adjacent to Palestine. The Arabians appear
to have paid direct worship to it without the
intervention of any statue or symbol (Job xxxi.
26, 27), and this simple style of worship was
probably familiar to the ancestors of the Jews
in Chaldsa and Mesopotamia. The Hebrews
must have been well acquainted with the idola-
trous worship of the sun during the captivity
in Egypt, both from the contiguity of On, the
chief seat of the worship of the sun, as implied
in the name itself (On = the Hebrew Bethshe-
ntesh, " house of the sun," Jer. xliii. 13), and
also from the connection between Joseph and
Poti-pherah ("he who belongs to Ra ), the
priest of On (Gen. xli. 45). After their re-
moval to Canaan, the Hebrews came in contact
with various forms of idolatry, which originated
in the worship of the sun ; such as the Baal
of the Phoenicians, the Molech or Milcom of
the Ammonites, and the Hadad of the Syrians.
It does not follow that the object symbolized by
them was known to the Jews themselves. If
we have any notice at all of conscious sun-wor-
ship in the early stages of their history, it exists
in the doubtful term chammamm (Lev. xxvi. 30;
Is. xvii. 8, &c.), which probably described the
stone pillars or statues under which the solar
Baal was worshipped at Bual-Hamon (Cant.
viii. 11) and other places. To judge from the
few notices we have on the subject in the Bible,
we should conclude that the Jews derived their
mode of worshipping the sun from several
quarters. The importance attached to the wor-
ship of the sun by the Jewish kings may be
inferred from the fact that the horses were
stalled within the precincts of the temple (2 K.
xxiii. 11). In the metaphorical language of
Scripture, the sun is emblematic of the law
of God (Ps. xix. 7), of the cheering presence
of God (Ps. lxxxiv. 11), of the person of the
Saviour (Mai. iv. 2 ; John i. 9), and of the glory
and purity of heavenly beings (Rev. i. 16, x. 1,
xii. 1).
Slur. One of the places on the sea-coast of
Palestine which are named as having been dis-
turbed at the approach of Holofernes (Jud. ii.
28). Some have suggested Dor ; others a place
named Sora ; others, again, Sim/end. But
none of these are satisfactory. Ap.
Suretyship. In the entire absence of com-
merce, the law laid down no rules on the subject
of suretyship ; but it is evident that, in the time
of Solomon, commercial dealings had become
so multiplied that suretyship in the commercial
sense was common (Prov. vi. I, xi. 15, xvii. 18,
xx. 16, xxii. 26, xxvii. 13). But in older times
the notion of one man becoming a surety for a
service to be discharged by another was in full
force (see Gen. xliv. 32). The surety, of course,
became liable for his client's debts in case of his
failure.
Su'sa (Esth. xi. 3, xvi. 18). [Shdshan.]
Su'sanchites is found once only, — in Ezr.
iv. 9. There can be no doubt that it designates
either the inhabitants of the city Susa, or those
of the country — Susis or Susiana. Perhaps
the former explanation is preferable.
Susanna. 1. The heroine of the story
of the Judgment of Daniel. — 2. One of the
women who ministered to the Lord (Luke viii.
3).
Su'Bi. The father of Gaddi the Manassite
spy (Num. xiii. 11).
Swallow (Heb. dtrdr, and 'agir), both thuf>
translated in A. V. Dtr$r occurs twice, Ps.
lxxxiv. 3 and Prov. xxvi. 2; 'agur, also twice.
Is. xxxviii. 14 and Jer. viii. 7, both times in
conjunction with m or sis. In each passage,
sis is rendered, probably correctly, by LXX.
swallow, A. V. crane [Chase], which is more
probably the true signification of 'dgwr. The
rendering of A. V. for dir&r seems less open to
question. The characters ascribed in the sev-
eral passages where the names occur are strictly
applicable to the swallow, viz. its swiftness of
flight, its nesting in the buildings of the Tem-
ple, its mournful, garrulous note, and its regular
migration, shared indeed in common with sev-
eral others. Many species of swallow occur in
Palestine. All those familiar to us in Britain
are found. The swallow, martin, and sand-
martin abound. Besides these, the Eastern swal-
low and the crag-martin are also common.
Of the genus Cypselus (swift), our swift is com-
mon ; and the splendid alpine swift may be seen
in all suitable localities.
Swan (Heb. tinshemeth). Thus rendered
by A. V. in Lev. xi. 18, Deut. xiv. 16, where
it occurs in the list of unclean birds. Bochart
explains it noctua (owl). Gesenius suggests the
pelican. These conjectures cannot be admitted
as satisfactory, the owl and pelican being both
distinctly expressed elsewhere in the catalogue.
Nor is the A. V. translation likely to be correct.
The renderings of the LXX., " porphyrio " and
" ibis," are cither of them more probable. Nei-
ther of these birds occurs elsewhere in the cata-
logue; both would be familiar to residents in
Egypt ; and the original seems to point to some
water-fowl. Ilopfvpiuv, Porphyrio antiquorum,
Bp., the purple water-hen, is mentioned by
Aristotle, Aristophanes, Pliny, and more fully
described by Athennus. It is allied to our
corn-crake and water-hen, and is the largest
and most beautiful of the family Rallida. It
frequents marshes and the sedge by the banks
of rivers in all the countries bordering on the
Mediterranean, and is abundant in Lower
Egypt.
Swearing. [Oath.1
Sweat, Bloody. One of the physical
phenomena attending our Lord's agony in the
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-Garden of Gethsemane is described by St. Lake
(xxii. 44) : "His sweat was as it were great
drops (lit. clots) of blood falling down to the
ground." The genuineness of this verse and
of the preceding has been doubted, but is
now generally acknowledged. Of this malady,
known in medical science by the term diapedau,
there have been examples recorded both in an-
cient and modern times. Aristotle was aware
of it. The cause assigned is generally violent
mental emotion. Dr. Millingen ( Curiosities of
Medical Experience, p. 489, 2d cd.) gives the
following explanation of the phenomenon : " It
is probable that this strange disorder arises
from a violent commotion of the nervous sys-
tem, turning the streams of blood out of their
natural course, and forcing the red particles
into the cutaneous excretories. A mere relaxa-
tion of the fibres could not produce so powerful
a revulsion. It may also arise in cases of ex-
treme debility, in connection with a thinner
condition of the blood."
Swine (Heb. chlzir). (I.) The flesh of
swine was forbidden as food by the Levitfcal
law (Lev. xi. 7 ; Deut. xiv. 8) : the abhorrence
which the Jews as a nation had of it may be
inferred from Is. lxv. 4 and 2 Mace. vi. 1 8, 1 9.
Swine's flesh was forbidden to the Egyptian
priests. The Arabians also were disallowed
the use of it. No other reason for die com-
mand to abstain from swine's flesh is given in
the law of Moses, beyond the general one which
forbade any of the mammalia as food which did
not literally fulfil the terms of the definition
of a " clean animal," via. that it was to be a
cloven-footed ruminant. It is, however, proba-
ble that dietetics! considerations may have in-
fluenced Moses in his prohibition of swine's
flesh : it is generally believed that its use in hot
countries is liable to induce cutaneous disor-
ders ; hence, in a people liable to leprosy, the
necessity for the observance of a strict rule.
Although the Jews did not breed swine during
the greater period of their existence as a nation,
there can be little doubt that the heathen na-
tions of Palestine used the flesh as food. At
the time of our Lord's ministry, it would appear
that the Jews occasionally violated the law of
Moses with respect to swine's flesh. Whether
" the herd of swine " into which the demons
were allowed to. enter (Matt. viii. 32 ; Mark v.
13) were the property of the Jewish or Gentile
inhabitants of Gadara, does not appear from
the sacred narrative ; but that the practice of
keeping swine did exist amongst some of the
Jews seems clear from the enactment of the
law of Hyrcanus, "ne cui porcum alere liceret"
(8.) The wild boar of the wood (Ps. Ixxx. 13)
is the common Sue scrofa which is frequently
met with in the woody parts of Palestine,
especially in Mount Tabor.
Sword. [Akms.]
Sycamine-tree is mentioned once only,
viz. in Luke xvii. 6. There is no reason to
doubt that the sycamine is distinct from the
sycamore of the same evangelist (xix. 4). The
tycamine is the mulberry-tree (Mono). Both
black and white mulberry-trees are common in
Syria and Palestine.
Sycamore (Heb. thilcm&h). The Hebrew
word occurs in the O. T. only in the plural
form masc. and once fern., Is. lxxviii. 47. TM
two Greek words occur only once each in tbe
N. T. (Luke xvii. 6, xix. 4.) Although It
may be admitted that the tycamine is properly
in Luke xvii. 6, the mulberry, and the sycamore
the Jig-mulberry, or sycamore-fig {Ficus syco-
morus), yet the latter is the tree generally
referred to in the O. T., and called by the Sept
sycamine, as 1 K. x. 27 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 28 ; Ps
lxxviii. 47 ; Am. vii. 14. The sycamore, oi
Jiff-mulberry, is in Egypt and Palestine a tre*.
of great importance and very extensive use.
It attains the size of a walnut-tree, has wide-
spreading branches, and affords a delightful
shade. On this account, it is frequently planted
by the waysides. Its leaves are heart-ahaped,
downy on the under side, and fragrant. The
fruit grows directly from the trunk itself on little
sprigs, and in clusters like tbe grape. To make
it eatable, each fruit, three or four days before
gathering, must, it is said, be punctured with a
sharp instrument or the finger-nail. This was
the original employment of the prophet Amos,
as he says vii. 14. So great was the value of
these trees, that David appointed for them in
his kingdom a special overseer, as he did for
the olives (1 Chr. xxvii. 28) ; and it is men-
tioned as one of the heaviest of Egypt's calami-
ties, that her sycamores were destroyed by bail-
stones (Ps. lxxviii. 47).
Sy'char (John iv. 5). [Shechem.]
Sychem (Acts vii. 16). I^hechem.]
Sy'chemites, the, People of (Jud. v.
16). Ap.
SyelUS = Jebibl 3 (1 Esd. i. 8, comp. X
Chr. xxxv. 8). Ap.
Sye'ne, properly Skvknkh, a town of
Egypt on the frontier of Cush or Ethiopia.
The prophet Ezekiel speaks of the desolation
of Egypt " from Migdol to Seveneh, even unto
the border of Cush ' (xxix. 10), and of its peo-
ple being slain " from Migdol to Seveneh "
(xxx. 6). Migdol was on the eastern border;
and Seveneh is thus rightly identified with the
town of Syene, which was always the last town
of Egypt on the south, though at one time
included in the nome Nubia. Its ancient Egyp-
tian name is SUN. The modern town is
slightly to the north of the old site.
Synagogue. I. history. —The word Sjst-
agogue (ovvayuyii), which means a "congre-
gation, is used in the New Testament to sig-
nify a recognized place of worship. A knowl-
edge of the history and worship of the syna-
gogues is of great importance, since they are
the characteristic institution of tbe later phase
of Judaism. We cannot separate them from
the most intimate connection with our Lord's
life and ministry. In them He worshipped in
His youth and in His manhood. They were
the scenes, too, of no small portion of His work.
We know too little of the life of Israel, both
before and under the monarchy, to be able to
say with certainty whether there was any thing
at all corresponding to the synagogues of later
date. They appear to have arisen during the
Exile, in trie abeyance of tbe Temple-worship,
and to have received their full development on
the return of the Jews from captivity. The
whole history of Ezra presupposes the habit of
solemn, probably of periodic meetings ( Ear. viii.
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SYNAGOGUE
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SYNAGOGUE
15; Neh. viii. 2, ix. 1 ; Zech. vu. 5). The
"ancient days" of which St, James speaks
(Acts xt. 21) may, at least, go back so far.
After the Maccabsaan struggle for independ-
ence, we Hnd almost every town or village hod
its one or more synagogues. Where the Jews
were not in sufficient numbers to be able to
erect and fill a building, there was the Proseu-
cha (npoocvxi), or place of prayer, sometimes
opened, sometimes covered in, commonly by a
running stream or on the seashore, in which
devout Jews and proselytes met to worship, and
perhaps to read (Acts xvi. 13 ; Juven. Sat. iii.
296). It is hardly possible to overestimate the
influence of the system thus developed. To it
we may ascribe the tenacity with which, after
the Maccabisan struggle, the Jews adhered to
the religion of their fathers, and never again
relapsed into idolatry. The people were now in
no danger of forgetting the Law and the exter-
nal ordinances that hedged it round. Here, as
in the cognate order of the scribes, there was an
influence tending to diminish and ultimately
almost to destroy the authority of the heredita-
ry priesthood. The way was silently prepared
for a new and higher order, which should rise
in "the fulness of time" out of the decay
and abolition of both the priesthood and the
Temple.
II. Structure. — The size of a synagogue
varied with the population. Its position was,
however, determinate. It stood, if possible, on
the highest ground, in or near the city to which
it belonged. And its direction, too, was fixed.
Jerusalem was the KibUJi of Jewish devotion.
The synagogue was so constructed, that the
worshippers as they entered, and as they prayed,
looked toward it. The building was commonly
erected at the cost of the district. Sometimes
it was built by a rich Jew, or even, as in Luke
vii. 5, by a friendly proselyte. In the internal
arrangement of the synagogue, we trace an
obvious analogy to the type of the Taberna-
cle. At the upper or Jerusalem end stood the
Ark, the chest which, like the older and more
sacred Ark, contained the Book of the Law.
It gave to that end the name and character of
a sanctuary. This part of the synagogue was
naturally the place of honor. Here were the
" chief seats," after which Pharisees and scribes
strove so eagerly (Matt, xxiii. 6), to which the
wealthy and honored worshipper was invited
(James ii. 2, 3). Here, too, in front of the Ark,
still reproducing the type of the Tabernacle,
was the eight-branched lamp, lighted only on
the greater festivals. Besides this, there was
one lamp kept burning perpetually. A little far-
ther towards the middle of the building was a
raised platform, on which several persons could
stand at once ; and in the middle of this rose a
pulpit, in which the Reader stood to read the
the lesson or sat down to teach. The congre-
gation were divided, men on one side, women
on the other, a low partition, five or six feet
high, running between them. The arrange-
ments of modem synagogues, for many centu-
ries, have made the separation more complete
by placing the women in low side-galleries,
screened off by lattice-work.
HI. Officers. — In smaller towns, there was
often bnt one rabbi. Where a fuller organiza-
tion was possible, there was a college of elders
(Luke vii. 3), presided over by one who was
"the chief of the synagogue "(Luke viii. 41.
49, xiii. 14; Acts xvui. 8, 17). The most
prominent functionary in a large synagogue
was known as the Shaiach (= Ugatus), the of-
ficiating minister who acted as the delegate of
the congregation, and was, therefore, the chief
reader of prayers, &c., in their name. The
Cliazzdn, or " minister " of the synagogue ( Luke
iv. 20), had duties of a lower kind resembling
those of the Christian deacon or sub-deacon.
He was to open the doors, to get the building
ready for service. Besides these, there were ten
men attached to every synagogue, known as the
Batlanim (— Otiosi). They were supposed to
be men of leisure, not obliged to labor for their
livelihood ; able, therefore, to attend the week-
day as well as the sabbath services. It will be
seen at once how closely the organization of the
synagogue was reproduced in that of the cc-
clesia. Here, also, there was the single presby-
ter-bishop in small towns, a council of presbyters
under one head in large cities. The Ugatus of
the synagogues appears in the Angel (Rev. i.
20, ii. 1) ; perhaps, also, in the apostle of the
Christian Church.
IV. Worship. — It will be enough, in this
place, to notice in what way the ritual, no less
than the organization, was connected with the
facts of the N. T. history, and with the life and
order of the Christian Church From the syn-
agogue came che use of fixed forms of prayer.
'I o that the first disciples had been accustomed
from their youth. They had asked their Mas-
ter to give them a distinctive one, and he had
complied with their request (Luke xi. 1 ), as the
Baptist had done before for his disciples, as
every rabbi did for his. The forms might be
and were abused. The large admixture of a
didactic clement in Christian worship, that by
which it was distinguished from all Gentile
forms of adoration, was derived from the older
order. " Moses " was " read in the synagogues
every sabbath day" (Acts xv. 21), the whole
Law being read consecutively, so as to be com-
pleted, according to one cycle, in three years.
The writings of the prophets were read as second
lessons, in a corresponding order. They were
followed by the Uerash (Acts xiii. 15), the ex-
position, the sermon of the synagogue. The
conformity extends also to the times of prayer.
In the hours of service, this was obviously the
case. The third, sixth, and ninth hours were,
in the times of the N. T. (Acts iii. 1, x. 3, 9),
and had been probably for some time before
(Ps. Iv. 17 ; Dan. vi. 10), the fixed times of
devotion. The same hours, it is well known,
were recognized in the Church of the second,
probably in that of the first century also. The
solemn days of the synagogue were the second,
the fifth, and the seventh ; the last, or sabbath,
being the conclusion of the whole. The trans-
fer of the sanctity of the sabbath to the Lord's
Day involved a corresponding change in the
order of the week ; and the first, the fourth, and
the sixth became to the Christian society what
the other days had been to the Jewish. From
the synagogue, lastly, come many less conspic-
uous practices, which meet us in' the liturgical
life of the first three centuries, — ablution, entire
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SYRIA
or pa/tial, before entering the place of meeting
(Heb. x. 22 ; John xiii. 1-15) ; standing, ana
not kneeling, as the attitude of prayer (Lake
xviii. 11); the arms stretched out; the face
turned towards the Kibleh of the east ; the
responsive Amen of the congregation to the
prarers and benedictions of the elders (1 Cor.
xiv" 16).
V. Judicial Functions. — The language of
the N. T. shows that the officers of the syn-
agogue exercised in certain cases a judicial
power. It is not quite so easy, however, to
define the nature of the tribunal, and the pre-
cise limits of its jurisdiction. In two of the
passages referred to (Matt. x. 17; Mark xiii.
9), they are carefully distinguished from the
councils. It seems probable that the council
was the larger tribunal of twenty-three, which
sat in every city, and that, under the terra syn-
agogue, we are to understand a smaller court,
probably that of the ten judges mentioned in
the Talmud. Here, also, we trace the outline
of a Christian institution. The Church, either
by itself or by appointed delegates, was to act as
a Court of Arbitration in all disputes among its
members. The elders of the Church were not,
however, to descend to the trivial disputes of
daily life. For the elders, as for those of the
synagogue, were reserved the graver offences
against religion and morals.
Synagogue, the Great. (i.) On the
return ot the Jews from Babylon, a great
council was appointed, according to rabbinic
tradition, to re-organize the religious life of
the people. It consisted of 120 members, and
these were known as the men of the Great
Synagogue, the successors of the prophets,
themselves, in their turn, succeeded by scribes
prominent, individually, as teachers. Ezra was
recognized as president. Their aim was to re-
store again the crown, or glory, of Israel. To
this end they collected all the sacred writings
of former ages and their own, and so completed
the canon of the O. T. They instituted the
Feast of Purim. They organized the ritual of
the synagogue, and gave their sanction to the
Shanonth Esreh, the eighteen solemn benedic-
tions in it. (2.) Much of this is evidently un-
certain. The absence of any historical men-
tion of such a body — not only in the O. T. and
the Apocrypha, but in Joscphus, Philo, and the
Seder Oiam, so that the earliest record of it is
found in the Pirke Aboth, about the second
century after Christ — had led some critics to
reject the whole statement as a rabbinic inven-
tion. The narrative of Nch. viii. 13 clearly
implies the existence of a body of men acting
as counsellors under the presidency of Ezra,
and these may have been nn assembly of dele-
gates from all provincial synagogues — a synod
of the National Church.
Syn'tyche, a female member of the
Church of Philippi (Phil. iv. 2, 3).
Syr'acuse. The celebrated citv on the
eastern coast of Sicily. St. Paul arrived
thither in an Alexandrian ship from Mclita, on
his voyage to Rome (Acts xxviii. 12). The
magnificence which Cicero dcscrilies as still re-
maining in his time was then no doubt greatly
Impaired. But the site of Syracuse rendered
"t a convenient place for the African corn-ships
to touch at ; for the harbor waa an excellent
one, and the fountain Aretbusa in the island
furnished an unfailing supply of excellent
water.
Syr'ia is the term used throughout onr ver-
sion for the Hebrew Aram, as well as for the
Greek Evpia. Most probably, Syria is for
Tsyria, the country about Ttur, or Tyre, which
was the first of the Syrian towns known to the
Greeks. It is difficult to fix the limits of
Syria. The limits of the Hebrew Aram, and
its subdivisions, are spoken of under Abu.
Syria Proper was bounded by Amanus and
Taurus on the N., by the Euphrates and the
Arabian Desert on the E., by Palestine on the
S., by the Mediterranean near the month of
the Orontes, and then by Phoenicia, upon the
W. This tract is about 300 miles long from
north to south, and from 50 to ISO miles
broad. It contains an area of about 30,000
square miles. The general character of the
tract is mountainous, as the Hebrew name
Aram (from a root signifying "height") suf-
ficiently implies. The most fertile and valuable
tract of Syria is the long valley intervening
between Libanus and anti-Libanus. [Leba-
non.] The principal rivers of Syria are the
Litany and the Orontes. The Litanv springs
from a small lake situated in the middle of the
Coele-syrian Valley, about six miles to the
south-west of Baalbek. It enters the sea about
five miles north of Tyre. The source of the
Orontes is but about fifteen miles from that of
the Litany. Its modern name is the NaJir rf-
Asi, or "Rebel Stream," an appellation given
to it on account of its violence and impetuosity
in many parts of its course. The chief towns
of Svria may be thus arranged, as nearly as
possfble in the order of their importance": I.
Antioch ; 2. Damascus; 3. Apamea; 4. Sc-
Ieucia ; 5. Tadmor or Palmyra ; 6. Laodicea ;
T. Epiphania (Hamath); 6. Samosata, 9.
Hicrapolis (Mabug); 10. Chalybon ; II.
Emesa; 12. Heliopolis; 13. Laodicea ad Li-
banum; 14. Cyrriius; 15. Chalcis; 16. Posei-
deum ; 17. Heraclea; 18. Gindarms ; 19. Zeug-
ma ; 20. Thapsacus. Of these, Samosata,
Zeugma, Thapsacus, arc on the Euphrates ;
Scleucia, Laodicea, Poseidenm, and Ikraclea,
on the seashore ; Antioch, Apamea, Epiphania,
and Emesa (Hems), on the Orontes ; Heliopolis
and Laodicea ad Libanum, in Ccele-syria;
Hierapolis, Chalybon, Cyrrhus, Chalcis, and
Gindarus, in the "northern highlands; Damas-
cus on the skirts, and Palmyra in the centre,
of the eastern desert.
History. — The first occupants of Syria ap-
pear to have been of Hamitic descent. The
C'anaanitisli races, the Hittites, Jebusites, Amo-
ritrs, &c., are connected in Scripture with
Egypt and Ethiopia, Cush and Mizraim (Gen.
x. 6 and 15-18). These tribes occupied, not
Palestine only, but also Lower Syria, in very
early times, as we may gather from the fact
that Hamath is assigned to them in Genesis
(x. 18). Afterwards they seem to have become
possessed of Upper Syria also. After a while,
the first-comers, who were still to a great ex-
tent nomads, received a Semitic infusion, which
most probably came to them from the south-
east. The only Syrian town whose existence
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we find distinctly marked at this time ia Damas-
cus (Gen. xiv. IS, xv. 2), which appears to
hare been already a place of some importance.
Next to Damascus must be placed Hamath
(Num. xiii. 21, xxxiv. 8). Syria at this time,
and for many centuries afterwards, seems to
have been broken up among a number of petty
kingdoms. The Jews first come into hostile
contact with the Syrians, under that name, in
the time of David. Claiming the frontier of
the Euphrates, which God had promised to
Abraham (Gen. xr. 18), David made war on
Hadadezer, king of Zobah (2 Sam. viii. 3, 4,
13). The Damascene Syrians were likewise
defeated with great loss (ib. ver. 5). Zobah,
however, was far from being subdued as yet.
When, a few years later, the Ammonites deter-
mined on engaging in a war with David, and
applied to the Syrians for aid, Zobah, together
with Beth-Rehob, sent them 20,000 footmen ;
and two other Syrian kingdoms furnished
13,001) (2 Sam. x. 6). This array being com-
pletely defeated by Joab, Hadadezer obtained
aid from Mesopotamia (ib. ver. 16), and tried
the chance of a third battle, which likewise
went against him, and produced the general
submission of Syria to the Jewish monarch.
The submission thus begun continued under
the reign of Solomon (1 K. iv. 21). The only
part of Syria which Solomon lost seems to have
been Damascus, where an independent king-
dom was set up by Rezon, a native of Zobah
(1 K. xi. 23-25). On the separation of the
two kingdoms, soon after the accession of Re-
hoboam, the remainder of Syria no doubt
shook off the yoke. Damascus now became
decidedly the leading state, Hamath being
second to it, and the northern Hittites, whose
capital was Carchemish near Bamlmk, third.
[Damascus.] Syria became attached to the
great Assyrian Empire, from which it passed to
the Babylonians, and from them to the Per-
sians. In B.C. 333, it submitted to Alexander
without a struggle. Upon the death of Alex-
ander, Syria became, for the first time, the
head of a great kingdom. On the division of
the provinces among his generals (n.c. 321),
Seleucus Nicator received Mesopotamia and
Syria. Antioch was begun in B.C. 300, and,
being finished in a few years, was made the
capital of Seleucus' kingdom. The country
grew rich with the wealth which now flowed
into it on all sides.
Syria holds an important place, not onlv in
the Old Testament, bat in the New. While
the country generally was formed into a Ro-
man province, under governors who were at
first propretors or quasstors, then proconsuls,
and finally legates, there were exempted from
the direct rule of the governor, in the first
place, a number of "free cities," which re-
tained the administration of their own affairs,
subject to a tribute levied according to the
Roman principles of taxation ; and, secondly,
a number of tracts, which were assigned to
petty princes, commonly natives, to be ruled
at their pleasure, subject to the same obliga-
tions with the free cities as to taxation. After
the formal division of the provinces between
Augustus and the Senate, Syria, being from |
its exposed situation among the provincial prin- 1
cipu, was ruled by legates, who were of con-
sular rank (contulara) and bore severally the
full title of " Legatus Augusti pro prrotore."
Judssa occupied a peculiar position. A special
procurator was therefore appointed to rule it,
who was subordinate to the governor of Syria,
but within his own province nad the power of
a legatua. Syria continued without serious
disturbance from the expulsion of the Parthi-
ans (B.C. 38) to the breaking-out of the Jewish
war (a.d. 66). In a.d. 44-47, it was the scene
of a severe famine. A little earlier, Christianity
had begun to spread into it, partly by means
of those who " were scattered at the time of
Stephen's persecution (Acts xi. 19), partly by
the exertions of St. Paul (Gal. i. 21). The
Syrian Church soon grew to be one of the
most flourishing (Acts xiii. 1, xv. 23, 35,
41.4CJ.
Syriao Versions. [Vbbsiohs, Stbiac.J
Sy'ro-Phceni'ciaa occurs only in Mark
vii. 26. The coinage of the words " Syro-
Pbosnicia " and " Syro -Phoenicians " seems to
have been the work of the Romans, though it
is difficult to say exactly what they intended
by the expressions. They denoted perhaps a
mixed race, half Phoenicians and half Syrians.
In later times, a geographic sense of the terms
superseded the ethnic one. The Emperor Ha-
drian divided Syria into three parts, — Syria
Proper, Svro-Phoenice, and Syria Palsestina;
and henceforth a Syro-Phoenician meant a na-
tive of this sub-province, which included Phoe-
nicia Proper, Damascus, and Palmyrene*. It
is perhaps most probable that St. Mark really
wrote ivpa Qoivtoaa, " a Phoeniciaa Syrian,
which is found in some copies.
T.
Ta'anach. An ancient Canaanitish city,
whose king is enumerated amongst the thirtv-
one conquered by Joshua (Josh. xii. 21 ). It
came into the half tribe of Manasseh (Josh,
xvii. 11, xxi. 25 ; I Chr. vii. 29), and was be-
stowed on the Kohathite Lcvites (Josh. xxi.
25). Taanach is almost always named in com-
pany with Mcgiddo, and they were evidently
the chief towns of that fine rich district which
forms the western portion of the great Plain of
Esdraelon (I K. iv. 12). There it is still to be
found. The identification of Ta'anmtk with
Taanach may be taken as one of the surest in
the whole sacred topographv. It was known
to Eusebius and to hap-Parchi, the Jewish med-
iaeval traveller ; and it still standu about four
miles south-east of Lejjun, retaining its old
name with hardly the change of a letter.
Ta'anath-Shiloh. A place named once
only (Josh xvi. 6) as one of the landmarks of
the boundary of Ephraim, but of which bound-
ary it seems impossible to ascertain. All wo
can tell is, that at this part the enumeration is
from west to east, Janohah being east of Too-
nath Shiloh. Janohah has been identified with
some probability at Yanun, on the road from
yibha to the Jordan Valley. The name Tana,
or Am Tana, seems to exist in that direction.
In a list of places contained in the Talmud,
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Taanath Shiloh is said to be identical with Shi-
LOU. Knrtz's view, that Taanath was the an-
cient Canaanite name of the place, and Shiloh
the Hebrew name, is ingenious, but at present
it is a mere conjecture.
Tab'aoth. Tabdaoth (1 Esd. v. 29). Ap.
Tab baoth. The children of Tabbaoth
were a family of Nethinim who returned with
Zcrubbaliel (Ezr. ii. 43 ; Neh. vii. 46).
Tab bath. A place mentioned only in
Judg. vii. 22, in describing the flight of the
Midiauite host after Gideon's night attack-
The host fled to Beth-shittah, to Zererah, to
the brink of Abel-menolah on Tabbath. Beth-
shittah may be Shittah, which lies on the open
plain between JeM Fulcua and Jebel Duly, foui
miles east of Ain Jalud, the probable scene of
Gideon's onslaught. But no attempt seems to
have been made to identify Tabbath, nor docs
any name resembling it appear in the books or
maps, unless it be Tubuktiat-FahU, i.e. "Ter-
race of FahU."
Tab'eal. The son of Tabeal was appar-
ently an Ephraimite in the army of Pckah the
son of Remaliah, or a Syrian m the army of
Rezin, when they went up to besiege Jerusalem
in the reign of Ahaz (Is. vii. 6). The Aramaic
form of the name favors the latter supposition.
Tab'eeL An officer of the Persian govern-
ment in Samarin in the reign of Anaxerxes
(Ezr. iv. 7). His name appears to indicate
that he was a Syrian.
TabelliUS (1 Esd. ii. 16). [Tabbel.]
Tab'erah. The name of a place in the
wilderness of Paran (Num. xi. 3 ; Deut ix. 22).
It has not been identified.
Tabering. The obsolete word thus nsed
in the A. V. of Nah. ii. 7 requires some expla-
nation. The Hebrew word connects itself with
tSph, " a timbrel." The A. V. reproduces the
original idea. The " tabour," or " tabor," was
a musical instrument of the drum-type, which
with the pipe formed the band of a country vil-
lage. To " tabour," accordingly, is to beat
with loud strokes as men beat upon such an
instrument.
Tabernacle. The Tabernacle was the tent
of Jehovah, called by the same name as the tents
of the people, in the midst of which it stood. It
was also called the sanctuary, and the tabernacle
of the congregation. The first ordinances given
to Moses, after the proclamation of the outline
of the law from Sinai, related to the ordering of
the Tabernacle, its furniture, and its service, as
the type which was to be followed when the
people came to their own home, and " found a
place " for the ahodc of God. During the forty
days of Moses' first retirement with God in
Sinai, an exact pattern of the whole was shown
him, and all wus made according to it (Ex. xxv.
9, 40, xxvi. 30, xxxix. 32, 42, 43 ; Num. viii.
4 ; Acts vii. 44 ; Heb. viii. 5). The description
of this plan is preceded by an account of the
freewill offerings which the children of Israel
were to be asked to make for its execution.
The materials were : — (a) Metals : gold, silver,
and brass, (ft) Textile fabrics : blue, purple,
scarlet, and fine {white) linen, for the production
of which Egypt was celebrated ; also a fabric
•f goats'-hair, the produce of their own flocks.
(e) Skins : of the ram, dved red, and of the
badger. (</) Wood : the sntttim-wood, the tim-
ber of the wild acacia of the desert itself, the
tree of the " burning bush." (e) Oil, spices, and
incense, for anointing the priests, and burning in
the Tabernacle. {/) Gems : onyr-stones, and
the precious stones for the breastplate of the
high-priest. The people gave jewels, and plates
of gold and silver and brass ; wood, skins, hair,
and linen ; the women wove ; the rulers offered
precious stones, oil, spices, and incense ; and the
artists soon had more than they needed (Ex.
xxv. 1-8; xxxv. 4-29; xxxvi. 5-7). The su-
perintendence of the work was intrusted to Be-
zaleel, of the tribe of Judah, and to Aholiab,
of the tribe of Dan, who were skilled in " all
manner of workmanship" (Ex. xxxi. 2, 6,
xxxv. 30, 34). The Tabernacle was a portable
building, designed to contain the sacred art,
the special symbol of God's presence, and was
surrounded by an outer court, (i.) The Court
of the Tabenmcle, in which the Tabernacle it-
self stood, was an oblong space, 100 cubits br
50 (I'.e. 150 feet by 75), having its longer axis
east and west, with its front to the east. It was
surrounded by canvas screens — in the East
called Kannants — 5 cubits in height, and sup-
ported by pillars of brass 5 cubits apart, to
which the curtains were attached by hooks and
fillets of silver (Ex. xxvii. 9. ic.). This en-
closure was only brok.-n on the eastern side
by the entrance, which wai> 20 cubits wide,
and closed by curtains of fine twined linen
wrought with needlework, and of the most gor-
geous colors. In the outer or eastern half of
the court was placed the altar of burnt-offering,
and, between it and the Tabernacle itself. th»
Iaver, at which the priests washed their hands
and feet on entering the Temple.
(ii.) The Tabernacle itself was placed ton aids
the western end of this enclosure. It was an
oblong rectangular structure, 30 cubits in length
by 10 in width (45 feet bv 15), and 10 in height ;
the interior being divided into two chambers,
the first or onter of 20 cubits in length, the in-
ner of 10 cubits, and consequently an exset
cube. The former was the Holy Place, or First
Tabernacle (Heb. ix. 2), containing the golden
candlestick on one side, the table of show-bread
opposite, and between them, in the centre, the
altar of incense. The latter was the Most Bobs
Place, or the Holy of Holies, containing the ark,
surmounted by the cherubim, with the Two
Tables inside. * The two sides, and the farther
or western end, were enclosed by boards of
shittim-wood overlaid with gold, twenty on the
north and south side, six on the western side,
and the corner-boards doubled. They stood
upright, edge to ed^c. their lower ends being
made with tenons, which dropped into sockets
of silver, and the corner-boards being coupled
at die top with rings. They were finished
with golden rings, through which passed ban
of shittim-wood, overlaid with gold, five to
each side, and the middle bar passing from
end to end, so as to brace the whole together.
Four successive coverings of curtains looped to-
gether were placed over the open top, and fell
down over the sides. The first, or inmost, was
a splendid fabric of linen, embroidered with
figures of chcrnhim, in blue, purple, and scarlet.
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TABEKNACLE
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mud looped together by golden fastenings. It
seems probable that the ends of this set of car-
tains hung down within the Tabernacle, form-
ing a sumptuous tapestry. The next was a
woollen covering of goats'-hair ; the third, of
rams'-skins dyed red ; and the outermost, of
badgers'-skins (so called in our version ; bat
the Hebrew word probably signifies seal-skins).
[Badoer-Skins.] It has been usually sup-
posed that these coverings were thrown over
the walls, like a pall is thrown over a coffin ;
bat this wonld have allowed every drop of rain
that fell on the Tabernacle to fall through ; for,
however tightly the curtains might be stretched,
the water could never ran over the edge, and
the sheep-skins would only make the matter
worse, as, when wetted, their weight would de-
press the centre, and probably tear any curtain
that could be made. There can be no reason-
able doubt that the tent had a ridge, as all tents
have had from the days of Moses down to the
present day. The front of the Sanctuary was
closed by a hanging of fine linen, embroidered
in blue, purple, and scarlet, and supported by
golden hooks, on Jive pillars of shittim-wood
overlaid with gold, and standing in brass sock-
ets ; and the covering of goats'-hair was so
made as to fall down over this when required.
A more sumptuous curtain of the same kind,
embroidered with cherubim, hung on four such
pillars, with silver sockets, divided the Holy
from the Most Holy Place. It was called the
Veil,' as it hid from the eyes of all but the
high-priest the inmost sanctuary, where Jeho-
vah dwelt on his mercy-seat, between the cheru-
bim above the ark. Hence, " to enter within
the veil " is to have the closest access to God.
It was only passed by the high-priest once a
year, on the Day of Atonement, in token of the
mediation of Christ, who, with his own blood,
hath entered for us within the veil which sepa-
rates God's own abode from earth (Hcb. vi. 19).
In the Temple, the solemn barrier was at length
Jrofaned bv a Roman conqueror, to warn the
ews that the privileges they had forfeited were
" ready to vanish away ; " and the veil was at
last rent by the hand of God himself, at the
same moment that the body of Christ was rent
upon the cross, to indicate that the entrance into
the holiest of all is now laid open to all be-
lievers " by the blood of Jesus, by a new and
living way which He bath consecrated for us,
through the veil, that is to say, His flesh " (Heb.
x. 19, 20). The Holy Place was only entered
by the priests daily, to offer incense at the time
of morning and evening prayer, and to renew
the lights on the golden candlestick ; and, on
the sabbath, to remove the old show-bread, and
to place the new upon the table.
(Hi.) The Sacred Furniture and Instruments of
the Tabernacle. — These are described in sepa-
rate articles, and therefore it is only necessary
to give a list of them here. — 1 . In the Outer
Court. The altar of burnt-offering, and the
brazen laver. [Altar; Laver.1 — 2. In the
Holy Place. The furniture of the court was
connected with sacrifice, that of the sanctuary
itself with the deeper mysteries of mediation,
> Sometimes the Meowl veil, either In reference
to the first at the entrance of the Holy Place, or as
■Ming the veil of the second sanctuary (Heb. Ix. 3).
117
and access to God. The First Sanctuary con-
tained three objects : the altar of incense in the)
centre, so as to be directly in front of the ark
of the covenant (1 K. vi. 22), the table of show-
bread on its right or north side, and the golden
candlestick on the left or south side. These
objects were all considered as being placed
before the presence of Jehovah, who dwelt in
the holiest of all, though with the veil between.
1 Altab; Show-Bread; Candlestick.] — 3.
n the Holy of Holies, within the veil, and
shrouded in darkness, there was but one object,
the Ark of the Covenant, containing the two
tables of stone, inscribed with the Ten Com-
mandments. [Ark.] — History of the Tabernacle.
— As long as Canaan remained unconquered,
and the people were still therefore an army, the
Tabernacle was probably moved from place to-
place, wherever the host of Israel was for the
time encamped. It rested finally at " the place
which the Lord had chosen," at'SmLOii (Josh,
ix. 27, xviii. 1 ). The reasons of the choice are
not given. Partly, perhaps, its central posi-
tion, partly its belonging to the powerful tribe
of Ephraim, the tribe of the great captain of
the host, may have determined the preference.
There it continued during the whole period of
the Judges (Josh. xix. 51, xxii. 12 ; Judg. xxi.
12). It was far, however, from being what it
was intended to be, the one national sanctuary,
the witness against a localized and divided wor-
ship. The old religion of the high places kepi
its ground. Altars were erected, at first with
reserve, as being not for sacrifice (Josh, xxii
26), afterwards freely and without scruple (Judg
vi. 24, xiii. 19). Of the names by which the one
special sanctuary was known at this period,
those of the '* House," or the " Temple, of Je-
hovah (1 Sam. i 9, 24, iii. 3, 15), are most promi-
nent. A state of things which was rapidly as-
similating the worship of Jehovah to that of
Ashtaroth, or Mylitta, needed to be broken up.
The Ark of God was taken, and the Sanctuary
lost its glory ; and the Tabernacle, though it
did not perish, never again recovered it ( 1 Sam:
iv. 22). Samuel treats it as an abandoned
shrine, and sacrifices elsewhere, at Mizpeh (1
Sam. vii. 9), at Ramah (ix. 12, x. 3), at Gilgal
(x. 8, xi. 15). It probably became once again
a movable sanctuary. For a time it seems,
under Saul, to have been settled at Nob ( 1 Sam.
xxi. 1-6). The massacre of the priests and the
flight of Abiathar must, however, have robbed
it yet further of its glory. It had before lost
the Ark : it now lost the presence of the high-
priest (1 Sam. xxii. 20, xxiii. 6). What change
of fortune then followed we do not know. In-
some way or other, it found its way to Gibeon
(1 Chr. xvi. 39). The anomalous separation
of the two things which, in the original order,
had been joined, brought about yet greater
anomalies ; and, while the Ark remained at Kir-
jath-jenrim, the Tabernacle at Gibeon connected
itself with the worship of the high places (1 K.
iii. 4). The capture of Jerusalem, and the erec-
tion there of a new Tabernacle, with the Ark,
of which the old had been deprived (2 Sam.
vi. 17; 1 Chr. xv. 1), left it little more than a
traditional, historical sanctity. It retained only-
the old altar of bumt-offerings (1 Chr. xxi. 9).-
Such as it was, however, neither king nor
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people could bring themselves to sweep it away.
The double service went on ; Zadok, as high-
priest, officiated at Gibeon (1 Chr. xvi. 39);
the more recent, more prophetic service of
psalms and hymns and music, under Asaph,
gathered round the Tabernacle at Jerusalem
(1 Chr. xvi. 4, 37). The divided worship con-
tinued all the days of David. The sanctity
of both places was recognized by Solomon on
his accession (1 K. iii. IS; 2 Chr. i. 3). But
it was time that the anomaly should cease.
The purpose of David, fulfilled by Solomon,
was that the claims of both should merge in
the higher glory of the Temple. The final day
at last came, and the Tabernacle was either
taken down, or left to perish and be forgotten.
8o the disaster of Shiloh led to its natural con-
summation. [Temple.]
Tabernacles, the Feast of (Ex. xxiii.
16, "the feast of ingathering"), the third of
the three great festivals of the Hebrews, which
lasted from the 15th till die 22d of Tisri. — I.
The following are the principal passages in the
Pentateuch which refer to it : Ex. xxiii. 16 ;
Lev. xxiii. 34-36, 39-43; Num. xxix. 12-38 ;
Deut xvi. 13-15, xxxi. 10-13. In Neh. via.,
there is an account of the observance of the
feast by Ezra. — II. The time of the festival
fell in the autumn, when the whole of the chief
fruits of the ground, the corn, the wine, and
the oil, were gathered in (Ex. xxiii. 16 ; Lev.
xxiii. 39 ; Deut. xv. 13-15). Its duration was
strictly only seven days (Dent. xvi. 13 ; Ex.
xlv. 25). But it was followed by a day of holy
convocation, distinguished by sacrifices of its
own, which was sometimes spoken of as an
eighth day (Lev. xxiii. 86; Neh. viii. 18).
During the seven days, the Israelites were com-
manded to dwell in booths or huts formed of
the boughs of trees. The boughs were of the
olive, palm, pine, myrtle, and other trees with
thick foliage (Neh. viii. 15, 16). According to
rabbinical tradition, each Israelite used to tie
the branches into a bunch, to be carried in his
hand, to which the name lilab was given. The
burnt-offerings of the Feast of Tabernacles
were by far more numerous than those of any
other festival. There were offered on each day
two rams, fourteen lambs, and a kid for a sin-
offering. But what was most peculiar was the
arrangement of the sacrifices of bullocks, in all
amounting to seventy (Num. xxix. 12-38).
The eighth day was a day of holy convocation
of peculiar solemnity. On the morning of this
day, the Hebrews left their huts, and dismantled
them, and took up their abode again in their
houses. The special offerings of the day were
a bullock, a ram, seven lambs, and a goat for a
sin-offering (Num. xxix. 36, 38). When the
Feast of Tabernacles fell on a sabbatical year,
portions of the Law were read each day in
public, to men, women, children, and strangers
(Dent. xxxi. 10-13). We find Ezra reading
the Law during the festival " day by day, from
the first day to the last day" (Neh. viii. 18).
— III. There are two particulars in the obser-
vance of the Feast of Tabernacles which appear
to be referred to in the New Testament, but are
not noticed in the Old. These were, the cere-
mony of pouring out some water of the Pool of
Siloam, and the display of some great lights in
the court of the women. We are told that each.
Israelite, in holiday attire, having made np his
lilab, before he broke bis fast, repaired to the
Temple with the lilab in one hand, and the
citron in the other, at the time of the ordinary
morning sacrifice. The parts of the victim were
laid upon the altar. One of the priests fetched
some water in a golden ewer from the Pool of
Siloam, which he brought into the court through
the water gate. As he entered, the trumpets
sounded, and he ascended the slope of the altar.
At the top of this were fixed two silver basins,
with small openings at the bottom. Wine was
poured into that on the eastern side, and the
water into that on the western side, whence it
was conducted by pipes into the Cedron. In
the evening, both men and women assembled
in the court of the women, expressly to bold a
rejoicing for the drawing of the water of Si-
loam. At the same time there were set np in
the court two lofty stands, each supporting
four great lamps. These were lighted on each
night of the festival. It appears to be generally
admitted that the words of our Saviour (John
vii. 37, 38) — " If any man thirst, let him come
unto me and drink ; He that believeth on me,
as the Scripture hath said, out of his belly shall
flow rivers of living water " — were suggested
by the pouring-out of the water of Siloam. But
it is very doubtful what is meant by " the last
day, that great day of the feast" It would
seem that either the last day of the feast itself,
that is, the seventh, or the last day of the reli-
gious observances of the series of annual festi-
vals, the eighth, most be intended. The eighth
day may be meant, and then the reference of
our Lord would be to an ordinary and well-
known observance of the feast, though it was
not, at the very time, going on. We must
resort to some such explanation, if we adopt
the notion that our Lord's words (John viii.
12) — "lam the light of the world " — refer to
the great lamps of the festival. — IV. There
are many directions given in the Mishna for
the dimensions and construction of the hots.
They were not to be lower than ten palms, nor
higher than twenty cubits. They were to stand
by themselves, and not to rest on any external
support, nor to be under the shelter of a larger
building, or of a tree. They were not to be
covered with skins or cloth of any kind, but
only with boughs, or, in part, with reed mats
or laths. The furniture of the hots was to br,
according to most authorities, of the plain-
est description. It is said that the altar was
adorned throughout the seven days with sprigs
of willows, one of which each Israelite who
came into the court brought with him. The
great number of the sacrifices has been already
noticed. But besides these, the Chagigahs, or
private peace-offerings, were more abundant
than at any other time. — V. Though all the
Hebrew annual festivals were seasons of rejoi-
cing, the Feast of Tabernacles was, in this
respect, distinguished above them all. The
hots and the lUSb» most have made a gay
and striking spectacle over the city by day ; and
the lamps, the flambeaux, the musk, and the
joyous gatherings in the court of the Temple,
must have given a still more festive character
to the night — VI. The main purposes of the
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Feast of Tabernacles are plainly set forth (Ex.
xxiii. 16 and Lev. xxiii. 43). It was to be at
once a thanksgiving for the harvest, and a
commemoration of the time when the Israelites
dwelt in tents during their passage through the
wilderness. In one of its meanings, it stands in
connection with the Passover, as the Feast of
Abib ; and with Pentecost, as the Feast of Har-
vest : in its other meaning, it is related to the
Passover as the great yearly memorial of
the deliverance from the destroyer, and from
the tyranny of Egypt. But naturally connected
with this exultation in their regained freedom
was the rejoicing in the more perfect fulfilment
of God's promise, in the settlement of His peo-
ple in the Holy Land. But the culminating
point of this blessing was the establishment ot
the central spot of the national worship in the
Temple at Jerusalem. Hence it was evidently
fitting that the Feast of Tabernacles should be
kept with an nnwonted degree of observance at
the dedication of Solomon's Temple (1 K. viii.
2, 65 ; Joseph. Ant. viii. 4, § 5), again, after the
rebuilding of the Temple by Ezra (Neh. viii.
13-18), and a third time by Judas Maccabaus
when he had driven out the Syrians and re-
stored the Temple to the worship of Jehovah
(2 Mace. x. 5-8).
Tab'itha, also called Dorcas by St. Luke :
a female disciple of Joppa, "full of good
works," among which that of making clothes
for the poor is specifically mentioned. While
St. Peter was at the neighboring town of
Lydda, Tabitha died ; upon which the disciples
at Joppa sent an urgent message to the apostle,
begging him to come to them without delay.
Upon bis arrival, Peter found the deceased
already prepared for burial, and laid out in an
upper chamber, where she was surrounded by
the recipients and the tokens of her charity.
After the example of our Saviour in the house
of Jairus (Matt. ix. 25 ; Mark v. 40), " Peter
put them all forth," prayed for the divine as-
sistance, and then commanded Tabitha to arise
(comp. Mark v. 41 , Luke viii. 54). She opened
her eyes and sat up, and then, assisted by the
apostle, rose from her couch. This great mira-
cle, as we are further told, produced an extraor-
dinary effect in Joppa, and was the occasion
of many conversions there (Acts ix. 36-42).
The name of " Tabitha " is the Aramaic form,
answering to the Hebrew Uebiuah, a " female
gazelle." St. Luke gives " Dorcas " as the
Greek equivalent of the name.
Ta'bor and Mount Ta'bor, one of the
most interesting and remarkable of the single
mountains in Palestine. It rises abruptly from
the north-eastern arm of the Plain of Esdraelon,
and stands entirely insulated, except on the
west, where a narrow ridge connects it with the
hills of Nazareth. It presents to the eye, as
seen from a distance, a beautiful appearance,
being so symmetrical in its proportions, and
rounded off like a hemisphere or the segment
of a circle, yet varying somewhat as viewed
from different directions. The body of the
mountain consists of the peculiar limestone of
the country. It is now called Jebel et-T&r. It
lies about six or eight miles almost due east
from Nazareth. The ascent is usually made
on tba west side, near the little village of Deb-
urich, probably the ancient Daberath (Josh,
xix. 12), though it can be made with entire
ease in other places. It requires three-quarters
of an hour or an hour to reach the top. The
top of Tabor consists of an irregular platform,
embracing a circuit of half an hour's walk, and
commanding wide views of the subjacent plain
from end to end. Tabor does not occur in the
New Testament, but makes a prominent figure
in the Old. The Book of Joshua (xix. 22)
mentions it as the boundary between Issachar
and Zebulun (see ver. 12). Barak, at the com-
mand of Deborah, assembled his forces on Ta-
bor, and descended thence, with " ten thousand
men after him," into the plain, and conquered
Sisera on the banks of the Kishon (Judg. iv.
6-15). The brothers of Gideon, each of whom
" resembled the children of a king," were mur-
dered here by Zebah and Zalmunna (Judg.
viii. 18, 19). Some writers, after Herder and
others, think that Tabor is intended when it
is said of Issachar and Zebulun in Deut. xxxiii.
19, that " they shall call the people unto the
mountain; there they shall offer sacrifices of
righteousness." Dr. Robinson has thus de-
scribed the ruins which are to be seen at present
on the summit of Tabor. " All around the top
are the foundations of a thick wall built of
large stones, some of which are bevelled, show-
ing that the entire wall was perhaps originally
of that character. In several parts are the re-
mains of towers and bastions. The chief re-
mains are upon the ledge of rocks on the south
of the little basin, and especially towards its
eastern end ; here are — in indiscriminate con-
fusion — walls, and arches, and foundations,
apparently of dwelling-houses, as well as other
buildings, some of hewn, and some of large
bevelled stones. The walls and traces of a fort-
ress are seen here, and farther west, along the
southern brow, of which one tall pointed arch
of a Saracenic gateway is still standing, and
bears the name of Bab d-Hawa, ' Gate of the
Wind.' " The Latin Christians have now an
altar here, at which their priests from Nazareth
perform an annual mass. The Greeks also
have a chapel, where, on certain festivals, they
assemble for the celebration of religious rites.
This idea that our Saviour was transfigured on
Tabor prevailed extensively among the early
Christians, who adopted legends of this nature,
and re-appears often still in popular religious
works. It is impossible, however, to acquiesce
in the correctness of this opinion. It can be
proved from the Old Testament, and from later
history, that a fortress or town existed on Ta-
bor from very early times down to B.C. 53 or
50 ; and as Josephus says that he strengthened
the fortifications there, about a.d. 60, it is mor-
ally certain that Tabor must have been inhab-
ited during the intervening period, that is, in
the days of Christ. Tabor, therefore, could not
have been the Mount of Transfiguration ; for
when it is said that Jesus took his disciples " up
into a high mountain apart, and was transfig-
ured before them" (Matt. xvii. 1, 2), we must
understand that He brought tbero to the sum-
mit of the mountain, where they were alone by
themselves.
Ta'bor is mentioned in the lists of I Chr.
vi. as a city of the Merarite Levites, in the
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TADMOR
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tribe of Zebulun (ver. 77). The list of the
towns of Zebulun (Josh, xix.) contains the
name of Chisloth-Tabor (ver. 12). It is
therefore possible, either that Chisloth-Tabor is
abbreviated into Tabor by the chronicler, or
that, by the time these latcr'lists were compiled,
the Mcrarites had established themselves on
the sacred mountain, and that Tabor is Mount
Tabor.
TaTx>r, the Plain Of. It has been al-
ready pointed out that this is an incorrect
translation, and should be the Oak of Ta-
bor. It is mentioned in I Sam. x. 3 only, as
one of the points in the homeward journey of
Saul after his anointing by Samuel. But un-
fortunately, like so many of the other spots
named in this interesting passage, the position
of the Oak of Tabor has not yet been fixed.
Ewald seems to consider it certain that Tabor
and Deborah are merely different modes of pro-
nouncing the same name, and he accordingly
identifies the Oak of Tabor with the tree under
which Deborah, Rachel's nurse, was buried
(Gen. xxv. 8). But this, though most inge-
nious, can only be received as a conjecture.
Tab'ret. [Timbrbl.1
Tab'rimon. Properly Tabrimmon, i.e.
"good is Rimmon," the Syrian god. The
father of Benhadad I., king of Syria in the
reign of Asa (1 K. xv. 18).
Tache. The word thus rendered occurs
only in the description of the structure of the
Tabernacle and its fittings (Ex. xxvi. 6, 11, 33,
xxxv. 11, xxxvi. 13, xxxix. 33), and appears
to indicate the small hooks by which a curtain
is suspended to the rings from whicb it hangs,
or connected vertically, as in the case of the
veil of the Holy of Holies, with the loops of
another curtain.
Tach'monite, the. "The Tachmonite
that sat in the seat," chief among David's cap-
tains (2 Sam. xxiii. 8), is in 1 Chr. xi. 11 called
" Jashobeam an Hachmonite," or, as the tnar-
fin gives it, *' son of Hachmoni." Kcnnicott
as shown that the words translated " he that
sat in the seat " are a corruption of Jashobeam,
and that " the Tachmonite is a corruption of
the " son of Hachmoni," which was the family
or local name of Jashobeam. Therefore he
concludes " Jashobeam the Hachmonite " to
have been the true reading.
Tad'mor, called "Tadmor in the wilder-
ness" (2 Chr. viii. 4). There is no reasonable
doubt that this city, said to have been built by
Solomon, is the same as the one known to the
Greeks and Romans and to modern Europe by
the name, in some form or other, of Palmyra.
The identity of the two cities results from the
following circumstances: 1st, The same city
is specially mentioned by Josephns (Ant. viii.
6, § 1 ) as bearing in his time the name of Tad-
mor among the Syrians, and Palmyra among
the Greeks ; and in his Latin translation of the
Old Testament, Jerome translates Tadmor by
Palmira (2 Chr. viii. 4). 2dly, The modern
Arabic name of Palmyra is substantially the
same as the Hebrew word, being Tadmnr or
Tathmur. 3dly, The word Tadmor has near-
ly the same meaning as Palmyra, signifying
probably the " City of Palms," from Tamar, a
palm. 4thly, The name Tadmor or Tadmor
actually occurs as the name of the city in
Aramaic and Greek inscriptions which nave
been found there. 5thly, In the Chronicles,
the city is mentioned us having been built by
Solomon after his conquest of Hamath Zobah,
and it is named in conjunction with " all the
store-cities which he built in Hamath." This
accords fully with the situation of Palmyra
[Hamath] ; and there is no other known city,
either in the desert, or not in the desert, which
can lay claim to the name of Tadmor. In ad-
dition* to the passage in the Chronicles, there
is a passage in the Book of Kings (1 K. ix. 18)
in which, according to the marginal reading
(Keri), the statement that Solomon built Tad-
mor likewise occurs. But on referring to the
original text ( Ctthib), the word is found to be,
not Tadmor, but Tamar. Now, as all the other
towns mentioned in this passage with Tamar
are in Palestine (Gezer, Bclh-horon, Baalath),
as it is said of Tamar that it was " in the wil-
derness in the land," and as, in Ezekiel's pro-
phetical description of the Holy Land, there is
a Tamar mentioned as one of the borders of
the land on the south (Ex. xlvii. 19), where, as
is notorious, there is a desert, it is probable
that the author of the Book of Kings did not
really mean to refer to Palmyra, and that the
marginal reading ot " Tadmor " was founded
on the passage in the Chronicles. If this is
admitted, the suspicion naturally suggests it-
self, that the compiler of the Chronicles may
have misapprehended the original passage in
the Book of Kings, and may nave incorrectly
written " Tadmor " instead of " Tamar." On
this hypothesis, there would hare been a carious
circle of mistakes ; and the final result would
be, that any supposed connection between Solo-
mon and the foundation of Palmyra must be
regarded as purely imaginary. This conclu-
sion is not necessarily incorrect or unreasona-
ble ; but there are not sufficient reasons for
adopting it. As the city is nowhere else men-
tioned in the whole Bible, it would be out of
place to enter into a long, detailed history of it
on the present occasion. The following lead-
ing facts, however, may be mentioned. Tba
first author of antiquity who mentions Palmyra
is Pliny the Elder. Afterwards it was men-
tioned by Appian, in connection with a design
of Mark Antony to let his cavalry plunder it.
In the second century a.d., it seems to have
been beautified by the emperor Hadrian. In
the beginning of the third century a.d., it be-
came a Roman colony under Caracal la (211-
217 a.d.), and received the jus Italicum. Sub-
sequently, in the reign of Gallienus, the Roman
Senate invested Odenathus, a senator of Pal-
myra, with the regal dignity, on account of his
services in defeating Sapor king of Persia.
On the assassination of Odenathus, his cele-
brated wife Zenobia seems to have conceived
the design of erecting Palmyra into an inde-
pendent monarchy ; and, in prosecution of this
object, she, for a while, successfully resisted
the Roman arms. She was at length defeated
and taken captive by the emperor Aurelian,
(a.d. 273), who left a Roman garrison in Pal-
myra. This garrison was massacred in a re-
volt ; and Aurelian punished the city by the
execution not only of those wbo were taken in
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TAHTIM HODSHI, LAND OF 933
TAMAB
arms, but likewise of common peasants, of old
men, women, and children. From this blow
Palmyra nerer recovered, though there are
proofs of its having continued to be inhabited
until the downfall of the Roman Empire.
Talian. A descendant of Ephraiin (Num.
xxvi. 351. In 1 Chr. vii. 25, he appears as the
son of Telab.
TaTianitee, the. The descendants of the
preceding (Num. xxvi. 35).
TaTiatk. 1. A Kohathite Levite, ancestor
of Samuel and Heman ( 1 Chr. vi. 24, 37 [9,
22]). — 2. According to the present text, son
of Bered, and great-grandson of Ephraim (1
Chr. vii. 20). Burrington, however, identifies
Tahath with Tahan, the son of Ephraim. — 3.
Grandson of the preceding, as the text now
stands (1 Chr. vii. 20). But Burrington con-
siders him as a son of Ephraim.
Taliath. The name of a desert-station of
the Israelites between Makheloth and Tarah
(Num. xxxiii. 26). The site has not been
identified.
Tahpanhes, Tehaph'nehes, Ta -
hap'anes. A city of Egypt, of importance in
the time of the prophets Jeremiah and Ezekiel.
The name is evidently Egyptian, and closely
resembles that of the Egyptian queen Tah-
pskes. The Coptic name of this place,
Taphnas, is clearly derived from the LXX.
form. Tahpanhes was evidently a town of Lower
Egypt, near or on the eastern border. When
Johanan and the other captains went into
Egypt, " they came to Tahpanhes " (Jer. xliii.
7). The Jews in Jeremiah's time remained
here (Jer. xliv. I). It was an important town,
being twice mentioned by the latter prophet
with Noph or Memphis (ii. 16, xlvi. 14).
Here stood a house of Pharaoh-hophra, before
which Jeremiah hid great stones (xliii. 8-10).
It is mentioned with " Ramesse and all the
land of Qesen " in Jud. i. 9. Herodotus calls
this place Daphnte of Pelusium. In the itine-
rary of Antoninus, this town, called Dafho, is
placed sixteen Roman miles to the south-west
of Pelusium. This position seems to agree
with that of Tel-Defenneh, which Sir Gardner
Wilkinson supposes to mark the site of Daph-
nss. Can the name be of Greek origin ? No
satisfactory Egyptian etymology has been sug-
gested.
Tahpenes, a proper name of an Egyptian
queen. She was wife of the Pharaoh who
received Hadod the Edoraite, and who gave
him her sister in marriage (1 K. xi. 18-20).
In the LXX., the latter is called the elder sister
of Thekemina ; and, in the addition to ch. xii.,
Shishak (Susakim) is said to have given Ano,
the elder sister of Thekemina his wife, to Jero-
boam. It is obvious that this and the earlier
statement are irreconcilable. There is, there-
fore, but one Tahpenes or Thekemina. No
name that has any near resemblance to either
Tahpenes or Thekemina has yet been found
among those of the period.
Tahre'a. Son of Micah, and grandson of
Mephibosheth (1 Chr. ix. 41).
Tah'tim Hod'shi, the Land of. One
of the places visited by Joab during his census
of the land of Israel. It occurs between Gilead
and Dan-jaan (2 Sam. xxiv. 6). The name
has pnzzled all the interpreters. The old ve>
sions throw no li^ht upon it.
Talent, the greatest weight of the Hebrews.
[Weights.]
Tali'tha CU'mi. Two Syriac words (Mark
v. 41 ), signifying " Damsel, arise."
Talma'i. 1. One of the three sons of
" the Anak " who were slain by the men of
Judah (Num. xiii. 22; Josh, xv! 14; Judg. i.
10). — 2. Son of Ammihud, king of Gcshur
(2 Sam. iii. 3, xiii. 37 ; 1 Chr. iii. 2). He
was probably a petty chieftain dependent on
David.
Tal'mon. The head of a family of door-
keepers in the Temple, " the porters for the
camps of the sons of Levi " (1 Chr. ix. 17 ;
Neh. xi. 19). Some of his descendants re-
turned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 42 ; Neh. vii.
45), and were employed in their hereditary
office in the days of Nehemiah and Ezra (Neh.
xii. 25).
Tal'sas. Gumh (1 Esd. ix. 22). Ap.
Ta'mah. The children of Tamah, or
Thamah (Ezr. ii. 53), were among the Nethinim
who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 55).
Ta'mar. The name of three women re-
markablo in the history of Israel. — 1. The
wife successively of the two sons of Judah, Er
and Onan 'Gen. xxxviii. 6-30). Her impor-
tance in the sacred narrative dependt on the
freat anxiety to keep up the lineage of Judah.
t seemed as if the family were on the point
of extinction. Er and Onan had successively
perished suddenly. Judah's wife Bathshuoh
died ; and there only remained a child Shelah,
whom Judah was unwilling to trust to the
dangerous union, as it appeared, with Tamar,
lest he should meet with the same fate as his
brothers. Accordingly shj resorted to the des-
perate expedient of entrapping the father him-
self into the union which he feared for hi* son.
He took her for one of the unfortunate women
who were consecrated to the impure rites of
the Canaanite worship. He promised her, as
the price of his intercourse, a kid from the
flocks to which he was going, and left an his
pledge his ornaments and his staff. The kid
he sent back bv his shepherd (LXX.), Hirah
of Adullam. The woman could nowhere be
found. Months afterwards it was discovered
to be his own daughter-in-law Tamnr. She
was sentenced to be burnt alive, and was only
saved by the discovery, through the pledges
which Judah had left, that her seducer was no
less than the chieftain of the tribe. The fruits
of this intercourse were twins, Prarbz and
Zarah ; and through Pharez the sacred line
was continued. — 2. Daughter of David and
Maachah the Gcshuritc princess, and thus sis-
ter of Absalom (2 Sam. xiii. 1-32 ; 1 Chr. iii.
9). She and her brother were alike remarkable
for their extraordinary beauty. This fatal beau-
ty inspired a frantic passion in her half-brother
Amnon, the eldest son of David by Ahinoam.
Morning by morning, as he received the visits
of his friend Jonadab, he was paler and thin-
ner. Jonadab discovered the cause, and sug-
gested to him the means of accomplishing his
wicked purpose. He was to feign sickness.
The king, who appears to have entertained a
considerable affection, almost awe, for him, as
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TABSHISH
the eldest son (2 Sam. xiii. 5, 21 ; LXX),
came to visit bim ; and Amnon entreated the
presence of Tamar, on the pretext that she
alone could give him food that he would eat.
It would almost seem that Tamar was sup-
posed to have a peculiar art of baking palatable
cakes. She came to his house, took the dough
and kneaded it, and then, in his presence,
kneaded it a second time into the form of cakes.
She then took the pan in which they had been
baked, and poured them all out in a heap be-
fore the prince. He caused his attendants to
retire, called her to the inner room, and there
accomplished his design. In ber touching
remonstrance, two points are remarkable : first,
the expression of the infamy of such a crime
"in Israel," implying the loftier standard of
morals that prevailed, as compared with other
countries at that time; and, secondly, the
belief that even this standard might be overborne
lawfully by royal authority, — " Speak to the
king, for he will not withhold me from thee."
The brutral hatred of Amnon succeeding to his
brutal passion, and the indignation of Tamar
at his barbarous insult, even surpassing her
indignation at his shameful outrage, are pa-
thetically and graphically told. The story of
Tamar, revolting as it is, has the interest of
revealing to us the interior of the royal house-
hold beyond that of any other incident of
those times. (1.) The establishments of the
princes. (2.) The simplicity of the royal em-
ployments. (3.) The dress of the princesses.
(4.) The relation of the king to the princes
and to the law. — 3. Daughter of Absalom
(2 Sam. xiv. 7). She ultimately, by her mar-
riage with Uriah of Gibcah, became the mother
jf Maachah, the future queen of Judah, or
wife of Abijah (1 K. xv. 2).
Ta'mar. A spot on the south-eastern
frontier of Judah, named in Ezek. xlvii. 19,
xlviii. 26, only ; evidently called from a palm-
tree. If not Hazazm Tamar, the old name of
Engedi, it may be a place called Thamar in
the Onomasticon (" Hazazon Tamar "), a day's
journey south of Hebron.
Tam'muz. Properly "the Tammuz,"
the article indicating, that, at some time or
Other, the word had been regarded as an appel-
lative (Ex. viii. 14). Jerome identifies Tammuz
with Adonis, and in so doing has been followed
by most subsequent commentators. The slight
hint given by the prophet of the nature of the
Worship and worshippers of Tammuz has been
sufficient to connect them with the yearly
mourning for Adonis by the Syrian damsels.
But beyond this we can attach no especial
weight to the explanation of Jerome.
Ta'nach. A slight variation of the name
Taanach (Josh. xxi. 25).
Tanhu'meth. The father of Seraiah in
the time of Gcdaliah (2 K. xxv. 23 ; Jer. xl.
8).
Ta'nis (Jud. i. 10). [Zoak.] Ap.
Ta'phath. The daughter of Solomon, who
was married to Ben-Abinadab (1 K. iv. 11).
Ta'phon. One of the cities in Judaea for-
tified by Borchides (1 Mace. ix. 50). It is
probably the Beth-Tappuaii of the Old Tes-
tament. Ap.
Tappu'ah. L A city of Judah, in the dis-
trict of the Shefelah, or Lowland (Josh. xv. 34 ,
It was no doubt situated on the lower slopes ot
the mountains of the N. W. portion of Judah,
about twelve miles west of Jerusalem. — 2. A
place on the boundary of the " children of Jo-
seph " (Josh. xvi. 8, xvii. 8). Its full name
was probably En-tappuah (xvii. 7). It seems
natural to look for it somewhere to the S. W.
of Nablus, in the neighborhood of the Wady
Falailc.
Tappu'ah. One of the sons of Hebron,
of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 43). It is
doubtless the same as Beth-Tappcah.
Tappu ah, the Land of. A district
named in the specification of the boundary be-
tween Ephraim and Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 8).
The name has not yet been met with at all in
the central district of Palestine.
Ta'rah. A desert-station of the Israelites
between Tahath and Mitbcah (Num. xxxiii.
Tar'alah. One of the towns in the allot-
ment of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 27).
Tare'a. The same as Tahrea, the son of
Micah(l Chr. viii. 35).
Tares. There urn be little doubt that the
Qtjiwux of the parable (Matt. xiii. 25) denote
the weed called " darnel " (Lolium temulentiu*).
The word used by the evangelist is an Orient-
al, and not a Greek term. The darnel, before it
comes into ear, is very similar in appearance to
wheat; hence the command that the zUmia
should be left to the harvest, lest, while men
plucked up the tares, " they should root up also
the wheat with them." Dr. Stanley, however,
speaks of women and children picking up from
the wheat in the corn-fields of Samaria the tall
green stalks, still called by the Arabs zawan.
" These stalks," he continues, " if sown design-
edly throughout the fields, would be insepara-
ble from the wheat, from which, even when
growing; naturally and by chance, they are at
first sight hardly distinguishable." The grain-
growers in Palestine believe that the atwin is
merely a degenerate wheat ; that in wet seasons
the wheat turns to tares.
Tareums. [Versioks, l'halt>ek.1
Tarpelites, the. A race of colonists
who were planted in the cities of Samaria after
the captivity of the northern kingdom of Israel
(Ezr. iv. 9). They have not been identified
with anv certainty.
Tar'shish. 1. Probably Tartessns, a city
and emporium of the Phoenicians in the south
of Spain, is represented as one of the sons of
Javan (Gen x. 4; 1 K. x. 22, xxii 48 [49];
1 Chr. i. 7; Ps. xlviii. 8, lxvii. 10; Is. ii. 16,
xxiii. 1, 6, 10, 14, lx. 9, Ixvi. 19; Jer. x. 9;
Ez. xxvii. 12, 25, xxxviii. 13; Jon. i. 3, iv. 3).
The identity of the two places is rendered high-
ly probable by the following circumstances:
1st. There is a very close similarity of name
between them, Tartessns being merely Tarshish
in the Aramaic form. 2dly. There seems to
have been a special relation between Tarshish
and Tyre, as there was at one time between
Tartessns and the Phoenicians. 3dly. The ar-
ticles which Tarshish is stated by the prophet
Ezekiel (xxvii. 12) to have supplied to Tyre
are precisely such as we know through clas«:csl
writers to have been productions of the Spanish
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Peninsula. In regard to tin, the trade of Tar-
shish in this metal is peculiarly significant, and,
taken in conjunction with similarity of name
and other circumstances already mentioned, is
reasonably conclusive as to its identity with
Tartessus. For even now the countries in
Europe, or on the shores of the Mediterranean
Sea, where tin is found, are very few ; and, in
reference to ancient times, it would be difficult
to name any such countries, except Iberia or
Spain, Lusitania, which was somewhat less in
extent than Portugal, and Cornwall in Great
Britain. In the absence of positive proof, we
may acquiesce in the statement of Strabo, that
the River Baetis (now the Guadalquivir) was
formerly called Tartessus, that the city Tartes-
sus wag situated between the two arms by which
the river flowed into the sea, and that the
adjoining country was called Tartessis. 2.
From the Book of Chronicles there would seem
to have been a Tarshish, accessible from the
Red Sea, in addition to the Tarshish of the
south of Spain. Thus, with regard to the
ships of Tarshish, which Jehoshaphat caused to
be constructed at Ezion-geber on the ^Elanitic
Gnlf of the Red Sea (1 K. xxii. 48), it is said
in the Chronicles (2 Chr. xx. 36) that they
were made to go to Tarshish ; and in like man-
ner the navy of ships, which Solomon had pre-
viously maue in Ezion-geber (t K. ix. 26), is
said in the Chronicles (2 Chr. ix. 21) to have
fonc to Tarshish with the servants of Hiram,
t is not to be supposed that the author of these
passages in the Chronicles contemplated a voy-
age to Tarshish in the south of Spain by going
round what has since been called the Cape of
Good Hope. The expression, " ships of Tar-
shish," originally meant ship destined to go
to Tarshish ; and then probably came to signify
large Phoenician ships, of a particular size and
description, destined for long voyages, just as
in English " East-Indiaman " was a general
name given to vessels, some of which were
not intended to go to India at all. Hence we
may infer that the word Tarshish was also used
to signify any distant place, and in this case
would be applied to one in the Indian Ocean.
This is shown by the nature of the imports with
which the fleet returned, which are specified as
" gold, stiver, ivory, apes, and peacocks " ( 1 1C.
x. 22). The gold might possibly have been ob-
tained from Africa, or from Ophir in Arabia,
and the ivory and the apes might likewise have
been imported from Africa ; but the peacocks
point conclusively, not to Africa, but to India.
There are only two species known ; both in-
habit the continent and islands of India : so that
the mention of the peacock seems to exclude
the possibility of the voyage having been to
Africa. The inference to be drawn from the
importation of peacocks is confirmed hv the
Hebrew name for the ape ami the peacock.
Neither of these names is of Hebrew, or even
Semitic, origin ; and each points to India.
Thus the Hebrew word for ape is Ivoph, while
the Sanscrit word is hapi. Again, the Hebrew
word for peacock is tukki, which cannot be ex-
plained in Hebrew, but is akin to toka in the
Tamil language. There are not, however, suf-
ficient data for determining what were the ports
in India or the Indian islands which were.
reached by the fleet of Hiram and Solomon,
though the suggestion of Sir Emerson Tennent
that they went to Point de Gaite, in Ceylon, is
very probable.
Tar'sus. The chief town of Cilicia, " no
mean city " in other respects, but illustrious to
all time as the birthplace and early residence of
the Apostle Paul (Acts ix. 11, xxi.39, xxii. 3).
Even in the flourishing period of Greek history,
it was a city of some considerable consequence.
After Alexander's conquests had swept this
way, and the Seleucid kingdom was established
at Antioch, Tarsus usually belonged to that
kingdom, though for a time it was under the
Ptolemies. In the civil wars of Rome, it took
Csesar's side, and on the occasion of a visit
from him had its name changed to Juliopolis.
Augustus made it a " free city." It was re-
nowned as a place of education under the early
Roman emperors. Strabo compares it in this
respect to Athens and Alexandria. Tarsus also
was a place of much commerce. It was situ-
ated in a wild and fertile plain on the banks of
the Cydnus. No ruins of any importance re-
main.
Tar'tak. One of the gods of the Avite,
or Avvite, colonists of Samaria (2 K. xvii. 31).
According to rabbinical tradition, Tartak is
said to have been worshipped under the form
of an ass. A Persian or Pehlvi origin has been
suggested for the name, according to which it
signifies either " intense darkness, or " hero of
darkness," or the underworld, and so perhaps
some planet of ill luck, as Saturn or Mars.
Tartan, which occurs only in 2 K. xviii.
17 and Is. xx. 1, has been generally regarded
as a proper name. Recent discoveries make it
probable that in Tartan, as in Rabsaris and
Rabshakch, we have not a proper name at all,
but a title or official designation, like Pharaoh
or Sorcna. The Assyrian Tartan is a general,
or commander-in-chief.
Tatna'i, satrap of the province west of
the Euphrates in the time of Darius Hystaspis
(Ezr. v. 3, 6, vi. 6, 13). The name is thought
to be Persian.
Taverns, the Three. [Three Tav-
erns.]
Taxes. I. Under the Judges, according
to the theocratic government contemplated
by the law, the only payments incumbent
upon the people as of permanent obligation
were tho Tithes, the First-Frcits, the
Redemption-Money of the first-born, and
other offerings as belonging to special occa-
sions. The payment by each Israelite of the
half-shekel as "atonement-money," for the ser-
vice of the Tabernacle, on taking the census of
the people (Ex. xxx. 13), does not appear to
have had the character of a recurring tax, but
to have he'-n supplementary to the frcewill-
offeriugs ol' Ex. xxv. 1-7, levied for the one
furpose of the construction of the sacred tent,
n later time*, indeed, nfter the return from
Babylon, there was an annual payment for
maintaining the fabric and services of the
Temple; but the fact that this begins by the
voluntary compact to pay one-third of a shekel
(Neb. x. 32) snows that till then there was no
such payment recognized as necessary. A little
later the third became a half, and under the
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TEKOA
name of the didrachma (Matt. zrii. 24) was paid
by every Jew, in whatever part of the world he
might oe living. — II. The kingdom, with its
centralized government and greater magnifi-
cence, involved, of course, a larger expenditure,
and therefore a heavier taxation. The chief
burdens appear to have been, (I) A tithe of
the produce both of the soil and of live stock
< I Sam. viii. 15, 17). (2) Forced military ser-
vice for a month every year (1 Sam. viii. 12;
1 K.ix. 22; 1 Chr. xxvii. 1). (3) Gifts to the
king ( 1 Sam. x. 27, xvi. 20, xvii. 18). (4) Im-
port duties ( 1 K. x. 15). (5) The monopoly of
certain branches of commerce ( 1 K. ix. 28, x.
28, 29, xxii. 48). (6) The appropriation to the
king's use of the early crop or hay ( Am. vii. 1 ).
At times, too, in the history of both the king-
doms, there were special burdens. A tribute of
fifty shekels a head had to be paid by Menahem
to the Assyrian king (2 K. xv. 20), and under
his successor Hoshea this assumed the form of an
annual tribute (2 K. xvii. 4). — III. Under the
Persian Empire, the taxes paid by the Jews were,
in their broad outlines, the same in kind as those
of other subject races. The financial system
which gained for Darius Hystaspis the name
of the "shopkeeper-king" involved the pay-
ment by each satrap of a fixed sum as the trib-
ute due from his province. In Judtca, as in
other provinces, the inhabitants had to provide
in kind for the maintenance of the governor's
household, besides a money-payment of forty
shekels a day (Neh. v. 14, 15). In Ezr. iv. 13,
20, vii. 24, we get a formal enumeration of the
three great branches of the revenue. The influ-
ence of Ezra secured for the whole ecclesiasti-
cal order, from the priests down to the Nethi-
nim, an immunity from all three (Ezr. vii. 24) ;
but the burden pressed heavily on the great
body of the people. — IV. Under the Egyptian
and Syrian kings, the taxes paid by the Jews
became yet heavier. The " forming " system
of finance was adopted in its worst form. The
taxes were put up to auction. The contract
sura for those of Phoenicia, Judaea, Samaria,
had been estimated at about 8,000 talents. An
unscrupulous adventurer would bid double that
sum, and would then go down to the province,
and by violence and cruelty, like that of Turk-
ish or Hindoo collectors, squeeze out a large
margin of profit for himself. — V. The pressure
of Roman taxation, if not absolutely heavier,
was probably more galling, as being more thor-
ough and systematic, more distinctively a mark
«f bondage. The capture of Jerusalem by
Pompey was followed immediately by the impo-
sition of a tribute, and within a short time the
sum thus taken from the resources of the coun-
try amounted to 10,000 talents. When Judiea
iKjcame formally a Roman province, the whole
financial system of the empire came as a natu-
ral consequence. Th* taxes were systemati-
cally farmed, and the pub'u-ans appeared as a
new curse to the country. T.\c Vnrtoria were
levied at harbors, piers, and the gt'.r* «*' .-jties
(Matt. xvii. 24; Ilom. xiii. 7). In addition *o
this, there was the poll-tax paid by every Jew,
and looked upon, for that reason, as the special
badge of servitude. United with this, as part
of the same system, there was also, in all proba-
bility, a property-tax of some kind. In addi-
tion to these general taxes, the inhabitants of
Jerusalem were subject to a special house-duty
about this period.
Taxing. The English word now conveys
to us more distinctly the notion of a tax or trib-
ute actually levied ; but it appears to have been
used in the 16th century for the simple assess-
ment of a subsidy upon the property of a given
I county, or the registration of the people for the
! purpose of a poll-tax. Two distinct registra-
i lions, or taxings, are mentioned in the N. T.,
both of them by St. Luke. The first is said to
have been the result of an edict of the emperor
Augustus, that " all the world (i.e. the Roman
Empire) should be taxed" (Luke ii. I), and is
connected by the evangelist with the name of
Cyrenius, or Quirinus. [Ctrexius.j The
second, and more important (Acts v. 37), it
distinctly associated, in point of time, with the
revolt of Judas of Galilee.
TeTjah. Eldest of the sons of Nsbor, by
his concubine Reumah (Gen. xxii. 24).
Tebali'ah. Third son of Hosah of the
children of Merari (I Chr. xxvi. 11).
TelJeth. [Month.]
Tehin'nah. The father or founder of
Ir-Nahash, the city of Nahash, and son of Esb-
ton (1 Chr. iv. 12).
Teil-tree. (Oak.)
Teko'a and Teko ah, a town in the tribe
of Judah (2 Chr. xi. 6), on the range of hills
which rise near Hebron, and stretch eastward
towards the Dead Sea. Jerome says that Te-
koa was six Roman miles from Bethlehem, and
that as lie wrote he had that village daily before
his eyes. In his Ommuuticon, he represents
Tekoa as nine miles only from Jerusalem ;
but elsewhere he agrees with Ensebius in
making the distance twelve miles. It is not
enumerated in the Hebrew catalogue of towns
in Judah (Josh. xv. 49), bnt is inserted in that
passage of the Septuagint. The " wise wo-
man ' whom Joab employed to eflect a recon-
ciliation between David and Absalom was ob-
tained from this place (2 Sam. xiv. 2). Here
also Ira, the son of Ikkesh, one of David's
thirty, " the mighty men," was bom, and was
called on that account " die Tekoite " (2 Sam.
xxiii. 26). It was one of the places which Re-
hoboum fortified, at the beginning of bis reign,
as a defence against invasion from the south
(2 Chr. xi. 6). Some of the people from Te-
koa took part in building the walls of Jerusa-
lem, after the return from the Captivity (Neh.
iii. 5, 27). In Jer. vi. 1, the prophet exclaims,
" Blow the trumpet in Tekoa, and set up a sing
of fire in Beth-Haccerem." But 1 ekoa is
I chiefly memorable as the birthplace of the
1 prophet Amos (Amos vii. 14). Tekoa is
i known still as Teku'a, and, though it lies
1 somewhat aside from the ordinary route, has
, been visited and described by several recent
I travellers. Its distance from 6rit Lahm agrees
precisely with that assigned by the early writ-
I ers as the distance between Tekoa and Bethle-
n;"n. It is within sight also of the "Frank
! Mountain," beyond question the famous He-
', rodiuir. or site of Herod's Castle, which Jo-
! sephux r"»p"esents as near the ancient Tekoa.
' It lies on an elevated hill, which spreads itself
, out into KB irregular plain of moderate extent.
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Various ruins exist at Tekoa, such as the walls
of houses, cisterns, broken columns, and heaps
of building-stones. Some of these stones have
the so-called " bevelled " edges, which are sup-
posed to show a Hebrew origin. Near Teku'a,
among the same mountains, on the brink of a
frightful precipice, are the ruins of Kh&reit&n,
possibly a corruption of Kerioth (Josh. xv. 25),
and in that case perhaps the birthplace of Judas
the traitor, who was thence called Iscariot, i.e.
" man of Kerioth." High up from the bottom
of the ravine is an opening in the face of the
rocks, which leads into an immense subter-
ranean labyrinth, which many suppose may
have been the Cave of Adullam. One of the
gates of Jerusalem in Christian times seems to
nave borne the name of Tekoa.
Teko'a. A name occurring in the genealo-
gies of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 24, iv. 5) as the son
of Ashnr. There is little doubt that the town
of Tekoa is meant.
Teko'ite, the. Ira ben Ikkesh, one of
David's warriors, is thus designated (2 Sam.
xxiii. 26 ; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 9). The com-
mon people among the Tekoites displayed
great activity in the repairs of the wall of Jeru-
salem under Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 5, 27).
Tel-aTjib was probably a city of Clmldsea
or Babylonia, not of Upper Mesopotamia, as
generally imagined (Ez. iii. 15). The whole
scene of Ezekipl's preaching and visions seems
to have been Chaldasan Proper ; and the River
Chebar, as already observed, was not the Kha-
bour, bnt a branch of the Euphrates.
Te'lah. A descendant of Ephraim, and
ancestor of Joshua (1 Chr. vii. 25).
Tel'aim. The place at which Saul collected
and numbered his forces before his attack on
Amalek (1 Sam. xv. 4 only). It may be iden-
tical with Telem. On the other hand, the read-
ing of the LXX. in t Sam. xv. 4, viz. Gilgal,
is remarkable, and is almost sufficient to induce
the belief that in this case the LXX. and Jose-
phus have preserved the right name, and that,
instead of Telaim, we should, with them, read
Gilgal. The Targum renders it " lambs of the
Passover," according to a curious fancy, men-
tioned elsewhere in the Jewish books, that the
army met at the Passover, and that the census
was 'taken by counting the lambs.
Telas'sar is mentioned in 2 K. xix. 12 and
in Is. xxxvii. lit u a city inhabited by " the
children of Eden," which had been conquered,
and was held in the time of Sennacherib by the
Assyrians. In both it is connected with Go-
zau (Gauzanitis), Haran (CarrhfB, now Har-
ran), and Rezeph (the Ramjrpa of the Assyrian
inscriptions), all of which belong to the hill-
country above the Upper Mesopotamian plain.
Telassar, the chief city of a tribe known as the
Beni Eden, must have been in Western ■ Meso-
potamia, in the neighborhood of Harran and
Orfa.
Tel'em. One of the cities in the extreme
south of Judah (Josh. xv. 24). It occurs be-
tween Ziph and Bealoth, hut has not been
identified. The name Dhulldm Is found in Van
de Velde's map, attached to a district immedi-
ately to the north of the KuHxi el-Baitl, south
of el-Milk and Ar'arah — a position very suita-
ble-
118
Tel'em. A porter or doorkeepei of the
Temple in the time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 24). He
is probably the same as Talmon in Neh. xii.
25.
Tel-Har'sa, or Tel-Har'esha, one of
the Babylonian towns, or villages, mentioned
in Ezr. ii. 59; Neh. vii. 61. It was probably
in the low country, near the sea, in the neighbor-
hood of Tel-Melah and Cherub ; but we cannot
identify it with any known site.
Tel-Melah is joined with Tel-Harsa and
Cherub in the two passages already cited under
Tel-Harsa. It is perhaps the Thelme of
Ptolemy.
Te'ma. The ninth son of Ishmael (Gen.
xxv. 15 ; 1 Chr. i. 30) ; whence the tribe called
after him, mentioned in Job vi. 19, Jer. xxv.
23 ; and also the land occupied by this tribe (Is.
xxi. 13, 14). The name is identified satisfacto-
rily with Teyma, a small town on the confines
of Syria, between it and Wadi-1-Kura, on the
road of the Damascus pilgrim-caravan. It is
in the neighborhood of Doomat-el-Jendel,
which agrees etymologically and by tradition
with the Ishmaelite Dumah, and the country
of Keydar, or Kedar.
Te man. 1. A son of Eliphaz, son of Esau
by Adah (Gen. xxxvi. 11, 15, 42; 1 Chr. i.
36, 53). — S. A country, and probably a city,
named after the Edomite phylarch, or from
which the phylarch took his name. The He-
brew signifies " south," Sec. (see Job ix. 9 ; Is.
xliii. 6) ; and it is probable that the land of
Teman was a southern portion of the land of
Edom, or, in a wider sense, that of the sons
of the East, the Beni-kedem. Teman is men-
tioned in five places by the prophets, in four
of which it is connected with Edom, and in
two with Dedan (Jer. xlix. 7, 8 ; Ez. xxv. 13).
In common with most Edomite names, Teman
appears to have been lost. Eusebius and Je-
rome mention Teman as a town in their day
distant 1 5 miles from Petra, and a Roman post.
The identification of the existing Maan with
this Teman may be geographically correct ; but
it cannot rest on etymological grounds. The
gentilic noun of Teman is temani (Job ii. 11,
xxii. 1 ), and Eliphaz the Tcmanite was one of
the wise men of Edom. The gen. n. occurs
also in Gen. xxxvi. 34, where the land of Te-
mani is mentioned.
Te'mani. [Teman.]
Te'manite. [Teman.]
Te'meni. Son of Ashur, the father of
Tekoa, by his wife Naarah (1 Chr. iv. 6).
Temple. Solomon's Temple. — It was
David who first proposed to replace the Taberna-
cle by a more permanent bnilding, but was for-
bidden for the reasons assigned by the prophet
Nathan (2 Sam. vii. 5, &c.) ; and though he col-
lected materials, and made arrangements, the
execution of the task was left for his son Solo-
mon. He, with the assistance of Hiram king
of Tyre, commenced this great undertaking in
the fourth year of his reign, and completed it
in seven years, about 1005 B.C. according to
the received chronology. On comparing the
Temple, as described in 1 Kings vi. and 2
Chronicles ii. and by Josephus vii. 3, with the
Tabernacle, the first thing that strikes us is,
that all the arrangements were identical, and the
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dimension! of every part exactly double those
of the preceding structure. Thus the Holy of
Holies in the Tabernacle was a cube, ten cubits
Flon of Bolomon'i Temple, ihowlne the dlepoettton of the
chamber! In two etorie*.
each way ; in the Temple it was twenty cubits.
The Holy Place or outer hall was ten cubits
wide by twenty long and ten hi<;h in the Taber-
nacle. In the Temple, all tlicsc dimensions
were exactly double. The porch in the Taber-
nacle was Ave cubits deep, in the Temple ten ;
its width in both instances being the width of
the bouse. The chambers round the house
and the Tabernacle were each five cubits wide
on the ground-floor, the difference being that
in the Temple the two walls taken together
made up a thickness of five cubits, thus mak-
ing ten cubits for the chambers. Taking all
these parts together, the ground-plan of the
Temple measured eighty cubits by forty ; that
of the Tabernacle was forty by twenty ; and
what is more striking than even this, is, that
though the walls were ten cubits high in the
one, and twenty cubits in the other, the whole
height of the Tabernacle was fifteen, that of
the Temple thirty cubits ; the one roof rising
five, the other ten enhits above the height of
the internal walls. So far as the dimensions
above qnoted are ronecrned, every thing is as
clear and as certain as any thing that can lie
predicated of any building of which no remains
exist ; but beyond this there are certain minor
problems by no means so easy to resolve, but
fortunately they are of much less importance.
The first is the height. — That given in 1 K.
vi. 2 — of thirtv cubits — is so reasonable in
proportion to the other dimensions, that the
matter might be allowed to rest there, were it
not for the assertion (2 Chr. iii. 4) that the
height, though apparently only of the porch,
was 1 20 cubits = 1 80 feet. Both Josephus and
the Talmud persistently assert that there was
a superstructure on the'Tcmple equal in height
to the lower part ; and the total height they, in
accordance with the Book of Chronicles, call
1 20 cubits or 1 80 feet. In looking through the
monuments of antiquity for something to sug-
gest what this might be, the only thing that
occurs is the platform or Tatar that existed on
the roofs of the palace temples at PersepolU.
Jachin and Boaz. — There are no features
connected with the Temple of Solomon which
have given rise to so much controversy, or been
so difficult to explain, as the form of the two
pillars of brass which were set up in the porch
of the bouse. It has even been supposed that
they were not pillars in the ordinary sense of
the term, but obelisks; for this, however, there
does not appear to be any authority. Accord
ing to 1 K. vii. 15, tt ieq., the pillars were eigh-
teen cubits high and twelve in circumference,
with capitals five cubits in height. Al»ve this
was (vcr. 19) another member, called also
chapiter of lily-work, four cubits in height, bat
Cornice of Illy-work at Fknwpooa.
which, from the second mention of it \*.
ver. 22, seems more probably to have been an
entablature, which is necessary to complete the
order. As these members make out twenty-
seven cubits, leaving three cubits or four and
a half feet for the slope of the roof, the whole de-
sign seems reasonable and proper. If this con
jecture is correct, we have no great difficulty in
suggesting that the lily-work must have ban
something like the Persepolitan cornice, whit li
is probably nearer in style to that of the build-
ings at Jerusalem than any thing else we know
of.
Internal Support*. — The existence of these
two pillars in the porch suggests an inquiry
which has hitherto been entirely overlooked :
Were there any pillars in the interior of the
Temple 1 If they were introduced at all, there
must have been four in the sanctuary, and ten
in the hall, not necessarily equally spaced, in a
transverse direction, but probably standing six
cubits from the walls, leaving a centre aisle of
eight cubits. The question, in fact, is very
much the same that met us in discussing the
construction of the Tabernacle. No internal
supports to the roofs of cither of these (wildings
are mentioned anywhere. But the difficulties
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of construction without them would have been
so enormous, and their introduction so usual
and so entirely unobjectionable, that we can
hardly understand their not being employed.
Chambers. — The only other feature which re-
mains to be noticed is the application of three
tiers of small chambers to the walls of the
Temple externally on all sides, except that of
the entrance. Though not expressly so stated,
these were a sort of monastery, appropriated to
the residence of the priests who were either per-
manently or in turn devoted to the service of
the Temple. The lowest story was only five
cubits in width, the next six, and the upper
seven, allowing an offset of one cubit on the
side of the Temple, or of nine inches on each
side, on which the flooring-joists rested, so as
not to cut into the walls of the Temple. It is,
again, only at Persepolis that we find any thing
at all analogous to this ; in the Palace of Da-
rius, we find a similar range on either hand.
Outer Court. — The enclosure of the Temple
consisted, according to the Bible (1 K. vi. 36),
of a low wall of three courses of stones and a
row of cedar-beams, both probably highly orna-
mented. As it is more than probable that the
same duplication of dimensions took place in
this as in all the other features of the Taber-
nacle, we may safely assume that it was ten
cubits, or fifteen feet, in height, and almost
certainly 100 cubits north and south, and 200
east and west. There is no mention in the
Bible of any porticoes or gateways or any ar-
chitectural ornaments of this enclosure.
Temple of Zerubbabel. — We have very
few particulars regarding the temple which
the Jews erected after their return from the
Captivity (cir. 520 B.C.), and no description
that would enable ns to realize its appearance.
But there are some dimensions given in the
Bible and elsewhere, which are extremely inter-
esting as affording points of comparison be-
tween it and the temples which preceded it, or
were erected after it. The first and most au-
thentic are those given in the Book of Ezra
(vi. 3), when quoting the decree of Cvrus,
wherein it is said, " Let the house be buiided,
the place where they offered sacrifices, and let
the foundations thereof be strongly laid; the
height thereof threescore cubits, and the breadth
thereof threescore cubits, with three rows of
great stones, and a row of new timber." Jose-
phus quotes this passage almost literally, but in
doing so enables us with certainty to translate
the word here called row as "story," as indeed
the sense would lead us to infer. The other
dimensions of sixty cubits in breadth is twenty
cubits in excess of that of Solomon's Temple ;
but there is no reason to doubt its correctness,
for we find, both from Josephus and the Talmud,
that it was the dimension adopted for the tem-
ple when rebuilt, or rather repaired, by Herod.
We are left therefore with the alternative of
assuming that the porch and the chambers all
round were twenty cubits in width, including
the thickness of the walls, instead of ten cubits,
as in the earlier building. This alteration in
the width of the Ptcromnta made the temple
100 cubits in length bv sixty in breadth, with
a height, it is said, of* sixty cubits, including
the upper room, or Talar, though we cannot
help suspecting that this last dimension is some-
what in excess of the truth. The only other
description of this temple is found in Hccatauis
the Abderite, who wrote shortly after the death
of Alexander the Great. As quoted by Jo-
sephus, he says, that "in Jerusalem, towards
the middle of the city, is a stone walled enclo-
sure about 500 feet in length, and 100 cubits in
width, with double gates," in which he describes
the temple as being situated. Hccatseus also
mentions that the altar was twenty cubits
square and ten high. And, although he men-
tions the temple itself, he unfortunately does
not supply us with any dimensions. From
these dimensions we gather, that if " the priests
and Levites, and elders of families, were discon-
solate at seeing how much more sumptuous the
old temple was than the one which, on account
of their poverty, they had just been able to
erect" (Ezr. iii. 12), it certainly was not lx>
cause it was smaller, as almost every dimension
had been increased one-third. In speaking of
these temples, we must always bear in mind
that their dimensions were practically very far
inferior to those of the heathen. Even that of
Ezra is not larger thnn an average parish
church of the last century: Solomon's was
smaller. It was the lavish display of the pre-
cious metals, the elaboration of carved orna-
ment, and the beauty of the textile fabrics,
which made up their splendor, and rendered
them so precious in the eyes of the people.
Temple op Ezekiel. — The vision of a
temple which the prophet Ezekiel saw while
residing on the banks of the Chebnr in Babylo-
nia, in the 25th year of the Captivity, does not
add much to our knowledge of the subject. It
is not a description of a temple that ever was
built or ever could be erected at Jerusalem, and
can consequently only be considered as the Ixau
ide'al of what a' Shemitic temple ought to be.
Notwithstanding its ideal character, the whole
is extremely curious, as showing what were the
aspirations of the Jews in this direction, and
how different they were from those of other na-
tions; and it is interesting here, inasmuch as
there can be little doubt but that the arrange-
ments of Herod's Temple were in a great meas-
ure influenced bv the description here given.
Temple of IIerod. — For our knowledge
of the last and greatest of the Jewish temples
we are indebted almost wholly to the works of
Josephus, with an occasional hint from the Tal-
mud. The Bible, unfortunately, contains noth-
ing to assist the researches of the antiquary
in this respect. The temple or naos itself was
in dimensions and arrangement very similar to
that of Solomon, or rather that of Zerubbabcl,
— more like the latter ; but this was surround-
ed by an inner enclosure of great strength and
magnificence, measuring, as nearly as can be
made out, 180 cubits by 240, and adorned by
porches and ten gateways of great magnificence ;
and beyond this again was an outer enclosure
measuring externally 400 cubits each way. It
has already been pointed out [Jerusalem]
that the temple was certainly situated in the
S. W. angle of the area now known as the Ha-
ram Area at Jerusalem ; and it is hardly neces-
sary to repeat here the arguments there adduced
to prove that its dimensions were what Jo-
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TEMPLE
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TEMPLE
scphus states them to be, — 400 cubits, or one
stadium, each way. What Herod did apparent-
ly was to take in the whole space between the
temple and the city wall on its eastern side,
and to add a considerable space on the north
and south to support the porticoes which he add-
ed there. As the temple terrace thus became
the principal defence of the city on the east
side, there were no gates or openings in that di-
rection. The north side too, where not cov-
ered by the fortress Antonio, became part of
the defences of the city, and was likewise with-
out external gates. On the south side, which
was enclosed oy the Wall of Ophel, there were
double gates nearly in the centre. These gates
still exist at a distance of about 365 feet from
the south-western angle, and are perhaps the
only architectural features of the Temple of
Herod which remain in situ. This entrance
consists of a double archway of Cyclopean
architecture on the level of the ground, open-
ing into a square vestibule measuring forty feet
each way. From this a double tunnel, nearly
200 feet in length, leads to a flight of steps which
rise to the surface in the court of the temple,
exactly at that gateway of the Inner Temple
which led to the altar, and is the one of
the four gateways on this side by which m<
one arriving from Ophel would naturally wish
to enter the inner enclosure, placed a little
more to the eastward than the exact centre of
the enclosure, where naturally we should other-
wise have looked for it. We learn from the
Talmud, that the gate of the Inner Temple to
which this passage led was called the " Water
Gate ; " ana it is interesting to be able to iden-
tify a spot so prominent in the description of
Nehemiah (xii. 37).
Birmn
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........ i
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ST04 SAS.LIC*
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i • I •iiiiililf«tiiiinii
Temple of Herod leetored. Scale or 900 feet to 1 Inch.
Towards the west, there were four gateways
to the external enclosure of the temple ; and
the positions of three of these can still be traced
with certainty. The first or most southern led
over the bridge, the remains of which were iden-
tified by Or. Robinson, and joined the Stoa
Basilica of the temple with the royal palace.
The second was that discovered by Dr. Bar-
clay, 270 feet from the S. W. angle, at a level of
seventeen feet below that of the southern gates
just described. The site of the third is so com-
pletely covered by the buildings of the Meckme",
that it has not yet been seen ; but it will be
found between 200 and 250 feet from the N. W.
anple of the temple area. The fourth was
that which led over the causeway which still
exists at a distance of 600 feet from the south-
western angle. Cloisters. — The most mngnifi-
oent part of the temple, in an architectural
point of view, seems certainly to have been the
cloisters, which were added to the outer court
when it was enlarged by Herod. The cloister*
in the west, north, and east side, were composed
of double rows of Corinthian columns, twenty -
five cubits or thirty-seven feet six inches in
height, with flat roofs, and resting against tl '
outer wall of the temple. These, howevir.
wcr? immeasurably surpassed in magnificence
by the royal porch or Ston Basilica, which over-
hung the southern wall. This is so minutely
described by Joscphus, that there is no difficulty
in understanding its arrangement or ascertain-
ing its dimensions. It consisted of a nave and
two aisles, that towards the temple being open,
that towards the country closed by a wall.
The breadth of the centre aisle was* forty-five
feet ; of the side aisles, thirty from centre to
centre of the pillars ; their height fifty feet
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TEMPLE
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TEN COMMANDMENTS
and that of the centre aisle a hundred feet.
This magnificent structure was supported by
a hundred and sixty-two Corinthian columns.
At a short distance from the front of these
cloisters was a marble screen or enclosure, three
cubits in height. Again, at a short distance
within this was a flight of steps supporting the
terrace or platform on which the temple itself
stood. The court of the temple was very
nearly a square. It may have been exactly so,
for we have not all the details to enable us to
feel quite certain about it. The Middoth says
it was 187 cubits E. and W., and 137 N. and S.
To the eastward of this was the court of the
women, the dimensions of which are not given
by Josephus, but are in the Middoth, as 137
cubits square — a dimension we may safely re-
ject. If we assume that the enclosure of the
court of the Gentiles, or the Chel, was nearly
equidistant on all four sides from the cloisters,
its dimension must have been about 37 or 40
cubits east and west, most probably the former.
The great ornament of these inner courts seems
to have been their gateways, the three es-
pecially on the north and south leading to the
temple court. These, according to Josephus,
were of great height, strongly fortified, and or-
namented with great elaboration.
But the wonder of all was the great eastern
gate leading from the court of the women to
the upper court. This seems to have been the
pride of the temple area. It was also in all
probability the one called the " Beautiful Gate "
in the New Testament. Immediately within
this gateway stood the altar of burnt-offerings.
Both the altar and the temple were enclosed by
a low parapet one cubit in height. Within this
last enclosure towards the westward stood the
temple itself. Its internal dimensions were
the same as those of the Temple of Solomon.
Although the internal dimensions remained the
same, there seems no reason to doubt but that
the whole plan was augmented by the Ptcro-
mata or surrounding parts being increased from
ten to twenty cubits, so that the third temple,
like the second, measured sixty cubits across,
and 100 cubits east and west. The width of
the facade was also augmented by wings or
shoulders projecting twenty cubits each way,
making the whole breadth 100 cubits, or equal
to the length. So far all seems certain ; but,
when we come to the height, every measure-
ment seems doubtful. Both Josephus and the
Talmud seem delighted with the truly Jewish
idea of a building, which, without being a cube,
was 100 cubits long, 100 broad, and 100 high.
We cannot help suspecting that, in this instance,
Josephus was guilty of systematical) v doubling
the altitude of the Wilding he was describing,
as it can be proved he did in some other in-
stances. But when we turn from actual meas-
urement, and try to realize its appearance or the
details of its architecture, wc launch into a sea
of conjecture, with very little indeed to guide
us, at least in regard to the appearance of the
temple itself. Whatever may have been the
case with the Temple of Solomon, it is nearly
certain that the style of the second temple
must have been identical with that of the build-
ings we are so familiar with at Perscpolis and
Snsa. The Jews were too closely connected
with the Persians and Babylonians at this pe-
riod to know of any other style, and in fact
their temple waj built under the superintend-
ence of the very parties who were erecting the
contemporary edifices at Pcrsepolis and Susa.
Ten Commandments. The popular
name in this, as in so many instances, is not
that of Scripture. There we have the " Ten
Words " (Ex. xxxiv. 28 ; Deut. iv. 13, x. 4), the
"Covenant" (Ex., Deut., tt.ee.; 1 K.viii. 21 ;
2 Chron. vi. II, &c.), or, very often, as the sol-
emn attestation of the divine will, the Testi-
mony (Ex. xxv. 16, 21, xxx. 18, &c.). The
term " Commandments " had come into use in
the time of Christ (Luke xviii. 20). Their divi-
sion into Two Tables is not only expressly men-
tioned, but the stress laid upon the two leaves
no doubt that the distinction was important,
and that it answered to that summary of the
law which was made both by Moses and by
Christ into two precepts : so that the first
table contained duties to God; and the second
duties to our neighbor. But here arises a diffi-
culty, not only as to the arrangement of the
commandments between the " Two Tables,"
but as to the division of the " Ten Words "
themselves. The division is not clearly made
in the Scripture itself: and that arrangement
with which w» are familiar from childhood is
only one of three modes, handed down from
the ancient Jewish and Christian churches, to
say nothing of modern theories; and o.'hers
are used at this aay by Jews and Roman Cath-
olics. (1) The modem Jews, following the
Talmud, take the words which are often called
the Preface, as the First Commandment (Ex.
xx. 2 ; Deut. v. 6 : "I am Jehovah thy God,
which brought thee out of the land of Egypt,
from the house of bondage"), and the prohi-
bitions both against having other gods, and
against idolatry, as the second (Ex. kx. 3-6 ;
Deut. v. 7-10) ; the rest being crranged as with
us. (2) The Roman Catholic and Lu:taran
churches, following St. Augustine, regard jhe
First Commandment as embracing all the above
words, in one comprehensive law against false
worship and idolatry. Thus our Third Com-
mandment is their Second, and so on to our
Ninth, which is their Eighth. They then make
our Tenth, against coveting, their Ninth and
Tenth. In the arrangement of the Two Tables,
the First contains three commandments, closing
with the sabbath law, and the Second the re-
maining seven. (3) The arrangement adopted
by the Greek and English churches, following
Pnilo, Josephus, and Origen, and all the Latin
fathers, makes the law against having other gods
besides Jehovah the First Commandment, and
that against idolatry the Second; though a slight
difference of opinion remains, whether the first
words belong to the First Commandment, or
form a Preface to the whole. There are then
three principal divisions of the Two Tables:
(i.) That of the Roman Catholic Church, men-
tioned above, making the First Table contain
three commandments, and the second the other
seven, (ii.) The familiar division, referring
the first four to our duty towards God, and the
six remaining to our duty towards man. (iii.)
The division recognized by the old Jewish
writers, Josephus and Philo, which places five
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TENT
942
TERTULLUS
commandments in each Table, and thu» pre-
serves the pentade and decade grouping which
pervades the whole code. It has been main-
tained that the law of filial duty, being a close
consequence of God's fatherly relation to us,
may be referred to the First Table. But this is
to place human parents on a level with God;
ana, by parity of reasoning, the Sixth Com-
mandment might be added to the First Table,
as murder is the destruction of God's image in
man. Far more reasonable is the view which
regards the authority of parents as heading the
Second Table, as the earthly reflex of that au-
thority of the Father of His people and of all
men, which heads the first, and as the first prin-
ciple of the whole law of love to our neighbors,
because we are all brethren ; and the family is,
for good and ill, the model of the state. To
these Ten Commandments we find in the Sa-
maritan Pentateuch an eleventh added : " But
when the Lord thy God shall have brought thee
into the land of Canaan, whither thou goest to
possess it, thou shall set thee up two great stones,
and shalt plaster them with plaster, and shalt
write upon these stones all the words of this
Law. Moreover, after thou shalt have passed
over Jordan, thou shalt set up those stones,
which I command thee this day, on Mount Ger-
izim, and thou shalt build there an altar to the
Lord thy God, an altar of stones: thou shalt
not lift up any iron thereon. Of unhewn stones
shalt thou build that altar to the Lord thy God,
and thou shalt offer on it burnt-offerings to the
Lord thy God, and thou shalt sacrifice peace-
offerings, and shalt eat them there, and thou
shalt rejoice before the Lord thy God in that
mountain beyond Jordan, by the way where the
sun goeth down, in the land of the Canaanite
that dwelleth in the plain country over against
Gilgal, by the Oak of Moreh, towards Sichem."
The interpolation has every mark of being a
bold attempt to claim for the schismatic wor-
ship on Gerizim the solemn sanction of the
voice on Sinai, to place it on the same footing
as the Ten great Words of God.
Tent. Among the leading characteristics
of the nomad races, those two have always
been numbered whoso origin has been ascribed
to Jabal the son of Lamcch (Gen. iv. 20), viz.
to be tent-dwellers, and keepers of cattle. The
same may be said of the forefathers of the He-
brew race; nor was it until the return into
Canaan from Egypt that the Hebrews became
inhabitants of cities. An Arab tent is minutely
described by Burckhardt. It is called bat,
" house : " its covering consists of stuff, about
three-quarters of a yard broad, made of black
goats'-hair (Cant. i. 5), laid parallel with the
tent's length. This is sufficient to resist the
heaviest rain. The tent-poles, called amtid, or
columns, are usually nine in number, placed in
three groups; but many tents have only one
pole, others two or three. The ropes which
hold the tent in its place are fastened, not to
the tent-cover itself, hut to loops consisting of
a leathern thong tied to the ends of a stick,
round which is twisted a piece of old cloth,
which is itself sewed to the tent-cover. The
ends of the tent-rones are fastened to short
•ticks or pins, called wed or aoutad, which are
driven into the ground with a mallet (Judg.
iv. SI). Round the back and sides of the tents
runs a piece of stuff, removable at pleasure to
admit air. The tent is divided into two apart-
ments, separated by a carpet partition drawn
across the middle of the tent, and fastened to
the three middle posts. When the pasture near
an encampment is exhausted, the tents are
taken down, packed on camels, and removed
(Is. xxxviii. 12; Gen. xxvi. 17, 22, 25). In
choosing places for encampment, Arabs prefer
the neighborhood of trees, for the sake of the
shade and coolness which they afford (Gen.
xviii. 4, 8).
Te'rah. The father of Abram, Nahor, and
Haran, and through them the ancestor of the
great families of the Israelites, Ishmaelites,
Midianites, Moabites, and Ammonites (Gen.
xi. 24-32). The account given of him in the
O. T. narrative is very brief. We learn from
it simply that he was an idolater (Josh. xxiv. 2) ;
that he dwelt beyond the Euphrates in Ur of
the Cbaldees (Gen. xi. 28) ; and that in the
south-westerly migration, which from some un-
explained cause he undertook in his old ace,
he went with his son Abram, his daughter-in-
law Sarai, and his grandson Lot, " to go into
the land of Canaan ; and they came unto Haran,
and dwelt there" (Gen. xi. 31). And finally,
" the days of Terah were two hundred and five
years ; and Terah died in Haran " (Gen. xi. 32).
Teraphim, only in plural, images con-
nected with magical rites. [Magic?) The
derivation of the name is obscure. In one case,
a single statue seems to be intended by the
plural (1 Sam. xix. 13, 16). The teraphim
carried away from Laban by Rachel do not
seem to have been very small ; and the imape
hidden in David's bed by Michal, to deceive
Saul's messengers, was probably of the size of
a man, and perhaps in the head and shoulders,
if not lower, of human or like form. Laban
regarded his teraphim as gods, and it would
therefore appear that they were used by those
who added corrupt practices to the patriarchal
religion. Teraphim again are included among
Micah's images (Judg. xvii. 8-5, xviii. 17, 18,
20). Teraphim were consulted for oracular
answers by the Israelites (Zech. x. 2; corop.
Judg. xviii. 5, 6 ; 1 Sam. xv. 22, 23, xix. 13,
16, LXX.; and 2 K. xxiii. 24), and by the
Babylonians, in the case of Nebuchadnezzar
(Ez. xxi. 19-22). On every revival of true
religion in Israel, the teraphim were swept
away with other idols (2 K. 23, 24).
Ter'esh. One of the two eunuchs whose
plot to assassinate Ahasuerus was discovered
by Mordecai (Esth. ii. 21, vi. 2). He was
hanged.
Ter'tios, probably a Roman, was the
amanuensis of Paul in writing the Epistle to the
Romans (Rom. xvi. 22). Some have proposed,
without reason, to identify him with Silas.
Nothing certain is known of him.
Tertullus, " a certain orator" (Acts xxiv.
1), who was retained by the high-priest and
Sanhedrim to accuse the Apostle Paul at Cies-
area before the Roman Procurator, Antonins
Felix. He evidently belonged to the class of
professional orators. We may infer that Ter-
tullus was of Roman, or at all events of Italian
origin. The exordium of his speech is designed
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THANK-OFFERING
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THEBES
to conciliate the good will of the procurator,
and is accordingly overcharged with flattery.
There is a strange contrast between the open-
ing clause and the brief summary of the procu-
rator's administration given by Tacitus (Hut.
v. 9). But the commendations of Tertullus
were not altogether unfounded, as Felix had
really succeeded in putting down several
seditious movements. It is not very easy to
determine whether St. Luke has preserved the
oration of Tertullus entire. On the whole, it
seems most natural to conclude that the his-
torian, who was almost certainly an ear-wit-
ness, merely gives an abstract of the speech,
fiving however, in full, the most salient points
ver. 5).
Te'ta = HATiTA (1 Ead. t. 28). Ap.
Te'trarch. Properly the sovereign or gov-
ernor of the fourth pert of a country. (1.)
Herod Antipas (Matt. xiv. 1 ; Luke ui. 1, 19,
ix. 7 ; Acts xiii. 1 ), who is commonly distin-
guished as " Herod the tetrarch," although the
title of " king " is also assigned to him both by
Matthew (xiv. 9) and by Mark ( vi. 14, 22, so/).).
(2.) Herod Philip, who is said by Luke (iii. 1)
to have been " tetrarch of Iturcea, and of the
region of Trachonitis." (3.) Lysanias, who is
said (Luke iii. 1) to have been "tetrarch of
Abilene." The title of tetrarch was at this
time probably applied to petty tributary princes
without any such determinate meaning. But
it appears from Joscphus that the tetrarchies of
Antipas and Philip were regarded as consti-
tuting each a fourth port of their father's king-
dom. We conclude that in these two cases, at
least, the title was used in its strict and literal
sense.
ThaddfiB'US, a name in Mark's catalogue
of the Twelve Apostles (Mark iii. 18); in the
great majority of MSS. in Matthew's catalogue
(Ma'.t. x. 3), Lebbseus is probably the original
reading. From a comparison with the cata-
logue of St. Luke (Luke vi. 15 ; Acts i. 13), it
seems scarcely possible to doubt that the three
names of Judas, Lebbseus, and Thaddssus, were
borne bv one and the same person.
Tha'hash. Son of Nahor by his concu-
bine Reumah (Gen. xxii. 24).
Tha'mah. "The children of Thamah"
were a family of Nethinim who returned with
Zerubbabel (fczr. ii. 53).
Tha'mar. Tamab l (Matt. i. 3).
Tham'natha. One of the cities of Judssa
fortified by Bacchides (1 Mace. ix. 50). Tham-
natha, no doubt, represents an ancient Tim-
hath, possibly the present Tibneh. Ap.
Thank-offering, or Peace-offering,
the properly euchanstic offering among the
Juws, in its theory resembling the Meat-
Offbbino, and therefore indicating that the
offerer was already reconciled to and in cove-
nant with God. Its ceremonial is described in
Lev. iii. The peace-offerings, unlike other sac-
rifices, were not ordained to be offered in fixed
and regular course. The only constantly-
recurring peace-offering appears to have been
that of the two firstling lambs at Pentecost
(Lev. xxiii. 19). The general principle of the
peace-offering seems to have been, that it should
be entirely spontaneous, offered as occasion
should arise, from the feeling of the sacrificer
himself (Lev. xix. 5). On the first institution
(Lev. vii. 11-17), peace-offerings are divided
into " offerings of thanksgiving," and " vows,
or freewill-offerings ; " of which latter class the
offering by a Nazarite, on the completion of his
vow, is the most remarkable (Num. vi. 14).
We find, accordingly, peace-offerings offered for
the people on a great scale at periods of un-
usual solemnity or rejoicing. In two cases
only (Judge xx. 26; 2 Sam. xxiv. 25), peace-
offerings ore mentioned as offered with bnrnt-
offerings at a time of national sorrow and
fasting.
Tha'ra. Tebah, the father of Abraham
(Luke iii. 34).
Thar'ra, Esth. xii. 1. A corrupt form of
Teresh.
Thar'shish. 1. In this more accurate form,
the translators of the A. V. have given in two
passages (1 K. x. 22, xxii. 48) the name else-
where presented as Takshisr. — 2. A Ben-
jamite, one of the family of Bilhan and the
house of Jediael (1 Chr. vii. 10 only).
Thas'si. The surname of Simon the son
of Mattathias (1 Mace. ii. 3). The derivation
of the word is uncertain.
Theatre. For the general subject, see Diet,
of Ant. pp. 995-998. For the explanation of
the biblical allusions, two or three points only
require notice. The Greek term, like the cor-
responding English term, denotes the place
where dramatic performances are exhibited,
and also the acene itself, or spectacle, which is
witnessed there. It occurs in the first or local
sense in Acts xix. 29. It was in the theatre at
Csssarea that Herod Agrippa I. gave audience
to the Tyrian deputies, and was himself struck
with death, because he heard so gladly the im-
pious acclamations of the people (Acts xii. 21-
23). The other sense of the term " theatre"
occurs in 1 Cor. iv. 9, where the Common Ver-
sion renders, " God hath set forth us, the apos-
tles, last, as it were appointed to death ; for we
are mado a tpectade unto the world, and to
angels, and to men." Instead of "spectacle"
(so also Wiclif and tbv Rhemish translators
after the Vulgate), some might prefer the more
energetic Saxon, " gazing-stock," as in Tyn-
dale, Cranmer, and the Geneva Version.
Thebes [A. V., No, the multitude of No,
populous No). A chief city of ancient Egypt,
long the capital of the upper country, and the
seat of the diospolitan dynasties that ruled over
all Egypt at the era of its highest splendor.
The sacred name of Thebes was P-amen, " the
abode of Anion," which the Greeks reproduced
in their Diotpolit, especially with the addition
the Great. No-Araon is the name of Thebes
in the Hebrew Scriptures (Jer. xlvi. 25 ; Nah.
iii. 8). Ezekiel nses No simply to designate
the Egyptian seat of Ammon (Et. xxx. 14,
16). The name of Thebes in the hieroglyphics
is explained under No-Amow. The origin
of the city is lost in antiquity. Niebuhr is
of opinion that Thebes was much older than
Memphis, and that, " after the centre of Egyp-
tian life was transferred to Lower Egypt, Mem-
phis acquired its greatness through tne ruin of
Thebes. ' Other authorities assign priority to
Memphis. But both cities date from onr earliest
authentic knowledge of Egyptian history. The
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THEBES
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THEBES
first allusion to Thebes in classical literature is
the familiar passage of the Iliad (ix. 381-385) :
" Egyptian Thebes, where are vast treasures
laid up in the houses ; where are a hundred
gates, and from each two hundred men go forth
with horses and chariots." It has been ques-
tioned whether Herodotus visited Upper Egypt ;
but he says, "I went to Hcliopoli* and to
Thebes, expressly to try whether the priests of
those places would agree in their accounts with
the priests at Memphis " (ii. 3). Afterwards
he describes the features of the Nile Valley, and
the chief points and distances upon the river,
as only an eye-witness would be likely to re-
cord them. In the first century before Christ,
Diodorus visited Thebes ; and he devotes sev-
eral sections of his general work to its history
and appearance. Though he saw the city
when it had sunk to quite secondary impor-
tance, he preserves the tradition of its early
grandeur, its circuit of one hundred ana
forty stadia, the size of its public edifices, the
magnificence of its temples, the number of its
monuments, the dimensions of its private
houses, — some of them four or five stories
high, — all giving it an air of grandeur and
beauty surpassing not only all other cities of
Egypt, but of the world. Diodorus deplores
the spoiling of its buildings and monuments by
Cambyses (Died, i. 45, 46). Strabo, who visited
Egypt a little later, at about the beginning of
the Christian era, describes (xvii. p. 816) the
city under the name Diospolis.
But, in the uncertainty of these historical al-
lusions, the monuments of Thebes are the most
reliable witnesses for the ancient grandeur of
the city. These are found in almost equal
proportions upon both sides of the river. The
parallel ridges which skirt the narrow Nile
Valley upon the east and west from the north-
ern limit of Upper Egypt, here sweep outward
upon either side, forming a circular plain
whose diameter is nearly ten miles. The plan
of the city, as indicated by the principal monu-
ments, was nearly quadrangular, measuring
two miles from north to south, and four from
vast to west. Its four great landmarks were
Karnak and Luxor upon the eastern or Ara-
bian side, and Qoornah and Mcdeenet Haboo
upon the western or Libyan side. There are
indications that each of these temples may
have been connected with those facing it upon
two sides by grand droinoi, lined with sphinxes
and other colossal figures. Upon the western
bank there was almost a continuous line of
temples and public edifices for a distance of two
miles, from Qoornah to Medcenet Haboo ; and
Wilkinson conjectures that from a point near
the latter, perhaps in the line of the colossi,
the '* Royal Street " ran down to the river,
which was crossed by a ferry terminating at
Luxor on the eastern side. Beginning at the
northern extremity on the western bank, the
first conspicuous ruins are those of the Meneph-
theion, a palace-temple of the nineteenth dynas-
ty, and therefore belonging to the middle style
of Egyptian architecture. Nearly a mile south-
ward from the Menephtheion are the remains
of the combined palace and temple known
iince the days of Strabo as the Memnonium.
An examination of its sculptures shows that
this name was inaccurately applied, since the
building was clearly erected tiy Rameses IL
The general form of the Memnonium is that
of a parallelogram in three main sections, the
interior areas being successively narrower than
the first court, and the whole terminating in a
series of sacred chambers beautifully sculptured
and ornamented. But the most remarkable
feature of these ruins is the gigantic statue of
Rameses II. Proceeding again toward the
south for about the same distance, we find, at
Medeenet Haboo, ruins upon a more stupen-
dous scale than at any other point upon the
western bank of Thebes. These consist of a
temple founded by Thothmes I., which pre-
sents some of the grandest effects of the oM
Egyptian architecture, and its battle-scenes arc
a valuable contribution to the history of Rame-
ses III. Behind this long range of temple*
and palaces are the Libyan hills, which, for
a distance of five miles, are excavated to the
depth of several hundred feet for sepulchral
chambers. Some of these, in the number and
variety of their chambers, the finish of their
sculptures, and the beauty and freshness of
their frescoes, are among the most remarkable
monuments of Egyptian grandeur and skill.
The eastern side of the river is distinguished
by the remains of Luxor and Karnak, the
latter being of itself a city of temples. The
approach to Karnak from the south is marked
by a series of majestic gateways and towers,
which were the appendages of later times to
the original structure. The temple properly
faces the river, i.e. toward the north-west. The
courts and ptopylaen connected with this struc-
ture occupy a space nearly 1.800 feet square,
and the buildings represent almost every dy-
nasty of Egypt, from Sesortasen L to Ptolemy
Eucrgetes L Courts, pylons, obelisks, statues,
pillars, every thing pertaining to Karnak, are
on the grandest scale. The grandeur of Egypt
is here in its architecture, and almost every
pillar, obelisk, and stone tells its historic
legend of her greatest monarebs. We have
alluded, in the opening of this article, to the
debated question of the priority of Thebes lo
Memphis. As yet the data arc not sufficient
for its satisfactory solution, and Egyptologists
are not agreed. Upon the whole, we may con-
clude that, before the time of Menes, there was
a local sovereignty in the Thebaid ; but the
historical nationality of Egypt dates from the
founding of Memphis. When the Shepherds
or Hyksos, a nomadic race from the East, in-
vaded Egypt, and fixed their capital at Mem-
phis, a native Egyptian dynasty was maintained
at Thebes, at times tributary to the Hyksos,
and at times in military alliance with Ethiopia
against the invaders; until at length, by a
general uprising of the Thebaid, the Hyksos
were expelled, and Thebes became the capital
of all Egypt under the resplendent eighteenth
dynasty. This supremacy continued until the
cfose of the nineteenth dynasty, or for a period
of more than five hundred years ; but under
the twentieth dynasty the glory of Thebes
began to decline, ana after the close of that
dynasty her name no more appears in the lists
of kings. Still the city was retained as the
capital, in whole or in part, and the achieve-
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THESSALONIANS
945
THESSALONIANS
raents of Shishonk the Bubastite, of Tirhakah
the Ethiopian, and other monarchs of celeb-
rity, are recorded upon its walls. Ezekiel
proclaims the destruction of Thebes by the arm
of Babylon (Ez. xxx. 14-16). The Persian
invader completed the destruction that the
Babylonian had begun.
Tho bez. A place memorable for the
death of the bravo Abimclech (Judg. ix. 50).
Thebez is not mentioned again in the Bible.
But it was known to Eusebius and Jerome.
In their day, the village still bore its old name,
and was situated " in the district of Neapolis,"
thirteen Roman miles therefrom, on the road
to Scythopolis. There it still is; its name —
Tubas — hardly changed.
Theco o, the Wilderness of. The
wild uncultivated pastoral tract lying around
the town of Tekoa, more especially to the east
of it (1 Mace. ix. .13). Ap.
Thel'asar. Another form of the name
examined under Tel-assab (2 K. xix. 12).
Theler sas (1 Esd. v. 36). The Greek
equivalent of the name Tel-haksah. Ap.
The'man (Bar. iii. 22, 23). [Temah.]
Theooa'nus. Tikvah the father of Ja-
haziah (I Esd. ix. 14). Ap.
Theod'otUS. An envoy sent by Nicanor
to Judas Maccabteus c. B.C. 162 (2 Mace. xiv.
19). Ap.
Theophilus. The person to whom St
Luke inscribes his Gospel and the Acts of the
Apostles (Luke i. 3; Acts i. I). Wemeetwith
a considerable number and variety of theories
concerning him. Several commentators, espe-
cially among the Fathers, have been disposed
to doubt the personality of Theophilus, regard-
ing the name either as that of a fictitious per-
son, or as applicable to every Christian reader.
From the honorable epithet updrurre, applied to
Theophilus in Luke i. 3 (comp. Acts xxiii.
26, xxiv. 3, xxvi. 25), it has been argued,
with much probability, that he was a person in
high official position.
The'ras. The equivalent in 1 Esd. viii.
41, 61, for the Ahava of the parallel passage
in Ezra. Ap.
Ther'meleth, Tel-melah (1 Esd. v. 36).
Thessalonians, First Epistle to the,
was written by the Apostle Paul at Corinth, a
few months after he had founded the Church at
Thessalonica, at the close of the year 52 or the
beginning of 53. The occasion of this Epistle
was as follows : St. Paul had twice attempted
to revisit Thessalonica, and both times had been
disappointed. Thus prevented from seeing
them in person, he had sent Timothy to in-
quire ana report to him as to their condition
(iii. 1-5). Timothy returned with most favor-
able tidings, reporting not only their progress
in Christian faith and practice, but also their
strong attachment to their old teacher (iii. 6-
10). The First Epistle to the Thessalonians is
the outpouring of the apostle's gratitude on re-
ceiving this welcome news. At the same time,
the report of Timothy was not unmixed with
alloy. There were certain features in the con-
dition of the Thessalonian Church which called
for St. Paul's interference, and to which he ad-
113
dresses himself in his letter. (1.) The very in-
tensity of their Christian faith, dwell! ug too
exclusively ou the day of the Lord's coming,
hud been attended with evil consequences. Ou
the other hand, a theoretical difficulty had been
felt. Certain members of the Church had died,
and there was grout anxiety lest they should
be excluded from any share in the glories of
the Lord's advent (iv. 13-18). (2.) The Thes-
salonians needed consolation and encourage-
ment under persecution (ii. 14, iii. 2-4). (J.)
An unhealthy state of feeling with regard to
spiritual gifts was manifesting itself (v. 19, 20).
(4.) There was the danger of relapsing into
their old heathen profligacy (iv. 4-8). Yet not-
withstanding all these drawbacks, tho condition
of the Thessalonian Church was highly satis-
factory, and the most cordial relations existed
between St. Paul and his converts there. This
honorable distinction it shares with the other
great Church of Macedonia, thut of Philippi.
The Epistle is rather practical than doctrinal.
It was suggested rather by personal feeling than
by any urgent need, which might have formed
a centre of unity, and impressed a distinct char-
acter on the whole. Under these circumstances,
we need not expect to trace unity of purpose,
or a continuous argument, and any analysis
must be more or less artificial. The body of
the Epistle, however, may conveniently be di-
vided into two parts, the former of which, ex-
tending over the first three chapters, is chiefly
taken up with a retrospect of the apostle's rela-
tion to his Thessalonian converts, and an expla-
nation of his present circumstances and feelings ;
while the latter, comprising the 4th and 5th
chapters, contains some seasonable exhorta-
tions. At the close of each of these divisions
is a prayer, commencing with the same words,
"May God Himself," &c., and expressed in
somewhat similar language. The Epistle closes
with personal injunctions and a benediction
(v. 25-28).
Thessalonians, Second Epistle to
the, appears to have been written from Corinth,
not very long after the First, for Silvanus and
Timotheus were still with St. Paul (i. 1). In the
former letter, we saw chiefly the outpouring of
strong personal affection, occasioned by the re-
newal of the apostle's intercourse with the Thes-
salonians, and the doctrinal and hortatory por-
tions are there subordinate. In the Second
Epistle, on the other hand, his leading motive
seems to have been the desire of correcting er-
rors in the Church of Thessalonica. We notice
two points especially which call for his rebuke.
First, it seems that the anxious expectation of
the Lord's advent, instead of subsiding, had
gained ground since the writing of the First
Epistle. Secondly, the apostle had also a per-
sonal ground of complaint. His authority was
not denied by any ; but it was tampered with,
and an nnauthorized use was made of bis
name. This Epistle, in the range of subject
as well as in style and general character, close-
ly resembles the First ; and the remarks made
on that Epistle apply for the most part equally
well to this. The structure also is somewhat
similar, the main body of the Epistle being di-
vided into two parts in the same way, and each
part closing with a prayer (ii. 16, 17, iii. 16).
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THEUDAS
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THIEVES, THE TWO
The Epistle ends with a special direction and
benediction (iii. 17, 18).
Thessaloni'ca. The original name of
this city was Thenna; and that part of the
Macedonian shore on which it was situated re-
tained through the Roman period the designa-
tion of the Thermaic Gulf. Casaander the son
of Antipater rebuilt and enlarged Thenna, and
named it after his wife Thessalonica, the sister
of Alexander the Great. The name ever since,
nnder various slight modifications, has been
continuous, and the city itself has never ceased
to be eminent. Salon&i is still the most im-
portant town of European Turkey, next after
Constantinople. Strabo in the first century
speaks of Thessalonica as the moat populous
city in Macedonia. Thus we arc brought to
St. Paul's visit (with Silas and Timothy) dur-
ing his second missionary journey, and to the
introduction of Christianity into Thessalonica.
Three circumstances must here be mentioned,
which illustrate in an important manner this
visit and this journey as well as the two Epis-
tles to the Thessalonians. (1.) This was the
chief station on the great Roman Itoad, called
the Via Eanatia, which connected Rome with
the whole region to the north of the ^Egean Sea.
(2.) Placed as it was on this great road, and in
connection with other important Roman ways,
Thessalonica was an invaluable centre for the
spread of the gospel. In fact, it was nearly, if
not quite, on a level with Corinth and Ephesus
in its share of the commerce of the Levant. (3. )
The circumstance noted in Acts xvii. 1, that
here was the synagogue of the Jews in this part
of Macedonia, had evidently much to do with the
apostle's plans, and also doubtless with his suc-
cess. Trade would inevitably bring Jews to
Thessalonica; and it is remarkable that, ever
since, they have had a prominent place in the
annals of'the city. The first scene of the apos-
tle's work at Thessalonica was the synagogue
(Acts xvii. 2, 3). Il is stated that the minis-
trations among the Jews continued for three
weeks (ver. 2). Not that we are obliged to
limit to this time the whole stay of the apostle
at Thessalonica. A flourishing church was
certainly formed there ; and the Epistles show
that its elements were much more Gentile than
Jewish. The narrative in the Acts affords a
singularly accurate illustration of the political
constitution of Thessalonica. Not only is the
demiu mentioned (Acts xvii. 5) in harmony
with what has been above said of its being a
" free city," but the peculiar title politarchs (ib.
6), of the chief magistrates. This term occurs
in no other writing ; but it may be read to this
day conspicuously on an arch of the early im-
perial times, which spans the main street of the
city. The arch just mentioned (called the Var-
ddr Gate) is at the western extremity of the
town. At its eastern extremity is another Ro-
man arch of Inter date, and probably commemo-
rating some victory of Constantine. The main
street which both these arches cross, and which
intersects the city from east to west, is undoubt-
edly the line of the Via Egnatia.
Theudas, the name of an insurgent men-
tioned in Gamaliel's speech before the Jewish
council (Acts v. 35-39) at the time of the ar-
raignment of the apostles. He appeared, ac-
cording to Luke's account, at the head of about
four hundred men. Josephus speaks of a Then-
das who played a similar part in the time of
Claudius, about x.d. 44, ijt. some ten or twelve
years at least later than the delivery of Gama-
liel's speech ; and since Luke places his Then-
das, in the order of time, before Judas the
Galilean, who made his appearance soon after
the dethronement of Archefaiis, i.e. ad. 6 or 7,
it has been charged that the writer of the Acts
either fabricated the speech put into the month
of Gamaliel, or has wrought into it a transac-
tion which took place thirty years or more after
the time when it is said to have occurred. Va-
rious solutions of the difficulty have been offered.
( 1 . ) Since Luke represents Tbeudas as having
preceded Judas the Galilean, it is certain that
he could not have appeared later, at all events,
than the latter part of the reign of Herod the
Great. Now, the very year of that monarch's
death was remarkably turbulent ; the land was
overrun by insurrectionary chiefs or fanatics.
Josephus mentions but three of these disturbers
by name ; he passes over the others with a gene-
ral allusion. Among those whom the Jewish
historian has omitted to name may have been
I the Theudas whom Gamaliel cites. The name
! was not an uncommon one. (2.) Another ex-
| planation is, that Luke's Theudas may have
• been one of the three insurgents whose names
are mentioned by Josephus in connection with
I the disturbance which took place about the time
of Herod's death. Sonntag argues that the
Theudas referred to by Gamaliel is the indi-
vidual who occurs in Josephus under the name
of Simon, a slave of Herod. There can be no
valid objection to either of the foregoing suppo-
sitions : both are reasonable, and both must be
disproved before Lnke can be justly charged
with having committed an anachronism in the
passage under consideration.
Thieves, the two. The men who, under
this name, appear in the history of the crucifix-
ion, were robbers rather than thieves, belonging
to the lawless bands by which Palestine was at
that time and afterwards infested. Against
these brigands every Roman procurator had to
wage continual war. It was necessary to use
an armed police to encounter them (Luke xxii.
i 52), Of the previous history of the two wbo
suffered on Golgotha we know nothing. They
had been tried and condemned, and were wait-
ing their execution before onr Lord was accused.
It is probable enough, as the death of Barabbas
was clearly expected at the same time, that they
had taken part in his insurrection. Thev had
expected to die with Jesus Barabbas. They
find themselves with one who bore the same
name, but who was described in the superscrip-
tion on His cross as Jesus of Nazareth. They
could hardly fail to have heard something of
his fame as a prophet, of his triumphal entry
as a king. They catch at first the prevailing
tone of scorn. Bnt over one of them there
came a change. He looked back upon his past
life, and saw an infinite evil. He looked to the
man dying on the cross beside him, and saw an
infinite compassion. There indeed was one un-
like all other " kings of the Jews " whom the
robber had ever known. Such a one mast be
all that Ho had claimed to be. To be forgotten
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THOMAS
947
THBACIA
by that king seems to him now the most terri-
ble of all punishments ; to take part in the tri-
umph of His return, the most blessed of all
hopes. The yearning prayer was answered,
not in the letter, bat in the spirit. We cannot
wonder that a history of such wonderful inter-
est should at all times hare fixed itself on men's
minds, and led them to speculate and ask ques-
tions which we hare no data to answer. The
simplest and truest way of looking at it has
been that of those who have seen in the "dying
thief" the first great typical instance that "a
man is justified by faith without the deeds of
the law."
Thimna'thah. A town in the allotment
of Dan (Josh. xix. 43 only). It is named be-
tween Elon and Ekron. The name is the same
as that of the residence of Samson's wife.
ThisTae. A name found only in Tob. i. 3,
as that of a city of Naphtali from which Tobit's
ancestor had been carried captive by the As-
syrians. Ap.
Thistle' [Tbobns and Thistles.]
Thomas, one of the apostles. According
to Eusebius, his real name was Judas. This
may have been a mere confusion with Thad-
dsstus, who is mentioned in the extract. Bnt it
may also be that Thomas was a surname. The
word Thoma means " a twin ; " and so it is
translated in John xi. 16, xxi. 2, 6 <Kdt>/iOf.
Oat of this name has grown the tradition that
he had a twin-sister, Lydia, or that he was a
twii.-brother of our Lord ; which last, again,
weald confirm his identification with Judas
(comp- Matt. xiii. 55). He is said to have
been born at Antioch. In the catalogue of
the epostles, he is conpled with Matthew in
Matt. x. 3, Mark iii. 18, Luke vi. 15, and with
Philip in Acts i. 13. All that we know of him
is derived from the Gospel of St. John; and
this amounts to three traits, which, however, so
exactly agree together, that, slight as they are,
they place his character before us with a pre-
cision which belongs to no other of the twelve
apostles, except Peter, John, and Judas Iscar-
iot. This character is that of a man slow to
believe, seeing all the difficulties of a case, sub-
ject to despondency, viewing things on the
darker side, and yet full of ardent love for his
Master. The first trait is his speech when our
Lord determined to face the dangers that await-
ed Him in Judasa on His journey to Bethany.
Thomas said to his fellow-disciples, " Let ua
also go, that we may die with Him " (John xi.
16). The second was his speech during the
Last Sapper. " Thomas saith unto Him, Lord,
we know not whither Thou goest, and how can
we know the way t " (xiv. 5.) It was the pro-
saic, incredulous doubt as to moving a step in
the unseen future, and yet an eager inquiry to
know how this step was to be taken. The
third was after the resurrection. He was ab-
sent — possibly by accident, perhaps character-
istically — from tne first assembly when Jesus
had appeared. The others told him what they
had seen. He broke forth into an exclamation,
the terms of which convey to us at once the
vehemence of his doubt, and at the same time
the vivid picture that his mind retained of his
Master's form as he had last seen Him lifeless
on the cross (John xx. 25). On the eighth day
he was with them at their gathering, perhaps
in expectation of a recurrence of the visit of
the previous week ; and Jesus stood amongst
them. He uttered the same salutation, " Peace
be unto you ; " and then turning to Thomas,
as if this had been the special object of His
appearance, uttered the words which convey as
strongly the sense of condemnation and tender
reproof as those of Thomas had shown the
sense of hesitation and doubt The effect on
Thomas is immediate. The conviction pro-
duced by the removal of his doubt became
deeper and stronger than that of any of the
other apostles. The words in which he ex-
pressed his belief contain a far higher assertion
of his Master's divine nature than is contained
in any other expression used by apostolic lips,
" Mv Lord, and my God." The answer of our
Lord sams np the moral of the whole narrative :
" Because thou hast seen Me, thou hast believed :
blessed are they that have not seen Me, and yet
have believed '* (xx. 29). In the N. T. we hear
of Thomas only twice again, once on the Sea
of Galilee with the seven disciples, where he
is ranked next after Peter (John xxi. 2), and
again in the assemblage of the apostles after
the ascension (Acts i. 13). The earlier tradi-
tions, as believed in the 4th century, represent
him as preaching in Parthia or Persia, and as
finally buried at Edessa. The later traditions
carry him farther East. His martyrdom
(whether in Persia or India) is said to have
been occasioned by a lance, and is commemo-
rated bv the Latin Church on Dec. 21, by the
Greek Church on Oct. 6, and by the Indians
on July 1.
Thomo'i. Thamah or Tamah (1 Esd. v.
32). Ap.
Thorns and Thistles. There appear to
be eighteen or twenty Hebrew words which
point to different kinds of prickly or thorny
shrubs. These words are variously rendered
in the A. V. by " thorns," " briers," " thistles,"
&c. It were a hopeless task to enter into a
discussion of these numerous Hebrew terms ;
but it is necessary to make a few remarks upon
the "crown of thorns" {orifavoc if ixavfluv,
Matt, xxvii. 29), which was put in derision
upon our Lord's head before His crucifixion.
The Rhamnus or Spina Christi, although
abundant in the neighborhood of Jerusalem,
cannot be the plant intended, because its thorns
are so strong and large, that it could not have
been woven into a wreath. The large-leaved
acanthus (bear's-foot) is totally unsuited for
the purpose. Had the acacia been intended,
as some suppose, the phrase would have been
i( UKOV0JK- Obviously some small flexile thorny
shrub is meant; perhaps Cappares spinoxt.
Hasselquist (Travels, p. 260) says that the
thorn used was the Arabian Nabk. " It was
very suitable for their purpose, as it has many
sharp thorns which inflict painful wounds ;
and its flexible, pliant, and round branches
might easily be plaited in the form of a crown."
It also resembles the rich dark green of the
triumphal ivy-wreath, which would give addi-
tional pungency to its ironical purpose.
Thra'oia. A Thracian horseman is inci-
dentally mentioned in 2 Mace. xii. 35, appar-
ently one of the body-guard of Gorgias, gov-
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THRONE
948
TIBERIAS
r of Idumssa under Antiochas Epiphanes.
Thrace at this period included the whole of the
country within the boundary of the Strymon,
the Danube, and the coasts of the jEgean, Pro-
pontis, and Euxine, — all the region, in fact,
now comprehended in Bulgaria and Roumelia.
In the early times, it was inhabited by a number
of tribes, each under its own chief. The wars
on a large scale which followed the death of
Alexander furnished employment for the mar-
tial tendencies of the Thracians, who found a
demand for their services as mercenaries every-
where. Cavalry was the arm which they chiefly
furnished, the rich pastures of Roumelia abound-
ing in horses. Ap.
Thrase'as. father of Apollonius (1). 2
Mace. iii. 5. [AroiAOifius.J Ap.
Three Taverns, a station on the Appian
Road, along which St. Paul travelled from Pu-
teoli to Rome (Acts xxviii. 15). The distances,
reckoning southwards from Rome, are given as
follows in the Antonine Itinerary : " To Aricia,
1 6 miles ; to Three Taverns, 1 7 miles ; to Ap-
pii Forum, 10 miles ; " and, comparing this with
what is observed still along the line of road, we
have no difficulty in coming to the conclusion
that " Three Taverns " was near the modern
Cisterna. Just at this point, a road came in
from Antium on the coast There is no doubt
that " Three Taverns " was a frequent meeting-
place of travellers.
Threshing. [Aokicdltobe.]
Threshold. 1. [See Gate.] 2. Of the
two words so rendered in A. V., one, miphtban,
seems to mean sometimes a projecting beam or
corbel (En. ix. 3, x. 4, 18).
Thresholds, the. This word, Atuppt,
appears to be inaccurately rendered in Neh. xii.
25, though its real force has perhaps not yet
been discovered. The " house of the Asuppim,"
or simply " the Asuppim," is mentioned in I
Chr. xxvi. 15, 17, as a part, probably a gate,
of the enclosure of the " house of Jehovah,"
apparently at its S. W. corner. The allusion
in Neh. xii. 25 is undoubtedly to the same
place.
Throne. The Hebrew term dsse applies
to any elevated seat occupied by a person in
authority, whether a high-priest (1 Sam. i. 9),
a judge (Ps. exxii. 5), or a military chief (Jer.
i. 15). The use of a chair in a country where
the usual postures were squatting and reclining
was at all times regarded as a symbol of dig-
nity (2 K. iv. 10; Prov. ix. 14). In order to
specify a throne in our sense of the term, it
was necessary to add to cine the notion of roy-
alty: hence* the frequent occurrence of such
expressions as " the throne of the kingdom "
(Dent. xvii. 18; 1 K. i. 46; 2 Chr. vii. 18).
The characteristic feature in the royal throne
was its elevation : Solomon's throne was ap-
proached by six steps (1 K. x. 19; 2 Chr. ix.
18); and Jehovah's throne is described as " high
and lifted up" (Is. vi. I). The materials and
workmanship were costly. It was furnished
with arms or "stays." The steps were also
lined with pairs of lions. As to the form of
the chair, we are only informed, in 1 K. x. 19,
that " the top was round behind." The king
sat on his throne on state occasions. At snch
times, he appeared in his royal robes. The
throne was the symbol of supreme power ami
dignity (Gen. xii. 40). Similarly, " to sit upon
the throne " implied the exercise of regal power
(Deut. xvii. 18; 1 K. xvi. 11).
Thummim. [Urim and Thumiiim.]
Thunder. In a physical point of view, the
most noticeable feature in connection with
thunder is the extreme rarity of its occurrence
during the summer months in Palestine and
the adjacent countries. From the middle of
April to the middle of September, it is hardly
ever heard. Hence it was selected by Samuel
as a striking expression of the divine displeas-
ure towards the Israelites (1 Sam. xii. 17).
Rain in harvest was deemed as extraordinary
as snow in summer ( Prov. xxvi. 1 ), and Jerome
asserts that he had never witnessed it iu the
latter part of June, or in July ( Comm. on Am.
iv. 7). In the imaginative philosophy of the
Hebrews, thunder was regarded as the voice of
Jehovah (Job xxxvii. 2, 4, 5, xl. 9 ; Ps. xviii.
13, xxix. 3-9 ; Is. xxx. 30, 31), who dwelt be-
hind the thunder-cloud (Ps. lxxxi. 7). Thun-
der was, to the mind of the Jew, the symbol of
divine power (Ps. xxix. 3, &c.) and vengeance
(1 Sam. ii. 10; 2 Sam. xxii. 14).
Thyati'ra, a city on the Lycos, founded
by Selcucus Nicator, lay to the left of the road
from Pergamus to Sardis, on the very confines
of Mysia and Ionia, so as to be sometimes reck-
oned within the one, and sometimes within the
other. Dyeing apparently formed an important
part of the industrial activity of Thyatira, as it
did of that of Colossal and L*odicea(Acts xvi.
14). The principal deity of the city was Apol-
lo ; but there was another superstition, of an ex-
tremely curious nature, which seems to hare been
brought thither by some of the corrupted Jews
of the dispersed tribes. A fane stood outside
the walls, dedicated to Sambatha — the name of
the sibyl who is sometimes called Chaldosa,
sometimes Jewish, sometimes Persian — in toe
midst of an enclosure designated " the Cbal-
dtean's court." This seems to lend an illustra-
tion to the obscure passage in Rev. ii. 20, 21,
which some interpret of the wife of the bishop.
Now there is evidence to show that in Thyatira
there was a great amalgamation of races. If
the sibyl Sambatha was really a Jewess, lend-
ing her aid to the amalgamation of different
religions, and not discountenanced by the au-
thorities of the Judaso-Christian Church at
Thyatira, both the censure and its qualification
become easy of explanation.
Thy'ine-WOOd occurs once only, vuu in
Rev. xviii. 12, where the margin has "sweet"
(wood). There can be little doubt that the
wood here spoken of is that of the Thuya artiai-
lala (Desfont.), the CaUitris quadrivalcu of pres-
ent botanists. This tree was much priaed by
the ancient Greeks and Romans, on account of
the beauty of its wood for various ornamental
purposes. By the Romans, the tree was called
citrus, the wood citrum. It is a native of Bar-
bary, and grows to the height of 15 to 25 feet
Pliny says that the citrus is found abundantly
in Mauritania. The resin known by the name
of Sandarach is the produce of this tree, which
belongs to the cypress tribe ( Cuprasima), of the
nat. order Comferas.
Tiba'rias, a city in the time of Christ, o»
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TIBERIAS
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TIGLATH-PILESEB
the Sea of Galilee ; first mentioned in the New
Testament (John vi. 1, 23, xxi. I ), and then by
Josephus, who states that it was built by Herod
Antipas, and was named by him in honor of
the Emperor Tiberias. It was probably a new
town, and not a restored or enlarged one mere-
ly ; for "Rakkath" (Josh. xix. 35), which is
said in the Talmud to have occupied the same
position, lay in the tribe of Napntali, whereas
Tiberias appears to have been within the limits
of Zebulun (Matt. ir. 13). Tiberias was the
capital of Galilee from the time of its origin
antil the reign of Herod Agrippa II., who
changed the seat of power back again to Sep-
phons, where it had been before the founding
of the new city. Many of the inhabitants were
Greeks and Romans, and foreign customs pre-
vailed there to such an extent as to give offence
to the stricter Jews. The ancient name has
survived in that of the modern Tibarieh, which
occupies unquestionably the original site, ex-
cept that it is confined to narrower limits than
those of the original city. Near T&barieh, about
a mile farther south along the shore, ire the
celebrated warm baths, which the Roman natu-
ralists reckoned among the greatest known cu-
riosities of the world. The intermediate space
between these baths and the town abounds with
traces of ruins, such as the foundations of walls,
heaps of stone, blocks of granite, and the like ;
and it cannot be doubted, therefore, that the
ancient Tiberias occupied also this ground, and
was much more extensive than its modern suc-
cessor. It stood, anciently as now, on the west-
ern shore, about two-thirds of the way between
the northern and southern end of the Sea of
Galilee. There is a margin or strip of land
there between the water and the steep hills
(which elsewhere in that quarter come down so
boldly to the edge of the lake), about two miles
long, and a quarter of a mile broad. The tract
in question is somewhat undulating, but ap-
proximates to the character of a plain. TSba-
rieh, the modern town, occupies the northern
end of this parallelogram, and the warm baths
the southern extremity ; so that the more ex-
tended city of the Roman age must have cov-
ered all, or nearly all, of the peculiar ground
whose limits are thus clearly defined. The
place is four and a half hours from Nazareth,
one hour from Mejdel, possibly the ancient
Magdala, and thirteen hours, by the shortest
route, from Baniai or Cassarea Philippi. It is
remarkable that the Gospels give us no infor-
mation that the Saviour, who spent so much
of His public life in Galilee, evor visited Tibe-
rias. Tiberias has an interesting history apart
from its strictly biblical associations. It bore
a conspicuous part in the wars between the
Jews and the Romans. The Sanhedrim, subse-
quently to the fall of Jerusalem, after a tempo-
rary sojourn at Jamnia and Sepphoris, became
fixed there about the middle of the second cen-
tury. Celebrated schools of Jewish learning
flourished there through a succession of several
centuries. The Mishna was compiled at this
place by the great rabbi Judah Hakkodesh
(a.d. 190). The place passed, under Constan-
tine, into the power of the Christians, and
during the period of the Crusades was lost and
won repeatedly by the different combatants.
Since that time, it has been possessed succes-
sively by Persians, Arabs, and Turks ; and con-
tains now, under the Turkish rule, a mixed
population of Mohammedans, Jews, and Chris-
tians, variously estimated at from two to four
thousand.
Tibe'riaa, the Sea of. This term is
found only in John xxi. 1, the other passage in
which it occurs in the A. V. (ib. vi. 1) being,
if the original is accurately rendered, " the Sea
of Galilee, of Tiberias." [Gsnnksabbt, Sea
orj
Tibe'ritlS (in full, Tiberius Claudius Nero),
the second Roman emperor, successor of Au-
gustus, who began to reign a.d. 14, and reigned
until a.d. 37. He was the son of Tiberius
Clandius Nero and Livia, and hence a step-son
of Augustus. He was born at Rome on the
16th of November, B.C. 45. He became em-
peror in his fifty-fifth year, after having distin-
guished himself as a commander in various
wars, and having evinced talents of a high order
as an orator, and an administrator of civil
affairs. He even gained the reputation of pos-
sessing the sterner virtues of the Roman char-
acter, and was regarded as entirely worthy of
the imperial honors to which his birth and sup-
?ised personal merits at length opened the way.
et, on being raised to the supreme power, he
suddenly became, or showed himself to be, a
very different man. His subsequent life was
one of inactivity, sloth, and self-indulgence.
He was despotic in his government, cruel and
vindictive in his disposition. Tiberius died at
the age of seventy-eight, after a reign of twen-
ty-three years.
Tib'hath, a city of Hadadezer, king of
Zobah (1 Chr. xviii. 8), which in 3 Sam. viii.
8 is called Betah. Its exact position is un-
known.
Tib'ni. After Zimri had burnt himself in
his palace, there was a division in the northern
kingdom, half of the people following Tibni
the son of Ginath, and half following Omri
(1 K. xvi. 21,22). Omri was the choice of the
army. Tibni was probably put forward by the
people of Tirzah, which was then besieged by
Omri and his host. The struggle between the
contending factions lasted four years (comp.
1 K. xvi. 15, 23).
Ti'dal is mentioned only in Gen. xlv. 1, 9.
If the present Hebrew text is accepted, the king
was called Thid'al; while, if the Septuagint
more nearly represents the original, his name
was Thargal, or perhaps Thurgal. This last
rendering is probably to be preferred, as the
name is then a significant one in the early
Hamitic dialect of the Lower Tigris and Euphra-
tes country — Thurgal being " the great chief."
Thargal is called " king of nations," by which
it is reasonable to understand that he was a
chief over various nomadic tribes.
Tiglath-Pile'ser. In 1 Chr. v. 26, and
again in 2 Chr. xxviii. 20, the name of this
king is written " Tilgath-pilneser ; " but in this
form there is a double corruption. The native
word reads as Tiguhi-pal-trira, for which the
Tiglath-pil-eser of 2 Kings is a fair equivalent.
Tiglath-Pileser is the second Assyrian king
mentioned in Scripture as having come into
contact with the Israelites. He attacked Sama-
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TIGRIS
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TIGRIS
via in the reign of Pekah, on what ground we
•re not told, but probably because Pekah with-
held his tribute ; and, having entered his terri-
tories, " took Hon, and Abel-beth-maachah, and
Janoah, and Kedesh, and Hazor, and Gilead,
and Galilee, and all the land of Naphtali, and
carried them captive to Assyria" (2 K. xv. 29).
The date of this invasion cannot at present be
fixed. After his first expedition, a close league
was formed between Rezin, king of Syria, and
Pekah, having for its special object the humil-
iation of Judah. At first great successes were
gained by Pekah and his confederate (2 K. xv.
37 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 6-8) ; but, on their proceed-
ing to attack Jerusalem itself, Ahaz applied to
Assyria for assistance; and Tiglath-Pileser,
consenting to aid him, again appeared at the
head of an army in these regions. He first
marched, naturally, against Damascus, which
he took (2 K. xvi. 9), razing it to the ground,
and killing Rezin, the Damascene monarch.
After this, probably, he proceeded to chastise
Pekah, whose country he entered on the north-
east, where it bordered upon " Syria of Damas-
cus." Here he overran the whole district to
the east of Jordan, carrying into captivity
" the Reubenites, the Gadites, and the half-
tribe of Manasseh " (1 Chr. v. 26). Before re-
turning into his own land, Tiglath-Pileser had
an interview with Ahaz at Damascus (2 K.
xvi 10). This is all that Scripture tells us of
Tiglath-Pileser. He appears to have succeeded
Pul, and to have been succeeded by Shalmaneser ;
to have been contemporary with Rezin, Pekah,
and Ahaz ; and therefore to have ruled Assyria
during the latter half of the eighth century be-
fore our era. From his own inscriptions, we
learn that his reign lasted at least seventeen
years; that, besides warring in Syria and
Samaria, he attacked Babylonia, Media, Ar-
menia, and the independent tribes in the upper
regions of Mesopotamia ; thus, like the other
great Assyrian monarchs, warring along the
whole frontier of the empire ; and finally, that
he was (probably) not a legitimate prince, but
a usurper and the founder of a dynasty. The
authority of Berosns and Herodotus, combined
with the monumental indications, justifies us
in concluding that the founder of the Lower
Dynasty or Empire, the first monarch of the
New Kingdom, was the Tiglath-Pileser of
Scripture. He reigned certainly from B.C. 747
to B.C. 730, and possibly a few years longer,
being succeeded by Shalmaneser at least as
early as B.C. 725. Tiglath-Pileser's wars do
not, generally, appear to have been of much
importance. The destruction of Damascus,
the absorption of Syria, and the extension of
Assyrian influence over Judsso, are the chief
events of his reign. No palace or great build-
ing can be ascribed to this king. His slabs,
which are tolerably numerous, show that he
must have built or adorned a residence at Calah
{Nimrud), where they were found ; but, as they
were not discovered tn situ, we cannot say any
thing of the edifice to which they originally
belonged.
Ti'eris is used by the LXX. at the Greek
2|uivaTent of the Hebrew Hiddekti; and occurs
so in several of the apocryphal books, as in
Tobit (vi. 1), Judith (i. 6), and Ecclesiasticus
(xxiv. 25). The Tigris, like the Euphrates,
rises from two principal sources. The most
distant, and therefore the true source, is the
western one, which is in lat. 38° 10', long. 39°
20' nearly, a little to the south of the high
mountain lake called GtSljilc or GOlenjUc, in the
peninsula formed by the Euphrates where it
sweeps round between Palou and TeUk. The
Tigris' source is near the south-western angle
of the lake, and cannot be more than two or
three miles from the channel of the Euphrates.
The course of the Tigris is at first somewhat
north of east ; but after pursuing this direction
for about twenty-five miles, it makes a sweep
round to the south, and descends by Aruhwri
Maden upon Diarbekr. It then turns suddenly
to the east, and flows in this direction, past Os-
man Kieui to Til, where it once more alters its
course, and takes that south-easterly direction,
which it pursues, with certain slight variations,
to its final junction with the Euphrates. At
Osman Kieui, it receives the second or Eastern
Tigris, which descends from Niphates (the
modern Ala-Taoh), with a course almost due
south. Near Til, a large stream flows into it
from the north-east. This branch rises near
Billi, in Northern Kurdistan. From Til, the
Tigris runs southward for twenty miles, through
a long, narrow, and deep gorge, at the end of
which it emerges upon the comparatively low
but still hilly country of Mesopotamia," near
Jezireh. Through this it flows with a course
which is south-south-east to Mosul, thence near-
ly south to Kileh-Sherghat, and again south-
south-east to Samara, where the hills end, and
the river enters on the great alluvium. The
course is now more irregular. The length of
the whole stream, exclusive of meanders, is
reckoned at 1,146 miles. The average width
of the Tigris in this part of its course is 200
yards, while its depth is very considerable.
Besides the three head-streams of the Tigris,
the river receives, along its middle and lower
course, no fewer than five important tributa-
ries. These are the River of ZaUoo or Eastern
Khabour, the Great Zab (Zab Ala), the Lesser
Zab (Zab Asfal), the Adhem, and the Diyaleh
or ancient Gyndes. All these rivers flow from
the high range of Zagros. The Tigris, like the
Euphrates, has a flood season. Early in the
month of March, in consequence of the melting
of the snows on the southern flank of Niphates,
the river rises rapidly. Its breadth gradually
increases at Diarbekr from 100 or 120 to 250
vards. The stream is swift and turbid. The
rise continues through March and April, reach-
ing its full height generally in the first or sec-
ond week of May. About the middle of Mav
the Tigris begins to fall, and by midsummer it
has reached its natural level. In October and
November, there is another rise and fall in eon-
sequence of the autumnal rains ; but, compared
with the spring flood, that of autumn is insig-
nificant. The Tigris is at present better fitted
for purposes of traffic than the Euphrates ; but
in ancient times it does not seem to have been
much used as a line of trade. We find but lit-
tle mention of the Tigris in Scripture. It ap-
pears indeed, under the name of Hiddekel,
among the riven of Eden (Gen. ii. 14), and it
there correctly described as " running eastward
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TIMBREL
951
TIMOTHEUS
to Assyria." Bat after this we hear no more
of it, it we except one doubtful allusion in Na-
hnm (ii. 6), until the Captivity, when it be-
comes well known to the prophet Daniel.
With him it is "the Great River." The
Tigris, in its upper course, anciently ran
through Armenia and Assyria. Lower down,
from about the point where it enters on the
alluvial plain, it separated Babylonia from Su-
siana. In the wars between the Romans and
the Parthians, we And it constituting, for a
short time (from a.d. 114 to a.d. 117) the
boundary-line between these two empires.
Otherwise it has scarcely been of any political
importance.
Tik'vah. 1. The father of Shallum the
husband of the prophetess Huldah (2 K. xxii.
14). —2. The father of Jahaziah (Ezr. x. 15).
Tik'vath (properly Tdkikath or Tokhath).
Tiktab the father of Shallum (2 Chr. xxxiv.
22).
Tile* For general information on the sub-
ject, see the articles Brick, Pottery, Se il.
The expression in the A. V. rendering of Luke
T. 19, " through the tiling," has given much
trouble to expositors. 1. Terrace-roofs, if con-
structed improperly, or at the wrong season of
the year, are apt to crack, and to become so
saturated with rain as to be easily penetrable.
May not the roof of the house in which our
Lord performed His miracle have been in this
condition 1 2. Or did not St. Luke, a native,
probably, of Greek Antioch, use the expression
"tiles, as the form of roof which was most
familiar to himself and to his Greek readers,
without reference to the particular material of
the roof in question *
Til'gath-Pilne'ser. A variation, and
frobably a corruption, of the name Tiolath-
i leser (1 Chr. v. 6, 26 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 20).
Tilon. One of the four sons of Shimon,
whose family is reckoned in the genealogies of
Judah(l Chr. iv. 20).
Timro'us. The father of the blind man,
Bartiniffius (Mark x. 46).
Timbrel, Tabret. By these words the
A. V. translates the Heb. tdpk, which is derived
from an imitative root occurring in many lan-
guages not immediately connected with each
other. It is the same as the Arabic and Per-
sian duff, which in Spanish becomes adufe, a
tambourine. In Old English, tabor was used
for any drum. Tabouret and tabourine are di-
minutives of tabor, and denote the instrument
now known as the tambourine. Tabret is a con-
traction of tabouret. The Heb. tdph is undoubt-
edly the instrument described bv travellers as
the duff or diff of the Arabs. It was used in
very early times by the Syrians of Padan-aram
at their merry-makings (Gen. xxxi. 27). It
was played principally by women (Ex. xv. 20 ;
Judg. xi. 34 ; 1 Sam", xviii. 6 ; Ps. Ixviii. 25
[26]) as an accompaniment to the song and
dance (comp. Jud. lii. 7), and appears to have
been worn by them as an ornament ( Jer. xxxi.
4). The diff of the Arabs is described by Rus-
sell (Aleppo, p. 94, 1st ed.) as " a hoop (some-
times with pieces of brass fixed in it to make a
jingling), over which a piece of parchment is
distended. It is beat with the fingers, and is
the true tympanum of the ancients, as appears
| from its figure in several relievos, representing
I the orgies of Bacchus and rites of Cybele."
! Tim'na, Tim'nah. 1. A concubine of
Eliphaz son of Esau, and mother of Amalek
(Gen. xxxvi. 12) : it may he presumed that
she was the same as Timna, sister of Lotan
(ver. 22, and 1 Chr. i. 39). — 2. A duke, or
phylarch, of Edom in the last list in Gen.
xxxvi. 40-43 (1 Chr. i. 51-54). Timnnh was
probably the name of a place or a district. ( See
following article.)
Tim nah. 1. A place which formed one
of the landmarks on the north boundary of the
allotment of Judah (Josh. xv. 10). It is proba-
bly identical with the Thimnathah of Josh,
xix. 43, and that again with the Timnath, or
more accurately Timnathah of Samson (Judg.
xiv. 1, 2, 5), and the Thamnatha of the Mac-
cabees. The modern representative of all these
various forms of the same name is probably
Tibneh, a village about two miles west of Am
Shenu (Bethshemesh). In the later history of
the Jews, Timnah must have been a conspicu-
ous place. It was fortified bv Bacchides as
one of the most important military posts of
Judaea (1 Mace. ix. 50). — 2. A town in the
mountain district of Jndah (Josh. xv. 57) A
distinct place from that just examined. .8.
Inaccurately written Timnath in the A V..
the scene of the adventure of Judah with his
daughter-in-law Tamar (Gen. xxxviii. 12, 13.
14). There is nothing here to indicate its
position. It may be identified either with th»
Timnah in the mountains of Judah [No. SJ, or
with the Timnathah of Samson [No. 1].
Timnath. [Timnah.]
Tim'nath-Se'rah, the name of the city
which was presented to Joshua after the par.
tition of the country (Josh. xix. 50), and in
" the border " of which be was buried (xuiv.
30). It is specified as " in Mount Ephraim, on
the north side of Mount Gaash." In Judg.
ii. 9, the name is altered to Timnath-heres.
The latter form is that adopted by the Jewish
writers. Accordingly, they identify the place
with Kefitr cheres, which is said by Jewish trav-
ellers to be about five miles S. of Shechem
(Nablus). No place with that name appears on
the maps. Another identification has, however,
been suggested by Dr. Eli Smith. In his jour-
ney from Jijha to Meidel-Yaba, about six miles
from the former, he discovered the ruins of a
considerable town. Opposite the town was a
much higher hill, in the north side of which
are several excavated sepulchres. The whole
bears the name of Tibneh.
Ti'mon, one of the seven, commonly called
" deacons " (Acts vi. 1-6). He was probably a
Hellenist.
Timo'theus. 1. A " captain of the Am-
monites " (1 Mace. v. 6,) who was defeated on
several occasions by Judas Maccabssns, B.C. 164
(1 Mace. v. 6, 11, 34-44). He was proba-
bly a Greek adventurer. — 2. In 2 Mace., a
leader named Timotheus is mentioned as hav-
ing taken part in the invasion of Nicanor (b.c.
166 ; 2 Mace. viii. 30, ix. 3). At a later time,
he was driven to a stronghold, Gazara, which
was stormed by Judas ; and there Timotheus
was taken and slain (2 Mace. x. 24-37). It
has been supposed that the events recorded in
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TIMOTHY
TIMOTHY
this Utter narrative are identical with those in
1 Mace. t. 6-8. But the name Timotheuswas
very common, and it is evident thatTimotheus
the Ammonite leader was not slain at Jazer
(1 Mace. v. 34). Ap.
Tim'othy (called Timothens, Acts xvi. 1,
xvii. 1, 4c.). The disciple thus named was the
son of one of those mixed marriages which,
though condemned by stricter Jewish opinion,
were yet not uncommon in the later penods of
Jewish history. The father's name is unknown :
he was a Greek, i.e. a Gentile by descent (Acts
xvi. 1,3). The absence of any personal allu-
sion to the father in the Acts or Epistles sug-
gests the inference that he must have died or
disappeared during his son's infancy. The care
of the boy thus devolved upon his mother
Eunice and her mother Lois (2 Tim. i. 5).
Under their training, his education was emphat-
ically Jewish. " From a child," he teamed
to " know the Holy Scriptures " daily. The
language of the Acts leaves it uncertain whether
Lystra or Derbe was the residence of the
devout family. The arrival of Paul and Bar-
nabas in Lycaonia (Acts xiv. 6) brought the
message of glad tidings to Timothy and his
mother, and they received it with " unfeigned
faith " (3 Tim. i. 5). If at Lystra, as seems
probable from 2 Tim. iii. 11, he may have wit-
nessed the half-completed sacrifice, the half-
finished martyrdom, of Acts xiv. 19. The
preaching of the apostle on his return from his
short circuit prepared him for a life of suffering
(Acts xiv. 22). From that time, his life and
education must have been under the direct
superintendence of the body of elders (ib.
23). During the interval of seven years be-
tween the apostle's first and second journeys,
the boy grew up to manhood. His zeal became
known both at Lystra and Iconium. Those
who had the deepest insight into character, and
spoke with a prophetic utterance, pointed to
him ( 1 Tim. i. 18, iv. 14), as others had pointed
before to Paul and Barnabas (Acts xiii. 2), as
specially fit for the missionary work in which
the apostle was engaged. Personal feeling led
St Paul to the same conclusion (Acts xvi. 3),
and be was solemnly set apart to do the work
and possibly to bear the title of evangelist (1
Tim. iv. 14; 2 Tim. i. 6, iv. 5). A great
obstacle, however, presented itself. Timothy,
though reckoned as one of the seed of Abraham,
had been allowed to grow up to the age of man-
hood without the sign of circumcision. His
condition was that of a negligent, almost of an
apostate Israelite. The Jews might tolerate
a heathen, as such, in the synagogue or the
church ; but an uncircumcised Israelite would
be to them a horror and a portent. With a
special view to their feelings, making no sacri-
fice of principle, tbe apostle, who had refused
to permit the circumcision of Titus, " took and
circumcised " Timothy (Acts xvi. 3).' Hence-
forth Timothy was one of his most constant
companions. They and Silvanus, and proba-
bly Luke also, journeyed to Philippi (Acts xvi.
12), and there already the younjj evangelist
was conspicuous at once for his filial devotion
1 A strong argument has been based upon this
faot to prove that circumolsiou was not abolished
for Jem by tbe gospel. — Ed.
and his seal (Phil. ii. 22). His name does not
appear in the account of St. Paul's work at
Thessalonica, and it is possible that he remained
some time at Philippi. He appears, however,
at Beroea, and remains there when Paul and
Silas are obliged to leave (Acts xvii. 14), going
on afterwards to join his master at Athens (1
Tbess. iii. 2). From Athens, he is sent back to
Thessalonica (ib.), as having special gifts for
comforting and teaching. He returns from
Thessalonica, not to Athens, but to Corinth ;
and his name appears united with St Paul's in
the opening words of both tbe letters written
from that city to the Thessalonians (1 Theas. i.
1 ; 2 Thess. i. 1). Of the next five years of
his lifewe have no record. When we next
meet with him, it is as being sent on in advance
when the apostle was contemplating the long
journey which was to include Macedonia, Acha-
ia, Jerusalem, and Borne (Acts xix. 22). It
is probable that he returned by the same route,
and met St. Paul according to a previous ar-
rangement (1 Cor. xvi. 11), and was thus with
him when the Second Epistle was written to
the Church of Corinth (2 Cor. i. 1). He
returns with tbe apostle to that city, and joins
in messages of greeting to the disciples whom
he had known personally at Corinth, and who
had since found their way to Borne (Bom. xvi.
21). He forms one of the company of friends
who go with St. Paul to Philippi, and then sail
by themselves, waiting for his arrival by a dif-
ferent ship (Acts xx. 3-6). The absence of his
name from Acts xxvii. leads to the conclusion
that he did not share in the perilous voyage to
Italy. He must have joined the apostle, how-
ever, apparently soon after his arrival in Borne,
and was with him when the Epistles to tbe
Philippians, to the Colossians, and to Phile-
mon, were written (Phil. i. 1, ii. 19 ; Col. i. 1 ;
Fhilem. 1). All the indications of this period
point to incessant missionary activity. From
the two epistles addressed to him, we are able
to pnt together a few notices as to his later life.
It follows from 1 Tim. i. 3 that he and his
master, after the release of the latter from his
imprisonment, revisited tbe proconsular Atu ;
that the apostle then continued his journey to
Macedonia, whilst the disciple remained, half
reluctantly, even weeping at the separation (2
Tim. i. 4), at Ephesus, to check, if possible, the
outgrowth of heresy and licentiousness which
had sprung up there. The position in which
he found himself might well make him anxious.
He had to rnle presbyters, most of whom were
older than himself (1 Tim. iv. 12). Leaders of
rival sects were there. The name of his be-
loved teacher was no longer honored as it had
been. We cannot wonder that the apostle,
knowing these trials, shonld be full of anxiety
and fear for his disciple's steadfastness. In the
Second Epistle to him, this deep personal feeling
utters itself yet more fully. The last recorded
words of the apostle express the earnest hope,
repeated yet more earnestly, that he might see
him once again (ib. iv. 9, 21 ). We mav hazard
the conjecture that he reached him in time, and
that the last hours of the teacher were soothed
by the presence of the disciple whom be loved
so truly. Some writers have even seen in Heb.
xiii. 83 an indication that be shared St Paul's
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TIN
953
TISHBITE
imprisonment, and was released from it by the
death of Nero. Beyond this, all is apocryphal
and uncertain. He continues, according to the
old traditions, to act as bishop of Ephesus, and
dies a martyr's death under Domitian or Nerva.
A somewhat startling theory as to the inter-
vening period of his life has found favor with
some. If he continued, according to the re-
ceived tradition, to be bishop of Ephesus, then
he, and no other, must have been the " angel "
of that church to whom the message of Rev. ii.
1-7 was addressed.
Timothy, Epistles of Paul to. The
First Epistle was probably written in the inter-
val between St. Paul's first and second impris-
onments at Rome. The absence of any local
reference but that in i. 3 suggests Macedonia
or some neighboring district. In some MSS.
and versions, Laodicea is named in the inscrip-
tion as the place from which it was sent. The
Second Epistle appears to have been written
soon afterwards, and in all probability *l Rome.
The following are the characteristic features of
these epistles : — ( 1 ) The ever-deepening sense
in St. Paul's heart of the divine mercy, of
which he was the object, as shown in the inser-
tion of the word " mercy " in the salutations of
botb epistles, and in the " obtained mercy "
of 1 Tiro. i. 13. (2) The greater abruptness
of the Second Epistle. From first to last there
is no plan, no treatment of subjects carefully
thought out. All speaks of strong overflowing
emotion, memories of the past, anxieties about
the future. 13) The absence, as compared
with St. Paul's other epistles, of Old Testa-
ment references. This may connect itself with
the fact just noticed, that these epistles are not
argumentative, possibly also with the request
for the "books and parchments" which had
been left behind (2 Tim. iv. 13). (4) The
conspicuous position of the " faithful sayings "
as taking the place occupied in other epistles
by the O. T. Scriptures. The way in which
these are cited as authoritative, the variety of
subjects which they cover, suggest the thought
that, in them, we have specimens of the proptie-
cies of the Apostolic Church which had most im-
pressed themselves on the mind of the apostle,
and of the disciples generally. 1 Cor. xiv.
shows how deep a reverence he was likely to
feci for sucn spiritual utterances. In 1 Tim.
iv. 1, we have a distinct reference to them.
(5) The tendency of the apostle's mind to
dwell more on the universality of the redemp-
tive work of Christ (1 Tim. ii. 3-8, iv. 10), and
his strong desire that all the teaching of
his disciples should be "sound." (6) The
importance attached by him to the practical
details of administration. The gathered expe-
rience of a long life had taught him that the
life and well-being of the Church required these
for its safeguards. (7) The recurrence of
doxologies (1 Tim. i. 17, vi. 15, 16; 2 Tim.
iv. 18) as from one living perpetually in the
presence of God, to whom the language of
adoration was as his natural speech.
Tin. Among the various metals found
among the spoils of the Midianitcs, tin is enu-
merated (Num. xxxi. 22). It was known to
the Hebrew metal-workers as an alloy of other
metals (U i 85; Ex. xxii. 18, 20). The raar-
120
kets of Tyre were supplied with it by the ships
of Tarshish (Ez. xxvii. 12). It was used for
plummets (Zech. iv. 10), and was so plentiful
as to furnish the writer of Ecclesiasticus (xlvii.
18) with a figure by which to express the wealth
of Solomon. As to the country from which the
Hebrews obtained tin, see Tabshish.
Tiph'sah is mentioned in 1 K. iv. 24 as
the limit of Solomon's empire towards the
Euphrates, and in 2 K. xv. 16 it is said to have
been attacked by Menahem. It was known to
the Greeks ana Romans under the name of
Thapsacus, and was the point where it was
usual to cross the Euphrates. Thapsacus has
been generally placed at the modern Dor; but
the Euphrates expedition proved that there is
no ford at D&r, and that the only ford in this
part of the course of the Euphrates is at Swiueh,
45 miles below Balis, and 165 above iMSr.
This then must have been the position of
Thapsacus.
Tl'ras, the youngest son of Japhcth (Gen.
x. 2), usually identified with the Thracians, as
presenting the closest verbal approximation to
the name.
Tire, an ornamental head-dress worn on
festive occasions (Ez. xxiv. 17, 23).
Tirliakah, king of Ethiopia (Cosh), the
opponent of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 9 ; Is.
xxxvii. 9). He may be identified with larkoa
or Tarakos, who was the third and last king of
the xxvth dynasty, which was of Ethiopians.
His accession was probably about B.C. 695.
Possibly Tirhakah ruled over Ethiopia before
becoming king of Egypt.
Tirsfia'tha (always written with the arti-
cle), the title of the governor of Judaea under
the Persians, perhaps derived from a Persian
root signifying " stern," " severe," is added as a
title after the name of Nehemiah (Neb. viii.
9, x. 1) ; and occurs also in three other places.
In the margin of the A. V. (Ezr. ii. 63 ; Neh.
vii. 65, x. 1 ), it is rendered " governor."
Tir'zah, youngest of the five daughters of
Zelophehad (Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1, xxxvi.
11 ; Josh. xvii. 3).
Tir'zah, an ancient Canaanite city, whose
king is enumerated amongst those overthrown
in the conquest of the country (Josh. xii. 24).
It re-appears as a royal city — the residence of
Jeroboam and of his successors (1 K. xiv. 17,
18_). Tirzah re-appears as the seat of the con-
spiracy of Menahem ben-Gaddi against the
wretched Shallum (2 K. xv. 14, 16). Its repu-
tation for beauty throughout the country must
have been wide-spread. It is in this sense
that it is mentioned in the Song of Solomon.
Eusebius mentions it in connection with Mena-
hem, and identifies it with a " village of Sama-
ritans in Batanssa." Its site is TeUiUah, a
place in the mountains north of Nablus.
Tish'bite. the, the well-known designation
of Elijah (1 K. xvii. 1, xxi. 17, 28 ; 2 K. i. 3,
8, ix. 36). Assuming that a town is alluded
to, as Elijah's native place, it is not necessary
to infer that it was itself in Gilead, as many
have imagined. The commentators and lexi-
cographers, with few exceptions, adopt the name
" Tishbite " as referring to the place Tiiibbe
in Naphtali, which is found in the LXX. text
of Totit i. 2.
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TITHE
954
TITUS
Ti'tanS. These children of Uranus (Heav-
en) and Gaia (Earth) were, according to the
earliest Greek legends, the vanquished prede-
cessors of the Olympian gods, condemned by
Zens to dwell in Tartarus, yet not without re-
taining many relics of their ancient dignity.
By later (Latin) poets, they were confounded
with the kindred Gigantet. In 2 Sam. v. 18,
22, " the Valley of Rcphaim" is represented by
il KtxXdf rim riravuv instead of n notour ruv
•■navruv. 1 Chr. xi. 15, xiv. 9, 13. Several
Christian fathers inclined to the belief that
TetTov was the mystic name of " the beast " in-
dicated in Rev. xiii. 18.'
Tithe* Numerous instances of the use of
tithes are found both in profane and also in
biblical history, prior to or independently of
the appointment of the Levitical tithes under
the Law. In biblical history, the two promi-
nent instances are — 1. Abram presenting the
tenth of all his property, or rather of the spoils
of his victory, to Melchizedek (Gen. xir. 20;
Heb. vii. 2, 6). 2. Jacob, after his vision at
Luz, devoting a tenth of all bis property to God
in case he should return home in safety (Gen.
xxviii. 22). The first enactment of the Law
in respect of tithe is the declaration that the
tenth of all produce, as well as of flocks and
cattle, belongs to Jehovah, and must be offered
to Him. 2. That the tithe was to be paid in
kind, or, if redeemed, with an addition of one-
fifth to its value (Lev. xxvii. 30-33). This
tenth, called Terumath, is ordered to be assigned
to the Levites, as the reward of their service ;
and it is ordered further, that they are them-
selves to dedicate to the Lord a tenth of these
receipts, which is to be devoted to the main-
tenance of the high-priest (Num. xviii. 21-28).
This legislation is modified or extended in the
Book of Deuteronomy, i.e. from thirty-eight to
forty years later. Commands are given to the
people, 1. To bring their tithes, together with
their votive and other offerings and first-fruits,
to the chosen centre of worship, the metropolis,
there to be eaten in festive celebration in com-
pany with their children, their servants, and
the Levites (Deut. xii. 5-18). 2. All the
produce of the soil was to be tithed every year,
and these tithes, with the firstlings of the flock
and herd, were to be eaten in the metropolis.
3. But in case of distance, permission is given to
convert the produce into money, which is to be
taken to the appointed place, and there laid out
in the purchase of food for a festal celebration,
in which the Levite is, by special command, to
be included (Deut. xiv. 22-27). 4. Then fol-
lows the direction, that at the end of three years
all the tithe of that year is to be gathered, and
laid np " within the gates," and that a festival
is to be held, in which the stranger, the father-
less, and the widow, together with the Levite,
are to partake (i6. vcr. 28, 29). 5. Lastly, it
is ordered that after taking the tithe in each
third year, " which is the year of tithing," an
exculpatory declaration is to be made by every
Israelite, that he has done his best to fulfil the
divine command (Deut. xxvi. 12-14). From
all this we gather, 1. That one-tenth of the
< The mrthologlo story of the Titans was de-
rived from the event recorded Geo. vl. 1-4 ; compare
lPet. 11. i; JudeO. — Ed.
whole produce of the soil was to be assigned
for the maintenance of the Levites. 2. That
out of this the Levites were to dedicate a tenth
to God, for the use of the high-priest. 3. That
a tithe, in all probability a second tithe, was to
be applied to festival purposes. 4. That in
every third year, either this festival tithe or a
third tenth was to be eaten in company with
the poor and the Levites. The question arises.
Were there three tithes taken in this third year,
or is the third tithe only the second under a
different description t It must be allowed that
the third tithe is not without support. Jose-
phus distinctly says that one-tenth was to be
given to the priests and Levites, one-tenth was
to be applied to feasts in the metropolis, and
that a tenth besides these was every third year
to be given to the poor (comp. Tob. i. 7, 8).
On the other hand, Maimonidcs says the third
and sixth years' second tithe was shared be-
tween the poor and the Levites, i.e. that there
was no third tithe. Of these opinions, that
which maintains three separate and complete
tithings seems improbable. It is plain that
under the kings the tithe-system partook of the
general neglect into which the observance of
the Law declined, and that Hezekiah, among his
other reforms, took effectual means to revive its
use (2 Chr. xxxi. 5, 12, 19). Similar measures
were taken after the Captivity by Nehemiah
(Neh. xii. 44) ; and, in both these cases, special
officers were appointed to take charge of the
stores and store-bouses for the purpose Yet,
notwithstanding partial evasion or omission,
the system itself was continued' to a hue period
in Jewish history (Heb. vii. 5-8 ; Matt, xxiii
23 ; Luke xviii. 12).
Ti'tus Man liufl. [Maxijcb.]
Ti'tUS. Our materials for the biography
of this companion of St. Paul mnst be drawn
entirely from the notices of him in the Second
Epistle to the Corinthians, the Galatians, and
to Titus himself, combined with the Second
Epistle to Timothy. He is not mentioned in
the Acts at all. Taking the passages in the
Epistles in the chronological order of tbc
events referred to, we turn first to Gal. ii. 1, S.
We conceive the journey mentioned here to be
identical with that (recorded in Acts it.) in
which Paul and Barnabas went from Antioch
to Jerusalem to the conference which was to
decide the question of the necessity of circum-
cision to the Gentiles. Here we see Titus in
close association with Paul and Barnabas at
Antioch. He goes with them to Jerusalem.
His circumcision was either not insisted on at
Jerusalem, or, if demanded, was firmly resisted.
He is very emphatically spoken of as a Gentile,
by which is most probably meant that both his
parents were Gentiles. Titus would seem, on
the occasion of the council, to have been
specially a representative of the church of the
uncircumcision. It is to our purpose to re-
mark that, in the passage cited above, Titus is
so mentioned as apparently to imply that he
had become personally known to the Galatian
Christians. After leaving Galatia (Acta xviii.
23), and spending a long time at Ephesua
(Acts xix. 1-xx. 1), the apostle proceeded to
Macedonia by way of Troas. Here he ex-
pected to meet Titus (2 Cor. ii. 13), who had
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TITUS
955
TOB-ADONIJAH
been sent on e minion to Corinth. In this
hope he was disappointed ; but in Macedonia
Titus joined him (2 Cor. vii. 6, 7, 13-15). The
mission to Corinth had reference to the im-
moralities rebuked ir. the First Epistle, and to
the effect of that First Epistle on the offending
church. We learn further that the mission
was so far successful and satisfactory. But if
we proceed farther, we discern another part of
the mission with which he was intrusted.
This had reference to the collection, at that
time in progress, for the poor Christians of
Judtea (riii. 6). Thus we are prepared for
what the apostle now proceeds to do after his
encouraging conversations with Titus regard-
ing the Corinthian Church. He sends him
back from Macedonia to Corinth, in company
with two other trustworthy Christians, bearing
the Second Epistle, and with an earnest request
(viii. 6, 17) that he would see to the comple-
tion of the collection (riii. 6). It has generally
been considered doubtful who the adifyoi were
(I Cor. xvi. II, 12) that took the First Epistle
to Corinth. Most probably they were Titus
and his companion, whoever that might be,
who is mentioned with him in the second letter
(2 Cor. xii. 18). A considerable interval now
elapses before we come upon the next notices
of this disciple. St. Paul's first imprisonment
is concluded, and his last trial is impending.
In the interval between the two, he and Titus
were together in Crete (Tit. i. 5). We see Ti-
tan remaining in the island when St. Paul left
it, and receiving there a letter written to him
by the apostle. From this letter we gather the
following biographical details : — In the first
place, we learn that he was originally convert-
ed through St. Paul's instrumentality (i. 4).
Next we learn the various particulars of the
responsible duties which he had to discharge in
Crete. He is to complete what St. Paul had been
obliged to leave unfinished (i. 5), and he is to
organize the Church throughout the island by
appointing presbyters in every city. Next he
is to control and bridle (ver. 1 1 ) the restless
and mischievous Judaizers, and he is to be per-
emptory in so doing (ver. 13). He is to urge
the duties of a decorous and Christian life upon
the women (ii. 3-5), some of whom (ii. 3) pos-
sibly had something of an official character
(ver. 3, 4). The notices which remain are
more strictly personal. Titus is to look for the
arrival in Crete of Artemas and Tychicus (iii.
12), and then he is to hasten to join St. Paul
at Nicopolis, where the apostle is proposing to
pass the winter. Zenas and Apollos are in
Crete, or expected there ; for Titus is to send
them on their journey, and supply them with
whatever they need for it (iii. 13). Whether
Titos did join the apostle at Nicopolis we can-
not tell. But we naturally connect the mention
of this place with what St. Paul wrote at no
great interval of time afterwards, in the last of
the pastoral epistles (2 Tim. iv. 10) ; for Dal-
matia lay to the north of Nicopolis, at no great
distance from it. From the form of the whole
sentence, it seems probable that this disciple
had been with St. Paul in Rome during his final
imprisonment ; but this cannot be asserted con-
fidently. The traditional connection of Titus
with Crete is much more specific and constant,
though here again we cannot be certain of the
facts. He is said to have been permanent
bishop in the island, and to have died there at
an advanced age. The modern capital, Candia,
appears to claim the honor of being his burial-
place. In the fragment by the lawyer Zenas,
Titus is called Bishop of Gortyna. Lastly, the
name of Titus was the watchword of the Cre-
tans when they were invaded by the Venetians.
TitUS, Epistle to. There are no special-
ties in this epistle which require any very elab-
orate treatment distinct from the other pastoral
letters of St. Paul. If those two were not
genuine, it would be difficult confidently to
maintain the genuineness of this. On the
other hand, if to I Epistles to Timothy are
received as St. Paul's, there is not the slight-
est reason for doubting the authorship of that
to Titus. Nothing can well be more explicit
than the quotations in Irenaeus, Clemens Alex-
andrinus, Tertullian, to say nothing of earlier
allusions in Justin Martyr, Theophilus, and
Clemens Romanus. As to internal features,
we may notice, in the first place, that the Epis-
tle to Titus has all the characteristics of the
other pastoral epistles. This tends to show
that this letter was written about the same
time and under similar circumstances with the
other two. But, on the other hand, this epis-
tle has marks in its phraseology and style which
assimilate it to the general body of the epistles
of St. Paul. As to any difficulty arising from
supposed indications of advanced hierarchical
arrangements, it is to bb observed that in this
epistle irpcajivTtpoq and litisKotroc are used as
synonymous (i. 5, 7), just as they are in the
address at Miletus, about the year 58 a.d. (Acts
xx. 17,28). At the same time, this epistle has
features of its own, especially a certain tone of
abruptness and severity, which probably arises,
partly out of the circumstances of the Cretan
population, partly out of the character of Titus
himself. Concerning the contents of this epis-
tle, something has already been said in the arti-
cle on Titus. No very exact subdivision is
either necessary or possible. As to the time
and place and other circumstances of the writ-
ing of this epistle, the following scheme of fill-
ing up St. Paul's movements after his first im-
prisonment will satisfy all the conditions of the
case: — We may suppose him (possibly after
accomplishing his long-projected visit to Spain)
to have gone to Ephesus, and taken voyages
from thence, first to Macedonia, and then to
Crete ; during the former to have written the
First Epistle to Timothy, and after returning
from the latter to have written the Epistle to
Titus, being, at the time of despatching it, on
the point of starting for Nicopolis, to which
place he went, taking Miletus and Corinth on
the way. At Nicopolis, we may conceive him to
have been finally apprehended, and taken to
Rome, whence he wrote the Second Epistle
to Timothy.
Ti'zite, the. The designation of Joha,
one of the heroes of David's army (1 Chr. xi.
45). It occurs nowhere else, and nothing is
known of the place or family which it denotes.
To'ah. A Kohathite Levite, ancestor of
Samuel and Heman (1 Chr. vi. 34).
Tob-adoni'jah. One of the Levitcs sent
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TOBIJAH
956
TOLAD
by Jehoshaphat through the cities of Judah to
teach the Law to the people (2 Chr. xvii. 81.
Tob, the Land of. The place in which
Jeplithoh took refuge when expelled from home
by his half-brother (Judg. xi. 3) ; and where he
remained, at the head of a band of freebooters,
till be was brought back by the sheiks of
Gilead (ver. 5). The narrative implies that the
land of Tob was not far distant from Gilead :
at the same time, from the nature of the case, it
must have lain out towards the eastern deserts.
It is undoubtedly mentioned again in 2 Sam.
x. 6, 8, as Lhtob, i.e. Man of Tob, meaning,
according to a common Hebrew idiom, the
"men of Tob." After an immense interval, it
appears again, in the Maccabsean history
(1 Mace. v. 13), in the names Tobie and Tu-
bieni (2 Mace. xii. 17). No identification of
this ancient district with any modern one has
yet been attempted. The name Tell Dobbe, or,
as it is given by the latest explorer of those re-
gions, Tell Dibbe, attached to a ruined site at
the south end of the Lejah, a few miles N. W.
of Kenawat, and also that of td-Dab, some
twelve hours east of the mountain d-Ktdab,
are both suggestive of Tob.
Tobi'ah. 1. " The chUdren of Tobiah "
were a family who returned with Zerubbabel,
but were unable to prove their connection with
Israel (Ezr. ii. 60; Neh. vii. 62). — 2. "To-
biah the slave, the Ammonite," played a con-
spicuous part in the rancorous opposition made
by Sanballat the Moabite and his adherents to
the rebuilding of Jerusalem. The two races
of Moab and Ammon found in these men fit
representatives of that hereditary hatred to the
Israelites which began before the entrance into
Canaan, and was not extinct when the Hebrews
had ceased to exist as a nation. But Tobiah,
though a slave (Neh. ii. 10, 19), unless this is a
title of opprobrium, and an Ammonite, found
means to ally himself with a priestly family,
and his son Johanan married the daughter of
Meshullam the son of Berecbiah (Neh. vi. 18).
He himself was the son-in-law of Shechaniah
the son of Arab (Neh. vi. 17), and these family
relations created for him a strong faction among
the Jews. Ewald conjectures that Tobiah had
been a page (" slave ) at the Persian court,
and, being in favor there, had been promoted to
be satrap of the Ammonites. But it almost
seems that against Tobiah there was a stronger
feeling of animosity than against Sanballat,
and that this animosity found expression in the
epithet "the slave," which is attached to his
name.
Tobi'as. The Greek form of the name
Tobiah or Tobijah. 1. The son of Tobit,
and central character in the book of that name.
— 2. The father of Hyrcanus, apparently a
man of great wealth and reputation at Jeru-
salem in the time of Seleucus Philopator (cir.
B.C. 187). In the high-priestly schism which
happened afterwards, " the sons of Tobias "
took a conspicuous part Ap.
Tobie, the Places of ( l Mace. v. 13). It
is in all probability identical with the land of
Tob. Ap.
Tobi'el, the father of Tobit, and grand-
father of Tobias (1), Tob. i. 1. Ap.
Tobi'jah. L One of the Levites sent by
Jehoshaphat to teach the Law in the cities or
Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 8). — 2. One of the Cap.
tivity in the time of Zechariab, in whose pres-
ence the prophet was commanded to take
crowns of silver and gold, and put them on
the head of Joshua the high-priest (Zech. vi.
10, 14). Rosenmiiller conjectures that be was
one of a deputation who came up to Jerusalem,
from the Jews who still remained in Babylon,
with contributions of gold and silver for the
Temple. But Manrer considers that the offer-
ings were presented by Tobijah and bis com-
panions.
ToTsit. Father of Tobias (Tob. i. 1, Ac.).
[Tobit, Book of.] Ap.
IVbit, Book of, a book of the Apocry-
pha, which exists at present in Greek, Latin,
Syriac, and Hebrew texts ; but it was probably
written originally in Greek. The scene of the
book is placed in Assyria, whither Tobit, a Jew,
had been carried as a captive by Sholmaneser.
It is represented as completed shortly after the
fall of Nineveh (b.c. 606; Tob. xiv. 15), and
written, in the main, some time before (Tob.
xii. 20). But the whole tone of the narrative
bespeaks a later age ; and, above all, the doc-
trine of good and evil spirits is elaborated in a
form which belongs to a period considerably
Sosterior to the Babylonian Captivity (Asmo-
eus, iii. 8, vi. 14, viii. 3; Raphael, xii. IS).
It cannot be regarded as a true history. It is
a didactic narrative ; and its point lies in the
moral lessons which it conveys, and not in
the incidents. In modern times, the moral
excellence of the book has been rated highly,
except in the heat of controversy. Nowhere
else is there preserved so complete and beauti-
ful a picture of the domestic life of the Jews
after the Return.
To'Ghen. A place mentioned (1 Chr. iv.
32 only) amongst the towns of Simeon.
Togarmah. A son of Gomer, and broth-
er of Ashkemu and Riphath (Gen. x. 3).
Togarmah, as a geographical term, is connect-
ed with Armenia ; and the subsequent notices
of the name (Ex. xxvii. 14, xxxviii. 6) accord
with this view. The Armenian language pre-
sents many peculiarities which distinguish it
from other branches of the Indo-European
family; but in spite of this, however, no
hesitation is felt by philologists in placing it
among the Indo-European languages.
ToTlU. An ancestor of Samuel the proph-
et, perhaps the same as Toah (1 Sam. I. 1,
comp. 1 Chr. vi. 34).
Toi. King of Hamath on the Orontes,
who, after the defeat of his powerful enemy,
the Syrian king Hadadexer, by the army of
David, sent his son Joram, or Hadoram, to
congratulate the victor, and do him homage
with presents of gold and silver and brass
(2 Sam. viii. 9, 10).
Tola. L The first-born of Issachar, and
ancestor of the Tolaites (Gen. xlvi. 13 ; Num.
xxvi. 23; 1 Chr. vii. 1, 2).— 2. Judge of
Israel after Abimelech (Judg. x. 1, 2). He is
described as " the son of Puah, the son of
Dodo, a man of Issachar." Tola judged Israel
for twenty-three years at Shamir in Mount
Ephraim, where he died and was buried.
Tolad. One of the towns of Simeom
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(1 Chr. it. 29). In the lists of Joshua, the
name is gfren in the fuller form of El-tolad.
Tolaites, the. The descendants of Tola
the so* of Issachar (Nam. xxvi. 26).
TolHbaneS. Telem, one of the porters in
the days of Ezra (1 Esd. ix. 25). Ap.
Tomb. It has been hitherto too much
the fashion to look to Egypt for the prototype
of every form of Jewish art ; but it there is
one thing in the Old Testament more clear
than another, it is the absolute antagonism be-
tween the two peoples, and the abhorrence of
every thing Egyptian that prevailed from first
to last among the Jewish people. From the
burial of Sarah in the Cave of Machpelah (Gen.
xxiii. 19) to the funeral -rites prepared for
Dorcas (Acts ix. 37), there is no mention of
any sarcophagus, or even coffin, in any Jewish
burial. Still less were the rites of the Jews
like those of the Pelasgi or Etruscans They
were marked with the same simplicity that
characterized all their religious observances.
This simplicity of rite led to what may be
called the distinguishing characteristic of Jew-
ish sepulchres — the deep locuius — which, so
far as is now known, is universal in all purely
Jewish rock -cut tombs, but hardly known
elsewhere. The shallow locuius would have
been singularly inappropriate and inconvenient
where an unembalmed body was laid out to
decay, as there would evidently be no means
of shutting it off from the rest of the cata-
comb. The deep locuius, on the other hand,
was as strictly conformable with Jewish cus-
toms, and could easily be closed by a stone
fitted to the end, and luted into the groove
which usually exists there. This fact is espe-
cially interesting as it affords a key to much
that is otherwise hard to be understood in cer-
tain passages in the New Testament. Thus,
in John xi. 39, Jesus says, " Take away the
stone," and (ver. 40) "they took away the
stone" without difficulty, apparently. And,
chap. xx. I, the same expression is used, "the
stone is taken away." There is one catacomb
— that known as the " Tombs of the Kings "
— which is closed by a stone rolling across its
entrance ; but it is the only one, and the im-
mense amount of contrivance and fitting which
it has required is sufficient proof that such an
arrangement was not applied to any other of
the numerous rock-tombs around Jerusalem,
nor could the traces of it have been obliterated
had it anywhere existed. Although, therefore,
the Jews were singularly free from the pomps
and vanities of funereal magnificence, they were
at all stages of their independent existence an
eminently burying people.
Tomba of the Patriarchs. — Turning from
these considerations to the more strictly his-
torical part of the subject, we find that one of
the most striking events in the life of Abraham
U the purchase of the Field of Ephron the
Hittite at Hebron, in which was the Cave of
Machpelah, in order that he might therein
bury Sarah his wife, and that it might be a
sepulchre for himself and his children. There
he and his immediate descendants were laid
3,700 years ago, and there they are believed to
rest now; bat no one in modern times has
seen their remains, or been allowed to enter
into the cave where they rest. Unfortunately,
none of those who have visited Hebron have
had sufficient architectural knowledge to be
able to say when the church or mosque which
now stands above the cave was erected. Though
much more easy of access, it is almost as diffi-
cult to ascertain the age of the wall that en-
closes the sacred precincts of these tombs.
There is, in fact, nothing known with sufficient
exactness to decide the question ; but the prob-
abilities certainly tend towards a Christian or
Saracenic origin for the whole structure both
internally and externally. From the time
when Abraham established the burying-place
of his family at Hebron till the time when
David fixed that of his family in the city which
bore his name, the Jewish rulers had no fixed
or favorite place of sepulture. Each was
buried on his own property, or where he died,
without much caring either for the sanctity or
convenience of the place chosen.
Tombs of the Kings. — Of the twenty-two
kings of Judah who reigned at Jerusalem from
1048 to 590 B.C., eleven, or exactly one-half,
were buried in one hypogeum in the " city of
David." Of all these, it is merely said that
they were buried in " the sepulchres of their
fathers" or "of the kings in the city of
David, except of two, — Asa and Hczekiah.
Two more of these kings (Jehoram and Joash)
were buried also in the city of David, " but
not in the sepulchres of the kings." The pas-
sage inNehemiah iii. 16, and in Ezekiel xliii.
7, 9, together with the reiterated assertion of
the Books of Kings and Chronicles, that these
sepulchres were situated in the city of David,
leave no doubt but that they were on Zion, or
the Eastern Hill, and in the immediate prox-
imity of the Temple. They were, in fact, cer-
tainly within that enclosure now known as the
" Haram Area ; " but if it is asked on what exact
spot, we must pause for further information be-
fore a reply can be given. Up to the present time,
we have not been able to identify one single
sepulchral excavation about Jerusalem, which
can be said with certainty to belong to a period
anterior to that of the Maccabees, or, more
correctly, to have been used for burial before
the time of the Romans. The only important
hypogeum which is wholly Jewish in its ar-
rangements, and may consequently belong to
an earlier or to any epoch, is that known as
the Tombs of the Prophets in the western
flank of the Mount of Olives. It has every
appearance of having originally been a natural
cavern improved by art, and with an external
gallery some 140 feet in extent, into which
twenty-seven deep or Jewish loculi open. It
has no architectural mouldings, no sarcophagi
or shallow loculi, nothing to indicate a foreign
origin.
Tongues, Confusion of. The unity of
the human race is most clearly implied, if not
positively asserted, in the Mosaic writings.
The general declaration, '* So God created man
in His own image, . . . male and female created
He them" (Gen. i. 27), is limited as to the
mode in which the act was carried out, by
the subsequent narrative of the creation of the
protoplast Adam (Gen. ii. 22). The author
of the Book of Genesis conceived the unity
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TONGUES, CONFUSION OF 958 TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
of the human race to be of the most rigid na-
ture — not simply a generic unity, nor again
simply a specific unity, but a specific based
upon a numerical unity, the species being noth-
ing else than the enlargement of the individual.
Unity of language is assumed by the sacred
historian apparently as a corollary of the unity
of race. No explanation is given of the origin
of speech ; bnt its exercise is evidently regarded
as coeval with the creation of man. Speech,
being inherent in man as a reflecting being,
was regarded as handed down from father to
son by the same process of imitation by which
it is still perpetuated. The original unity of
speech was restored in Noah. Disturbing
causes were, however, early at work to dissolve
this twofold union of community and speech.
The human family endeavored to check the
tendency to separation by the establishment of
a great central edifice, and a city which should
serve as the metropolis of the whole world.
The project was defeated by the interposition
of Jehovah, who determined to " confound
their language, so that they might not under-
stand one another's speech." Contemporane-
ously with, and perhaps as the result of, this
confusion of tongues, the people were scattered
abroad from thence upon the face of all the
earth, and the memory of the great event was
preserved in the name Babel. Two points de-
mand our attention in reference to this narra-
tive, viz. the degree to which the confusion of
tongues may be supposed to have extended,
and the connection Between the confusion of
tongues and the dispersion of nations. (1.)
It is unnecessary to assume that the judgment
inflicted on the builders of Babel amounted to
a loss, or even a suspension, of articulate
speech. The desired object would be equally
attained by a miraculous forcstalment of those
dialectical differences of language which are
constantly in process of production. The ele-
ments of the one original language may have
remained, but so disguised by variations of
pronunciation, and by the introduction of new
combinations, as to be practically obliterated.
(2.) The confusion of tongues and the disper-
sion of nations are spoken of in the Bible as
contemporaneous events. The divergence of
the various families into distinct tribes and na-
tions ran parallel with the divergence of speech
into dialects and languages, and thus the 10th
chapter of Genesis is posterior in historical
sequence to the events recorded in the 11th
chapter. The Mosaic table does not profess to
describe the process of the dispersion ; hut, as-
suming that dispersion as a fait accompli, it
records the ethnic relations existing between
the various nations affected by it. These rela-
tions are expressed under the guise of a geneal-
ogy ; the ethnological character of the document
is, however, clear both from the names, some
of which are gentilic in form, as Lndim, Jebu-
sitc, &c. ; others geographical or local, as Miz-
raim, Sidon. &c. ; and npain from the formulary
which concludes each section of the subject,
" after their families, after their tongues, in
their countries, and in their nations " (ver. 5,
20,31). Incidentally, the tahlc is geographi-
cal as well as ethnological ; bnt this arises ont
of the practice of designating nations by the
countries they occupy. The general arrange
ment of the table is as follows : — The whole
human race is referred back to Noah's three
sons, Shem, Ham, and Japheth. The Shemitei
are described last, apparently that the continui-
ty of the narrative may not be further dis-
turbed ; and the Hamites stand next to the
Shemites, in order to show that these were
more closely related to each other than to the
Japhetites. The identification of the biblical
with the historical or classical names of nations
is by no means an easy task, particularly where
the names are not subsequently noticed in the
Bible. Equal doubt arises where names admit
of being treated as appellatives, and so of being
transferred from one district to another. 1.
The Japhetite list contains fourteen names, of
which seven represent independent, and the
remainder affiliated nations, as follows : — (i.)
Gomer, connected ethnically with the Cimmerit,
Cimbri (?), and Cymry; and geographically
with Crimea. Associated with Gomer are the
three following : — (a) Ashkenaz. (b) Riphath.
(c) Togarmah. (ii.) Magog, the Scythians.
(in.) M artni, Media, (iv.) Javan, the /onions,
as a general appellation for the Hellenic race,
with whom are associated the four following :
— (a) Elishah. (6) Tarshish. (c) Kittim. (d\
Dodanim. (v.) Tubal. (vi.)Meshech. (vii)
Tiras. 2. The Hamitic list contains thirty
names, of which four represent independent,
and the remainder affiliated nations, as follow* :
— (i.) Cash, in two branches, the western or
African representing ^Ethiopia, the Ketth of
the old Egyptian, and the eastern or Asiatic
being connected with the names of the tribe
Costai, the district Ciaia, and the province
Susiana or Khuzirtan. With Cush are asso-
ciated— (a) Scba. (6) Havilah. (c) Sabtah.
(rf) Raamah ; with whom are associated — (a*)
Sheba, (*») Dedan. (e) Sabtechacb. (/) Nim-
rod. (ii.) Mizraim, the two Misra, i.e. Upper
and Lower Egypt ; with whom the following
seven are connected: — (a) Lndim. (A) Ana-
mini, (c) Naphtuhim. (rf) Pathrusim. («) Cas-
luhim. (/) Caphtorim. (j) Phut, (iii.) Canaan,
the geographical position of which calls for no
remark in this place. To Canaan belong the
following eleven : — (a) Sidon, the well-known
town of that name in Phoenicia. (A) Heth. or
the Hittitcs of biblical history, (c) The Jebu-
site, of Jehus or Jerusalem, (rf) The Amorite.
(e) The Girgasite. (/) The Hivite. (o) The
Arkite. (A) The Sinite. (i) The Arvadite.
0) The Zemarite. (A) The Hamathite. 3.Th?
Shemitic list contains twenty-five names, of
which five refer to independent, and the re-
mainder to affiliated tribes, as follows: — (i.)
Elnm. (ii.) Asshur. (iii.) Arphaxad, with
whom are associated — (a) Salah ; Salah's
son (a*) Eber ; and Eber's two sons (a*) Polcg
and (6 s ) Joktan, with the following thirteen
sons of Joktan, viz. : — (a*) Almodad. (6*)
Sheleph. (c 4 ) Hazarmaveth. (rf')Jerah. (e)
Hadoram. (/■) Uzal. (/) Diklah. (*♦) Obal.
(t 4 ) Abimael. <f) Sheba. (f) Ophir. (f)
Havilah. (m*) Jobah. (iv.) Lnd. (v.) Aram,
with whom the following are associated:
— (a) Uz. (6) Hul. (c) Gether. (rf) Mash.
There is vet one name noticed in the table,
viz. Philfstim, which occurs in the Hamitic
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■division, bat without any direct assertion of
Hamitic descent. The total number of names
noticed in the table, including Philistim, would
thus amount to 70, which was raised by patris-
tic writers to 72.
Appendix. — Tower of Babel. — The
history of the confusion of languages was pre-
served at Babylon, as we learn by the testimo-
nies of classical and Babylonian authorities.
The Talmudists say that the true site of the
Tower of Babel was at Borsif, the Greek Bor-
sippa, the Bin Nimrud, seven miles and a half
from Uillah, S. W., and nearly eleven miles
from the northern ruins of Babylon. The Ba-
bylonian name of this locality is Barsip or Bar-
zipa, which we explain by Tomer of Tongues.
Borsippa (the Tongue Tower) was formerly a
suburb of Babylon. This building, erected by
Nebuchadnezzar, is the same that Herodotus
describes as the Tower of Jupiter Belus. The
temple consisted of a large substructure, a stade
(600 Babylonian feet) in breadth, and seventy-
five feet in height, over which were built seven
•other stages of twenty-five feet each. Nebu-
chadnezzar gives notice of this building in the
Borsippa inscription, which contains the follow-
ing allusion to the Tower of the Tongues : —
" We say for the other, that is, this edifice, the
house of the Seven Lights of the Earth, the
most ancient monument of Borsippa : a former
king built it (they reckon 42 ages), but he did
not complete its head. Since a remote time,
people had abandoned it, without order expressing
■their words. Since that time, the earthquake
and the thunder had dispersed its sun-dried
clay ; the bricks of the casing had been split,
and the earth of the interior had been scattered
Tongues, gift of. The promise of our
Lord to His disciples, " They shall speak with
new tongues" (Mark xvi. 17), was fulfilled on
the day of Pentecost, when cloven tongues like
fire sat upon the disciples, and "every man
heard them speak in his own language (Acts
ii. 1-12). It is usually supposed that this su-
pernatural knowledge of languages was given
to the disciples for their work as evangelists ; but
it appears from the narrative that the " tongues "
were used as an instrument, not of teach-
ing, but of praise, and those who spoke them
seemed to others to be under the influence of
some strong excitement, " full of new wine."
Moreover, the Gift of Tongues is definitely
asserted to be a fulfilment of the prediction of
Joel ii. 28; and we are led, therefore, to look
for that which answers to the Gift of Tongues
in the other element of prophecy which is in-
cluded in the O. T. nso of the word ; and this
is found in the ecstatic praise, the burst of song
(1 Sam. x. 5-13, xix. 20-24; 1 Chr. xxv. 3).
The First Epistle to the Corinthians supplies
fuller data. The spiritual gifts are classified
and compared, arranged, apparently, according
to their worth. The facts which may be gath-
ered are briefly these : — (1.) The phenomena
of the Gift of Tongues were not confined to one
church, or section of a church. (2.) The
comparison of gifts, in both the lists given by
St Paul (1 Cor. xii. 8-10, 28-30), places that
of tongues, and the interpretation of tongnes,
lowest in the scale. (3.) The main character-
istic of the " tongue " is that it is unintelligible.
The man " speaks mysteries," prays, blesses,
gives thanks, in the tongue (1 Cor. xiv. 15,
16), but no one understands him. (4.) The
" tongues," however, must bo regarded as real
languages. The " divers kinds of tongues "
(1 Cor. xii. 28), the " tongues of men " (I Cor.
xiii. 1 ), point to differences of some kind, and
it is easier to conceive of these as differences of
language than as belonging to utterances all
equally wild and inarticulate. (5.) Connected
with the " tongues," there was the correspond-
ingpower of interpretation.
Topar'chy. A term applied in one pas-
sage of the Septuagint ( 1 Mace. xi. 28) to in-
dicate three districts to which elsewhere (x. 30,
xi. 34) the name vouoc is given. In all these
passages, the English Version employs the term
"governments." The three "toparchies" in
question were Apherima, Lydda, and Ramath.
The "toparchies" seem to have been of the
nature of agaliks, and the passages in which
the word Ton-upxvc occurs all harmonize with
the view of that functionary as the aga, whose
duty would be to collect the taxes and adminis-
ter justice in all cases affecting the revenue, and
who, for the purpose of enforcing payment,
would have the command of a small military
force. Ap.
Topaz (Heb. pitddh: Ex. xxwii. 17, xxxix.
10; Ez. xxviii. 13; Job xxviii. 19; Rev. xxi.
20). The topaz of the ancient Greeks and
Romans is generally allowed to be our chryso-
lite, while their chrysolite is our topaz. The
account which Pliny (N. H. xxxvii. 8) gives
of the topazos evidently leads to the conclusion
that that stone is our chrysolite; " the topazos,"
he says, " is still held in high estimation for its
green tints." Chrysolite, which is also known
by the name of olivine and peridot, is a silicate
of magnesia and iron ; it is so soft as to lose its
polish unless worn with care.
To'phel. A place mentioned Deut. i. 1,
which has been probably identified with TSfileh
on a wady of the same name running north of
Bozra towards the N .W. into the Ghor and
S. E. corner of the Dead Sea.
To'pheth, and once To'phet. It lay
somewhere east or south-east of Jerusalem ; for
Jeremiah went out by the Sun-gate, or east
gate, to go to it (Jcr. xix. 2). It was in " the
Valley of the Son of Hinnom " (vii. 31 ), which
is "by the entry of the east gate" (xix. 2).
Thus it was not Identical with Hinnom. It
seems also to have been part of the king's gar-
dens, and watered by Siloam, perhaps a little to
the south of the present Birket el-Hamra. The
name Tophet occurs only in the Old Testament
(2 K. xxiii. 10; Is. xxx. 33; Jer. vii. 31, 32,
xix. 6, 11, 12, 13, 14). The New does not re-
fer to it, nor the Apocrypha. Jerome is the
first who notices it; but wo can see that by his
time the name had disappeared. Hinnom by
old writers, western and eastern, is always
placed east of the city, and corresponds to whaf
we call the " Mouth of the Tyropoeon." To-
phet has been variously translated. Jerome
says latitude; others garden; others drum.
others place of burning or burying; others abom-
ination. The most natural seems that suggested
by the occurence of the word in two consecutive
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TRACH0NIT18
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TRANCE
Terse*, in the one of which it is a idbret, and in
the other Tophet (Is. xxx. 32, 33). The He-
brew words are nearly identical ; and Tophet
was probably the king's " music-grove " or gar-
den, denoting originally nothing evil or hateful.
Certainly there is no proof that it took its
name from the drums beaten to drown the cries
of the burning victims that passed through the
fire to Molech. Afterwards it was defiled by
idols, and polluted by the sacrifices of Baal and
the fires of Molech. Then it became the place
of abomination, the very gate or pit of hell.
The pious kings defiled it, and threw down its
altars and high places, pouring into it all the
filth of the city, till it became the " abhorrence "
of Jerusalem.
Tor'mah occurs only in the margin of
Judg. ix. 31. By a few commentators, it has
been conjectured that the word was originally
the same with Akumah in ver. 41.
Tortoise ( Hcb. toab) . The tsab occurs only
in Lev. xi. 29, as the name of some unclean
animal. Bocbart with much reason refers the
Heb. term to the kindred Arabic dhab, " a large
kind of lizard," which, from the description
of it as given by Damir, appears to be the
PsammoaauruK Ktncus or Monitor terratrii of
Cnvier.
Toil. Toi, king of Hamatb (1 Chr. xviii.
», 10).
Tower. Watch-towers or fortified posts in
frontier or exposed situations are mentioned in
Scripture, as the Tower of Edar, 4c. (Gen.
xxxv. 21 ; Is. xxi. 5, 8, 11 ; Mic. iv. 8, &c.), the
Tower of Lebanon (2 Sam. viii. 6). Remains
of such fortifications may still be seen, which
probably have succeeded to more ancient struc-
tures built in the same places for like purposes.
Besides these military structures, we read in
Scripture of towers built in vineyards as an al-
most necessary appendage to them (Is. v. 2 ;
Matt. xxi. 33; Mark xii. 1). Such towers are
still in use in Palestine in vineyards, especially
near Hebron, and are used as lodges for the
keepers of the vineyards.
Town-Clerk. The title ascribed in our
version to the magistrate at Ephesus who ap-
peased the mob in the theatre at the time of the
tumult excited by Demetrius and his fellow-
craftsmen (Acts xix. 35). The original service
of this class of men was to record the laws
and decrees of the state, and to read them in
public. " On the subjugation of Asia by the
Romans," says Banmstark, " ypa/u/iareir were
appointed there in the character of governors
of single cities and districts, who even placed
their names on the coins of their cities, caused
the year to be named from them, and some-
times were allowed to assume the dignity, or at
least the name, of 'Ap^icpevc."
Trachoni'tis. This place is mentioned
only once in the Bible (Luke iii. 1). Trachoni-
lis is, in all probability, the Greek equivalent for
the Aramaic Argob. From Josephus we gather
that it lay south of Damascus, and east of Gau-
lanitis, and that it bordered on Auranitis and
Ba tan tea. From Ptolemy we learn that it bor-
dered on Batansea, near the town of Saccsea.
In the Jerusalem Geraara, it is made to extend
as far south as Bostra. From these data, we
have no difficulty in fixing the position of Tra-
chonitis. It included the whole of the modenr
province called d-Ltjah, with a section of the
plain southward, and also a part of the western
declivities of Jebel Hauran. This may explain
Strabo's two Trachons. The Lejali is bounded
on the east by the mountains of Batansea (now
Jebel Hauran), on whose slopes are the ruins
of Saccca and Kenath ; on the south by Au-
ranitis (now Hauran), in which are the exten-
sive ruins of Bostra ; on the west by Gaulanitis
(now Jaulan) ; and on the north by Itunea
now Jedur) and Damascus.
Trance. (1-) In the only passage (Num.
xxiv. 4, 16) in which this word occurs in the
English of the 0. T. there is, as the Italics show,
no corresponding word in Hebrew. In the NT.
we meet with the word three times (Acta x. 10,
xi. 5, xxii. 17), the Vulgate giving "excessus"
in the two former, " stupor mentis " in the lat-
ter. The meaning of the Greek and Latin
words is obvious enough. The liusraan is the
state in which a man has passed out of the
usual order of his life, beyond the usual limits
of consciousness and volition. " Excessus," in
like manner, became, in ecclesiastical writers, a
synonyme for the condition of seeming death to-
the outer world, which we speak of as a trance.
The history of the English word presents an
interesting parallel. (2.) Used as the word is
by Luke, " the physician," and, in this special
sense, by him only, in the N. T., it would be
interesting to inquire what precise meaning it
had in the medical terminology of the time.
From the time of Hippocrates, who uses it to
describe the loss of conscious perception, it had
probably borne the connotation which it has had,
with shades of meaning for good or evil, ever
since. (3.) We may compare with these state-
ments the more precise definitions of modern
medical science. There the ecstatic state appears
as one form of catalepsy. In catalepsy pure
and simple, there is " a sndden suspension of
thought, of sensibility, of voluntary motion."
In the ecstatic form of catalepsy, on the other
hand, " the patient is lost to all external impres-
sions, but rapt and absorbed in some object
' of the imagination." There is, for the most
part, a high degree of mental excitement. The
patient utters the most enthusiastic and fervid
expressions or the most earnest warnings. The
character of the whole frame is that of intense
contemplative excitement. The causes of this
state are to be traced commonly to strong re-
ligious impressions. (4.) Whatever explana-
tion may be given of it, it is true of many, if
not of most, of those who have left the stamp
of their own character on the religious history
of mankind, that they have been liable to pass
at times into this abnormal state. The union
of intense feeling, strong volition, long-contin-
ued thought (the conditions of all wide and
lasting influence), aided in many cases by the
withdrawal from the lower life of the support
which is needed to maintain a healthy equilib-
rium, appears to have been more than the
" earthen vessel " will beat . The words which
speak of " an ecstasv of adoration " are often
literally true. (5.) We are now able to take a.
true estimate of the trances of biblical history.
As in other things, so also here, the phenomena
are common to higher and lower, to true and
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false systems. We may not point to trances
and ecstasies as proofs of a true revelation,
but still less may we think of them as at all in-
consistent with it. Thus, though we have not
the word, we have the thing in the "deep
sleep," the " horror of great darkness," that
fell on Abraham (Gen. xv. 12). Balaam, as if
overcome by the constraining power of a Spirit
mightier than his own, " sees the vision of God,
falling, but with opened eyes " (Nnm. xxiv. 4).
Saul, in like manner, when the wild chant of
the prophets stirred the old depths of feeling,
himself also "prophesied," and " fell down
(most, if not all, of his kingly clothing being
thrown off in the ecstasy of the moment) " all
that day and all that night" (1 Sam. xix. 24).
Something there was in Jeremiah that made
men say of him that he was as one that " is
mad, and makoth himself a prophet " ( Jer. xxix.
26). In Ezekicl, the phenomena appear in
more wonderful and awful forms (Ez. iii. 15).
(6.) As other elements and forms of the pro-
phetic work were revived in " the apostles and
prophets" of the N. T., so also was this.
Though different in form, it belongs to the
same class of phenomena as the Gift of
Toxoces, and is connected with " visions and
revelations of the Lord." In some cases, in-
deed, it is the chosen channel for such revela-
tions (Acts x., xi., xxii. 17-21). Wisely for
the most part did the apostle draw a veil over
these more mysterious experiences (2 Cor. xii.
1-4.)
Trespass-Offering. FSii»-Offebing.1
Trial. Information on the subject of trials
under the Jowish law will be found in the arti-
cles on Judges and Sanhedrim, and also in
Jesus Christ. A few remarks, however, may
here be added on judicial proceedings men-
tioned in Scripture, especially such as were
conducted before foreigners. (1.) The trial of
our Lord before Pilate was, in a legal sense, a
trial for the offence lata majatatia ; one which
would be punishable with death (Luke xxiii. 2,
38; John xix. 12, 15). (2.) The trials of the
apostles, of St. Stephen, and of St. Paul before
the high-priest, were conducted according to
Jewish rules (Acts iv., v. 27, vi. 12, xxii. 30,
xxiii. 1). (3.) The trial, if it nur be so called,
of St. Paul and Silas at Philippi, was held be-
fore the duumviri, or, as they are called, <rrpo-
njyoi, praetors, on the charge of innovation in
religion — a crime punishable with banishment
or death (Acts xvi. 19, 22). (4.) The inter-
rupted trial of St. Paul before the proconsul
Gallio was an attempt made by the Jews to
establish a charge of the same kind (Acts xviii.
12-17). (5.) The trials of St. Paul at Csesa-
rea (Acts xxiv., xxv., xxvi.) were conducted
according to Roman rules of judicature, (a.)
In the first of these, before Felix, we observe
the employment, by the plaintiffs, of a Roman
advocate to plead in Latin. (6. ) The postpone-
ment of the trial after St. Paul's reply, (c.)
The free custody in which the accused was kept,
pending the decision of the judge (Acts xxiv.
23-26). The second formal trial (Acts xxv. 7,
8) presents two new features: (a.) The appeal,
appellatio or provocatio, to Caesar, by St. Paul as
a Roman citizen. The effect of the appeal was
to remove the case at once to the jurisdiction
121
of the emperor. (4.) The conference of the
procurator with " the council " (Acts xxv. 12),
the assessors, who sat on the bench with the
praetor as consiliarii. But the expression may
denote the deputies from the Sanhedrim. (6.)
We have, lastly, the mention (Acts xix. 38) of
a judicial assembly which held its session at
Ephesus.
Tribute (Matt. xvii. 24, 25). (I.) The
chief biblical facts connected with the payment
of tribute have been already given miner Tax-
es. A few remain to be added in connection
with the word which in the above passage is
thus rendered, inaccurately enough, in the
A. V. The payment of the half-shekel ( =
half-stater = two drachmae) was, though rest-
ing on an ancient precedent (Ex. xxx. 13), yet,
in its character as a fixed annual rate, of late
origin. It was proclaimed according to rab-
binic rules on the first of Ador, began to be
collected on the 1 5th, and was due, at latest, on
the first of Nisan. It was applied to defray
the general expenses of the Temple. After the
destruction of the Temple, it was sequestrated
by Vespasian and his successors, and trans-
ferred to the Temple of the Capitoline Jupiter.
(2.) The explanation thus given of the "trib-
ute " of Matt. xvii. 24, is, beyond all doubt,
the true one. To suppose with Chrysostom,
Augustine, Maldonatus, and others, that it was
the same as the tribute paid to the Roman em-
peror (Matt. xxii. 17), is at variance with the
distinct statements of Joseph us and the Mishna,
and takes away the whole significance of our
Lord's words. It may be questioned, however,
whether the full significance of those words is
adequately brought out in the popular inter-
pretation of them. As explained by most com-
mentators, they are simply an assertion by our
Lord of His divine Sonship, an implied rebuke
of Peter for forgetting the truth wnich he hod
so recently confessed. (3.) A fuller knowledge
of the facts of the case may help us to escape
out of the trite routine of commentators, and
to rise to the higher and broader truth implied
in our Lord's teaching. The Temple-rate, as
above stated, was of comparatively late origin.
The question whether the cost of the morning
and evening sacrifice ought to be defrayed by
such a fixed compulsory payment, or left to
the freewill offerings of the people, had been
a contested point between the Pharisees and
Sadducees, and the former had carried the day
after a long struggle and debate, lasting from
the 1 st to the 8th day of Nisan. We hare to
remember this when we come to the narrative
of St. Matthew. In a hundred different ways,
the teaching of our Lord had been in direct an-
tagonism to that of the Pharisees. The San-
hedrim, by making the Temple-offering a fixed
annual tax, collecting it as men collected trib-
ute to Caesar, were lowering, not raising, the
religious condition and character of the people.
Tbey were placing every Israelite on the footing
of a " stranger," not on that of a " son." In
proportion to the degree in which any man
could claim the title of a son of God, in that
proportion was he " free " from this forced ex-
action. (4.) The interpretation which has now
been given leads us to see, in these words, a
precept as wide and far-reaching as the yet
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more memorable one, " Render unto Cesar the
things that be Caesar's, and unto God the things
that be God's."
Tribute-money. [Taxkb; Tbibutb.J
Tripolis. The Greek name of a Phoeni-
cian city of great commercial importance, which
served at one time as a point of federal union
for Aradus, Sidon, and Tyre. What its Phoe-
nician name was is unknown (2 Mace. xiv. 1).
The ancient Tripolis was finally destroyed by
the Sultan El Mansour in the year 1289 a.d. ;
and the modern Turablous is situated a couple
of miles distant to the east, and is no longer a
port. El Mima, which is perhaps on the site of
the ancient Tripolis, is a small fishing village.
Tro'as. The city from which St. Paul first
sailed, in consequence of a divine intimation, to
carry the gospel from Asia to Europe (Acts
xvi. 8, 1 1 ). It is mentioned on other occasions
(Acta xx. 5, 6 ; 2 Cor. ii. 12, 13 ; 2 Tim. iv.
13), and deserves the careful attention of the
student of the New Testament. The full name
of the city was Alexandreia Troas (liv. xxxv.
42), and sometimes it was called simply Alex-
andreia, as by Pliny and Strabo, sometimes
simply Troas. The former part of the name in-
dicates the period at which it was founded. It
was first built by Antigonus, under the name of
Antigoneia Troas, ana peopled with the inhab-
itants of some neighboring cities. Afterwards
it was embellished by Lysimachus, and named
Alexandreia Troas. Its situation was on the
coast of MrsiA, opposite the S. E. extremity of
the Island of Tenedos. Under the Romans, it
was one of the most important towns of the
province of Asia. In the time of St. Paul,
Alexandreia Troas was a colonia with the Jut
Jtulicum. The modern name is Eski-Stamboul.
The ruins at Eski-Stamboul are considerable.
The walls, which may represent the extent
of the city in the apostle's time, enclose a rec-
tangular space, extending above a mile from
east to west, and nearly a ttile from north to
south. That which possesses most interest for
us is the harbor, which is still distinctly trace-
able in a basin about 400 feet long and 200
broad.
Trogyllium. [See Samos.] Santos is
exactly opposite the rocky extremity of the ridge
of Mycale, which is called TpuyvZXtov in the
N. T. (Acts xx. 15), and by Ptolemy (v. 2). It is
interesting to observe that a little to the east of
the extreme point there is an anchorage, which
is still called St. Paul's Port.
Troop, Band. These words are employed
to represent the Hebrew word gfd&d, which has
invariably the force of an irregular force, gath-
ered with the object of marauding and plunder.
Troph'imus. [Tychicits.]
Trumpet. [Cornet.]
Trumpets, Feast of (Num. xxix. 1 ; Lev.
xxiii. 24), the Feast of the New Moon, which
fell on the fi rst of Tisri. It differed from the or-
dinary festivals of the new moon in several im-
portant particulars. It was one of the seven
days of Holy Convocation. Instead of the mere
blowing of the trumpets of the Temple at the
time of the offering of the sacrifices, it was " a
day of blowing of trumpets." In addition to
the daily sacrifices and the eleven victims of-
fered on the first of every month, there were
offered a young bullock, a ram, and seven lambs
of the first year, with the accustomed meat-
offerings, and a kid for a sin-offering (Num.
xxix. 1-6). The regular monthly offering was
thus repeated, with the exception of the young
bullock. It has been conjectured that Ps.
Ixxxi., one of the songs of Asaph, was com-
posed expressly for the Feast of Trumpets.
The psalm is used in the service for the day by
the modern Jews. Various meanings have been
assigned to the Feast of Trumpets. Maimoni-
des considered that its purpose was to awaken
the people from their spiritual slumber to
prepare for the solemn humiliation of the Day
of Atonement, which followed it within ten
days (comp. Joel ii. 15). Some have supposed
that it was intended to introduce the seventh or
sabbatical month of the year. Philo and some
early Christian writers regarded it as a memo-
rial of the giving of the Law on Sinai. But
there seems to be no sufficient reason to call in
question the common opinion of Jews and
Christians, that it was the festival of the New
Year's Day of the civil year, the first of Tisri,
the month which commenced the Sabbatical
Year and the Year of Jubilee.
Tryphe'na and Trypho'sa. Two Chris-
tian women at Rome, enumerated in the con-
clusion of St. Paul's letter (Rom. xvi. 12).
They may have been sisters ; but it is more
likely that they were fellow-deaconesses. We
know nothing more of these two sister-workers
of the apostolic time. It is an interesting fact
that the columbaria of " Caesar's household " in
the Vigna Codini, near Porta S. Sebasrias m ,
contain the name Tryphena.
Try'phon. A usurper of the Syrian
throne. His proper name was Diodotns; and
the surname Tryphon was given to him, or,
according to Appian, adopted by him, after his
accession to power. He was a native of Cari-
ana. In the time of Alexander Bales, he was
attached to the court; but towards the close
of his reign he seems to have joined in the
conspiracy which was set on foot to transfer
the crown of Syria to Ptol. Philomctor ( 1 Mace
xi. 13). After the death of Alexander Balas,
he took advantage of the unpopularity of De-
metrius II. to put forward the claims of An-
tiochus VI., the young son of Alexander (I
Mace. xi. 39; B.C. 145). After a time, be ob-
tained the support of Jonathan, and the young
king was crowned (B.C. 144). Tryphon, how-
ever, soon revealed his real designs on the king-
dom, and, fearing the opposition of Jonathan,
he gained possession of his person by treachery
(1 Mace. xii. 39-50), and after a short time put
him to death (1 Mace xiii. 23). As the way
seemed now clear, he murdered Antiochus, and
seized the supreme power (1 Mace xiii. 31, 32).
Demetrius was preparing an expedition against
him (B.C. 141), when he was taken prisoner
(1 Mace. xiv. 1-3), and Tryphon retained the
throne 'till Antiochus VH., the brother of De-
metrius, drove him to Dora, from which he
escaped to Orthosia (1 Mace. xv. 10-14,37-39;
B.C. 139). Not long afterwards, being hard
pressed by Antiochus, he committed suicide,
or, according to other accounts, was put to
death by Antiochus. Josephus adds, that Its
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was killed at Apamea, the place which he made
his headquarters.
Trypno'sa. f Tbtphbjia and Tbtphoba.]
Tubal. In the ancient ethnological tables
of Genesis and 1 Chr., Tubal is reckoned with
Javan and Meshech among the sons of Japhcth
(Gen. x. 2; 1 Chr. i. S). The three are again
associated in the enumeration of the sources of
the wealth of Tyre (Ez. xxrii. 13). Tubal
and Javan (Is. lxvi. 19), Meshech and Tubal
(Ez. xxxii. 26, xxxriii. 2, 3, xxxix. 1), are
nations of the north (Ez. xxxriii. 15, xxxix.
2). Joseph as identifies the descendants of Tu-
bal with the Iberians, that is — not, as Jerome
would understand it, Spaniards, but — the in-
habitants of a tract of country, between the
Caspian and Eoxine Seas, which nearly corre-
sponded to the modern Georgia. This approxi-
mates to the view of Bochart, who makes the
Moschi and Tibareni represent Meshech and
Tubal. The Moschi and Tibareni, moreover,
are constantly associated, under the names
of Muskai and Tuplai, in the Assyrian inscrip-
tions.
TuTDal-Ca'in. The son of Lamech the
i'ainite by his wife Zillah (Gen. iv. 22). He is
called " a furbUher of every cutting instrument
of copper and iron."
Tubie'lli. The "Jews called Tubieni"
(2 Mace. xii. 17) were doubtless the same who
are elsewhere mentioned as living in the towns
of Toubion, which again is probably the same
with the Ton of the Old Testament Ap.
Turpentine-tree occurs only once (Ec-
■elus. xxiv. 16). The repe/3iv#or or ripiuvdoc of
the Greeks is the Putacia terebinlAus, terebinth-
tree, common in Palestine and the East, sup-
posed by some writers to represent the elah of
the Hebrew Bible. The terebinth, though not
generally so conspicuous a tree in Palestine as
some of the oaks, occasionally grows to a large
size. It belongs to the nat. order Anacardia-
■ceie, the plants of which order generally contain
resinous secretions.
Turtle. Turtle-Dove (Heb. t6r). The
name is phonetic, evidently derived from the
plaintive cooing of the bird. The turtle-dove
-occurs first in Scripture in Gen. xv. 9. During
the early period of Jewish history, there is no
evidence of any other bird except the pigeon
having been domesticated ; and up to the time
of Solomon, who may, with the peacock, have
introduced other gallinaceous birds from In-
dia, it was probably the only poultry known
to the Israelites. It is not improbable that
the palm-dove ( Turtur jEgyptiaau, Temm. ) may
in some measure have supplied the sacrifices
in the wilderness, for it is found in amazing
numbers wherever the palm-tree occurs, whether
wild or cultivated. From its habit of pairing
for life, and its fidelity for its mate, it was a
avmbol of purity, and an appropriate offering.
The regular migration of the turtle-dove, and
its return in spring, are alluded to in Jer. viii.
7, and Cant. it. 11, 12. It is from its plaintive
note doubtless that David in Ps. lxxiv. 19,
pouring forth his lament to God, compares
himself to a turtle-dove. In Palestine, besides
the rock-dove {Columba lima, L.), very common
on all the rocky parts of the coast and in the
inland ravines, the ring-dove ( Columba palumbtu,
L.) frequents all the wooded districts of the
country. The stock-dove (Columba anas, L.)
is us generally, but more sparingly, distributed.
Another species, allied either to this or to Co-
lumba livia, has been observed in the Valley of
the Jordan, perhaps Col. leuconota, Vig. The
turtle-dove (Turtur auritus, L.) is most abun-
dant, and in the Valley of the Jordan, an
allied species, the palm-dove, or Egyptian turtle
(Turtur /Egyptiaau, Temm.), is by no means
uncommon.
Tjr'ohiCUfl and Troph'imUB, compan-
ions of St. Paul on some of his journeys, arc
mentioned as natives of Asia. (1) In Acts
xx. 4, Tychicus and Trophimus are expressly
said to be "of Asia; " but, while Trophimus
went with St. Paul to Jerusalem (Acts xxi. 29),
Tychicus was left behind in Asia, probably at
Miletus (Acts xx. 15, 38). (2) How Tychicus
was employed in the interval before St. Paul's
first imprisonment, we cannot tell ; but in that
imprisonment he was with the apostle again,
as we see from Col. iv. 7, 8. Together with
Oncsimus, he was doubtless the bearer both of
this letter and the following as well to Phile-
mon. (3) The language concerning Tychicus
in Eph. vi. 21 , 22, is very similar, though not
exactly in the same words. (4) The next ref-
erences are in the pastoral epistles, the first
in chronological order being Tit. iii. 12. Here
St. Paul (writing possibly from Ephesus) says
that it is probable he may send Tychicus to
Crete, about the time when he himself goes
to Nicopolis. (5) In 2 Tim. iv. 12 (written
at Rome during the second imprisonment), he
says, "I am herewith sending Tychicus to
Ephesus." Probably this mission may hare
been connected with the carrying of the Jirtt
epistle. From the same epistle (2 Tim. iv. 20),
we learn that Trophimus had been left by the
apostle a little time previously, in infirm health,
at Miletus. There is much probability in the
conjecture that Tychicus and Trophimus were
the two brethren who were associated with Ti-
tus (2 Cor. viii. 16-24) in conducting the busi-
ness of the collection for the poor Christiana
in Judasa.
Tyran'nus. The name of a man in whose
school or place of audience Paul taught the
gospel for two years, during his sojourn at
Ephesus (see Acts xix. 9). The presumption
is, that Tyrannus himself was a Greek, and
a public teacher of philosophy or rhetoric.
Meyer is disposed to consider that Tyrannus
was a Jewish rabbi.
Tyre. A celebrated commercial city of an-
tiquity, situated in Phoenicia, on the eastern
coast of the Mediterranean Sea, in latitude 33°
1 V N. Its Hebrew name " Tzor " signifies a
rock, which well agrees with the site of Sir,
the modern town, on a rocky peninsula, former-
ly an island. Pai~btybcs, or Old Tyre. There
is no doubt that, previous to the siege of the
city by Alexander the Great, Tyre was situated
on an" island ; but according to the tradition
of the inhabitants, if we may believe Justin,
(xi. 10), there was a city on the mainland be-
fore there was a city on the island ; and the
tradition receives some color from the name of
Palsetyrus, or Old Tyre, which was borne in
Greek times by a city on the continent, thirty
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stadia to the tooth. But a difficulty arises in
supposing that Paloetyrus was built before Tyre,
as the word Tyre evidently means " a rock ; "
and few persons who have visited the site of
Palsetyrus can seriously suppose that any rock
on the surface there can hare given rise to the
name. To escape this difficulty, Hengstenberg
makes the suggestion, that Palsetyrus meant
Tyre that formerly existed ; and that the name
was introduced after the destruction of the
greater part of it by Nebuchadnezzar, to dis-
tinguish it from that part of Tyre which con-
tinued to be in existence. Movers suggests that
the original inhabitants of the city on the main-
land possessed the island as part of their terri-
tory, and named their city from the character-
istic features of the island, though the island
itself was not then inhabited. This explanation
is possible ; but other explanations are equally
possible. It is important, however, to bear in
mind that this question regarding Palsetyrus is
merely archaeological, and that nothing in bib-
lical history is affected by it. Nebuchadnezzar
necessarily besieged the portion of the city on
the mainland, as he had no vessels with which
to attack the island ; but it is reasonably certain
that, in the time of Isaiah and Ezekicl, the
heart or core of the city was on the island.
Whether built before or later than Palsetyrus,
the renowned city of Tyre, though it laid claims
to a very high antiquity (Is. xxiii. 7), is not
mentioned either in the Iliad or in the Odys-
sey. The tribe of Canaanites which inhabited
the small tract of country which may be called
Phoenicia Proper was known by the generic
name of Sidomans (Judg. xviii. 7 ; Is. xxiii. 2,
4, 12 ; Josh. xiii. 6 ; Ez. xxxii. 30) ; and this
name undoubtedly included Tyrians, the inhab-
itants being of the same race, and the two cities
being less than twenty English miles distant
from each other. In the Bible, Tyre is named
for the first time in the Book of Joshua (xix.
29), where it is adverted to as a fortified city
(in the A. V. " the strong city "), in reference
to the boundaries of the tribe of Asher. The
Israelites dwelt among the Sidonians or Phoe-
nicians, who were inhabitants of the land (Judg.
i. 31, 32), and never seem to have had any war
with that intelligent race. Subsequently, in a
passage of Samuel (2 Sam. xxiv. 7), it is stated
that the enumerators of the census in the reign
of David went in pursuance of their mission to
Tyre, amongst other cities, which must be un-
derstood as implying, not that Tyre was sub-
ject to David's authority, but merely that a
census was thus taken of the Jews resident
there.
But the first passages in the Hebrew historical
writings, or in ancient history generally, which
afford glimpses of the actual condition of Tyre,
arc in the Book of Samuel (2 Sam. v. 11), in
connection with Hiram king of Tyre sending
cedar-wood and workmen to David for build-
ing him a palace ; and subsequently in the
Book of Kings, in connection with the build-
ing of Solomon's Temple. One point at this
period is particularly worthy of attention. In
contradistinction from all the other most cele-
brated independent commercial cities out of
Phoenicia in the ancient and modern world,
Tyre was a monarchy, and not a republic.
Another point is the skill in the mechanical
arts which seems to have been already attained
by the Tyrians. It is evident that under Solo-
mon there was a close alliance between the He-
brews and the Tyrians. Hiram supplied Solomon
with cedar-wood, precious metals, and work-
men, and gave him sailors for the voyage to
Ophir and India, while on the other hand Solo-
mon gave Hiram supplies of corn and oil, ceded
to him some cities, and permitted liim to make
use of some havens on the Red Sea (1 K. ix.
11-14, 26-28, x. 22). These friendly relations
survived for a time the disastrous secession of
the Ten Tribes, and a centurv later Ahab mar-
ried a daughter of Ethbaal, king of the Sido-
nians (1 K. xvi. 31 ), who, according to Menan-
dcr, was daughter of Ithobal, king of Tyre.
When mercantile cupidity induced the Tynans
and the neighboring Phoenicians to buv Hebrew
captives from their enemies, and to sef I them as
slaves to the Greeks and Edomitcs, there com-
menced denunciations, and, at first, threats of
retaliation (Joel iii. 4-8 ; Amos i. 9, 10). But
the likelihood of the denunciations being ful-
filled first arose from the progressive conquest*
of the Assyrian monarchs. Accordinglv, when
Shalmanescr, king of Assyria, had taken the
city of Samaria, bad conquered the kingdom
of Israel and carried its inhabitants into cap-
tivity, he turned bis arms against the Phoeni-
cian cities. At this time, Tyre had reached a
high point of prosperity. Shalmaneser seems
to have taken advantage of a revolt of the Cyp-
rians ; and wliat ensued is thus related "by
Menander, who translated the archives of Tyre
into the Greek language : " Elulseus reigned
thirty-six years (over Tyre). This king, upon
the revolt of the Kittseans (Cyprians), sailed
with a fleet against them, and reduced them to
submission. On the other hand, the king of
the Assyrians attacked in war the whole of
Phoenicia, but soon made peace with all, and
turned back. On this, Sidon and Ace (if. Akko
or Acre) and Palaetyrus revolted from the Ty-
rians, with many other cities which delivered
themselves up to the king of Assyria. Accord-
ingly, when the Tyrians would not submit to
him, the king returned and fell upon them
again, the Phoenicians having furnished him
with 60 ships and 800 rowers. Against these,
the Tyrians sailed with twelve ships, and, dis-
persing the fleet opposed to them, they took
five hundred men prisoners. The reputation
of all the citizens in Tyre was hence increased.
Upon this, the king of the Assyrians, moving
off his army, placed guards at their river and
aqueducts to prevent the Tyrians from drawing
water. This continued for five years, and still
the Tyrians held out, supplying themselves
with water from wells."
It is in reference to this siege that the proph-
ecy against Tyre, in Isaiah, chap, xxiii., was
uttered. After the siege of Tyre by Shalmane-
ser (which must have taken place not long after
721 b.c), Tyre remained a powerful state with
its own kings (Jer. xxv. 22, xxvii. 3 ; Ex. xx-
viii. 2-12), remarkable for its wealth, with ter-
ritory on the mainland, and protected by strong
fortifications (Ez. xxviii. 5, xxvi.4, 6, 8, 10, 12,
xxvii. 11 ; Zech. ix. 3). Our knowledge of its
condition thenceforward until the siege T>y Neb-
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TYRE
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TYRE
U
ochadnezzar depends entirely on various notices
of it by the Hebrew prophets ; but some of
these notices are singularly fall ; and especially,
the twenty-seventh chapter of Ezekiel furnishes
us, on some points, with details such as have
scarcely come down to us respecting any one
city of antiquity, excepting Rome and Athens.
One point especially arrests the attention, — that
Tyre, like its splendid daughter Carthage, cm-
Joyed mercenary soldiers ( Ez. xxvii. 10, 11).
independently, however, of this fact respecting
Tyrian mercenary soldiers, Ezekiel gives inter-
esting details respecting the trade of Tyre. It
appears that its gold came from Arabia by the
Persian Gulf (ver. 22), just as, in the time of
Solomon, it came from Arabia by the Red Sea,
On the other hand, the silver, iron, lead, and
tin of Tyre came from a very different quarter
of the world, viz. from the south of Spain, where
the Phoenicians had established their settle-
ment of Tarshish, or Tartessus. As to copper,
we should have presumed that it was obtained
from the valuable mines in Cyprus ; but it is
mentioned here in conjunction with javan, Tu-
bal, and Mesbech, which points to the districts
on the south of the Black Sea, in the neighbor-
hood of Armenia, in the southern line of the
Caucasus, between the Black Sea and the Cas-
pian. The country whence Tyre was supplied
with wheat was Palestine. Tyre likewise ob-
tained from Palestine, oil, honey, and balm,
but not wine apparently, notwithstanding the
abundance of grapes and wine in Judah (Gen.
xlix. 11). The wine was imported from Da-
mascus, and was called wine of Helbon. The
Bcdawin Arabs supplied Tyre with lambs and
rams and goats. Egypt furnished linen for
■ails, and the dyes from shell-fish were imported
from the Peloponnesus. Lastly, from Dedan
in the Persian Gulf, horns of ivory and ebony
were imported, which must originally have been
obtained from India (Ez. xxvii. 7-22). In the
midst of great prosperity and wealth, which
was the natural result of such an extensive
trade (Ez. xxviii. 4), Nebuchadnezzar, at the
head of an army of the Chaldees, invaded Ju-
daea, and captured Jerusalem. As Tyre was so
near to Jerusalem, and as the conquerors were a
fierce and formidable race (Hab. i. 6), it would
naturally be supposed that this event would
have excited alarm and terror amongst the Tyr-
ians. Instead of this, we may infer from Eze-
kiel's statement (xxvi. 2) that their predominant
feeling was one of exultation. At first sight,
this appears strange and almost inconceivable ;
but it is rendered intelligible by some previous
events in Jewish history. Only thirty-four
years before the destruction of Jerusalem, com-
menced the celebrated Reformation of Josiah,
B.C. 622. This momentous religious revolution
(2 K. xxii., xxiii.) fully explains the exultation
and malevolence of the Tynans. In that Refor-
mation, Josiah had heaped insults on the gods
who were the objects of Tyrian veneration and
love. Indeed, he seemed to have endeavored
to exterminate their religion (2 K. xxiii. 20).
These acts must have been regarded by the
Tyri«ns as a series of sacrilegious and abomi-
nable outrages ; and we can scarcely doubt that
the death in battle of Josiah at Mcgiddo, and
che subsequent destruction of the city and tem-
ple of Jerusalem, were hailed by them with tri-
umphant joy as instances of divine retribution
in numan affairs. This joy, however, must
soon have given way to other feelings, when
Nebuchadnezzar invaded Phoenicia, and laid
siege to Tyre. That siege lasted thirteen years,
and it is still a disputed point whether Tyre
was actually taken by Nebuchadnezzar on this
occasion. However this may be, it is probable
that, on some terms or other, Tyre submitted
to the Chaldees. The rule of Nebuchadnezzar
over Tyre, though real, may have been light,
and in the nature of an alliance.
During the Persian domination, the Tynans
were subject in name to the Persian king, and
may have given him tribute. With the rest of
Phoenicia, they had submitted to the Persians,
without striking a blow. But their connection
with the Persian king was not slavish. They
fought with Persia against Greece, and fur-
nished vessels of war in the expedition of
Xerxes. At this time, Tyre stems to have
been inferior in power to Sidon. Towards the
close of the following century, B.C. 332, Tyre
was assailed for the third time by a great con-
queror ; and if some uncertainty bangs over the
siege by Nebuchadnezzar, the results of the siege
by Alexander were clear and undeniable. At
that time, Tyre was situated on an island nearly
half a mile from the mainland ; it was completely
surrounded by prodigious walls, the loftiest por-
tion of which on the side fronting the mainland
reached a height of not less than 150 feet; and
notwithstanding his persevering efforts, he could
not have succeeded in his attempt, if the harbor
of Tyre to the north had not been blockaded
by the Cyprians, and that to the south by the
Phoenicians, thus affording an opportunity to
Alexander for uniting the island to the main-
land by an enormous artificial mole. The im-
mediate results of the capture by Alexander
were most disastrous to it, as its brave defend-
ers were put to death ; and, in accordance with
the barbarous policy of ancient times, 30,000
of its inhabitants, including slaves, free females,
and free children, were sold as slaves. It grad-
ually, however, recovered its prosperity through
the immigration of fresh settlers, though its trade
is said to have suffered by the vicinity and rival-
ry of Alexandria. Under the Macedonian suc-
cessors of Alexander, it shared the fortunes of
the Scleucidae. Under the Romans, at first it
continued to enjoy a kind of freedom. Subse-
quently, however, on the arrival of Augustus
in the East, he is said to have deprived both
Tyre and Sidon of their liberties for seditious
conduct. Still the prosperity of Tyre in the
time of Augustus was undeniably great. Stra-
bo gives an account of it at that period (xvi. 2,
23), and speaks of the great wealth which it
derived from the dyes of the celebrated Tyrian
purple, which, as is well known, were extracted
from shell-fish found on the coast, belonging to
a species of the genus Murex. The accounts
of Strabo and Pliny have a peculiar interest in
this respect, that they tend to convey an idea
of what the city must have been when visited
by Christ (Matt. xv. 21 ; Markvii. 24). It was
perhaps more populous than Jerusalem; and
if so, it was undoubtedly the largest city which
he is known to have visited.
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TYRE
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TYRE
From the time of Christ to the beginning of
the fifth century, there is no reason to doubt
that, as far as was compatible with the irrepara-
ble loss of independence, Tyre continued in un-
interrupted prosperity. Jerome, in his Commen-
taries on Ezekiel, comes to the passage in which
the prophet threatens Tyre with the approach
of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon (Ez. xxvi.
7) ; and he then, amongst other points, refers to
the verse in which the prophet predicts of Tyre,
" Thou sha.lt be built no more, saying that this
raises a question as to how a city can be said
not to be built any more, which we see at the
present day the most noble and the most beau-
tiful city of Phoenicia. He afterwards, in his
remarks on the third verse of the twenty-sev-
enth chapter, in which Tyre is called " a mer-
chant of the people for many isles," says that
this continues down to his time, so that com-
mercial deulings of almost all nations arc car-
ried on in that city. Jerome's Commentaries
on Ezekiel are supposed to have been written
about the years 41 1-414 a.d., so that his testi-
mony respecting the prosperity of Tyre bears
date almost precisely a thousand years after the
capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, B.C.
588. As to the passage in which Ezekiel states
that Tyre shall be built no more, Jerome says
the meaning is, that "Tyre will be no more the
Quuen of Nations, having its own king, as was
the case under Hiram and other kings, but that
it was destined to be always subject, either to
the Chaldeans, or to the Macedonians, or to the
Ptolemies, or at last to the Romans." When
Jerome spoke of Tyre's subjection to the Ro-
mans, which bad then lasted more than four
hundred years, he could scarcely have antici-
pated that another subjugation of the country
was reserved for it from a new conquering
power, coming, not from the North, but from
the South. In the seventh century a.d. took
place the extraordinary Arabian revolution
under Mahomet, which has given a new re-
ligion to so many millions of mankind. In the
years 633-638 a.d., all Syria and Palestine,
from the Dead Sea to * Antioch, was con-
quered by the Caliph Omar. But even this
conquest did not cause the overthrow of Tyre.
Accordingly, at the time of the Crusades, Tyre
was still a nourishing city, when it surrendered
to the Christians on the 27 th of June, 1144. It
had early been the seat of a Christian bishopric.
In fact, at this period, and down to the close of
the thirteenth century, there was perhaps no
city in the known world which had stronger
claims than Tyre to the title of the " Eternal
City." Tyre had been the parent of colonies,
which at a distant period bad enjoyed a long
life, and had died ; and it had survived more
than fifteen hundred years its greatest colony,
Carthage. It had outlived Egyptian Thebes,
and Babylon, and ancient Jerusalem. It had
seen Grecian cities rise and fall. Rome, it is
true, was still in existence in the thirteenth
century ; but, in comparison with Tyre, Rome
itself was of recent date.
At length, however, the evil day of Tyre un-
doubtedly arrived. It had been more than a
century and a half in the hands of Christians,
when in March, a.d. 1291, the Sultan of Egypt
and Damascus invested Acre, then known to
Europe by the name of Ptolemais, and took it
by storm after a siege of two months. The
result was told in the beginning of the next
century by Marinus Sanutus, a Venetian, in the
following words : " On the same day on which
Ptolemais was taken, the Tynans, at vespers,
leaving the city empty, without the stroke of a
sword, without the tumult of war, embarked
on board their vessels, and abandoned the city
to be occupied freely by their conquerors. On
the morrow, the Saracens entered, no one at-
tempting to prevent them, and they did what
they pleased.' This was the turning-point in
the history of Tyre, 1,879 years after the cap-
ture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar ; and
Tyre has not yet recovered from the blow.
Since the beginning of the present century,
there has been a partial revival of prosperity.
But it has been visited at different times duriitr
the Inst thirty years by biblical scholars, such
as Professor Robinson, Dean Stanley, and M.
Ernest Renan, who all concur in the account
of its general aspect of desolation. Its great
inferiority to Beyrout for receiving vessels
suited to the requirements of modern naviga-
tion will always prevent Tyre from becoming
again the most important commercial city on
the Syrian coast. The question of whether
Tyre was actually taken by Nebucliadnezxar
after his thirteen-years' siege has been keenly
discussed. Gesemus, Winer, and Hi trig de-
cide it in the negative, while Hengstenberg has
argued most fully on the other side. The fol-
lowing points may be observed respecting the
supposed capture : — 1st. The evidence of Eae-
kiel, a contemporary, seems to be against it.
The obvious inference from xxix. 18 is that,
however great the exertions of the army may
have been in digging intrenchments or in cast-
ing up earthworks, the siege was unsuccessful.
This is confirmed by the following verses (19,
20). 2dly. Joscphus.who had access to histori-
cal writings on this subject which have not
reached our times, neither states on his own
authority, nor quotes any one else as stating,
that Nebuchadnezzar took it 3dly. The cap-
ture of Tyre on this occasion is not mentioned
by any Greek or Roman author whose wriiin™*
are now in existence. 4tbly. In the time of
Jerome, it was distinctly stated by some of his
contemporaries that they had read, amongst
other histories on this point, histories of Greeks
and Phoenicians, and especially of Nkolaus Da-
mascene, in which nothing was said of the
siege of Tyre by the Chaidees ; and Jerome, in
noticing this fact, does not quote any authority
of any kind for a counter-statement. On this
view of the qnestion, there would seem to be
small reason for believing that the city was
actually captured, were it not for another pas-
sage of Jerome in his Commentaries on the
passage of Ezekiel already quoted (xxix. 18),
in which he explains that the meaning of Nebu-
chadnezzar's having received no wages for his
warfare against Tyre, is, not that he failed to
take the city, but that the Tynans had pre-
viously removed every thing precious from it
in ships, so that, when Nebuchadnezzar entered
the city, he found nothing there. But contrary
to the most natural meaning of the prophet
Ezekiel '» words (xxix. 18), it would be unsafe
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UNCLEAN MEATS
967
UNCLEANNESS
to rely on Jerome's sole authority for the state-
ment that Nebuchadnezzar and his army eventu-
ally captured Tyre.
Tyrus. This form is employed in the
A. V. of the Books of Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Ro-
sea, Amos, Zechariah, 2 Esdras, Judith, and
the Maccabeas.
u.
U'cal. According to the Received Text of
Frov. xxx. 1, Ithiel and Ucal must be regarded
as proper names;, and if so, they must oe the
names of disciples or sons of Agur the son of
Jakeh, an unknown sage among the Hebrews.
But there is great obscurity about the passage.
Most translators and commentators regard
them as proper names. J. D. Michaelis ren-
ders, " I nave wearied myself for God, and
have given up the investigation," applying the
words to a man who had bewildered himself
with philosophical speculations about the Deitv,
and had been compelled to give up the search.
But this translation cannot be admitted.
Ewald considers both Ithiel and Ucal as sym-
bolical names, employed by the poet to desig-
nate two classes of thinkers to whom he ad-
dresses himself.
U'el. One of the family of Bani, who, dur-
ing the Captivity, had married a foreign wife
(ICzr. x. 34).
Uk'naz. In the margin of 1 Chr. iv. 15,
the words " even Kenaz " in the text are ren-
dered " Uknaz," as a proper name.
Ula'i is mentioned by Daniel (viii. 2, 16) as
a river near to Susa, where he saw his vision
of the ram and the he -goat. It has been gen-
erally identified with tup Eultens of the Greek
and Roman geographers, a large stream in the
immediate neighborhood of that city. The
Eulasus has been by many identified with the
Choaspes, which is undiubtedly the modern
Kerkhah, an affluent of the Tigris, flowing into
it a little below Kurnak.
U'lam. 1. A descendant of Gilead the
grandson of Manasseh, and father of Bedan
(1 Chr. vii. 17). — 2. The first-bora of Eshek,
a descendant of the house of Saul (1 Chr. viii.
39, 40).
TJTla. An Asherite, head of a family in
his tribe (1 Chr. vii. 39).
Um'mah. One of the cities of the allot-
ment of Asher (Josh. xix. 30 only). Dr.
Thomson conjectures that a place called 'Alma
in the highlands on the coast, about five miles
E. N. E. of Baa en-Nakhwra, may be identical
with Ummah.
Unclean Meats. These were things
strangled, or dead of themselves, or through
beasts or birds of prey ; whatever bcist did not
both part the hoot and chew the end ; and cer-
tain other smaller animals rated as " creeping
things;" certain classes of birds mentioned in
Lev. xi. and Deut. xiv. (twenty or twenty-one
in all) ; whatever in the waters had not both fins
and scales ; whatever winged insect had not, be-
sides four legs, the two hind-legs for leaping ;
besides things offered in sacrifice to idols ; and
all blood or whatever contained it (save per-
haps the blood of fish, as would appear from
that only of beast and bird being forbidden,
Lev. vii. 26), and therefore flesh cut from the
live animal ; as also alt fat, at any rate that
disposed in masses among the intestines, and
probably wherever discernible and separable
among the flesh (Lev. iii. 14- 17, vii. 23). The
eating of blood was prohibited even to " the
stranger that sojourneth among you " (Lev.
xvii. 10, 12, 13, 14). It is noteworthy that
the practical effect of the rule laid down is to
exclude all the carnivora among quadrupeds,
and, so far as we can interpret the nomencla-
ture, the raptorea among nirds. They were
probably excluded as being not averse to human
carcasses, and in most Eastern countries acting
as the servitors of the battle-field and the gibbet.
Even swine have been known so to feed ; and,
further, by their constant rnncation among
whatever lies on the ground, suggest impurity,
even if they were not generally foul feeders.
Amongst fish, those which were allowed con-
tain unquestionably the most wholesome varie-
ties, save that they exclude the oyster. As
Orientals have minds sensitive to teaching by
types, there can be little doubs that such cere-
monial distinctions not only tended to keep Jew
and Gentile apart, but were a perpetual remind-
er to the former that he and the latter were not
on one level before God. Hence, when that
ceremony was changed, we find that this was
the very* symbol selected to instruct St. Peter
in the truth that God was not a " respecter of
persons."
Uncleanness. The distinctive idea at-
tached to ceremonial uncleanness among the
Hebrews was, that it cut a person off for the
time from social privileges, and left his citizen-
ship among God s people for the while in abey-
ance. It did not merely require by law a cer-
tain ritual of purification in order to enhance
the importance of the priesthood, but it placed
him who had contracted an uncleanness in a
position of disadvantage, from which certain
ritualistic acts alone could free him. There is
an intense reality in the fact of the Divine Law
taking hold of a man by the ordinary infirmi
ties of flesh, and setting its stamp, as it were,
in the lowest clay of which he is moulded.
The sacredness attached to the human body is
parallel to that which invested the Ark of the
Covenant itself. It is as though Jehovah
thereby wonld teach them that the " very hairs
of their head were all numbered " before him,
and that " in his book were all their members
written." Thus was inculcated, so to speak,
a bodily holiness. Nor were the Israelites to
be only "separated from other people," but
they were to oe " holy unto God " (Lev. xx. 24,
26), " a kingdom of priests, and a holy nation."
Hence a number of such ordinances regarding
outward parity, which in Egypt they had seen
used only by the priests, were made publicly
obligatory on the H^brow nation. The im-
portance' to physical well-being of the injunc-
tions which required frequent ablution, under
whatever special pretexts, can he but feebly ap-
preciated in our cooler and damper climate.
Hence the obvious utility of re-enforcing, by the
sanction of religion, observances tending in the
main to that healthy state which is the only
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UNCLEANNESS
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UNICORN
■olid basis of comfort, even though in certain
points of detail they were burdensome. Un-
cleanness, as referred to man, may be arranged
in three degrees; (1) that which defiled merely
" nntil even," and was removed by bathing, and
washing the clothes at the end of it — such
were all contacts with dead animals; (2) that
graver sort which defiled for seven days, and
wasi removed bv the use of the " water of sep-
aration " — such were all defilements connected
with the human corpse ; (3) uncleanness from
the morbid, puerperal, or menstrual state, last-
ing as long as that morbid state lasted ; and in
the case of leprosy lasting often for life. As
the human person was itself the seat of a cove-
nant-token, so male and female had each their
ceremonial obligations in proportion to their
sexual differences. Further than this the in-
crease of the nation was a special point of the
promise to Abraham and Jacob, and therefore
their fecundity as parents was under the divine
tutelage, beyond the general notion of a curse,
or at least of God's disfavor, as implied in bar-
renness. There is an emphatic reminder of
human weakness in the fact of birth and death
— man's passage alike into and out of his mor-
tal state — being marked with a stated pollu-
tion. Thus the birth of the infant brought de-
filement on its mother, which she, except so far
as necessarily isolated by the nature of the cir-
cumstances, propagated around her. Nay, the
conjugal act itself, or any act resembling it
( Lev . x v. 1 6-1 8 ) , en tailed uncleanness for a day.
The corpse, on the other hand, bequeathed a
defilement of seven days to all who handled it,
to the " tent " or chamber of death, and to sun-
dry things within it. Nay, contact with one
slain in the field of battle, or with even a hu-
man bone or grave, was no less effectual to pol-
lute than that with a corpse dead by the course
of nature (Num. xix. 11-18). This shows that
the source of pollution lay in the mere fact of
death. The duration of defilement caused by
the birth of a female infant, being double that
due to a male, extending respectively to eighty
and forty days in all (Lev. xii. 2-5), may per-
haps represent the woman's heavier share in
the first sin and first curse (Gen. iii. 16 ; 1 Tim.
ii. 14). For a man's " issue," besides the un-
cleanness while it lasted, a probation of seven
days, including a washing on the third day, is
prescribed. Similar was the period in the case
of the woman, and in that of intercourse with a
woman so affected (Lev. xv. 13, 24, 28). With
regard to uncleanness arising from the lower
animals, Lightfoot remarks, that all which
were unclean to touch when dead were unclean
to eat, but not conversely ; and that all which
were unclean to eat were unclean to sacrifice,
but not conversely. All animals, however, if
dying of themselves, or eaten with the blood,
were unclean to eat. The carcass also of any
animal unclean as regards diet, however dying,
defiled whatever person it, or any part of it,
touched. All these defilements were " until
even " only, save the eating " with the blood,"
the offender in which respect was to " be cut
off" (Lev. xi., xvii. 14). It should further be
added, that the same sentence of " cutting off"
was denounced against all who should " do pre-
'umptuously " in respect even of minor defile-
ments ; by which we may understand a]] con.
tempt of the legal provisions regarding them.
The directions in Deut. xxiii. 10-13 relate to
the avoidance of impurities in the case of a host
encamped. Amongst causes of defilement
should be noticed the fact that the ashes of the
red heifer, burnt whole, which were mixed with
water, and became the standing resource for pu-
rifying uncleanness in the second degree, them-
selves became a source of defilement to all who
were clean, even as of purification to the unclean,
and so the water. Somewhat similarly the
scapegoat, who bore away the sins of the peo-
ple, defiled him who led him into the wilder-
ness ; and the bringing-forth and burning the
sacrifice on the Great Day of Atonement had a
similar power. This lightest form of unclean-
ness was expiated by bathing the body and
washing the clothes. Besides the water of pu-
rification made as aforesaid, men and women in
their " issues," were, after seven days, reckoned
from the cessation of the disorder, to bring two
turtle-doves or young pigeons to be killed by
the priests. The purification after childbed is
well known from the N. T. All these kinds
of uncleanness disqualified for holy functions :
as the layman so affected might not approach
the congregation and the sanctuary, so any
priest who incurred defilement must abstain
from holy things (Lev. xxii. 2-8). For the
special case of the leper, see Lkfrost. To
the remarks there made, it may be added that
the priests, in their contact with the leper to
be adjudged, were exempted from the law of
defilement; that the garb and treatment of the
leper seem to be that of one dead in the eve
of the Law, or rather a perpetual mourner for
his own estate of death with "clothes rent
and head hare." As regards the analogies
which the ceremonial of other Oriental nations
offers, it may be mentioned mat amongst the
Arabs the touching a corpse still defiles. Be-
yond this, M. Chardin, in. his account of the
religion of the Persians, enters into particulars
which show a singularly close correspondence
with the Levitical code.
Undergirding (Acts xxvii. 17). [Ship.]
TJniCOrn (Heb. reem, reeym, reym), the ren-
dering by the A. V., following the LXX., of
the Hebrew Ritm, a word which occurs seven
times in the O. T. as the name of some large
wild animal. The Rtem of the Hebrew Bible,
however, has nothing at all to do with the one-
horned animal mentioned by Ctesias and other
Greek and Roman writers, as is evident from
Deut. xxxiii. 17, where, in the blessing of
Joseph, it is said, " His glorv is like the first-
ling of his bullock, and bis horns are like the
homs of a unicorn ; " not, as the text of the A. V.
renders it, " the horns of unicorns." The two
horns of the RSem are " the ten thousands of
Ephraim and the thousands of Manasseh."
This text puts a one-horned animal entirely out
of the question. Bochart contends that the
Hebrew Rtem is identical with the Arabic
Rim, which is usually referred to the Oryx
leucoryx, the white antelope of North Africa,
and at one time perhaps an inhabitant of Pal-
estine. Arnold Boot, with much better reason,
conjectures that some species of Una or wild
ox is the Rtem of the Hebrew Scriptures.
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UK
969
UB
Robinson and Geeenius hare little doubt that
the buffalo (Bubalus buffalus) is the Retm of
the Bible. Little can be urged in favor of the
rhinoceros, for it would have been forbidden to
be sacrificed by the Law of Moses ; whereas
the RHih is mentioned by Isaiah as coming
down with bullocks and rams to the Lord's
sacrifice. A^ain : the skipping of the yonng
fUem (Ps. xxix. 6) is scarcely compatible with
the habits of a rhinoceros. With regard to
the claims of the Oryx leucoryx, it must be ob-
served that this antelope, like the rest of the
family, is harmless unless wonnded or hard
pressed by the hunter ; nor is it remarkable for
the possession of any extraordinary strength.
Considering, therefore, that the lUem is spoken
of as a two-horned animal of great strength
and ferocity, that it was evidently well known
and often seen by the Jews, that it is mentioned
as an animal fit for sacrificial purposes, and
that it is frequently associated with bulls and
oxen, we think there can be no doubt that
some species of wild ox is intended. The al-
lusion in Ps. xcii. 10, " But thou shalt lift up,
as a Riiym, my horn," seems to point to the
mode in which the Bovidm use their horns,
lowering the head, and then tossing it up.
But it is impossible to determine what partic-
ular species of wild ox is signified. Some
have conjectured that the Re~em denotes the
wild buffalo. It is possible that some wild
species, Bubalus arnee, or B. brachycerus, may
have existed formerly in Palestine. We are,
however, more in favor of some gigantic lints.
TJn'ni, 1. One of the Levite doorkeepers
in the time of David (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20). — 2.
A second Levite (unless the family of the fore-
going be intended) concerned in the sacred
office after the return from Babylon (Neh.
xii. 9).
U'phaz (Jer. x. 9 ; Dan. x. 5). [Ophib.]
TJr occurs in Genesis only, and is there
mentioned as the land of Haran s nativity (Gen.
xi. 28), the place from which Terah and Abra-
ham started " to go into the land of Canaan "
<xi. 31 ). It is called in Genesis " Ur of the
Chaldueant ;" while, in the Acts, St. Stephen
places it, by implication, in Mesopotamia (vii.
2, 4). These are all the indications which
Scripture furnishes as to its locality. One
tradition identifies Ur with the modem Or/ah.
There is some ground for believing that this
city, called bv the Greeks Edessa, had also the
name of Orrha as early as the time of Isidore
(ab. B.C. 150). According to Pococke, that Ur
is Edessa or Orfah is " the universal opinion of
the Jews ; " and it is also the local belief. A
second tradition, which appears in the Talmud,
and in some of the early Arabian writers, finds
Ur in Warka, the 'Opxori of the Greeks, and
probably the Erech of Holy Scripture. A
third tradition distinguishes Ur from Warka.
There can be little doubt that the city whereto
this tradition points is that which appears by
its bricks to have been called Hur by the na-
tives, and which is now represented by the
ruins at Mugheir, or Umghetr, on the right
bank of the Euphrates, nearly opposite to its
junction with the Shat-tl-Hie. An opinion,
unsupported by anv tradition, remains to be
noticed. Bochart, Calniet, Bunsen, and others,
122
identify " Ur of the Chaldees " with a place of
the name, mentioned by a single late writer —
Ammianus Marcellinus — as " a castle " exist-
ing in his day in Eastern Mesopotamia, be-
tween Hatra and Nisibis. Of these four locali-
ties, two are situated in Upper Mesopotamia,
between the Mons Masius ana the Sinjar range,
I while the other two are in the alluvial tract
near the sea, at least 400 miles farther south.
That Cbaldiea was, properly speaking, the
southern part of Babylonia, the region border-
ing upon the Gulf, will be admitted by all.
Those who maintain the northern location of
Ur argue, that, with the extension of Chaldtean
power, the name travelled northward, and be-
came co-extensive with Mesopotamia ; but, in
the first place, there is no proof that the name
Chaldtea was ever extended to die region above
the Sinjar ; and secondly, if it was, the Jews
at any rate mean by Chaldsea exclusively the
lower country ; and call the upper, Mesopotamia
or Padan-Aram (see Job i. 17 ; Is. xiii. 19,
xliii. 14, &c.). Again : there is no reason to
believe that Babylonian power was established
beyond the Sinjar in these early times. More-
over, it is in the lower country only that a
name closely corresponding to the Hebrew — ^
is found. The cuneiform Hur represents ^g
letter for letter, and only differs from it in the
greater strength of the aspirate. The argu-
ment that Ur should be sought in the neigh-
borhood of Arrapachitis and Sernj, because
the names Arphaxad and Serug occur in the
genealogy of Abraham, has no weight till it is
shown that the human names in question are
really connected with the places, which is at
present assumed somewhat boldly. On the
whole, we may regard it as tolerably certain
that " Ur of the Chaldees " was a place situated
in the real Chaldma — the low country near the
Persian Gulf. The only question that remains
in any degree doubtful is, whether Warka or
Mugheir is the true locality. Traditions at-
tached to both, but perhaps more distinctly to
Warka. On the other hand, it seems certain
that Warka, the native name of which was
Hurule, represents the Erech of Genesis, which
cannot possibly be the Ur of the same book.
Mugheir, therefore, which bore the exact name
of 'Ur or Hur, remains with the best claim,
and is entitled to be (at least provisionally)
regarded as the city of Abraham. 'Ur or
Hur, now Mugheir, or Um-Mugheir, " the bitu-
mened," or " the mother of bitumen," is one
of the most ancient, if not the most ancient,
of the Ohaldsan sites hitherto discovered. It
lies on the right bank of the Euphrates, at the
distance of about six miles from the present
course of the stream, nearly opposite the point
where the Euphrates receives the Shat-d-Hie
from the Tigris. It is now not less than 125
miles from the sea ; but there are grounds for
Iwlieving that it was anciently a maritime
town. The most remarkable building is near
the northern end of the ruins. It is a temple
of the true Chaldasan type. The bricks of this
building bear the name of a certain linden, who
is regarded as the earliest of the Chaldsean
monumental kings. His supposed date is B.C.
2.000, or a little curlier. 'Ur was the capital
of this monarch. It retained its metropolitan
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URIAH
970
URIAH
character for above two centuries, and, even I city, with an especially sacred character. It i
after it became second to Babylon, was a great I in the main a city of tombs.
Rulm of Temple at If ufhdr (LcAuaV
Ur'bane. It would have been better if the
word had been written Urban in the Author-
ized Version; for unlearned readers some-
times mistake the sex of this Christian disci-
ple, who is in the long list of those whom St.
Paul salutes in writing to Homo (Rom. xvi. 9).
We have no means of knowing more about
him.
U'ri. 1. The father of Bezaleel, one of the
architects of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxxi. 2, xxxv.
30, xxxviii. 22 ; 1 Chr. ii. 20 ; 2 Chr. i. 5).
lie was of the tribe of Judah, and grandson of
Caleb ben Hezron. — 2. The father of Geber,
Solomon's commissariat officer in Gilead ( 1 K.
iv. 19). — 3. One of the gatekeepers of the
Temple in the time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 24).
Uri'ah. 1. One of the thirty commanders
of the thirty bands into which the Israelite
army of David was divided (1 Chr. xi. 41 ; 2
Sam. xxiii. 39). Like others of David's offi-
cers, he was a foreigner, — a Hittite. His
name, however, and his manner of speech (2
Sam. xi. II), indicate that he had adopted the
Jewish religion. He married Bathsheba, a
woman of extraordinary beauty, the daughter
of Eliam — possibly the same as the son of
Ahithophel, and one of his brother-officers
(2 Sam. xxii. 34), and hence, perhaps, Uriah's
first acquaintance with Bathsheba. It may be
inferred from Nathan's parable (2 Sam. xii. 3)
that he was passionately devoted to his wife,
and that their union was celebrated in Jerusa-
lem as one of peculiar tenderness. In the first
war with Ammon, he followed Joab to the
siege, and with him remained encamped in the
open field (i'6. 11). He returned to Jerusalem,
at an order from the king, on the pretext of ask-
ing news of the war — really in the hope that his
return to his wife might cover the shame of his
own crime. The king met with an unexpected
obstacle in the austere, soldier-like spirit which
guided all Uriah's conduct, and which gives as
a high notion of the character and discipline of
David's officers. On the morning of the third
day, David sent him back to the camp with a
letter containing the command to Joab to
cause his destruction in the battle. The device
of Joab was to observe the part of the wall of
Rabbath- Ammon, where the greatest force of
the besieged was congregated, and thither, as a
kind of forlorn hope, to send Uriah. A sally
took place. Uriah and the officers with him
advanced as far as the gate of the city, and
were there shot down by the archers on the wall.
Just as Joab hud forewarned the messenger, the
king broke into a furious passion on hearing
of the loss. The messenger, as instructed by
Joab, calmly continued, and ended the story
with the words, " Thy servant also, Uriah the
Hittite, is dead." In a moment, David's anger
is appeased. It is one of the touching parts of the
story, that Uriah falls unconscious of his wife's
dishonor. — 2. High-priest in the reign of Aha*
(Is. viii. 2 ; 2 K. xvi. 10-16). We first hearof
him as a witness to Isaiah's prophecy concern-
ing Mahcr-shalal-hash-baz, with Zcchariah, the
son of Jcberechinh. He is probably the same
as Urijah the priest, who built the altar for
Ahaz (2 K. xvi. 10). If this be so, the prophet
may have summoned him as a witness on ac-
count of his position as high-priest, not on
account of his personal qualities; though, as
the incident occurred at the beginning of the
reign of Ahaz. Uriah's irreligious subserviency
may not yet have manifested itself. Of the
parentage of Uriah, we know nothing. He
probably succeeded Azariah, who was high-
priest in the reign of Uzziah, and was suc-
ceeded by that Azariah who was high-priest
in the reign of Hczekiah. Hence it is proba-
ble that he was son of the former, and father
of the latter. — 3. A priest of the family of
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UR1M AND THUMMIM
971
UZZAH
Hakkoz, the head of the seventh coarse of
priests (Ezr. viii. 33 ; Neb., iii. 4, 21 ).
Uri'as. 1. Uriah, the husband of Bath-
•heba (Matt. i. 6). — 2. Urijah 3 (1 Esd. ix.
TJ'riel, " the fire of God," an angel nameh
only in 2 Esd. iv. 1, 36, v. 20, x. 28. Ap.
U'riel. 1. A Kohathite Levite, sou of-
Tahath (1 Chr. vi. 24 19]). — 2. Chief of the
Kohathites in the reign of David (1 Chr. xv.
5, 11). — 3. Uriel of Gibcah was the father of
Maachah, or Michaiah, the favorite wife of
Reltoboam, and mother of Abijah (2 Chr. xiii.
2). In 2 Chr. xi. 20, she is called " Maachah the
daughter of Absalom " Rashi gives a long
note to the effect that her fathers name was
Uriel Abishalom.
ITri'jah. 1. Urijah the priest in the reign
of Ahaz (2 K. xvi. 10), probably the same as
Uriah 2. — 2. A priest of the family of Koz,
or hak-Koz, the same as Uriah 3. — 3. One
of the priests who stood at Ezra's right hand
when he read the Law to the people (Neh. viii.
4)- — 4. The son of Shemaian of Kirjath-
jenrim. He prophesied in the days of Jenoia-
kira, and the king sought to put him to death ;
but he escaped, and fled into Egypt. His re-
treat was soon discovered : Elnathan and his
mep brought him up out of Egypt, and Jehoi
akiro slew him with the sword, and cast his
body forth among the grav.<8 of the common
people (Jer. xxvi. 20-23).
Urim and Thummim. Urim means
" light," and Thummim " perfection." We are
told that " the Urim and the Thummim "
were to be on Aaron's heart when he goes in
before the Lord (Ex. xxviii. 15-30). When
Joshua is solemnly appointed to succeed the
freat hero-lawgiver, he is bidden to stand before
lleazar, the priest, " who shall ask counsel for
him after the judgment of Urim ; " and this
counsel is to determine the movements of the
host of Israel (Num. xxvii. 21 ). In the bless-
ings of Moses, they appear as the crowning
glory of the tribe of Levi : " Thv Thummim
and thy Urim are with thy Holy One " (Deut.
xxxiii. 8, 9). In what way the Urim and
Thummim were consulted is quite uncertain.
Josephus and the rabbins supposed that the
stones gave out the oracular answer by preter-
natural illumination. But it seems to be far
simplest, and most in agreement with the differ-
ent accounts of inquiries made by Urim and
Thnmmim (1 Sam. xiv. 3, 18, IK, xxiii. 2, 4,
9, 11, 12, xxviii. 6; Judg. xx. 28; 2 Sam. v.
23, Sic.), to suppose that the answer was given
simply by the Word of the Lord to the nigh-
priest (comp. John xi. 51 ), when he had in-
quired of the Lord, clothed with the ephod and
breastplate. Such a view agrees with the true
notion of the breastplate, of which it was not
the leading characteristic to be oracnlar, but
only an incidental privilege connected with its
fundamental meaning. What that meaning
was we learn from Ex. xxviii. 30, where we
read, " Aaron shall bear the judgment of the
children of Israel upon his heart before the
Lord continually." Now the judicial sentence
is one by which any one is either justified or
condemned. In prophetic vision, as in actual
Oriental life, the sentence of justification was
often expressed by the nature of the robe
worn. " He hath clothed me with the gar-
ments of salvation, He hath covered me with
the robe of righteousness, as a bridegroom
decketh himself with ornaments, and as a bride
adorneth herself with her jewels" (Is. lxi. 10),
is a good illustration of this (cf. lxii. 3). In
like manner, in Rev. iii. 5, vii. 9, xix. 14, &c.,
the white linen robe expresses the righteous-
ness or justification of saints.
Usury. [Loan.]
U'ta ( I Esd. v. 30). It appears to be a cor-
ruption of Akkub (Ezr. ii. 45). An.
Utha'i. 1. The son of Ammihud, of the
children of Pharez, the son of Judah (1 Chr. ix.
4). — 2. One of the sons of Bigvai, who re-
turned in the second caravan with Ezra (Ezr.
viii. 14).
TJ'thii (I Esd. viii. 40). [Uthai 2.1 Ap.
Uz, the country in which Job lived (Job i.
1 V As far as we can gather, " the land of Uz "
lay either E. or S. E. of Palestine (Job i. 3) ;
adjacent to the Sabasans and the Chaldseans
(Job i. 15, 17), consequently N. of the southern
Arabians, and west of the Euphrates; and,
lastly, adjacent to the Ednmites of Mount Seir,
who at one period occupied Uz, probably as
conquerors (Lam.iv. 21), and whose troglodyte
habits are probably described in Job xxx. 6, 7.
From the above data, we infer that the land of
Uz corresponds to the Arabia Deterta of classi-
cal geography, at all events to so much of it as
lies north of the 30th parallel of latitude.
Whether the name of Uz survived to classical
times is uncertain: a tribe named JEsiue is
mentioned by Ptolemr, who perhaps may be
identified with the Uz of Scripture.
Uza'i. The father of Palal, who assisted
Nehcmiah in rebuilding the city wall (Neh. iii.
25).
U'zal, the sixth son of Joktan (Gen. x. 27 ;
1 Chr. i. 21), whose settlements arc clearly
traced in the ancient name of San'a, the capital
city of the Yemen, which was originally Auad!.
Uzal, or Awzal, is most probably the same as
the Auzara or Ausara of the classics. It is
perhaps referred to by Ezek. (xxvii. 19), trans-
lated in the A. V., " Javan, going to and fro."
Uz'za. [Uzzah.J
Uz'za,tne Garden of, the spot in which
Manasseh king of Judah, and his son Amon,
were both buried (2 K. xxi. 18, 26). It was
the garden attached to Manasseh's palace (ver.
18). The fact of its mention shows that it
was not where the usual sepulchres of the kings
were. No clew, however, is afforded to its po-
sition. It has been suggested that the garden
was so called from being on the spot at which
Uzza died during the removal of the Ark from
Kiriath-jearim to Jerusalem.
Tjz'zah, or TJz'za, one of the sons of Abin-
adab, in whose house at Kirjath-jearim the
Ark rested for twenty years. Uzzah probably
was the second, and Ahio the third. They
both accompanied its removal when David
first undertook to carry it to Jerusalem. Ahio
apparently went before the new cart (1 Chr.
xiii. 7) on which it was placed, and Uzzah
walked by the side. "At the threshing-floor
of Nachon " (2 Sam. vi. 6), or Chidon (1 Chr.
xiii. 9), perhaps slipping over the smooth rock,
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UZZIAH
972
VALE
the oxen stumbled. Uzzah caught the Ark to
prevent its falling. The profanation was pun-
ished by his instant death, to the great grief of
David, who named the place Perez-Uzzah (the
breaking-forth on Uzzah). But Uzzah's fate was
not merely the penalty of his own rashness. The
improper mode of transporting the Ark, which
ought to have been borne on the shoulders of
the Levitcs, was the primary cause of his un-
holy deed ; and David distinctly recognized it
ns a punishment on the people in general,
"because we sought him not after the due
order."
Uz'zen-Sherah, a town founded or re-
built by Sherah, an Ephraimite woman, the
daughter either of Ephraim himself or of Beri-
ah. It is named only in 1 Chr. vii. 24, in con-
nection with the two Beth-borons.
Uz'zi, son of Bukki, and father of Zerahiah,
in the line of the high-priests (1 Chr. vi. 5, 51 ;
Ezr. vii. 4). Though Uzzi was the lineal an-
cestor of Zadok, it does not appear that he was
ever high-priest. He must have been contem-
porary with, but rather earlier than, Eli.
Uzzi'a. One of David's guard, and ap-
parently a native of Ashtaroth beyond Jordan
(1 Chr. xi. 44).
Uzzi ah. 1. Uzziah king of Jndah. In
some passages, his name appears in the length-
ened form Azariah, which Gesenius attributes
to an error of the copyists. This is possible,
but there are other instances of the princes of
Jud.ih changing their names on succeeding to
the throne. After the murder of Amaziah, his
son Uzziah was chosen by the people to occupy
the vacant throne at the age of 16 ; and for the
greater part of his long reign of 52 years he
lived in the fear of God, and showed himself a
wise, active, and pious ruler. He began his reign
by a successful expedition against his father's
enemies, the Edomites, who had revolted from
Judah in Jchoram's time, 80 years before ; and
penetrated as far as the head of the Gulf of
Akaba, where he took the important place of
Elath (2 K. xiv. 22; 2 Chr. xxvi. 1, 4c.).
Uzziah waged other victorious wars in the
south, especially against the Mehunim, or peo-
ple of Maun, and the Arabs of Gitrbaal. To-
wards the west, Uzziah fought with equal suc-
cess against the Philistines, levelled to the
ground the walls of Gath, Jabneh, and Ashdod,
and founded new fortified cities in the Philis-
tine territory. He strengthened the walls of
Jerusalem. He was also a great patron of
agriculture. He never deserted the worship
of the true God, and was much influenced by
Zcctmriah, a prophet who is only mentioned in
connection with him (2 Chr. xxvi. 5). So the
southern kingdom was raised to a condition of
prosperity which it had not known since the
death of Solomon. The end of Uzziah was >
less prosperous than his beginning. Elated I
with his splendid career, he determined to burn j
incense on the altar of God, but was opposed
by the high-priest Azariah and eighty others.
(See Ex. xxx. 7, 8; Num. xvi. 40, xviii. 7.)
The king was enraged at their resistance, and,
as he pressed forward with his censer, was sud-
denly smitten with leprosy. Uzziah was buried
" with his fathers," yet apparently not actually
•u the royal sepulchres (2 Clir. xxvi. 23).
During his reign, an earthquake occurred
which, though not mentioned in the historical
books, was apparently very serious in its con-
sequences, for it is alluded to as a chronologi-
cal epoch by Amos (i. 1), and mentioned in
Zech. xix. 5, as a convulsion from which the
people " fled." Josephus connects it with Uz-
ziah's sacrilegious attempt to offer incense ; but
this is very unlikely. It is to observed, with
reference to the general character of Uzziah '*
reign, that the writer of the Second Book of
Chronicles distinctly states that his lawless at-
tempt to burn incense was the only exception
to the excellence of his administration (2 Chr.
xxvii. 2). His reign lasted from B.C. 808-9 to
756-7. — 2. A Kohathite Levite, and ancestor
of Samuel (I Chr. vi. 24 [9]).— 3. A priest of
the sons of Harim, who had taken a foreign
wife in the days of Ezra (Ezr. x. 21). — 4.
Father of Athaiah, or Uthai (Neh. xi. 4).—
5. Father of Jehonathan, one of David's over-
seers (1 Chr. xxvii. 25).
Uz ziel. 1. Fourth son of Kobath, father
of Mishael, Elzaphan or Elizaphon, and Zithri,
and uncle to Aaron (Ex. vi. 18, 22 ; Lev.
x. 4). — 2. A Simeontte captain, son of Ishi,
in the days of Hezckiah (1 Chr. iv. 42). — 3.
Head of a Benjamice house, of the sons of Bel*
(1 Chr. vii. 7). — 4. A musician, of the sons
of Heman, in David's reign (1 Chr. xxv. 4). —
5. A Levite, of the sons of Jcduthun, in the
days of Hezckiah (2 Chr. xxix. 14, 19). — 6.
Son of Harhaiah, probably a priest, in the days
of Nehcmiah, who took part in repairing the
wall (Neh. iii. 8). He is described as "of the
goldsmiths," i.e. of those priests whose heredi-
tary office it was to repair or make the sacred
Uz'zielites, the. The descendants of
Uzziel, and one of the four great families of the
Kohathites (Num. iii. 27 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23).
Vajeza'tha. One of the ten sons of Ra-
man whom the Jews slew in Shushan (Esth.
ix. 9).
Vale, Valley. It is hardly necessary to
state that these words signify a hollow sweep
of ground between two more or less parallel
ridges of high land. Vale is the poetical or
provincial form. The structure of the greater
part of the Holy Land docs not lend itself to
the formation of valleys in our sense of tin*
word. The abrupt transitions of its crowdol
rocky hills preclude the existence of any ex-
tended sweep of valley. The nearest approw-li
is found in the space Iwtwcen the mountains of
Gerizim and Ebal, which contains the town of
N<M6s, the ancient Shcchem. This, however,
is not mentioned in the Bible. Another is the
" Valley of Jezrecl." Valley is employed in
the Authorized Version to render five distinct
Hebrew words. 1. 'Emek. This appears to
approach more nearly to the general sense of
the English word than any other. It is con-
nected with several places ; but the only one
which can be identified with anv certainty is the
Emek of Jozrccl, already mentioned as one of
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VERSIONS, ANCIENT,
973
OF OLD AND NEW TEST.
the nearest approaches to an English valley.
S. Gal or Ge. Of this natural feature, there is
fortunately one example remaining which can
be identified with certainty, — the deep hollow
which encompasses the S. W. and S. of Jerusa-
lem, and which is without doubt identical with
the Ge-hinnom or Ge-ben-hinnom of the O. T.
This identification appears to establish the Ge
as a deep and abrupt ravine, with steep sides
and narrow bottom. 3. Nachal. This is the
word which exactly answers to the Arabic wady,
and has been already alluded to in that connec-
tion. It expresses, "as no single English word
can, the bed of a stream (often wide and shelv-
ing, and like a " valley " m character, which in
the rainy season may be nearly filled by a foam-
ing torrent, though for the greater part of the
year dry), and the stream itself, which, after the
subsidence of the rains, has shrunk to insignifi-
cant dimensions. 4. Bilc'ah. This term appears
to mean rather a plain than a valley, wider than
the latter, though so far resembling it as to be
enclosed by mountains. It is rendered by
"valley "in Deut. xxxiv. 3; Josh. xi. 8, 17,
xii. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxxv. 22 ; Zech. xii. 11. 5. Bas-
Shffilah. This is the only case in which the
employment of the term " valley " is really un-
fortunate. The district to which alone the
name has-Shefelah is applied in the Bible has
vo resemblance whatever to a valley, but is a
broad swelling tract of many hundred miles in
area, which sweeps gently down from the moun-
tains of Judah to the Mediterranean. It is
rendered " the vale " in Deut. i. 7 ; Josh. x. 40 ;
I K. x. 27; 2 Chr. i. IS; Jer. xxxiii. 13; and
" the valley " or " valleys " in Josh. ix. 1, xi.
2, 16, xii. 8, xv. 33 ; Judg. i. 9 ; Jer. xxxii. 44.
Vani'ah. One of the sons of Bani (Ezr.
X. 36).
Vash'ni. The first-born of Samuel as the
text now stands (1 Chr. vi. 28 [13]). But in
1 Sam. viii. 2 the name of his first-born is Joel.
Most probably in the Chronicles the name of
Joel has dropped out, and " Vashni " is a cor-
ruption of vesneni, " and (the) second."
Vash'ti. The " queen " of Ahasuerus, who,
for refusing to show herself to the king's guests
at the royal banquet, when sent for by the king,
was repudiated and deposed (Esth. i.). Many
attempts have been made to identify her with
historical personages ; as by Ussher with Atos-
sa, the wife of Darius Hystaspis, and by J. Ca-
pellus with Parysatis, the mother of Ochns ;
but it is far more probable that she was only
one of the inferior wives, dignified with the title
of queen, whose name has utterly disappeared
from history.
Veil. With regard to the use of the veil,
it is important to observe that it was by no
means so general in ancient as in modern times.
Much of the scrupulousness in respect of the
use of the veil dates from the promulgation of
the Koran, which forbade women appearing un-
veiled, except in the presence of their nearest
relatives. In ancient times, the veil was adopt-
ed only in exceptional cases, either as an article
of ornamental dress (Cant. iv. 1, 3, vi. 7), or
by betrothed maidens in the presence of their
future husbands, especially at the time of the
wedding (Gen. xxiv. 65, xxix. 25), or, lastly,
by women of loose character for purposes of
concealment (Gen. xxxviii. 14). Among the
Jews of the New Testament age, it appears to
have been customary for the women to cover
their heads (not necessarily their faces) when
engaged in public worship.
veil or the Tabernacle and Tem-
ple. [Tabernacle ; Temple.]
Versions, Ancient, of the Old and
New Testaments. In treating of the an-
cient versions that have come down to us, in
whole or in part, they will be described in the
alphabetical order of the languages. It may be
premised that in most of them the Old Test, is
not a version from the Hebrew, but merely a
secondary translation from the Septuagint in
some one of its early forms
./ETHIOPIC VERSION.— Christianity was
| introduced into Ethiopia in the 4th century
through the labors of Frumentius and JEdesius
of Tyre, who had been made slaves, and sent to
the king. Hence arose the episcopal see of
Axum, to which Frumentius was appointed by
Athanasius. The ..Ethiopic version which we
possess is in the ancient dialect of Axum ; hence
some hare ascribed it to the age of the earliest
missionaries ; but from the general character of
the version itself, this is improbable; and the
Abyssinians themselves attribute it to a later
period. The Old Testament, as well as the
New, was executed from the Greek.
ARABIC VERSIONS.— (I.) Arabic Ver-
sions of the Old Test. (A.) Made from the He-
brew text. Rabbi Saadiah Haggaon, the He-
brew commentator of the 10th century, trans-
lated portions (some think the whole)' of the
O. T. into Arabic. (B.) Made from the Peshito-
Syriac. This is the base of the Arabic text
contained in the Polyglots of the Books of
Judges, Ruth, Samuel, Kings, and Nehemiah.
(C.) Made from the LXX. The version in the
Polyglots of the books not specified above.
Another text of the Psalter in Justiniani Psal-
terium Octuplum, Genoa, 1516. — (II.) Arabic
Versions of the New Test. — 1 . The Roman cditio
princeps of the four Gospels, 1590-91 . 2. The
Erpenian Arabic. The whole New Test, edited
by Erpenins, 1616, at Leydcn, from a MS. of
the 13th or 14th century. 3. The Arabic of
the Paris Polyglot, 1645. In the Gospels, this
follows mostly the Roman text ; in the Epistles,
a MS. from Aleppo was used. The Arabic in
Walton's Polyglot appears to be simply taken
from the Pans text. 4. The Carshuni Arabic
text (i.e. in Syriac letters), the Syriac and Ara-
bic New Test., published at Rome in 1703.
ARMENIAN VERSION.— Before the 5th
century, the Armenians are said to have used
the Syriac alphabet ; but at that time Micsrob
is stated to have invented the Armenian letters.
Soon after this, it is said that translations into
the Armenian language commenced, at first
from the Syriac. Miesrob, with his companions,
Joseph and Eznak, began a version of the
Scriptures with the Book of Proverbs, and
completed all the Old Test. ; and in the New,
they used the Syriac as their basis, from their
inability to obtain any Greek books. But
when, in the year 431, Joseph and Eznak re-
turned from the CoiiDcil of Ephesus, bringing
with them a Greek copy of the Scripture*,
Isaac, the Armenian Patriarch, and Miesrob
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OF OLD AND NEW TEST.
threw aside what they had already done, in
order that they might execute a version from
the Greek. Bat now arose the difficulty of
their want of a competent acquaintance with
that language: to remedy this, Eznak and Jo-
seph were sent with Moses Chorenensis (who
is himself the narrator of these details) to study
that language at Alexandria. There they made
what Moses calls their third translation.
CHALDEE VERSIONS. — [Tabofms.1
EGYPTIAN VERSIONS.— I. The Mem-
phitic Version. — The version thus designat-
ed was for a considerable time the only Egyptian
translation known to scholars : Coptic was then
regarded as a sufficiently accurate and definite
appellation. But, when the fact was established
that there were at least two Egyptian versions,
the name Coptic was found to be indefinite,
and even unsuitable for the translation then so
termed : for in the dialect of Upper Egypt there
was another ; and it is from the ancient Coptos
in Upper Egypt that the term Coptic is taken.
Thus Copto-Memphitic, or mora simply Mem-
phitic, is the better name for the version in
the dialect of Lower Egypt. When Egyptian
translations were made we do not know ; prob-
ably before the middle of the 4th century.
When the attention of European scholars was
directed to the language and races of modern
Egypt, it was found, that while the native
Christians use only Arabic vernacularly, yet in
their services, and in their public reading of the
Scriptures, they employ a dialect of the Coptic
This is the version now termed Memphitic. —
II. The Thebaic Version. — The examina-
tion of Egyptian MSS. in the last century
showed that, besides the Memphitic, there is also
another version in a cognate Egyptian dialect
To this the name Sahidic was applied by some,
from an Arabic designation for Upper Egypt
and its ancient language. It is, however, far
better to assign to this version a name not de-
rived from the language of the Arabian occu-
pants of that land; thus Copto-Thebaic (as
styled by Giorgi), or simply Thebaic, is far
preferable. — III. A Third Egyptian Veb-
sion. — Some Egyptian fragments were noticed
by both Miinter and Giorgi amongst the Bor-
giun MSS., which in dialect differ both from
the Memphitic and Thebaic. These fragments
of a third Egyptian translation were edited by
both these scholars independently in the same
year (1789). In what part of Egypt this third
dialect was nsed, and what should be its dis-
tinctive name, has been a good deal discussed.
Arabian writers mention a third Egyptian dia-
lect under the name of Baihmuric, and this has
by some been assumed as the appellation for this
version. Giorgi supposed that this was the
dialect of the Ammonian Oasis ; in this, Miinter
agreed with him ; and thus they called the version
the Ammonian. The Cliaracter and Critical Use
of the Egyptian Versions. — It appears that the
Thebaic version may reasonably claim a higher
antiquity than the Memphitic. The two trans-
lations are independent of each other, and both
spring from Greek copies. The Thebaic has
been considered to be the older of the two.
The probable conclusions seem to be these: —
that the Thebaic version was made in the early
part of the third century, for the use of the
common people among the Christian* in Upper
Egypt ; that it was formed from MSS. such as
were then current in the regions of Egypt
which were distant from Alexandria ; that after-
wards the Memphitic version was executed iu
what was the more polished dialect, from the
Greek copies of Alexandria ; and that thus, in
process of time, the Memphitic remained alone in
ecclesiastical use. A tew remarks only need
be made respecting the third Egyptian version.
The fragments of this follow the Thebaic so
closely as to have no independent character.
This version does, however, possess critical
value, as furnishing evidence in a small portion
not known in the Thebaic
GOTHIC VERSION. — In the year 31 8, the
Gothic bishop, and translator of Scripture,
Ulphilas, was born. He succeeded Theophilus
as bishop of the Goths in 348, when he sub-
scribed a confession rejecting the orthodox creed
of Nictea: through him it is said that the
Goths in general adopted Arianism. The great
work of Ulphilas was his version of the Scrip-
tures. In 388, he visited Constantinople to de-
fend his heterodox creed, and while there he
died. In the latter part of the 16th century,
the existence of a MS. of this version was
known, through Mori] Ion having mentioned
that he had observed one in the library of the
monastery of Werden on the Ruhr in West-
phalia. In 1648, almost at the conclusion of
the Thirty-Years' War, amongst the spoils
from Prague was sent to Stockholm a copy of
the Gothic Gospels, known as the Codex Argen-
teus. This MS. is generally supposed to be the
same that MoriUon had seen at Werden. On
the abdication of Queen Christina of Sweden,
a few years later, it disappeared. In 1655, it
was in the possession of Isaac Vossius in Hol-
land. In 1662, it was repurchased for Sweden
bv Count Magnus Gabriel de la Gardic, who
placed it in the library of the University
of Upsol. While the book was in the hands
of Vossius, a transcript was made of its text,
from which Junius, his ancle, edited the fir<t
edition of the Gothic Gospels at Don in 1665.
The MS. is written on vellum that was once
purple, in silver letters, except those at the bc-
S'nning of sections, which ore golden. The
ospels have many laennje. It is calculated,
that, when entire, it consisted of 320 folios :
there are now bat 188. It is pretty certain
that this beautiful and elaborate MS. must
have been written in the 6th century, probably
in Upper Italy, when under the Gothic sover-
eignty. Knittel, in 1 762, edited from a Wolfen-
biittel palimpsest some portions of the Epistle
to the Romans in Gothic, in which the Latin
stood by the side of the version of Ulphilas.
New light dawned on Ulphilas and his version
in 1817. While the late Cardinal Mai was en-
gaged in the examination of palimpsests in the
Ambrosian Library at Milan, of which he was
at that time a librarian, he noticed traces of
some Gothic writing under that of one of the
codices. This was found to be part of the
Books of Ezra and Nehemiah. In making fur-
ther examination, four other palimpsests were
found which contained portions of the Gothic
Version. Mai deciphered these MSS. in con-
junction with Count Carlo Ottavio Castiglioae;
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VERSIONS, ANCIENT,
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OF OLD AND NEW TEST.
and their labors resulted in the recovery, besides
a few portions of the Old Test., of almost the
whole of the thirteen Epistles of St. Paul and
some parts of the Gospels. The edition of
Gabelentz and Loebe (1836-45) contains all
that has been discovered of the Gothic Version,
with a Latin translation, notes, and a Gothic
-dictionary and grammar. In 1854, Uppstrum
published an excellent edition of the text of the
Codex Araenteus, with a beautiful facsimile. In
1855-56, Massmann issued an excellent small
edition of all the Gothic portions of the Scrip-
tures known to be extant. This edition is said
to be more correct than that of Gabelentz and
Loebe. As an ancient monument of the Gothic
language, the version of Ulphilas possesses great
interest; as a version, the use of which was
once extended widely through Europe, it is a
monument of the Christianization of the Goths ;
and as a version known to have been made in the
4th century, and transmitted to us in ancient
MSS., it has its value in textual criticism. In
certain passages, it has been thought that there
is some proof of the influence of the Latin ;
but its Greek origin is not to be mistaken.
The Greek from which the version was made
must in many respects have been what has been
termed the transition text of the 4th century.
GREKK VERSIONS OF THE OLD
TESTAMENT. — 1. Seftuaoint. [See
Seftuaoint.] 2. Aquila.— It is a remark-
able fact that in the second century there were
three versions executed of the Ola Testament
Scriptures into Greek. The first of these was
made by Aquila, a native of Sinope in Pontus,
who had become a proselyte to Judaism. The
Jerusalem Talmud describes him as a disciple
of Rabbi Akiba ; and this would place him in
some part of the reign of the Emperor Hadrian
(a.d. 117-138). It is supposed that bis object
was to aid the Jews in their controversies with
the Christians. This is a probable account of
the origin of his version. Extreme literality
and an occasional polemical bias appear to be
its chief characteristics. It is mentioned that
Aquila put forth a second edition [i.e. revision)
of his version, in which the Hebrew was yet
more servilely followed; but it is not known
if this extended to the whole, or only to three
books, namely, Jeremiah, Ezckiel, and Daniel,
of which there are fragments. 3. Theodo-
tion. — The second version, of which we have
information as executed in the second cen-
tnry, is that of Thcodotion. He is stated to
have been an Ephesian, and he seems to be
most generally described as an Ebionite : if
this is correct, his work was probably intended
for those semi-Christians who may have desired
to use a version of their own instead of employ-
ing the LXX. with the Christians, or that of
Aquila with the Jews. But it may be doubted
if the name of translation can be rightly applied
to the work of Theodotion : it is rather a revi-
sion of the LXX. with the Hebrew text, so as to
bring some of the copies then in use into more
conformity with the original. The statement
of Epiphanius, that he made his translation in
the reign of Commodus, accords well with its
having been quoted by Irenssus ; but it cannot
be correct if it is one of the translations referred
to by Justin Martyr a* giving interpretations
contrary to the Christian doctrine of the New
Testament. In most editions of the LXX.,
Theodotion's version of Daniel is still substi-
tuted for that which really belongs to that
translation. 4. Symmachcs is stated by Eu-
sebius and Jerome to have been an Ebionite :
so, too, in the Syrian accounts given by As-
semnni. Epiphanius, however, and others, style
him a Samaritan. It may be that as a Samar-
itan he made this version for some of that peo-
ple who employed Greek, and who had learned
to receive more than the Pentateuch. Epipha-
nius says that be lived under the Emperor
Severus. The translation which he produced
was probably better than the others as to sense
and general phraseology. 5. The Fifth,
Sixth, and Seventh versions. — Besides
the translations of Aquila, Symmachus, and
Theodotion, the great critical work of Origen
comprised, as to portions of the Old Testament,
three other versions, placed for comparison
with the LXX. ; which, from their being anon-
ymous, are only known as the fifth, sixth, and
seventh, — designations taken from the places
which they respectively occupied in Ongcn's
columnar arrangement. Eusebius says that
two of these versions were found, the one at
Jericho, and the other at Nicopolison the Gulf
of Actium. Epiphanius says that the fifth was
found at Jericho, and the sixth at Nicopolis ;
while Jerome speaks of the fifth as having been
found at the latter place. The contents of the
fifth vertioi. appear to have been the Pentateuc h,
Psalms, Canticles, and the minor prophets.
The existing fragments prove that the trans-
lator used the Hebrew original ; bnt it is also
certain that he was aided by the work of former
translators. The tixth version seems to have
been just the same in its contents as the fifth
(except 2 Kings). Jerome calls the authors of
the fifth and sixth, " Judaicos translatores ; "
but the translator of this must have been a Chris-
tian when he executed his work, or else the
hand of a Christian reviser must have meddled
with it before it was employed by Origen. Of
the seventh rersion, very few fragments remain.
It seems to have contained the Psalms and
minor prophets; and the translator was proba-
bly a Jew. The existing fragments of these
varied versions are mostly to be found in the
editions of the relics of Origen's Hexapla, by
Montfaucon and by Bardht. 6. The Venbto-
Gbeek Version. — A MS. of the 14th century,
in the Library of St. Mark at Venice, contains
a peculiar version of the Pentateuch, Proverbs,
Ecclesiaste;, Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations,
and Daniel. All of these books, except the
Pentateuch, were published by Villoison at
Strasburg in 1784; the Pentateuch was edited
by Ammon at Erlangen in 1790-91. It may
be said briefly that the translation was made
from the Hebrew, although the present punctu-
ation and accentuation is often not followed;
and the translator was no doubt acquainted
with some other Greek versions.
LATIN VERSIONS. — [Vulgate.]
SAMARITAN VERSIONS. — [Samabi-
TAN PENTATEUCH.]
SLAVONIC VERSION. —In the year 86S,
there was a desire expressed, or an inquiry
nude, for Christian teachers in Moravia ; and in
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VERSIONS, ANCIENT,
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OF OLD AND NEW TE8T.
the following year the labors of missionaries
began amongst them. These missionaries were
Cyrillus and Methodius, two brothers from
Tnessalonica. To Cyrillus is ascribed the in-
vention of the Slavonian alphabet, and the
commencement of the translation of the Scrip
tures. He appears to have died at Rome in
868, while Methodius continued for many years
to be the bishop of the Slavonians. He is stat-
ed to hare continued his brother's translation,
although how notch they themselves actually
executed is quite uncertain. The Old Testa-
ment is, as might be supposed, a version from
the LXX. ; but what measure of revision it may
•ince have received seems to be by no means
certain. As the oldest known MS. of the
whole Bible is of the year 1499, it may reason-
ably be questioned whether this version may
not in large portions be comparatively modern.
The oldest MS. of any part of this version is an
Evangeliarium, in Cyrillic characters, of the
year 1056. The first printed portion was an
edition of the Gospels in Wallacnia, in 1512 ; in
1575, the same portion was printed at Wilna; I
and in 1581, the whole Bible was printed at!
Ostrog in Volhynia. The general text is such j
as would have been expected in the ninth cen- 1
tury ; tome readings from the Latin have, it I
appears, been introduced in places.
SYRIAC VERSIONS. — I. Of the Old!
Testament. A. From the Hebrew. — In the j
early times of Syrian Christianity, there was
executed a version of the Old Testament from
the original Hebrew, the use of which must '
have been as widely extended as was the Chris- '
tian profession amongst that people. Ephraem
the Syrian, in the latter half of the 4th century, '
fires abundant proof of its use in general by I
is countrymen. When he calls it our veb- i
■ion, it does not appear to be in opposition to
any other Syriac translation, but in contrast to.
the original Hebrew text, or to those in other
languages. At a later period, this Syriac trans-
lation was designated Ptshito (Simple). It is
probable that this name was applied to the
version after another had been formed from the
Hexaplar Greek text. This translation from
the Hebrew has always been the ecclesiastical
version of the Syrians. Its existence and use
prior to the divisions of the Syrian churches
is sufficiently proved by Ephraem alone. It is
highly improbable that any part of the Syriac
Version is older than the advent of our Lord :
those who placed it under Abgarus, king of
Edessa, seem to have argued on the account
that the Syrian people then received Christiani-
ty. All that the account shows clearly is that
it was believed to belong to the earliest period |
of the Christian faith among them. Ephraem, i
in the fourth century, not only shows that it !
was then current, but also gives the impression j
that this had even then been long the case.
For in his commentaries he gives explanations
of terms which were even then obscure. This
might have been from age (if so, the version
was made comparatively long before his days),
or it might be from its having been in a dialect
different from that to which he was accustomed
at Edessa. In this case, then, the translation
was mode in some other part of Syria. Proba-
bly die origin of the old Syriac Version is to
be compared with that of the old Latin ; and
that it differed as much from the polished lan-
guage of Edessa as did the old Latin, made in
the African Province, from the contemporary
writers of Home. The old Syriac has the
peculiar value of being the first version from
the Hebrew original made for Christian use.
The proof that this version was made from the
Hebrew is twofold : we have the direct state-
ments of Ephraem, and we find the same thing
as evident from the internal examination of the
version itself. The first printed edition of this
version was that which appeared in the Paris
Polyglot of Le Jay in 1645; it is said that
the editor, Gabriel Sionita, a Maronitc, had
only an imperfect MS. In Walton's Polyglot,
1657, the Paris text is reprinted, but with the
addition of the Apocryphal books which had
been wanting. In the punctuation given in
the Polyglots, a system was introduced which
was in part a peculiarity of Gabriel Sionita
himself. Dr. Lee collated for the text which
he edited for the Bible Society six Syriac MSS.
of the Old Test, in general, and a very ancient
copy of the Pentateuch : he also used in part
the commentaries of Ephraem and of Bar-lie-
brseus. From these various sources he con-
structed his text, with the aid of that found
already in the Polyglots. But we have now
in this country, in the MS. treasures brought
from the Nitrian valleys, the means of far mora
accurately editing this version. It has been
much discussed whether this translation were
a Jewish or a Christian work. There need be
no reasonable objection made to vlic opinion
that it is a Christian work. It may be said
that the Syriac in general supports the He-
brew text that we have. A resemblance has
been pointed out between the Syriac and Uk
reading of some of the Chaldee Targunw : it"
the Targuni is the older, it is not unlikelv ch»t
the Syriac translator examined the Tafgums
in difficult passages. If existing Targums are
more recent than the Syriac, it may happen
that their coincidences arise from the use of a
common source, — an earlier Targuni. But
there is another point of inquiry of more im-
portance : it is, How far has this version been
affected by the LXX. ? and to what are we to
attribute this influence? It is possible that
the influence of the LXX. is partly to be
ascribed to copyists and revisers ; while in part
this belonged to the version as originally made.
When the extensive use of the LXX. is remera
bered, and how soon it was supcrstitiouily
imagined to have been made by direct inspira-
tion, so that it was deemed canonically authori-
tative, we cannot feel wonder that readings
from the LXX. should have been from time to
time introduced. Some comparison with the
Greek is probable even before the time of
Ephraem ; for as to the Apocryphal books,
while he cites some of them (though not as
Scripture), tho Apocryphal additions to Daniel
and the Books of Maccabees were not yet
found in Syriac. Whoever translated any of
these books from the Greek may easily have
also compared with it in some places the books
previously translated from the Hebrew. In
the Book of Psalms, this version exhibit* many
peculiarities. Either the translation of the
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VERSIONS, ANCIENT,
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OF OLD AND NEW TEST.
Psalter most be a work independent of the
Peshito in general, or else it has been strangely
revised and altered, not only from the Greek,
bat also from liturgical nse. * It is stated that,
after the divisions of the Syrian Church, there
were revisions of this one version by the Mo-
nophysites and by the Nestorians. The Karka-
phensian recension mentioned by Bor-Hebrssus
was only known by name prior to the investi-
gations of Wiseman. It is found in two MSS.
in the Vatican, and was formed for the use of
Monophysites. B. The Syriac Vernon from the
Hexaplar Greek Text. — The only Syriac ver-
sion of the Old Test, up to the 6th century
was apparently the Peshito. Moses Aghelteus,
who lived in the middle of the 6th century,
rks of the versions of the New Test, and
Psalter, " which Polycarp, (rest his soul !)
the Chorepiscopus, made in Syriac for the faith-
ful Xcnaias, the teacher of Mabug, worthy of
the memory of the good." It is said that the
Nestorian patriarch, Marabba, a.d. 552, made
a version from the Greek. The version by
Paul of Tela, a Monophysite, was made in the
oegi>oing of the 7th century : for its basis he
used tta Hexaplar Greek text — that is, the
LXX., with the corrections of Origen, the aste-
risks, obeli, &c., and with the references to the
other Greek versions. The Syro-Hexaplar
version was made on the principle of following
the Greek, word for word, as exactly as possi-
ble. It contains the marks introduced by Ori-
gen, and the references to the versions of
Aquila, Symmachus, Theodotion, &c. In fact,
it is from this Syriac version that we obtain
onr most accurate acquaintance with the results
of the critical labors of Origen. It is from a
MS. in the Ambrosian Library at Milan that
we possess accurate means of knowing this
Syriac version. The MS. in question contains
trie Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canti-
cles, Wisdom, Ecelesiusticus, minor prophets,
Jeremiah, Baruch, Daniel, Ezckiel, and Isaiah.
Norberg published at Lund, in 1787, the Books
of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, from a transcript
which he had made of the MS. at Milan. In
1788, Bugati published at Milan the Book of
Daniel ; he also edited the Psalms, the printing
of which had been completed before his death
in 1816: it was published in 1820. The rest
of the contents of the Milan Codex (with the
exception of the Apocryphal books) was pub-
lished at Berlin in 1835, by Middeldorpf, from
the transcript made by Norberg : Middeldorpf
also added the 4th (2d) Book of Kings from a
MS. at Paris. Besides these portions of this
Syriac version, the MSS. from the Nitrian
monasteries now in the British Museum would
add n good deal more : amongst these there are
six, from which much might oe drawn, so that
part of the Pentateuch and other books may
be recovered. To ennrooite the supposed ver-
sions is needless. It is only requisite to men-
tion that Thomas of Harkcl seems to have
made a translation from the Greek into Syriac
of some of the Apocryphal books — at least,
the subscriptions in certain MSS. state this.
II. Tub Syriac New Testament Ver-
sions. — A. The Peshito-Si/riac N. T. It may
»tand as an admitted fact, that a version of
the New Testament, in Syriac, existed in the
2d centurv ; and to this we may refer the state
ment of Eusebius respecting Hegesippus, that
he " made quotations from the gospel accord-
ing to the Hebrews and the Syriac. It seems
equally certain that in the forrth century such
a version was as well known of the New Test,
as of the Old. To the translation in common
use amongst the Syrians (orthodox, Monophys-
ite, or Nestorian), from the fifth century and
onward, the name of Peshito has been as com-
monly applied in the New Test, as the Old.
There seem to be but few notices of the old
Syriac Version in early writers. Cosmas Indi-
copleustes, in the former half of the sixth cen-
tury, incidentally informs us that the Syriac
translation does not contain the Second Epistle
of Peter, 2 and 3 John, and Jude. In 1552,
Moses of Mardin came to Rome to Pope Ju-
lius III., commissioned by Ignatius the Jacobite
(Monophysite) patriarch to state his religious
opinions, to effect (it is said) a union with the
Romish Church, and to get the Syriac New Test.
printed. In this last object he failed, both at
Rome and Venice. At Vienna, he was, how-
ever, successful. Widmanstadt, the chancellor
of the Emperor Ferdinand I., had himself
learned Syriac from Theseus Ambrosius many
years previously ; and through his influence the
emperor undertook the charge of an edition,
which appeared in 1555, through the joint la-
bors of Widmanstadt, Moses, and Postell. In
having only three Catholic epistles, this Syriae
New Test, agreed with the description of Cos-
mas ; the Apocalypse was also wanting, as well
as the section John viii. 1-11. One of the prin-
cipal editions is that of Leusden and Sctiaaf.
The lexicon which accompanies this edition is
of great value. The late Professor Lee pub-
lished an edition in 1816, in which he corrected
or altered the text on the authority of a few
MSS. In 1828, the edition of Mr. William
Greenfield was published by Messrs. Bagster.
This Syriac Version has been variously estimat-
ed : some have thought that in it they had a
genuine and unaltered monument of the sec-
ond, or perhaps even of thc./ir»f century. Oth-
ers, finding in it indubitable marks of a later
age, were inclined to deny that it hod any claim
to a very remote antiquity. The fact is, that
this version, as transmitted to us, contains marks
of antiquity, and also traces of a later age.
The two things are so blended, that, if either
class of phenomena alone were regarded, the
most opposite opinions might be formed. The
judgment formed by Griesbach seems to be
certainly the correct one as to the peculiarity
of the text of this version. He snys (using
the terms proper to his system of recensions),
" Nulli harnm recensionum Syriaca vcrsio,
prout qnidem typis excusa est, similis, verum
nee ulli prorsus dissimilis est. In multis con-
cinit cum Alcxandrina recensione, in pluribus
cum Occidental!, in nonnullis etiam cum Con-
stantinopolitana, itn tamen ut qua; in hanc pos-
teriorihus demum seculis invecta sunt, plcraquc
repudict. Diversis ergo temporihns ad Grcecos
codices plane diverse* iterum iterumnue recogmta
esse vidHnr." (Nov. Test. Pro/eg. Ixxv.)
Whether the whole of this version proceeded
from the same translator has been questioned.
It appears probable that the New Test, of the
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Peshito is not from the same hand as the Old.
Not only may Michaelis be right in supposing
a peculiar translator of the Epistle to the He-
brews, but also other parts may be from differ-
ent hands ; this opinion will become more gen-
eral the more the version is studied. The re-
visions to which the version was subjected may
have succeeded in part, but not wholly, in
effacing the indications of a plurality of trans-
lators. The Acts and Epistles seem to be
either more recent than the Gospels, though
far less revised ; or else, if coeval, tar more cor-
rected by later Greek M8S. The MSS. of the
Karkaphensian recension (as it has been termed)
of the Peshito Old Test, contain also the New
with a similar character of text The Curetonian
Syriac Gospels. — Among the MSS. brought
from the Nitrian monasteries in 1842, Dr. Cure-
ton noticed a copy of the Gospels, differing
greatly from the common text; and this is
the form of text to which the name of Cure-
tonian Syriac has been rightly applied. Every
criterion which proves the common Peshito not
to exhibit a text of extreme antiquity, equally
proves the early origin of this. Dr. Cureton
considers that the MS. of the Gospels is of the
fifth century, a point in which ail competent
judges are probably agreed. The MS. con-
tains Matt, i.-viii. 22, x. 31-xxiii. 25; Mark,
the four last verses only ; John i. 1-42, iii. 6-
vii. 37, xiv. 1 1-29 ; Luke ii. 48— iii. I6 ; vii. 33-
xv. 21, xvii. 24-xxiv. 41. Bar Salibi, bishop
of Amida in the twelfth century, says,
" There is found occasionally a Syriac copy,
made out of the Hebrew, which inserts these
three kings in the genealogy; bnt that after-
wards it speaks of fourteen, and not of seventeen
generations, because fourteen generations has
been substituted for seventeen by the Hebrews
on account of their holding to the septenary
number," &c. It shows then that Bar Salibi
knew of a Syriac text of the Gospels in which
Ahaziah, Joash, and Amaziah were inserted in
Matt. i. 8: there is the same reading in the
Curetonian Syriac : but this might have been
a coincidence. But in ver. 17, the Curetonian
text has, in contradiction to ver. 8, fourteen gen-
erations, and not seventeen ; and so had the copy
mentioned by Bar Salibi: the former point
might be a mere coincidence ; the latter, how-
ever, shows such a kind of union in contradic-
tion as proves the identity very convincingly.
In examining the Curetonian text with the
common printed Peshito, we often find such
identity of phrase and rendering as to show
that they are not wholly independent transla-
tions : then, again, we meet with such variety
in the forms of words, &c., as seems to indicate
that in the Peshito the phraseology had been
revised and refined. But the great (it might
be said characteristic) difference between the
Curetonian and the Peshito Gospels is in their
readings ; for while the latter cannot in its
present state be deemed an unchanged produc-
tion of the second century, the former bears all
the marks of extreme antiquity, even though
in places it may have suffered from the intro-
duction of readings current in very early times.
A comparison of the two not only shows the
antiquity of the text of the Curetonian Syriac,
but it also affords abundant proof that the
Peshito must have been modernized and re-
vised. The antiquity of the Curetonian text
is also shown by the occurrence of readings
which were, as we know, early current, even
though rightly repudiated as erroneous : it may
suffice to refer to the long addition after Matt.
xx. 28. The Curetonian Syriac presents such
a text as we might have concluded wonld be
current in the second century : the Peshito has
many features which could not belong to that
age; unless, indeed, we are ready to reject
established facts, and those of a very numerous
kind ; probably, at least, two thousand. Bar
Salibi tells us, when speaking of this version
of St. Matthew, " there is found occasionally a
Syriac copy made out of Out Hebrew: " we thus
know that the opinion of the Syrians themselves
in the twelfth century was, that this translation
of St. Matthew was not made from the Greek,
bnt from the Hebrew original of the evangel-
ist: such, too, was the judgment of Dr. Cure-
ton. The more the evidence, direct and indi-
rect, is weighed, the more established, it appears,
will be the judgment that the Curetonian Syriac
of St. Matthew's Gospel was translated from
the apostle's Hebrew (Syro-Chaldaic) original,
although injured since by copyists or revisers.
B. The Philoxenian Syriac Version, and it*
Revision by Thomas ofHarhd. — Philoxenoa, or
Xenaias, a Monophysite, Bp. of Hierapolis or
Mahug at the beginning of the 6th century,
caused Polycarp, his Cnorepiscopus, to make a
new translation of the New Test, into Syriac
This was executed in a.d. 508, and it is gene-
rally termed Philoxenian from its promoter
This version has not been transmitted to as in
the form in which it was first made : we only
possess a revision of it, executed by Thomas
of Harkel in the following century (the Gos-
pels, a.d. 616). From the subscriptions, we
team that the text was revised by Thomas with
three (some copies sav two) Greek MSS. One
Greek cony is similarly mentioned at the close
of the Catholic Epistles. In describing this
version as it has come down to us, the text is
the first thing to be considered. This is char-
acterized by extreme literality : the Syriac
idiom is constantly bent to suit the Greek, and
every thing is in some manner expressed in the
Greek phrase and order. As to the kind of
Greek text that it represents, it is just what
might have been expected in the 6th century.
The work of Thomas in the text itself is seen
in the introduction of obeli, by which passages
which he rejected were condemned ; and of
asterisks, with which his insertions were dis-
tinguished. His model in all this was the Hex-
aplar Greek text It is probable that the
Philoxenian version was very literal, but that
the slavish adaptation to the Greek is the work
of Thomas.
C. Syriac Femora of Portions wanting in the
Peshito.— I. The Second Epistle of Peter, the
Second and Third of John, and that of Jade.
The fact has been already noticed, that the old
Svriac Version did not contain these epistles.
They were published by Pococke, in 1630, from
a MS. in the Bodleian. The suggestion of
Dr. Davidson, that the text of Pococke is that
of Philoxenus before it was revised by Thomas,
seems most probable. — II. The Apocalyptm. —
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OF OLD AND NEW TEST.
la 1627, De Diea edited a Syriac version of
the Apocalypse, from a MS. in the Leyden
Library, written by one " Caspar from the
land of the Indians," who lived in the latter
part of the 16th century. A MS. at Florence,
also written by this Caspar, has a subscription
stating that it was copied in 1582 from a MS.
in the writing of Thomas of Harkel, in a.d.
622. But the subscription seems to be of doubt-
ful authority ; and, until the Rev. B. Harris Cow-
per drew attention to a more ancient copy of
the version, we might well be somewhat un-
certain if this were really an ancient work. It
is of small critical value, and the MS. from
which it was edited is incorrectly written.
This book, from the Paris Polyglot and on-
ward, has been added to the Peshito in this
relation. — III. The Syriac Vernon of John viii.
1-11. — From the MS. sent bv Abp. Usshcr
to De Dieu, the latter published this section in
1631. From De Dieu, it was inserted in the
London Polyglot, with a reference to Ussher's
MS., and hence it has passed with the other
editions of the Peshito, where it is a mere in-
terpolation. Probably the version edited is
that of Paul of Tela, the translator of the
Hexaplar Greek text into Syriac. D. The
Jkbcsalem Striac Lectionart. — The MS.
in the Vatican containing this version was
pretty fully described by S. E. Asscmani in
1756, in the catalogue of the MSS. belong-
ing to that library. The MS. was written in
a.d. 1031, in peculiar Syriac writing: the por-
tions are of course those for the different festi-
vals, some parts of the Gospels not being there
at all. The dialect is not common Syriac : it
was termed the Jerusalem Syriac from its being
supposed to resemble the Jerusalem Talmud
in language and other points. The grammar
is peculiar; the forms almost Chaldee rather
than Syriac : two characters are used for ex-
Iiressing F and P. For critical purposes, this
cctionary has a far higher value than it has
for any other : its readings often coincide with
the oldest and best authorities. In Adler's
opinion, its date as a version would be from the
4th to the 6th century ; but it can hardly be
supposed that it is of so early an age, or that
any Syrians then could have used so corrupt a
dialect. The first volume of an edition of this
lectionary, containing the Syriac text, with a
Latin translation, has been published by Count
Miniscalchi Erizzo.
TARGUM, a Chaldee word of uncertain
origin ; the general term for the CHALDEE,
or, more accurately, ARAMAIC VERSIONS
of the Old Testament. The injunction to
" read the Book of the Law before all Israel
. . . the men, and women, and children, and
the strangers," on the Feast of Tabernacles of
every sabbatical year, as a means of solemn in-
struction and edification, is first found in Dent,
xxxi. 10-13. How far the ordinance was ob-
served in early times we have no means of
judging. It would appear, however, that such
readings did take place in the days of Jeremiah.
Certain it is that among the first acts under-
taken by Ezra towards the restoration of the
primitive religion and public worship is re-
ported his reading "before the congregation,
both of men and women," of the returned
exiles, "in the Book in the Law of God"
(Neh. viii. 2, 8). Aided by those men of learn-
ing and eminence, with whom, according to
tradition, he founded that most important reli-
gious and political body called the Great Syna-
gogue, or Men of the Great Assembly, he ap-
pears to have succeeded in so firmly establish-
ing regular and frequent public readings in the
Sacred Records, that later authorities almost
unanimously trace this hallowed custom to
times immemorial — nay, to the times of Moses
himself. To these ancient readings in the
Pentateuch were added, in the course of time,
readings in the Prophets (in some Babylonian
cities even in the Hagiographa), which were
called Baftaroth; but when and how these
were introduced is still matter for speculation.
If, however, the primitive religion was re-estab-
lished, together with the second Temple, in
more than its former vigor, thus enabling the
small number of the returned exiles — and
these, according to tradition, the lowest of the
low, the poor in wealth, in knowledge, and in
ancestry, the very outcasts and refuse of the
nation as it were — to found upon the ruins of
Zion one of the most important and lasting
spiritual commonwealths that has ever been
known, there was yet one thing which neither
authority nor piety, neither academy nor syna-
gogue, could restore to its original power and
glory — the Hebrew language.
Ere long it was found necessary to translate
the national books, in order that the nation
from whose midst they had sprung might be
able to understand them. And if for the Alex-
andrine, or rather the whole body of Hellenis-
tic Jews, Greek translations had to be com-
posed, those who dwelt on the hallowed soil of
their forefathers had to receive the sacred word
through an Aramaic medium. If the common
people thus gradually had lost all knowledge
of the tongue in which were written the books
to be read to them, it naturally followed (in
order " that they might understand them ")
that recourse must be had to a translation into
the idiom with which they were familiar — the
Aramaic. That further, since a bare transla-
tion could not in all cases suffice, it was neces-
sary to add to the translation an explanation,
more particularly of the more difficult and ob-
scure passages. Both translation and explana-
tion were designated by the term Targum. In
the course of time there sprang up a guild,
whose special office it was to act as interpreter*
in both senses [Meturgeman), while formerly
the learned alone volunteered their services.
These interpreters were subjected to certain
bonds and regulations as to the form and sub-
stance of their renderings. Again : certain
passages liable to give offence to the multitude
are specified, which may be read in the syna-
gogue, and translated ; others, which may be
read, but not translated ; others, again, which
may neither be read nor translated. Altogeth-
er, these Meturgemanim do not seem to nave
been held generally in very high respect ; one
of the reasons being probably that they were
paid, and thus made the Torah " a spade to
dig with it." A fair notion of what was con-
sidered a proper Targum mav be gathered from
the maxim preserved in the Talmud : " Whoso-
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OF OLD AND NEW TEST.
ever translate* | as Meturgeman] a verse in its
closely exact form [without proper regard to
its real meaning] is a liar ; and whosoever adds
to it is impious, and a blasphemer: e.g., the literal
rendering into Chaldec of the verse, 'They
saw the God of Israel ' (Ex. xxiv. 10), is as
wrong a translation as ' They saw the angel of
God ; ' the proper rendering being, ' They saw
the glory or the God of Israel ' The same
causes which, in the course of time, led to the
writing down — after many centuries of oral
transmission — of the whole body of the Tra-
ditional Law, engendered also, and about the
same period, as it would appear, written Tar-
gums ; for certain portions of the Bible, at
least. The fear of tne adulterations and mu-
tilations which the Divine Word — amid the
troubles within and without the Commonwealth
— must undergo at the hands of incompetent
or impious exponents, broke through the rule,
that the Targum should only be oral, lest it
might acquire undue authority. The gradual
growth of the code of the written Targum,
such as now embraces almost the whole of the
O. T-, and contains, we may presume, but few
snatches of the primitive Targum*, is shrouded
in deep obscurity. Before, however, entering
into a more detailed account, we must first
dwell for a short time on the Midrash itself, of
which the Targum forms part.
The centre of all mental activity and reli-
gious action among the Jewish community, af-
ter the return from Babylon, was the Scriptural
Canon collected by the "Soferim, or Men of the
Great Synagogue. These formed the chief
authority on the civil and religious law, and
their authority was the Pentateuch. Their of-
fice as expounders and commentators of the
Sacred Records was twofold. They had, firstly,
to explain the exact meaning of such prohibi-
tions and ordinances contained in the Mosaic
Books as seemed not explicit enough for the
multitude, and the precise application of which
in former days had been forgotten during the
Captivity. Secondly, laws neither specially con-
tained nor even indicated in the Pentateuch
were inaugurated by them according to the
new wants of the times and the ever-shifting
necessities of the growing commonwealth. This
juridical and homilctical expounding and in-
terpreting of Scripture is called darash ; and the
avalanche of Jewish literature which began si-
lently to gather from the time of the return from
the exile, and went on rolling uninterruptedly,
until about a thousand years after the destruction
of trw second Temple, may be comprised under
tin! general name Midrash — "expounding."
The two chief branches indicated are, Ilalachah,
the rule by which to go, = binding, authorita-
tive law ; and Haggadah = saying, legend, —
flights of fancy, darting np from the Divine
Word. The tlalachah, treating more especially
the Pentateuch as the legal part of the O. T.,
bears towards this book the relation of an am-
plified and annotated code. The Haggadah,
on the other hand, held especial sway over the
wide field of ethical, poetical, prophetical, and
historical elements of the O. T., but was free
even to interpret its legal and historical passages
fancifully and allcgorically. The aim of the Hag-
gadah being the purely momentary one of ele-
vating, comforting, edifying its audience for
the time being, it did not pretend to possess the
slightest aut/toriti/. The first collections of the
aalachak — embracing the whole field of juri-
dico-political, religious, and practical life, both
of the individual and of the nation, the human
and divine law to its most minute and insig-
nificant details — were instituted by Hillel, Aki-
ba, and Simon B. Gamaliel : but the final
redaction of the general code, Mishna, to which
the later Toseftahs and Boraithas form supple-
ments, is due to Jehudah Hannasi in 220 a.d.
The masters of the Mishnaic period, after the
Soferim, are the Tannaim, who were followed
by the Amoraim- The discussions and further
amplifications of the Mishna by the latter form
the Gemara (Complement), a work extant in
two redactions, viz. that of Palestine or Jeru-
salem (middle of 4tli century), and of Baby-
lon (Sth century a.d.), which, together with
the Mishna, arc comprised under the name Tal-
mud. From this indispensable digression, we
return to the subject of Targum. The Tar-
gums now extant are as follows : —
I. The Targum op Onkklos ok the Pex-
tatkucb. — Onkelos is the same name as Aquila,
the Greek translator of the O. T. (see page
975) ; and the Targum was so called becao.se
the new Chaldee Version was started under the
name which had become expressive of the type
and ideal of a Bible-translation ; so that,* in
fact, it was a Targum done in the manner of
Aquila, — Anuila-Targum. With regard to the
date, the Targum was begun to be committed
to writing about the end of the 2d century a.d.
So far, however, from its superseding the oral
Targum at once, it was, on the contrary, strictly
forbidden to read it in public. Nor was there
any uniformity in the version. Down to tne
middle of the 2d century, we find the masters
most materially differing from each other with
respect to the Targum of certain passages, and
translations quoted not to be found in any of our
Targums. We shall not be far wrong in placing
the work of collecting the different fragments
with their variants, and reducing them into
one — finally authorized version — about the
end of the 3d or the beginning of the 4th cen-
tury, and in assigning Babylon to it as the hirth-
filace. We now turn to the Targum itself. Its
anguage is Chaldee, closely approaching in
Jmnty of idiom to that of Ezra and Daniel. It
bllows a sober and clear, though not a slavish
exegesis, and keeps as closely and minntcly to
tho text as is at all consistent with its purpose,
viz. to be chiefly, and above all, a version for
the people. Its* explanations of difficult and
obscure passages bear ample witness to the com-
petence of those who gave it its final shape, and
infused into it a rare unity. It avoids the le-
gendary character with which all the later Tar-
gums intwine the biblical word, as far as ever
circumstances would allow. Onlv in tbc poeti-
cal passages it was compelled to yield — thongh
reluctantly — to the popular craving for Hap
gadah; but even here it chooses and selects
with rare taste and tact. In spite of its many
and important discrepancies, the Targum never
for one moment forgets its aim of being a clear,
though free, translation for the people, and noth-
ing more. Wherever it deviates from the tit-
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eralness of the text, such a course, in its case,
is fully justified — nay, necessitated — either by
the obscurity of the passage, or the wrong con-
struction that naturally would be put upon its
wording by the multitude. The explanations
{riven agree either with the real sense, or develop
the current tradition supposed to underlie it. As
to the Bible Text from which the Targum was
prepared, we have no certainty whatever on this
head, owing to the extraordinarily corrupt state
of our Targum texts. It would appear, how-
ever, that, broadly speaking, our present Maso-
retic text has been the one from which the
Onk. Version was, if not made, yet edited, at
ill events. Of the extraordinary similarity be-
tween Onkelos and the Samaritan Version, we
have spoken under Samaritan Pentateuch.
II. Taroum on the Prophets, — viz.
Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings, Isaiah, Jere-
miah, Ezekiel, and the twelve minor prophets,
— called Targum of Jonathan ben Uzziel.
We shall probably not be far wrong in placing
this Targum some time, although not long, af-
ter Onkelos, or about the middle of the 4th
century, — the latter years of B. Joseph, who,
it is said, occupied himself chiefly with the Tar-
gum when he had become blind. This Targum
may fairly be described as holding, in point of
interpretation and enlargement of the text, the
middle place between Onkelos, who only in ex-
treme cases deviates into paraphrase, and the
subsequent Targums, whose connection with
their texts is frequently of the most flighty char-
acter. The interpretation of Jonathan, where
it adheres to the text, is mostly very correct in
a philosophical and exegetical sense, closely lite-
ral even, provided the meaning of the original
is easily to be understood by the people. When,
however, similes are used, unfamiliar or ob-
scure to the people, it unhesitatingly dissolves
them, and makes them easy in their mouths
like household words, by adding as much of
explanation as seems fit ; sometimes, it cannot
be denied, less sagaciously, even incorrectly,
•comprehending the original meaning.
III. and IV. Targum or Jonathan ben
Uzziel and Jerushalmi Taroum on the
Pentateuch. — Onkelos and Jonathan on the
Pentateuch and Prophets, whatever be their
-exact date, place, authorship, and editorship,
are the oldest of existing Targums, and belong,
in their present shape, to Babylon and the
Babylonian academies flourishing between the
3d and 4th centuries a.d. But precisely as
two parallel and independent developments of
the Oral Law have sprung up in the Palestinian
and Babylonian Tafmuds respectively, so also
recent investigation has proved to demonstration
the existence of two distinct cycles of Targums
on the Written Law — i.e. the entire body of
the Old Testament; the one first collected,
revised, and edited in Babylon, called — more
especially that part of it which embraced the
Pentateuch ( Onkelos ) — the Babylonian. The
other, continuing its oral life, so to say, down
to a much later period, was written and edited
— less carefully, or rather with a much more
faithful retention of the oldest and youngest
fancies of Meturgemanim and Darshanim — on
tfo coil of Judaa itself. Of this entire cycle,
however, the Pentateuch and a few other books
and fragmentary pieces only have survived
entire, while of most of the other books of the
Bible a few detached fragments are all that is
known, and this chiefly from quotations. As
not the least cause of the loss of the great bulk
of the Palestinian Targum may also be con-
sidered the almost uninterrupted martyrdom to
which those were subjected who preferred, under
all circumstances, to live and die in the Land
of Promise. However this may be, the Tar-
gum on the Pentateuch has come down to us ;
and not in one, but in two recensions. More
surprising still, the one hitherto considered a
fragment, because of its embracing portions
only of the individual books, has in reality
never been intended to embrace any further
portion ; and we are thus in the possession of
two Palestinian Tnrgums, preserved in their
original forms. The one, which extends from
the first verse of Genesis to the last of Deuter-
onomy, is known under the name of Targum
Jonathan (ben Uzziel) or Pseudo-Jonathan on
the Pentateuch. The other, interpreting single
verses, often single words only, is extant in the
following proportions : a third on Genesis, a
fourth on Deuteronomy, a fifth on Numbers,
three-twentieths on Exodns, and about one-
fourteenth on Leviticus. The latter is gene-
rally called Targum Jenishalmi, or, down to
the II th century (Hai Gaon, Chananel), Tar-
gum Erett Israel, Targum of Jerusalem or of
the land of Israel. Not before the first half of
this century did the fact become fully and in-
contestably established, that both Targums were
in reality one — that both were known down to
the 14th century nnder no other name than
Targum Jenishalmi — and that some forgetful
scribe about that time must have taken the ab-
breviation j"n — ' T. J.' over one of the two
documents, and, instead of dissolving it into
Targum Jenishalmi, dissolved it erroneously
into what he must till then have been engaged
in copying — viz., Targum Jonathan, sc. Ben
Uzziel (on the Prophets). Of the interme-
diate stage, when only a few MSS. had re-
ceived the new designation, a curious fact,
which Azariab de Rossi (Cod. 37 b) mentions,
gives evidence. " I saw," he says, " two com-
plete Targums on the whole Pentateuch, word
for word alike: one in Reggio, which was de-
scribed in the margin, ' Targum of Jonathan b.
Uzziel ; ' the other in Mantua, described at the
margin as 'Targum Jerushalmi.'" Tet the
difficulty of their obvious dissimilarity, if they
were identical, remained to be accounted for.
Znnz tries to solve it by assuming that Pseudo-
Jonathan is the original Targum, and that the
fragmentary Jerushalmi is a collection of vari-
ants to it. Frankel has gone a step farther,
and concludes that Jerushalmi is a collection
of emendations and additions to single portions,
phrases, and words of Onkelos, and Pseudo
Jonathan a further emended and completed
edition to the whole Pentateuch of Jerushalmi
Onkelos. The Jerushalmi, in both its recen-
sions, is written in the Palestinian dialect It
is older than the Masora and the conquest of
Western Asia by the Arabs. Syria or Pales-
tine must be its* birthplace, the second half of
the 7th century its date. Its chief aim and
purpose is, especially in its second edition, to
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form an entertaining compendium of alt the
Halachah and Haggadah, which refers to the
Pentateuch, and takes its stand upon it. And
in this lies its chief use to us. There is hardly
a single allegory, parable, mystic digression, or
tale, in it, which is not found in the other hag-
gadistic writings — Mishna, Talmud, Mechilta,
Sifra, Sifri, &c.
V. Taroums of " Joseph tbb Blind "
on the Hagiographa. — " When Jonathan
ben Uzziel began to paraphrase the Cethubim "
(Hagiographa), we read in the Talmud, " a
mysterious voice was heard, saying. It is
enough. Thou hast revealed the secrets of the
Prophets — why wouldst thou also reveal those
of the Holy Ghost 1 " It would thus appear
that a Targum to these books (Job excepted)
was entirely unknown up to a very late period.
Those Targums on the Hagiographa which we
now possess have been attributed vaguely to
different authors, it being assnmed in the first
instance that they were the work of one man.
Popular belief fastened upon Joseph the Blind.
Yet, if ever he did translate the Hagiographa,
certain it is that those which we possess are not
by his or his disciples' hands — that is, of the
time of the 4th century. Between him and our
hagiographical Targums, many centuries must
have elapsed. Yet we do not even venture to
assign to them more than an approximate
round date, about 1000 a.d. Besides the Tar-
gums to the Pentateuch and the Prophets, those
now extant range over Psalms, Proverbs, Job,
the five Megilloth, i.e. Song of Songs, Ruth,
Lamentations, Esther, Ecclesiastes ; the Chron-
icles and Daniel. Ezra and Nehemiah alone
are left without a Targum at present. — VI.
Targum on the Book op Chbonicles. —
This Targum was unknown up to a very recent
period. In 1 680, it was edited for the first time
from an Erfurt MS. by M. F. Beck; and in 1715
from a more complete as well as correct MS. at
Cambridge, by D. Wilkins. The name of
Hungary occurring in it, and its frequent use
of the Jerusalem- Targum to the Pentateuch,
amounting sometimes to simple copying, show
sufficiently that its author is neither " Jonathan
b. Uzziel " nor " Joseph the Blind," as has
been suggested. But the language, style, and
the Haggadah, with which it abounds, point to
a late period, and point out Palestine as the
place where it was written. Its use must
do limited to philological, historical, and geo-
graphical studies. — VII. The Tarocm to
Daniel. — It is for the first time that this
Targum is here formally introduced into the
regular rank and file of Targums, although it
has been known for now more than five and
twenty years. Munk (bund it, not indeed in
the original Aramaic, but in what appears to
him to be an extract of it written in Persian. —
VIII. There is also a Chaldee translation
extant of the apocryphal pieces of Esther.
Version, Authorized. — I- Wycliffe
(b. 1324; d. 1384). — The N. T. was trans-
lated by Wycliffe himself. The O. T. was un-
dertaken by Nicholas de Hereford, but was in-
terrupted, and ends abruptly (following so far
the order of the Vulgate) in the middle of
Baruch. Many of the MSS. of this version now
extant present a different recension of the text, j
and it is probable that the work of Wycliffe
and Hereford was revised by Richard Purvev,
circ. a.d. 1388. The version was based entirely
upon the Vulgate. The following character-
istics may be noticed as distinguishing this ver-
sion : ( 1 ) The general homeliness of its style.
(2) The substitution, in many cases, of Eng-
lish equivalents for quasi-technical words. (3)
The extreme literalness with which, in some
instances, even at the cost of being unin-
telligible, the Vulgate text is followed, as la
2 Cor. i. 17-19. — H. Ttndal. — The work
of Wycliffe stands by itself. Whatever power
it exercised in preparing the way for the Ref-
ormation of the 16th century, it had no per-
ceptible influence on later translations. With
Tyndal, we enter on a continuous succession.
He is the patriarch, in no remote ancestry, of
the Authorized Version. More than Cranmcr
or Ridley, he it the true hero of the English
Reformation. " Ere many years," he said at
the age of thirty-six (a.d. 1520), he would
cause " a boy that driveth the plough " to know
more of Scripture than the great body of the
clergy then knew. He prepared himself for the
work by long years of labor in Greek and He
brew. In 1525, the whole of the N. T. was
printed in 4to at Cologne, and in small 8vo
at Worms. In England, it was received with
denunciations. Tonstal, Bishop of London,
preaching at Paul's Cross, asserted that there
were at least 2,000 errors in it, and ordered all
copies of it to be bought up and burnt. An
Act of Parliament (35 Henry VIII. cap. 1 ) for-
bade the use of all copies of Tyndal s " false
translation." The treatment which it received
from professed friends was hardly less annoy-
ing. In the mean time, the work went on.
Editions were printed one after another. The
last appeared in 1535, just before his death.
His heroic life was brought to a close in 1 536.
To Tyndal belongs the honor of having given
the first example of a translation based on true
principles ; and the excellence of later versions
has been almost in exact proportion as they
followed his. All the exquisite grace and sim-
plicity which have endeared the A. V. to men
of the most opposite tempers and contrasted
opinions is due mainly to his clear-sighted
truthfulness. — HI. Coverdale. — A com
plete translation of the Bible, different from
Tyndal's, bearing the name of Miles Cover-
dale, printed probably at Zurich, appeared in
1535. The undertaking itself, and the choice
of Coverdale as the translator, were probably
due to Cromwell. Tyndal's controversial
treatises, and the polemical character of his
prefaces and notes, had irritated the leading
ecclesiastics, and imbittered the mind of the
king himself against him. There was no hope
of obtaining the kind's sanction for any thing
that bore his name. But the idea of an Eng-
lish translation began to find favor. Crom-
well, it is probable, thought it better to lose no
further time, and to strike while the iron was
hot. A divine whom he had patronized, though
not, like Tvndal, feeling himself called to that
special work, was willing to undertake it To
him accordingly it was intrusted. The work
which was thus executed was done, as might
be expected, in a very different fashion from
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Tyndal's. Of the two men, one had made this
the great object of his life ; the other, in his own
language, " sought it not, neither desired it,"
but accepted it as a task assigned to him. He
was content to make the translation at second-
hand "out of the Douche (Luther's German
Version) and the Latine." It is not improba-
ble, however, that as time went on he added
to his knowledge. He, at any rate, continued
his work as a painstaking editor. Fresh edi-
tions of his Bible were published, keeping their
ground in spite of rivals in 1537, 1539, 1550,
1553. He was called in at a still later period
to assist in the Geneva Version. — IV. Mat-
thew. — In the year 1537, a large folio Bible
appeared as edited, and dedicated to the king,
by Thomas Matthew. No one of that name
appears at all prominently in the religious his-
tory of Henry VIII., and this suggests the in-
ference that the name was adopted to conceal
the real translator. The tradition which con-
nects this Matthew with John Rogers, the pro-
to-martyr of the Marian persecution, is all but
undisputed. Matthew's Bible reproduces Tyn-
dal's work in the N. T. entirely, in the O. T.
as far as 2 Chr., the rest being taken with occa-
sional modifications from Coverdale. The
printing of the book was begun apparently
abroad, and was carried on as far as the end of
Isaiah. At that point, a new pagination begins,
and the names of the London printers appear.
A copy was ordered, by royal proclamation, to
be set up in every church, the cost being divided
between the clergy and the parishioners. This
was, therefore, the first Authorized Version.
What has been said of Tyndal's version, ap-
plies, of course, to this. There are, however,
signs of a more advanced knowledge of Hebrew.
More noticeable even than in Tyndal is the
boldness and fulness of the exegetical notes
scattered throughout the book. Strong and
earnest in asserting what he looked on as the
central truths of toe gospel, there was in Rog-
ers a Luther-like freedom in other things which
has not appeared again in any authorized trans-
lation or popular commentary. — V. Taver-
neb (1539). — The boldness of the pseudo-
Matthew had frightened *he ecclesiastical world
from its propriety. Coverdale's version was,
however, too inaccurate to keep its ground.
It was necessary to find another editor, and the
printers applied to Richard Taverner. But lit-
tle is known of his life. The fact that, though
a layman, he had been chosen as one of the
canons of the Cardinal's College at Oxford in-
dicates a reputation for scholarship, and this is
confirmed by the character of his translation.
In most respects, this may be described as an
expurgated edition of Matthew's. — VI. Cban-
mer. — In the same year as Taverner's, and
coming from the same press, appeared an Eng-
lish Bible, in a more stately folio, with a preface
containing the initials T. C, which imply the
archbishop's sanction. It was reprinted again
and again, and was the Authorized Version of
the English Church till 1568, the interval of
Mary's reign excepted. From it, accordingly,
were taken most, if not all, the portions of
Scripture in the Prayer-books of 1549 and
1552. Tha Psalms as a whole, the quotations
from Scripture in the Homilies, the sentences
in the Communion Services, and some phrases
elsewhere, still preserve the remembrance of it.
— VH. Geneva. — The exiles who fled to
Geneva in the reign of Mary entered on the
work of translation with more vigor than ever.
The N. T., translated by Whittingham, was
printed in 1557, and the whole Bible in 1560.
Whatever may have been its faults, the Geneva
Bible, commonly called the Breeches Bible,
from its rendering of Gen. iii. 7, was unques-
tionably, for sixty years, the most popular of
all versions. Not less than eighty editions,
some of the whole Bible, were printed between
1558 and 1611. It kept its ground for some
time even against the A. V., and gave way, as
it were, slowly, and under protest. It was the
version specially adopted by the great Puritan
party through the whole reign of Elizabeth,
and far in that of James. As might be ex-
pected, it was based on Tyndal's version. It
was the first English Bible which entirely
omitted the Apocrypha. The notes were char-
acteristically Swiss, not only in their theology,
but in their politics. — VIII. The Bishops'
Bible. — The facts just stated will account for
the wish of Archbishop Parker to bring out
another version which might establish its claims
against that of Geneva. Great preparations
were made. Eight bishops, together with some
deans and professors, brought out the fruit of
their labors in a magnificent folio (1568 and
1572). It was avowedly based on Creamer's ;
I but of all the English versions it had probably
the least success. It did not command the re-
spect of scholars, and its size and cost were far
from meeting the wants of the people. — IX.
Rheimb and Douay. — The English Catholic
refugees who were settled at Rhcims undertook
a new English version. The N. T. was pub-
lished at Rheims in 1 582, and professed to be
based on " the authentic text of the Vulgate."
Notes were added, as strongly dogmatic as
those of the Geneva Bible, and often keenly
controversial. The work of translation was
completed somewhat lRtcr by the publication of
the O. T. at Douay in 1609. — X. Author-
ized Version. — The position of the English
Church in relation to the versions in use at the
commencement of the reign of James was hard-
ly satisfactory. The Bishops' Bible was sanc-
tioned by authority. That of Geneva bad the
strongest hold on the affections of the people.
Scholars, Hebrew scholars in particular, found
grave fault with both. Among the demands
of the Puritan representatives at the Hampton
Court Conference in 1604 was one for a new,
or at least a revised translation. The work
of organizing and superintending the arrange-
ments for a new translation was one specially
congenial to James, and in 1606 the task was
accordingly commenced. It was intrusted to
fifty-four scholars. The following were the in-
structions given to the translators : ( 1 ) The
Bishops' Bible was to he followed, and as little
altered as the original will permit. (2) The
names of prophets and others were to be re-
tained, as nearly as may be, as they are vulgarly
used. (3) The old ecclesiastical words to be
kept. (4) When any word hath divers signifi-
cations, that to be kept which hath been most
commonly used by the most eminent fathers,
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being agreeable to the propriety of the place
and the analogy of faith. (5) lhe division of
the chapters to be altered either not at all, or as
little as possible. (6) No marginal notes to be
affixed bnt only for the explanation of Hebrew
and Greek words. (7) Such quotations of
J daces to be marginally set down as may serve
or tit reference of one Scripture to another.
(8 and 9) State plan of translation. Each
company of translators is to take its own
books ; each person to bring his own correc-
tions. The company to discuss them, and, hav-
ing finished their work, to send it on to another
company, and so on. (10) Provides for differ-
ences of opinion between two companies by re-
ferring them to a general meeting. (11) Gives
power, in cases of difficulty, to consult any
scholars. (12) Invites suggestions from any
quarter. (13) Names the directors of the
work: Andrews, Dean of Westminster; Bar-
low, Dean of Chester j and the Regius Profess-
ors of Hebrew and Greek at both Universities.
(14) Names translations to be followed when
they agree more with the original than the
Bishops' Bible, tc. Tyndal's, Coverdale's, Mat-
thew's, Whitchurch's (Cranmer's), and Geneva.
(15) Authorizes universities to appoint three
or four overseers of the work. For three years
the work went on, the separate companies com-
paring notes as directed. When the work
drew towards its completion, it was necessary
to place it under the care of a select few. Two
from each of the three groups were accordingly
selected, and the six met in London to superin-
tend the publication. The final correction,
and the task of writing the arguments of the
several books, was given to Bilson, Bishop of
Winchester, and Dr. Miles Smith, die latter of
whom also wrote the Dedication and Preface.
The version thus published did not all at once
supersede those already in possession. The
fact that five editions were published in three
years shows that there was a good demand.
But the Bishops' Bible probably remained in
many churches, and the popularity of the
Geneva Version is shown by not less than thir-
teen reprints, in whole or in part, between
1611 and 1617. It is not easy to ascertain
the impression which the A. V. made at the
time of its appearance. Seldcn says it is " the
best of all translations, as giving the true sense
of the original."
Villages. It is evident that chatter, " a
village," lit. an enclosure, a collection of huts,
is often used, especially in the enumeration
of towns in Josh, xiii., xv., xix., to imply
nnwalled suburbs outside the walled towns.
And so it appears to mean when we compare
Lev. xxv. 31 with v. 34. Mignuh, A. V. " sub-
urbs," i'.e. a place thrust out from the city (see
also Gen. xli. 48). Arab villages, as found in
Arabia, are often mere collections of stone huts,
" long, low, rude hovels, roofed only with the
stalks of palm-leaves," or covered for a
Armb Tent (Lajrard). — See •' Tent"
with tent-cloths, which are removed when the
tribe change their quarters. Others are more
solidly built, as are most of the modern villages
of Palestine, though in some the dwellings are
mere mud huts. There is little in the O. T. to
enable us more precisely to define a village of
Palestine, beyond the fact that it was destitute
of walls or external defences. Persian villages
are spoken of in similar terms (Ex. xxxviii. 1 1 ;
Esth. ix. 19). By the Talmudists, a village
was defined as a place destitute of a synagogue.
The places to which in the O. T. the term
ch&txer is applied were mostly in the outskirts
of the city. The relation of dependence oa a
chief town of a district appears to be denoted
by the phrase " villages of Cassarea Philippi "
(Markviii. 27).
Vine. The well-known valuable plant ( H-
tiavinifera), very frequently referred to in the
Old and New Testaments, and cultivated from
the earliest times. The first mention of this
plant occurs in Gen. ix. 20, 31. The Egyp-
tians say that Osiris first taught men the use of
the vine. That it was abundantly cultivated
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in Egypt is evident from the frequent represen-
tations on the monuments, as well as from the
scriptural allusions (Gen. xl. 9-11 ; Ps. lxxviii.
47). The vines of Palestine were celebrated
both for luxuriant growth and fur the immense
clusters of grapes which they produced. When
the spies were sent forth to view the Promised
Land, we are told that, on their arrival at the
Valley of Eshcol, they cut down a branch with
one cluster of grapes, and bare it between two
on a staff (Num. xiii. 23). Travellers have
frequently testified to the large size of the
grape-clusters of Palestine. Scnulz speaks of
supping at Beitshin, a village near Ptolemais,
under a vine whose stem was about a foot and
a half in diameter, and whose height was about
thirty feet, which by its branches formed a hut
upwards of thirty feet broad and long. " The
clusters of these extraordinary vines, be adds,
" are so large, that they weigh ten or twelve
pounds, and the berries may be compared with
our small plums." Especial mention is made
in the Bible of the vines of Eshcol (Num. xiii.
24, xxxii. 9), of Sibmah, Heshbon, and Elea-
leh (Is. xvi. 8, 9, 10; Jer. xlviii. 32), and En-
gcdi (Cant. i. 14). From the abundance and
excellence of the vines, it may readily be un-
derstood how frequently this plant is the sub-
ject of metaphor tn the Holy Scriptures. To
dwell under the vine and fig-tree is an emblem
of domestic happiness and peace (1 K. iv. 25 ;
Mic. iv. 4 ; Ps. exxviii. 3) ; the rebellious peo-
ple of Israel are compared to " wild grapes,"
" an empty vine," " the degenerate plant of a
strange vine," &c. (Is. v. 2, 4, but see Cockle ;
Hos. x. 1 ; jer. ii. 21.) It is a vine which our
Lord selects to show the spiritual union which
subsists between Himself and His members (John
xv. 1-6). The ancient Hebrews probably al-
lowed the vine to grow trailing on the ground,
or upon supports. This latter mode of cultiva-
tion appears to be alluded to by Ezekiel (xix.
11, 12). The vintage (6n/«V), which formerly
was a season of general festivity, commenced
in September. The towns are deserted, and
thu people live among the vineyards in the
lodges and tents ( comp. Judg. ix. 27 ; Jer.
xxv. 30 ; Is. xvi. 10). The grapes were gath-
ered with shouts of joy by the " grape-gather-
ers " (Jer. xxv. 30), and put into baskets (see
Jer. vi. 9). They were then carried on the
head and shoulders, or slung upon a yoke, to
the " wine-press." Those intended for eating
were perhaps put into flat open baskets of
wicker-work, as was the custom in Egypt. In
Palestine, at present, the finest grapes, says Dr.
Robinson, are dried as raisins [ttimmuk), and
the juice of the remainder, after having been
trodden and pressed, "is boiled down to a
sirup, which, under the name of dibs, is much
used by all classes, wherever vineyards are
found, as a condiment with their food." The
vineyard, which was generally on a hill (Is. v.
I ; Jer. xxxi. 5 ; Amos ix. 13), was surrounded
by a wall or hedge in order to keep out the wild
boars (Ps. lxxx. 13), jackals, and foxes (Num.
xxii. 24; Neh. iv. 3; Cant. ii. IS; Ez. xiii. 4,
5 ; Matt xxi. 33). Within the vineyard was
one or more towers of stone, in which the vino-
dressers (cdrfmim) lived (Is. i. 8, v. 2 ; Matt,
xxi. 33). The press {oath) and vaf ludctb),
134
which was dug (Matt. xxi. 33) or hewn out
of the rocky soil, were part of the vineyard
furniture (Is. v. 2).
Vine of Sodom occurs only in Dent,
xxxii. 32. It is generally supposed that this
passage alludes to the celebrated apples of So-
dom, of which Josepbus speaks, "which indeed
resemble edible fruit in color, but, on being
plucked by the hand, are dissolved into smoke
and ashes." Some travellers, as Maundrell,
regard the whole story as a fiction. Pococko
supposed the apples of Sodom to be pomegra-
nates. Hasselquist seeks to identify them with
the egg-shaped fruit of the Solatium nulongena
when attacked by some species of tenthredo,
which converts the whole of the inside into dust,
while the rind remains entire, and keeps its
color. Seetzen thought he had discovered the
apples of Sodom in the fruit of a kind of cotton-
tree which grew in the Plain of El-Ghor, and
was known by the name of Adschar. Dr. Rob-
inson instantly pronounced in favor of the
'osher- fruit being the apples of Sodom. He
identifies it with the Asclepias ( Calotropis) pro-
cera of botanists. Mr. Walter Elliot, in an
article "on the Poma Sodomitica, or Dead-Sea
apples," endeavors to show that the apples in
question are oak-galls, which he found growing
plentifully on dwarf oaks {Quercus inffctoria)
in the country beyond the Jordan. Dr. Hooker
writes, " The Vine of Sodom I always thought
might refer to Cucumis coltxgnihit, which is
bitter and powdery inside : the term vine would
scarcely be given to any but a trailing or other
plant of the habit of a vine." His remark, that
the term vine must refer to gome plant of the
habit of a vine, is conclusive against the claims
of all the plants hitherto identified with the
Vine of Sodom.
Vinegar. The Hebrew term chomtis was
applied to a beverage consisting generally of
wine or strong drink turned sour, but some-
times artificially made by an admixture of bar-
ley and wine, and thus liable to fermentation.
It was acid even to a proverb (Prov. x. 26),
and by itself formed a nauseous draught (Ps.
lxix. 21), but was used by laborers (Ruth ii.
14). Similar to the chdmets of the Hebrews
was the acetum of the Romans — a thin, sour
wine, consumed by soldiers. This was the
beverage of which the Saviour partook in His
dying moments (Matt, xxvii. 48; Mark xv. 36;
John xix. 29, 30).
ViOl. [PSALTBBT.1
Viper. [Serpbnt.]
Voph'Si, father of Nahbi, the Naphtalite
spy (Num. xiii. 14).
VOWb. The practice of making vows is of
extremely ancient date, and common in all
systems of religion. The earliest mention of a
vow is that of Jacob (Gen. xxviii. 18-22, xxxi.
13). Vows in general are also mentioned in
the Book of Job (xxii. 27). The Law there-
fore did not introduce, but regulated, the prac-
tice of vows. Three sorts are mentioned : —
I. Vows of devotion, Neder ; H. Vows of ab-
stinence, Emr or Isar ; III. Vows of destruc-
tion, Chertm. I. As to vows of devotion, the
following rules are laid down : — A man might
devote to sacred uses possessions or persons,
but not the first-born either of man or beast,
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which was devoted already (Lev. xxvii. 26).
a. If he vowed land, he might either redeem it
or not If he intended to redeem, two points
were to be considered : 1. The rate of redemp-
tion (Lev. xxvii.) ; 2. The distance, prospec-
tively and retrospectively, from the Tear of
Jubilee. The purchaser of land, in case he de-
voted and also wished to redeem it, was required
to pay a redemption-price according to the
Sriestly valuation, but without the additional
fth. The owner who wished to redeem would
thus be required to pay either an annual rent
or a redemption-price answering to the number
of years short of the jubilee, but deducting sab-
batical years (Lev. xxv. 3, 15, 16), and adding
a fifth, or 20 per cent, in either case. If he re-
fused, or was unable to redeem, either the next
of kin came forward, as he had liberty to do,
or, if no redemption was effected, the land be-
came the property of the priests (Lev. xxv. 25,
xxvii. 21 ; Ruth Hi. 12, iv. 1, &c.). In the
case of a house devoted, its value was to be
assessed by the priest, and a fifth added to the
redemption-price in case it was redeemed (Lev.
xxvii. 15). 6. Animals fit for sacrifice, if de-
voted, were not to be redeemed or changed ;
and if a man attempted to do so, he was required
to bring both the devotee and the changeling
(Lev. xxvii. 9, 10,33). c. The case of persons
devoted stood thus: — A man might devote
either himself, his child (not the first-born), or
his slave. If no redemption took place, the de-
voted person became a slave of the sanctuary :
see the case of Absalom (2 Sam. xv. 8). Other-
wise he might be redeemed at a valuation ac-
cording to age and sex, on the scale given in
Lev. xxvii. 1-7. Among general regulations
affecting vows, the following may be mentioned :
— I . Vows were entirely voluntary, but once
made were regarded as compulsory (Num. xxx.
2; Deut. xxiii. 21 ; Eccl. v. 4). 2. If persons
m a dependent condition made vows, as (a) an
unmarried daughter living in her father's house,
or (4) a wife, even if she afterwards became a wid-
ow, the vow, if (a) in the first case her father,
or (6) in the second her husband, heard and
disallowed it, was void ; but, if they heard with-
out disallowance, it was to remain good (Num.
xxx. 3-16). 3. Votive-offerings arising from
the produce of any impure traffic were whollv
forbidden (Deut. xxiii. 18). — II., III. For
vows of abstinence, see Corbak ; and for vows
of extermination, Anathema, and Ezr. x. 8,
Mic. iv. 13. It seems that the practice of shav-
ing the head at the expiration of a votive period
was not limited to the Nazaritic vow (Acts
xviii. 18, xxi. 24). The practice of vows in
the Christian Church, though evidently not
forbidden, as the instance just quoted serves to
show, does not come within the scope of the
present article ^see Bingham, Anliq. xvi. 7, 9 ;
and Suiccr, eixv)-
Vulgate, the, the Latin version of the
Bible. The name is equivalent to Vulgata editio
(the current text of Holy Scripture). The
history of the earliest Latin version of the
Bible is lost in obscurity. All that can be
affirmed with certainty is, that it was made in
Africa in the 2d century. During the first
two centuries, the churches of Rome and Gaul
were essentially Greek ; but the church of N.
Africa seems to have been Latin-speaking froaj
the first. This version was known by the name
of the Old Latin ( Vetus Latina), and the lan-
guage was rude and provincial. It continued
to be used in Africa in its original form ; but in
the 4th century an ecclesiastical recension ap-
pears to have been made in Northern ltalv,
which was distinguished by the name of hata.
At the close of the 4th century, the Latin texts
of the Bible current in the Western Church had
fallen into the greatest corruption. In a.d.
383, Jerome, at the request of Damasus, tbe
Pope, undertook a revision of tbe current Latin
version of the N. T. by the help of the Greek
original. He next proceeded to revise tbe
0. T. from the Septuagint. He commenced
his task by a revision of the Psalter. This
revision, which was not very complete or care-
ful, obtained the name of tbe Roman Psalter,
probably because it was made for tbe use of tbe
Roman Church at the request of Damasus.
Shortly afterwards, at the urgent request of
Paula and Eustochium, Jerome commenced a
new and more thorough revision. This new
edition soon obtained a wide popularity. Greg-
ory of Tours is said to have introduced it
from Rome into the public services in France,
and from this it obtained the name of the Gal-
ilean Psalter. From the second (Gallkan)
revision of the Psalms, Jerome appears to
have proceeded to a revision of the other
books of tbe O. T , restoring all, by the help
of the Greek, to a general conformity with the
Hebrew. The revised texts of the Psalter and
Job have alone been preserved ; but there is no
reason to doubt that Jerome carried out his
design of revising all the " Canonical Scrip-
tures." Subsequently, Jerome nndertook a
still more important work, namely, the trans-
lation of the O. T. from the Hebrew. He com-
menced the study of Hebrew when be was
already advanced in middle life (about a.d.
374). His first teacher had been a Jewish
convert ; bnt afterwards he did not scruple to
seek the instruction of Jews, whose services he
secured with great difficulty and expense. Af-
ter retiring to Bethlehem, he appears to have
devoted himself, with renewed ardor, to tbe
study of Hebrew ; and he published several
works on the subject (about a.d. 389). These
essays served as a prelude to his new version,
which he now commenced. This version was
not undertaken with any ecclesiastical sanction,
as the revision of the Gospels was, bnt at the
urgent request of private friends, or from his
own sense of the imperious necessity of the
work. Its history is told in the main in the
prefaces to the several instalments which were
successively published. The Books of Samuel
and Kings were issued first, and to these he pre-
fixed the famous Prologvs galeatu* addressed to
Paula and Eustochium, in which he gives an
account of the Hebrew Canon (about a.d. 391,
392). The other books followed in succession,
and the whole work was completed in a.d. 404.
The critical labors of Jerome were received
with a loud outcry of reproach. He was ac-
cused of disturbing the repose of the Church,
and shaking the foundations of faith. But
clamor based upon ignorance soon dies away ;
and the new translation gradually came into
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987
WAR
■9e equally with the old, and at length sup-
Jlanted it. In the 6th century, the use of
erome's version was universal among scholars,
except in Africa, where the other stiff lingered.
In the 7th century, the traces of the old ver-
sion grow rare. In the 8th century, Bedc
speaks of Jerome's version as "our edition ;"
and from this time it is needless to trace its
history, though the Old Latin was not wholly
forgotten. Yet, throughout, the new version
made its way without any direct ecclesiastical
authority. It was adopted in the different
churches gradually, or at least without any
formal command. But the Latin Bible which
thus passed gradually into use under the name
of Jerome was a strangely composite work.
The books of the O. T., with one exception,
were certainly taken from his version from the
Hebrew ; but this had not only been variously
corrupted, but was itself, in many particulars
(especially in the Pentateuch), at variance with
his later judgment. Long use, however, made
it impossible to substitute his Psalter from the
Hebrew for the Gallican Psalter ; and thus this
book was retained from the old version, as
Jerome had corrected it from the LXX. Of
the Apocryphal books, Jerome hastily revised
or translated two only, — Judith and Tobit.
The remainder were retained from the old
version, against his judgment ; and the Apoc-
ryphal additions to Daniel and Esther, which
he had carefully marked as Apocryphal in his
own version, were treated as integral parts of
the books. In the N. T., the text of the Gos-
pels was, in the main, Jerome's revised edition ;
that of the remaining books, his very incom-
plete revision of the Old Latin. Meanwhile
the text of the different parts of the Latin
Bible was rapidly deteriorating. The simul-
taneous nse of the old and new versions ne-
cessarily led to great corruptions of both texts.
Mixed texts were formed according to the taste
or judgment of scribes, and the confusion was
further increased by the changes which were
sometimes introduced by those who had some
knowledge of Greek. In the 8th century, the
corruption had arrived at such a height, that
Charlemagne intrusted to Alcuin (about ad.
802) the task of revising the Latin text for
public use. Alcuin's revision probably con-
tributed much towards preserving a good
Vulgate text. It was subsequently revised
by many eminent scholars, both before and
after the invention of printing ; but when the
Council of Trent declared the Vulgate to be
the authoritative text of Scripture, the want of
a standard text became more urgent than ever.
At length an edition was published in 1590,
nnder the superintendence of the Pope, Sixtus
V., with the famous constitution prefixed, in
which Sixtus affirmed the plenary authority of
the edition for all future time. It was, however,
soon found that this edition also was defective ;
and accordingly another edition was prepared
nnder papal authority. It appeared in 1592, in
the pontificate of Clement Vin., with a pref-
ace written by Bellarmin. The vast power
which the Vulgate has had in determining the
theological terms of Western Christendom
can hardly be overrated. Bv far the greater
part «f the current doctrinal terminology is
based on the Vulgate. Predestination, justifica-
tion, supererogation (supercrogo) , sanctifieation, sal-
vation, mediator, regeneration, revelation, visitation
(met.), propitiation, first appear in the Old
Vulgate. Grace, redemption, election, reconcilia-
tion, satis/action, inspiration, scripture, were de-
voted there to a new and holy use. Sacrament
and communion are from the same source ; and
though baptism is Greek, it comes to us from
the Latin. It would be easy to extend the list
by the addition of orders, penance, congregation,
priest. But it can be seen, from the forms
already brought forward, that the Vulgate has
left its mark both upon our language and upon
onr thoughts. It was the version which alone
they knew who handed down to the Reformers
the rich stores of mediaeval wisdom ; the version
with which the greatest of the Reformers were
most familiar, and from which they had drawn
their earliest knowledge of divine truth.
Vulture. The rendering in the A. V. of
the Heb. daah, dayyah, and also in Job xxviii.
7, of ayaah. There seems no donbt but that
the A. V. translation is incorrect, and that the
original words refer to some of the smaller
species of raptorial birds, as kites or buzzards.
[Kite.] But the Hebrew word nesher, invaria
fcly rendered " eagle " in the A. V., is probably
the vulture. [Eaole.]
w.
Wages. The earliest mention of wages is
of a recompense, not in money, but in kind, to
Jacob from Laban (Gen. xxix. 15, 20, xxx. 28,
xxxi. 7, 8, 41 ). In Egypt, money-payments
by way of wages were in use ; but the terms
cannot now be ascertained (Ex. ii. 9). The
only mention of the rate of wages in Scripture
is found in the parable of the householder and
the vineyard (Matt. xx. 2), where the laborer's
wages are set at one denarius per day, probably
= 7$d. The law was very strict in requiring
daily payment of wages (Lev. xix. 13 ; Dcat.
xxiv. 14, 15). The employer who refused to
give his laborers sufficient victuals is censured
(Job xxiv. 1 1 ), and the iniquity of withholding
wages is denounced (Jer. xxii. 13 ; Mai. iii. 5 ;
James v. 4).
Wagon. [Cart and Chariot. I .
Walls. Only a few points need be noticed.
I. The practice common in Palestine of carry-
ing foundations down to the solid rock, as m
the case of the Temple, with structures intend-
ed to be permanent (Luke vi. 48). 2. A feature
of some parts of Solomon's buildings, as de-
scribed by Josephus, corresponds remarkably
to the method adapted at Nineveh of incrusting
or veneering a wall of brick or stone with slabs
of a more costly material, as marble or alabaster.
3. Another use of walls in Palestine is to sup-
port mountain-roads or terraces formed on the
sides of hills for purposes of cultivation. 4.
The "path of the vineyards " (Num. xxii. 24)
is a pathway through vineyards, with walls on
each side.
Wandering in the Wilderness.
[Wilderness of Wandering.]
War. Before entering on a war of aggrea-
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sion, the Hebrews sought for the divine sanction
by consulting either the Urim and Thommin
(Judg. i. 1, xx. 2, 27,28 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 37, xxiii.
2, xxviii. 6, xxx. 8), or some acknowledged
prophet (1 K. xxii. 6; 2Chr. xviii. 5). Divine
aid was further sought in actual warfare by
bringing into the field the Ark of the Covenant,
which was the symbol of Jehovah Himself (1
Sam. iv. 4-18, xiv. 18). Formal proclamations
of war were not interchanged between the bel-
ligerents. Before entering the enemy's district,
spies were sent to ascertain the character of the
country, and the preparations of its inhabitants
for resistance (Num. xiii. 17 ; Josh. ii. 1 ; Judg.
vii. 10; 1 Sam. xxvi. 4). When an engage-
ment was imminent, a sacrifice was offered
(1 Sam. vii. 9, xiii. 9), and an inspiriting
address delivered cither by the commander (2
Chr. xx. 20) or by a priest (Deut. xx. 2). Then
followed the battle-oignal ( 1 Sam. xvii. 52 ; Is.
xiii. 13 ; Jer. 1. 42 ; Ez. xxi. 22 ; Am. i. 14).
The combat assumed the form of a number of
hand-to-hand contests. Hence the high value
attached to fleetness of foot and strength of
arm (2 Sam. i. 23, ii. 18; 1 Chr. xii. 8). At
the same time, various strategic devices
were practised, such as the ambuscade (Josh,
viii. 2, 12 ; Judg. xx. 36), surprise (Judg. vii.
16), or circumvention (2 Sam. v. 23). Another
mode of settling the dispute was by the selection
of champions (1 Sam. xvii. ; 2 Sam. ii. 14),
who were spurred on to exertion by the offer
of high reward (1 Sam. xvii. 25, xviii. 25;
2 S.ira. xviii. 11 ; 1 Chr. xi. 6). The contest
having been decided, the conquerors were re-
called from the pursuit by the sound of a trum-
pet (2 Sam. ii. 28, xviii. 16, xx. 22). The
siege of a town or fortress was conducted in
the following manner : A line of circumvalla-
tion was drawn round the place ( Ez. iv. 2 ;
Mic. v. 1 ), constructed out of the trees found in
the neighborhood (Deut. xx. 20), together with
earth and any other materials at hand. This
line not only cut off the besieged from the
surrounding country, but also served as a base
of operations for the besiegers. The next step
was to throw out from this line one or more
mounds or "banks" in the direction of the
city (2 Sam. xx. 15; 2 K. xix. 32; Is. xxxvii.
33), which were gradually increased in height
until they were about half as high as the city
wall. On this mound or bank, towers were
erected (2 K. xxv. I ; Jer. Hi. 4 ; Ez. iv. 2, xvii.
17, xxi. 22, xxvi. 8), whence the slingers and
archers might attack with effect. Battering-
rams (Ez. iv. 2, xxi. 22) were brought up to
the walls by means of the bank, and scaling-
ladders might also be placed on it. The treat-
ment of the conquered was extremely severe in
ancient times. The bodies of the soldiers lulled
in action were plundered ( 1 Sam. xxxi. 8 ; 2
Mace. viii. 27) : the survivors were either killed
in some savage manner (Judg. ix. 45 ; 2 Sam.
xii. 31 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 12), mutilated (Judg. i. 6 ;
1 Sam. xi. 2), or carried into captivity (Num.
xxxi. 26; Deut. xx. 14). Sometimes the bnlk
of the population of the conquered country was
removed to a distant locality. The Mosaic law
mitigated, to a certain extent, the severity of
the ancient usages towards the conquered. The
conquerors celebrated their success by the
erection of monumental stones (1 Sam vii 12;
2 Sam. viii. 13), by hanging up trophies in
their public buildings (1 Sam. xxi. 9, xxxi
10; 2 K. xi. 10), and by triumphal songs and
dances, in which the whole population took
part (Ex. xv. 1-21 ; Judg. v. ; 1 Sam. xviii. 6-
8 ; 2 Sam. xxii. ; Jud. xvi. 2-1 7 ; 1 Mace iv.
Washing the Hands and Feet
As knives and forks were dispensed with in
eating, it was absolutely necessary that the
hand, which was thrust into the common dish,
should be scrupulously clean ; and again, as
sandals were ineffectual against the dust and
heat of an Eastern climate, washing the feet on
entering a house was an act both of respect to
the company and of refreshment to the traveller.
The former of these usages was transformed by
the Pharisees of the New Testament age into a
matter of ritual observance (Mark vii. 3), and
special rules were laid down as to the times and
manner of its performance. Washing the feet
did not rise to the dignity of a ritual observ-
ance, except in connection with the services of
the sanctuary (Ex. xxx. 19, 211. It held a
high place, however, among the rites of hospi-
tality. Immediately that a guest presented
himself at the tent-door, it was usual to offer
the necessary materials for washing the feet
(Gen. xviii. 4, xix. 2, xxiv. 32, xliii. 24; Jndg.
xix. 21). It was a yet more complimentary
act, betokening equally humility ana affection,
if the host actually performed the office for his
guest (1 Sam. xxv. 41 ; Luke vii. 38,44 ; John
xiii. 5-14; 1 Tim. v. 10). Such a token of
hospitality is still occasionally exhibited in the
East.
Watches of Night. The Jews, like the
Greeks and Romans, divided the night into
military watches instead of hours, each watch
representing the period for which sentinels or
pickets remained on duty. The proper Jewish
reckoning recognized only three snen watches,
entitled the first or " beginning of the watches "
(Lam. ii. 19), the middle watch (Judg. vii. 19),
and the morning watch (Ex. xiv. 24 ; 1 Sam.
xi. 11). These would last respectively from
sunset to 10, p.m.; from 10, p.m., to 2, a.m. ; and
from 2, A. M., to sunrise. Subsequently to the
establishment of the Roman supremacy, the
number of watches was increased to four, which
were described either according to their nu-
merical order, as in the case of the " fourth
watch " (Matt xiv. 25), or bv the terms " even,
midnight, cock-crowing, and morning " (Mark
xiii. 35). These terminated respectively at 9,
p. M., midnight, 3, a. m., and 6, A. M.
Water of Jealousy (Num. v. n-3i).
The ritual prescribed consisted in the husband's
bringing the woman before the priest ; and the
essential part of it is unquestionably the oath,
to which the " water " was subsidiary, symbol-
ical, and ministerial. With her he was to bring
the tenth part of an ephah of barley-meal as an
offering. In the first instance, the priest " set
her before the Lord," with the offering in her
hand. As she stood holding the offering, so
the priest stood holding an earthen vessel of
holy water mixed with the dust from the floor
of the sanctuary, and, declaring her free from
all evil consequences if innocent, solemnly de-
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WEAVING
voted her, in the name of Jehovah, to be " a
curse and an oath among her people " if guilty ;
further describing the exact consequences as-
cribed to the operation of the water in the
" members " which she had " yielded as ser-
vants to uncleanncss " (ver. 21, 22, 27; comp.
Rom. vi. 19). He then " wrote these curses in
a book, and blotted them out with the bitter
water," and, having thrown the handful of meal
on the altar, " caused the woman to drink " the
potion thus drugged, she, moreover, answering
to the words of his imprecation, "Amen,
Amen." Josephus adds, if the suspicion was
unfounded, she obtained conception ; if true,
she died infamously.
Water of Separation. [Purifica-
tion.]
Wave-Offering. This rite, together with
that of " heaving " or " raising " the offering,
was an inseparable accompaniment of peace-
offerings. In such, the right shoulder, consid-
ered the choicest part of the victim, was to be
" heaved," and viewed as holy to the Lord,
only eaten therefore by the priest ; the breast
was to be " waved," and eaten by the worship-
per. On the second day of the Passover, a
sheaf of corn, in the green ear, was to be waved,
accompanied by the sacrifice of an unblemished
lamb of the first year, from the performance of
which ceremony the days till Pentecost were
to be counted. When that feast arrived, two
loaves, the first-fruits of the ripe corn, were to
be offered with a burnt-offering, a sin-offering,
and two lambs of the first year for a peace-offer-
ing. These likewise were to be waved. The
scriptural notices of these rites are to be found
in Ex. xxix. 24, 28 ; Lev. vii. 30, 34, viii. 27, ix.
21, x. 14, 15, xxiii. 10, 15, 20; Num. vi. 20, xviii.
11, 18, 26-29, &c. It seems not quite certain,
from Ex. xxix. 26,27, whether the waving was
performed by the priest, or by the worshipper,
with the former's assistance. The rabbinical
tradition represents it as done by the worship-
per, the priest supporting his hands from below.
In conjecturing^ the meaning of this rite, regard
must be had, in the first instance, to die kind
of sacrifice to which it belonged. It was the
accompaniment of peace-offerings. These not
only, like the other sacrifices, acknowledged
God's greatness and His right over the crea-
ture, bnt they witnessed to a ratified covenant,
an established communion '-ctween God and
man. The rabbis explain the heaving of the
shoulder as an acknowledgment that God has
His throne in the heaven ; the waving of the
breast, that He is present in every quarter of "J>e
earth.
Way. This word has now, in ordinary par-
lance, so entirely forsaken its original sense, and
is so uniformly employed in the secondary or
metaphorical sense of a " custom " or " man-
ner, that it is difficult to remember that in the
Bible it most frequently signifies an actual road
or track. Our translators have employed it as
the equivalent of no less than eighteen distinct
Hebrew terms. But the term which most fre-
quently occurs, and in the majority of cases sig-
nifies an actual road, is derec, connected with
the German treten and the English " tread."
It may be truly said that there is hardly a
single passage in which this word occurs
which would not be made clearer and more real
if " road to " were substituted for " way of."
There is one use of both dene and Moc which
must not be passed over, viz. in the sense of a
religious course. In the Old Test., this occurs
but rarely, perhaps twice ; namely in Amos viii.
1 4, and Ps. exxxix. 24. But in the Acts of the
Apostles, Mof , " the way," " the road," is the
received, almost technical, term for the new
religion which Paul first resisted and after-
wards supported.
Weapons. [Arms.]
Weasel (chSUd) occurs only in Lev. xi. 29,
in the list of unclean animals. According to
the old versions and the Talmud, the Hcb.
chdled denotes *' a weasel ; " but, if the word is
identical with the Arabic chuld and the Syriac
chuldo, there is no doubt that " a mole " is the
animal indicated. Moles are common enough
in Palestine. It is not improbable that both
the Talpa Europaa and the T. coca, the blind
mole of which Aristotle speaks, occur there,
though we have no definite information on this
point.
Weaving. The art of weaving appears to-
be coeval with the first dawning of civilization.
In what country, or by whom, it was invented,
we know not ; but we find it practised with
great skill by tile Egyptians at a very early pe-
riod. The " ventures of fine linen " such as
Joseph wore (Gen. xli. 42) were the product of
Egyptian looms ; and their quality, as attested
by existing specimens, is pronounced to be not
inferior to the finest cambric of modern times.
The Israelites were probably acquainted with
the process before their sojourn in Egypt; but
it was undoubtedly there that they attained the
proficiency which enabled them tj execute the
hangings of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxxv. 35 ; 1
Chr. iv. 21 ) and other artistic textures. At a
later period, the Egyptians weie still famed for
their manufactures of " fine " (t'.e, hackled) flax
and oichSrt, rendered in the A. V. " networks,"
but more probably a white material either of
linen or cotton (Is. xix. 9 ; Ez. xxvii. 7). The
character of the loom, and the process of weav
ing, can only be inferred from incidental notices;.
The Egyptian loom was usually upright, and
the weaver stood at his work. The cloth
was fixed, sometimes at the top, sometimes at
the bottom. The modern Arabs use a pro-
cumbent loom, raised above the ground by snort
legs. The Bible docs not notice the loom itself,
but speaks of the beam to which the warp was
attached (1 Sam. xvii. 7; 2 Sam. xxi. 19);
and of the pin to which the cloth was fixed,
and on which it was rolled (Judg. xvi. 14).
We have also notice of the shuttle, which is
described by a term significant of the act of
weaving (Job vii. 6) ; the thrum or threads
which attached the web to the beam (Is.
xxxviii. 12, tmrgin) ; and the web itself (Judg.
xvi. 14; A. V. "beam"). Whether the two
terms in Lev. xiii. 48, rendered " warp " and
" woof," really mean these, admits of doubt.
The textures produced by the Jewish weavers
were very various. The coarser kinds, such as
tent-cloth, sackcloth, and the " hairy garments "
of the poor, were made of goat's or camel's hair
I Ex. xxvi. 7 ; Matt. iii. 4). Wool was exten-
sively used for ordinary clothing (Lev. xiii. 47 ••
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Proy. xxvii. 26, xxxi. 13; Ez. xxvii. 18);
while, for finer work, flax was used, varying in
Suality, and producing the different textures
escribed in the Bible as " linen " and " fine
linen." The mixture of wool and flax in
cloth intended for a garment was interdicted
(Lev. xix. 19; Dent. xxii. II).
Wedding. [Mabbiaob.]
Week. There can be no doubt about the
great antiquity of measuring time by a period
of seven days (Gen. viii. 10, xxix. 27). The
origin of this division of time is a matter which
has given birth to much speculation. Its an-
tiquity is so great, its observance so wide-spread,
and it occupies so important a place in sacred
things, that it must probably be thrown back as
far as the creation of man. The week and the
sabbath are thus as old as man himself. In
Exodus, the week comes into very distinct
manifestation. Two of the great feasts — the
Passover and the Feast of Tabernacles — are
prolonged for seven days after that of their
initiation (Ex. xii. 15-20, a>c). The division
by seven was expanded so as to make the
seventh month and the seventh year sabbatical.
In the N. T., we of course find such clear recog-
nition of and familiarity with the week as needs
scarcely be dwelt on. The Christian Church,
from the very first, was familiar with the week.
St Paul's language (1 Cor. xvi. 2) shows tbia.
We cannot conclude from it that such a division
of time was observed by the inhabitants of
Corinth generally ; for they to whom be was
writing, though doubtless the majority of them
were Gentiles, yet knew the Lord's 'day, and
most probably the Jewish sabbath. But though
we can infer no more than this from the place
in question, it is clear that, if not by this time
yet very soon after, the whole Roman world
had adopted the hebdomadal division.
Weeks. Feast of. [PentbcostJ
Weights and Measures. A. Weights
— The chief unit was the shekkl (i.e. weighty
called also the Holy Shekel, or Shekel of the
Sanctuary; subdivided into the Beta (i.e. half)
or half-shekel, and the Gerah (i.e. a grain or
bean). The chief multiple, or higher unit, was
the Kikkar (i.e. circle or globe, probably for an
aggregate sum), translated in our version, after
the LXX., talent ; subdivided into the Marteh
(i.e. part, portion, or number), a word used in
Babylonian, and in the Greek pva or Alma.
1. The relations of these weights, as usually
employed for the standard of weighing nicer, ana
their absolute values, determined from the ex-
tant silver coins, and confirmed from other
sources, were as follows, in grains exactly, and
in avoirdupois weight approximately:—
BlLVEB WBIOBTS.
Grains.
Lb..
Ox.
Correction.
11
lit
SM
U.200
•00,000
t
Mt
i
i
4- -06 gr. nearly.
+ <«T.
+ liter-
— 2 os. nearly.
— 8 lb. nearly.
~~n
Beka
20
2
J.O00 80 j Talent (Kikkar) .
1.200
•0.000
120
6,000
2. For gold, a different shekel was used,
probably of foreign introduction. Its value
has been calculated at from 129 to 132 grains.
The former value assimilates it to the Persian
Doric of the Babylonian standard ■ The talent
of this system was just double that of the silver
standard : it was divided into 100 mantis, and
each maneh into 100 shekels, as follows:—
Gold Weights.
Grains.
Lbs.
Oi.
Correction.
1»
11,200
1,320,000
*
200
1
+ 18gr.
— 2 oa. nearly.
— 12 lb. nearly.
10,000 100 1 Talent (Kikkar) .
3. There appears to have been a third stand-
ard for copper; namely, a shekel four times ns
heavy as the gold shekel (or 528 grains), 1,500
of which made up the copper talent of 792,000
grains. It seems to have been subdivided, in
the coinngv, into halves (of 264 grains), quar-
ters (of 132 grains), and sixths (of 88 grains).
B. Measures. — I. Measures of Length.
— In the Hebrew, as in every other system,
tlicse measures are of two classes, — length, in the
ordinary sense, for objects whose size we wish
to determine ; and distance, or itinerant meas-
ures : and the two are connected !>y some defi-
nite relation, more or less simple, between their
units. I. The measures of the former class
hav». been universally derived in the first in-
stance, from the parts of the human body; but
it is remarkable that, in the Hebrew system, the
only part used for this purpose is the hand aid
fonwrm, to the exclusion of the foot, which
was the chief nnit of the Western nations.
Hence arises the difficulty of determining the
ratio of the foot to the cubit, 1 which appears
as the chief Oriental unit from the very buifdinj;
of Noah's ark (Gen. vi. 15, 16, vii. 20). Tho
Hebrew lesser measures were ibejinger's-bnmdrh
(Jer. Hi. 21 only); the palm or hand-breadth
(Ex. xxv. 25; IK. vii. 26; 2 Chr. iv. 5, used
1 The Hebrew word for the cnblt (imijimia) appear*
to hare been of Kfryptlan ovinia, aa some of the
measures of capacity (the Ma and epkak) were
certainly.
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WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 991 WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
metaphorically in Ps. xxxix. 5) ; the span, i.e.
the fall stretch between the tips of the thumb
and the little finger (Ex. xxviii. 16; 1 Sam.
xvii. 4 ; Ex. xliii. 13, and figuratively Is. xl.
12). The data for determining the actual
length of the Mosaic cubit involve peculiar
difficulties; and absolute certainty seems un-
attainable. The following, however, seem the
roost probable conclusions: — firm, that three
cubits were used in the times or the Hebrew
monarchy ; namely : — ( 1 ) The cubit of a man
(Deut. iii. 11), or the common cubit of Canaan
(in contradistinction to the Mosaic cubit) of
the Chaldasan standard : (2) The old Mosaic or
legal cubit, a handbreadth larger than the first,
and agreeing with the smaller Egyptian cubit :
(3) The new cubit, which was still larger, and
agreed with the larger Egyptian cubit, of about
20-6 inches, used in tho Kilometer : — and,
secondly, that the ordinary cubit of the Bible
did not come up to the full length of the cubit
of other countries. The reed (kaneh) for meas-
uring buildings (like the Roman decempeda)
was equal to 6 cubits. It only occurs in Eze-
kiel (xl. 5-8, xli. 8, xlii. 16-19). The values
given in the following table are to be accepted
with reservation, for want of greater certain-
ty:—
Himw Uiuutu stt Lmstb.
Inches.
Approximate.
Feet
Inches.
Digit
-TOM
*-rna
5-5257
190615
114-8090
1
9
'A
•i
7
6
4
Palm
12
1
Span
24
144
«
»
Coin
M
12
<
BMd ....
2. Of Measures of Distance, the smallest is the
pact, and the largest the day's journey, (a) The
pace (2 Sam. vi. 13), whether it be single, like
our pace, or double, like the Latin passus, is de-
fined by nature within certain limits ; its usual
length being about 30 inches for the former, and
5 feet for the latter. There is some reason to
suppose that, even before the Roman measure-
ment of the roads of Palestine, the Jews had a
mile of 1,000 paces, alluded to m Matt. v. 41.
It is said to have been single oi double, accord-
ing to the length of the pace ; and hence the
peculiar force of our Lord's saying, — " Who-
soever shall press thee as a courier for one mile,
go with him twain," — put the most liberal
construction on the demand. (6) The Day's
Journey was the most usual method of calculat-
ing distances in travelling (Gen. xxx. 36, xxxi.
23; Ex. iii. 18, v. 3; Num. x. 33, xi. 31,
xxxiii. 8 ; Deut. i. 2 ; 1 K. xix. 4 ; 2 K. iii.
9 ; Jon. iii. 3 ; 1 Mace. v. 24, 28, vii. 45 ; Tob.
vi. 1 1, though but one instance of it occurs in
the New Testament (Luke ii. 44). The ordi-
nary day's journey among the Jews was thirty
miles ; but when they travelled in companies,
only ten miles. Neapolis formed the first stage
oat of Jerusalem, according to the former, and
Beeroth according to the latter computation.
(c) The Sabbath-day's Journey of 2,000 cubits
(Acts i. 12) is peculiar to the N. T., and arose
from a rabbinical restriction. It was founded
on a universal application of the prohibition
given by Moses for a special occasion, — " Let
no man go out of hi* place on the seventh day"
(Ex. xvi. 29). An exception was allowed for
the purpose of worshipping at the Taberna-
cle; and as 2,000 cubits was the prescribed
space to be kept between the Ark ana the peo-
ple, as well as the extent of the suburbs of the
Levitical cities on every side (Num. xxxv. 5),
this was taken for the length of a sabbath-day s
journey, measured from the wall of the city 'in
which the traveller lived. Computed from the
value given above for the cubit, the sabbath-
day's journey would be just six-tenths of a mile.
[d) After the Captivity, the relations of the
jews to the Persians, Greeks, and Romans,
caused the use, probably of the parasanq, and
certainly of the stadium and the mile. Though
the first is not mentioned in the Bible, it
Valoes of Greek and Roman Foot. — See page 992.
Mile*.
Feet
Inches.
-9191
3) nearly.
1
4
«
609
= 4834
11'6499
0195
10-348
0-91
9
>iV
9
«
•J
11
Greek Fathom ('npf-vta) ....
(29
600
125
100
Furlong (irraoW) ■ • • .
8 Roman Mile ....
90 31 j Perelan Paraung
5.000
4.800 I 1.000
800
3,000
18,750
18,000 j 3,750
1
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WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 992
WELL
is well to exhibit the ratios of the three.
The universal Greek standard, the stadium of
600 Greek feet, which was the length of the
race-course at Olyinpia, occurs first iu the Mac-
cabees, and is common in the N. T. Our ver-
sion renders it furlong; it being, in fact, the 8th
part of the Roman mile, as the furlong is of
ours (2 Mace. xi. 5, xii. 9, 17, 29 ; Luke xxiv.
13 ; John vi. 19, xi. 18 ; Rev. xiv. 20, xxi. 16).
One measure remains to be mentioned. The
fathom, used in sounding by the Alexandrian
mariners in St. Paul's voyage, is the Greek
ipyvia, i.e. the full stretch of the two arms from
tip to tip of the middle finger, which is about
equal to the height, and in a man of full stature
is six net. For the sake of completeness, the
values ;f the Greek and Roman foot are shown
in the table on page 991.
For estimating area, and especially land, there
is no evidence that the Jews used any special
system of square measures ; but thev were con-
tent ti i express the length and breadth of the sur-
face tit be measured, by the cubit (Num. xxxv.
4, 5; Hz. xl. 27) or by the reed (Ez. xlii. 20,
xliii. S7, xlv. 2, xlviii. 20; Rev. xxi. 16).
II. Measures of Capacity. — 1. The
measures of capacity for liquids were — (a)
The Ay (Lev. xiv. 10,4c.), the name originally
signifying a " basin." (6) The hin, a name of
Egyptian origin, frequently noticed in the
Bible ( Ex. xxix. 40, xxx. 24 ; Num. xv. 4, 7,
9; Ex. iv. 11, &c.). (c) The bath, the name
meaning " measured," the largest of the liquid
measures (1 K. vii. 26, 38; 2 Chr. ii..l0; Ezr.
vii. 22 ; Is. v. 10). The relative values of these
measure* stand thus : —
Log
11
Bin.
72
(
Bath.
2. The dry measure contained the following
denominations : — (a) The cab, mentioned only
in 2 K. vi. 25, the name meaning literally hol-
low or concave, (b) The omer, mentioned only
in Ex. xvi. 16-36. The word implies aheap;
and secondarily, a sheaf, (c) The seah, or
" measure," this being the etymological mean-
jng_ of the term, and appropriately applied to
it, inasmuch as it was the ordinary measure for
household purposes (Gen. xviii. 6; 1 Sam.
xxv. 18; 2 K. vii. 1, 16). The Greek equiv-
alent occurs in Matt. xiii. 33; Luke xiii. 21.
(d) The ephah, a word of Egyptian origin, and
of frequent recurrence in the Bible (Ex. xvi.
36; Lev. v. 11, vi. 20; Num. v. 15, xxviii. 5;
Judg. vi. 19; Ruth ii. 17 ; 1 Sam. i. 24, xvii.
17; Ez. xlv. 11, 13, 14, xlvi. 5, 7, 11, 14). (c)
The lethec, or " half-homer," literally meaning
what is poured out : it occurs only in Hos. iii. 2.
(f) The homer, meaning heap (Lev. xxvii. 16 ;
Num. xi. 32; Is. v. 10; Ez. zlv. 13). It is
elsewhere termed cor, from the circular vessel
in which it was measured (1 K. iv. 22, v. 11 ;
2 Chr. ii. 10, xxvii. 5; Ez. vii. 22, xlv.
14). The Greek equivalent occurs in Luke
xvi. 7. The following scale gives the relative
values of these measures : —
Cab.
Omer
«*
«
»»
Seah.
18
10
1
Ephah.
ISO
100
»
10
Homer.
The absolute values of the liquid and dry i
ures are stated differently by Josepbus and the
rabbinists ; and, as we are unable to decide be-
tween thein, we give a double estimate of the
various denominations: —
(.AwpAm.) tx
Qtllon*. OiUou.
liojner or Cor. 86-696 or 44-J8* IMorM
Eplmh or Bath, S6698 or 4-4286
Seab . . . 1-mior 1-478J
Hln ... 1-444* or -7381
Omar . . . mem or -44W
Cab . . . '4810 or -246
Log . . . -M04or HSU
In the N. T. we have notices of the following
foreign measures : — (a) The metrites (JohnU
6 ; A. V. " firkin "), for liquids, (b) The
chemix (Rev. vi. 6; A. V. "measure''), for
dry goods, (c) The xestec, applied, however,
not to the peculiar measure so named by the
Greeks, but to any small vessel, such as a cap
(Mark vii. 4, 8 ; A. V. " pot "). (d) The mo-
dius, similarly applied to describe any vessel of
moderate dimensions (Matt. v. 15; Mark i v.
21 ; Luke xi. 33 ; A. V. " bushel ") ; though
properly meaning a Roman measure amount-
ing to about a peck. The value of the Attic
metrites was 86696 gallons ; and consequently
the amount of liquid in six stone jars, contain-
ing on the average 2} metritte each, would ex-
ceed 1 10 gallons (John ii. 6). Verv possibly,
however, the Greek term represents the Hebrew
bath ; and, if the bath be taken at the lowest,
estimate assigned to it, the amount would be
reduced to about 60 gallons. The cltanix was
l-48th of an Attic medimnus, and contained
nearly a quart. It represented the amount of
corn for a day's food ; and hence a chanix for a
penny (or denarius), which usually purchased
a bushel (Cic. Verr. iii. 81), indicated a great
scarcity (Rev. vi. 6).
Well. The special necessity of a supply of
water (Judg. i. 15) in a hot climate has always
involved among Eastern nations questions of
property of the highest importance, and some-
times given rise to serious contention. Thus
the well Bcershcha was opened, and its posses-
sion attested with special formality by Abraham
(Gen. xxi. 30, 31). To acquire wells which
they had not themselves dug was one of the
marks of favor foretold to the Hebrews on
their entrance into Canaan (Deut. vi. 1 1 ) ; lo
possess one is noticed as a mark of independ-
ence (Prov. v. 15) ; and to abstain from the use
of wells belonging to others, a disclaimer of
interference with their property (Num. xx. 17,
19, xxi. 22). Similar rights of possession,
actual and hereditary, exist among the Arabi-
of the present day. It is thus easy to under-
stand now wells have become in many cases-
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WHALE
993
WHEAT
links in the history and landmarks in the to-
pography both of Palestine and of the Arabian
aphy b
nsula.
Peninsula. Wells in Palestine are usually ex-
cavated from the solid limestone rock, some-
times with steps to descend into them (Gen.
xxir. 16). The brims are furnished with a
curb or low wall of stone, bearing marks of
high antiquity in the furrows worn by the ropes
used in drawing water. It was on a curb of
this sort that our Lord sat when He conversed
with the woman of Samaria (John iv. 6) ; and it
was this, the usual stone cover, which the wo-
man placed on the mouth of the well at Bahu-
rim (2 Sam. xvii. 19), where the A. V. weakens
the sense by omitting the article. The usual
methods for raising water are the following : —
1. The rope and Ducket, or water-skin (Gen.
xxiv. 14-20; John iv. 11). 2. The sakiyeh, or
Persian wheel. This consists of a vertical
wheel furnished with a set of buckets or earth-
em jars, attached to a cord passing over the
wheel, which descend empty and return full as
the wheel revolves. 3. A modification of the
last method, by which a man, sitting opposite
to a wheel, furnished with buckets, turns it by
drawing with his hands one set of spokes pro-
longed beyond its circumference, and pushing
another set from him with his feet. 4. A
method very common, both in ancient and
modern Egypt, is the shadoof, a simple contri-
Aactont Egyptian machine fbr raletag water, Identical with
the ttadtnf of the preeenl daj. (Wllkinwn.)
Vance consisting of a lever moving on a pivot,
which is loaded at one end with a lnmp of clay
or some other weight, and has at the other a
bowl or bucket. Wells are usually furnished
with troughs of wood or stone, into which the
water is emptied for the use of persons or ani-
mals coming to the wells. Unless machinery
is nsed, which is commonly worked by men,
w omen are usually the water-carriers.
Whale. As to the signification of the He-
brew terms fan and tannin, variously rendered in
the A. V. by "dragon," "whale, "serpent,"
" sea-monster," see Draoon. It remains for
us in this article to consider the transaction
recorded, in the Book of Jonah, of that pro-
phet having been swallowed up by some " great
fish" which in Matt. xii. 40 is called cetos
(«rror), rendered in our version by "whale."
126
In the first place, it is necessary to observe
that the Greek word cetos, used by St. Mat-
thew, is not restricted in its meaning to " a
whale," or any cetacean ; like the Latin cete
or cetus, it may denote any sea-monster, either
" a whale," or " a shark," or " a seal," or " a
Crocodile of the Nile. — gee " Leviathan."
tunny of enormous size." Although two or
three species of whale are found in the Mediter-
ranean Sea, yet the " great fish " that swallowed
the prophet cannot properly be identified with
any cetacean; for, although the sperm-whale
has a gullet sufficiently large to admit the body
of a man, yet it can hardly be the fish intended ;
as the natural food of cetaceans consists of
small animals, such as medusae and Crustacea.
The only fish, then, capable of swallowing a
man would be a large specimen of the white
shark ( Carcharias vulgaris), that dreaded enemy
of sailors, and the most voracious of the family
of Squalidce. This shark, which sometimes
attains the length of thirty feet, is quite able to
swallow a man whole. The whole body of n
man in armor has been found in the stomach
of a white shark ; and Captain King, in his
Survey of Australia, says he had caught one
which could have swallowed a man with the
greatest ease. Blumenbach mentions that a
whole horse has been found in a shark ; and
Captain Basil Hall reports the taking of one, in
which, besides other things, he found the whole
skin of a buffalo, which, a short time before, had
been thrown overboard from his ship (i. p. 27).
The white shark is not uncommon in the Medi-
terranean.
Wheat, the well-known valuable cereal,
cultivated from the earliest times, is first men-
tioned in Gen. xxx. 14, in the account of
Jacob's sojourn with Laban in Mesopotamia.
Egypt in ancient times was celebrated for the
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WILDERNESS OF
994
THE WANDERING
growth of its wheat: the best quality was all
bearded ; and the same varieties existed in an-
cient as in modern times, among which may be
mentioned the seven-eared quality described in
Pharaoh's dream (Gen. xli. 22). Babylonia
was also noted for the excellence of its wheat
and other cereals. Syria and Palestine pro-
duced wheat of fine quality, and in large quan-
tities (Ps. lxxxi. 16, cxlvii. 14, Ac.). There
appear to be two or three kinds of wheat at
present grown in Palestine, the Triticam vul-
Cs, the T. spelta, and another variety of
rded wheat, which appears to be the same as
the Egyptian kind, the T. compositum. In the
parable of the sower, our Lord alludes to grains
of wheat which in good ground produce a
hundred-fold (Matt. xiii. 8). The common
Triticam vulyare will sometimes produce one
hundred grains in the ear. Wheat is reaped
towards the end of April, in May, and in June,
according to the differences of soil and posi-
tion. It was sown either broadcast, and then
ploughed in or trampled in by cattle (Is. xxxii.
20), or in rows, if we rightly understand Is.
xxviii. 25, which seems to imply that the seeds
were planted apart in order to insure larger and
fuller ears. The wheat was put into the ground
in the winter, and some time after the barley :
in the Egyptian plague of hail, consequently,
tho barley suffered ; but the wheat had not ap-
peared, and so escaped injury.
Whirlwind. The Hebrew terms siphah
and se'drdh convey the notion of a violent wind
or hurricane : the former, because such a wind
sweeps away every object it encounters ; the latter,
because the objects so swept away are tossed And
agitated. In addition to this, Gesenius gives a
similar sense to galqal, in Ps. lxxvii. 18 (A. V.
"heaven"), and tiz. x. 13 (A. V. "wheel").
It does not appear that any of the above terms
express the specific notion of a wAiW-wind.
Tho most violent winds in Palestine come from
the east. The whirlwind is frequently used as
a metaphor of violent and sweeping destruc-
tion.
Widow. Under the Mosaic dispensation,
no legal provision was mado for the mainte-
nance of widows. They were left dependent,
partly on the affection of relations, more espe-
cially of the eldest son, whose birthright, or
extra share of the property, imposed such a
duty upon him, ana partly on the privileges
accorded to other distressed classes, such as a
participation in the triennial third tithe (Deut.
xiv. 29, xx vi. 12), in leasing (Deut. xxiv.
19-21), and in religious feasts (Deut. xvi. 11,
14). With regard to the remarriage of widows,
the only restriction imposed by the Mosaic law
had reference to the contingency of one being
left childless, in which case the brother of the
deceased husband had a right to marry the wid-
ow (Deut. xxv. 5, 6; Matt xxii. 23-30). In
the Apostolic Church, the widows were sus-
tained at the public expense, the relief being
daily administered in kind, nndcr the superin-
tendence of officers appointed for this special
purpose (Acts vi. 1-6). Particular directions
are given by St. Paul as to the class of persons
entitled to such public maintenance ( 1 Tim. v.
3-16). Out of the body of such widows, a cer-
tain number were to be enrolled, the qualifi-
cations for snch enrolment being, that they i
not under sixty years of age ; that they had
been " the wife of one man, probably meaning
bat once married : and that they had led useful
and charitable lives (ver. 9, 10).
Wife. [Marriage.]
Wild Beasts. [BeastsJ
Wilderness of the Wandering. —
With all the material for fixing the localities of
the Exodus, the evidence for many of them is
so slight that the whole question is involved in
much obscurity. The uncertainties commence
from the very starting-point of the route of the
Wandering. It is impossible to fix the point
at which, in " the wilderness of Etham " (Num.
xxxiii. 6, 7), Israel, now a nation of freemen,
emerged from that sea into which they had
passed as a nation of slaves. The fact that
from " Etham, in the edge of the wilderness,"
their path struck across the sea (Ex. xiii. 20),
and from the sea into the same wilderness of
Etham, seems to indicate the upper end of the
farthest tongue of the Gulf of Sues as the point
of crossing. There seems reason also to think
that this gulf had then, as also at Ezion-geber,
a further extension northward than at present,
owing to the land having upheaved its level.
[Bed Sea, Passage of.] Their route now lay
southwards down the east side of the Gulf of
Suez, and at first alone the shore. The station
of Ayim Afousa (the Weils of Motes), with its
tamarisks and seventeen wells, may have served
for their gathering after the passage. They
marched for three days through the wilderness
of Shoe or Etham, on the south-west margin
of the great desert of Paran {Et-Tih), where they
found no water (Ex. xv. 22 ; Num. xxxiii 8).
It is a part of the belt of gravel which surrounds
the mountains of the Peninsula, and is crossed
by several toady*, whose sides are fringed with
tamarisks, acacias, and a few palm-trees. Near
one of these, the Wady d-'Amarak, is a spring
called Ain Awdrak, not only in the position of
Mabar, but with the bitter taste which gave it
the name. The people, tormented with thirst,
murmured against Moses, who, at the com-
mand of God, cast a certain tree into the waters
which made them sweet (Ex. xv. 26). They
must have been cheered at reaching the oasis
of Elm, whose twelve wells and threescore
palm-trees mark it as one of the mays that
break the desert; either the Wad)) Gha-andA
or the Wady Useit. After passing the Wady
Taiyibeh, the route descends through a defile
on to a beautiful pebbly beach, where Dean
Stanley places the Encampment bt thb Red
Sea, which is mentioned in Numbers (xxxiii.
10) next to Elim, but is omitted in Exodus.
Here the Israelites had their last view of the
Red Sea and the shores of Egypt. Strik-
ing inland from this point, they entered the
Wilderness of Sin (probably the plain of
Murkhah), which leads up from the shore to the
entrance to the mountains of Sinai (Ex. xvi. 1 ).
Here occurred their second great trial since
leaving Egypt Their unleavened bread was
exhausted; and they began to murmur that
they had better have died by the flesh-pots of
Egypt than have been led out to be killed with
hunger in the wilderness. But God was teach-
ing them to look to Him for their "daily
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WILDERNESS OF
995
THE WANDERING
bread," which He now rained down from heaven
in the form of manna, and continued the sup-
ply till they reached Canaan (Ex. xvi. 4, 35).
[Manna.] from this valley, others lead up, by a
series of steep ascents, into the recesses of Sinai ;
resembling the beds of rivers, bnt without water,
and separated by defiles which sometimes be-
come staircases of rock. Such were no doubt
the stations of Dophkah and Alcsh (Num.
xxxiii. 12, 13), and such are the Wadya Shdlal
and Muhatteb. From the latter, the route passes
into the long and winding Wady Faran, with
its groves of tamarisks and palms, overhung by
the granite rocks of Mount Serial. This valley
answers in every respect to Rbphidix (the
resting-places), the very name of which implies
a long halt (Ex. xvh. 1 ). Here the cry for
water burst forth into an angry rebellion against
Moses; and God vouchsafed a miracle for a
permanent supply during their abode in the
Wilderness of Smai. Moses was commanded
to go before the people, with the elders of Isra-
el, and to smite the rock in Horeb, and water
flowed forth out of it. The place was called
Massar (temptation), and Meribah (chiding or
strife), in memory of the rebellion by which the
people tempted Jehovah, and doubted His pres-
ence among them (Ex. xvii. 2-7). The spring
thus opened seems to have formed a brook,
which the Israelites used during their whole
sojourn near Sinai (Deut. ix. 21 ; comp. Ps.
lxxviii. IS, 16, cv. 41). Hence the rock is said
to have "followed them" by St. Paul, who
makes it a type of Christ, the source of the
spiritual water of life ( 1 Cor. x. 4 ; comp. Is. Iv.
I ; Ez. xlvii. 1 ; Zech. xiv. 8 ; John iv. 14, vii. 35 ;
Rev. xxii. I, 17 : the waters flowing out of the
temple, which also stood on a bare rock, com-
plete the type, linking together Sinai, Sion, and
the spiritual sense of both). The next stage
brought the Israelites to the Wilderness of
Sinai, on the first day of the third month
(Sivan, June), and here they encamped before
the mount (Ex. xix. I, 2). The site of their
camp has been identified, to a high degree of
probability, with the Wady er-Rahah (the en-
clmed plain), in front of the magnificent cliffs of
Rtu Sifsafeh. On the identification of Sinai
itself, see Sinai. The sojourn of the Israelites
for a year in the neighborhood of Mount Sinai
was an eventful one. The statements of the
scriptural narrative which relate to the receiv-
ing of the Two Tables, the Golden Calf, Moses'
vision of God, and the vision of Jcthro, are
too well known to need special mention here.
They now quitted the Sinaitic region for that
of Paran, in which they went three days with-
out finding a permanent encampment (Mum. i.,
ix. 15-23, x. 13, 33, xi. 35, xii. 16). In follow-
ing the route of the Israelites from Sinai, we
must try to determine two or three chief posi-
tions. The general direction is northwards
from Sinai " to the mount of the Amorites,"
the highlands of Southern Palestine. The two
extremes are the camp before Sinai on the
south, and the " city of Kadesr, or Ka-
<lesh - Barnca, on the north (Num. xiii. 26,
xx. 0, xxxii. 8). The distance between these
points was eleven days' journey (about 165
miles), "by the way of Mount Seir" (Deut.
i. 2). This is evidently mentioned as the ordi- 1
nary route, and it seems to be implied (though
this must not be assumed as certain) that it was
followed by the Israelites. Between " the mount
of the Amorites " and the group of Sinai lies
the great table-land now called the desert of Et-
Tih (the wandering). There can be no doubt of
its general correspondence to the wilderness of
Paran, in which they went three days without
finding a permanent encampment (Num. x. 12,
33). It took them some time to get clear of the
wadya about Sinai; and although Paran is
mentioned from the first as the region into
which they passed, the three important stations
of Taberah, Kidroth-Hattaavah, and Ha-
zeroth (Num. xi. 3, 34, 35, xxxiii. 17), can
hardly be reckoned to Paran, as they are said
to have encamped in the wilderness of Paran
after leaving Hazeroth (Num. xii. 16). Unfor-
tunately these three names furnish little, if any,
clew to the route they took from Sinai. Ta-
berah (a burning) records the awful judgment
that befell the people, who now began again to
murmur against Jehovah (Num. xi. 23). The
name of the next station, Kibroth-Hattaa-
vah (the graves of lust), is of similar origin.
They loathed the manna, and asked for flesh.
God sent them quails, on which they surfeited
themselves for a whole month ; and while the
flesh was ^et between their teeth, they were
smitten with a great plague, which gave the
place its name. For the next halting-place,
Hazeroth (the enclosures), a site has been found
at the Wady Huderah, on the main route from
Sinai to the shores of the Gulf of Akabali
(Num. xi. 35). At Hazeroth, Moses was troubled
by a seditions opposition from Miriam and
Aaron. Miriam was smitten with leprosy;
and, though she was healed at the prayer of
Moses, Aaron, as the high-priest, was obliged
to shut her out from the camp for seven days ;
after which " the people removed from Haze-
roth, and pitched in the wilderness of Paran."
Here is the Gordian knot of the topography.
We are not told at what point they passed into
the wilderness of Paran, nor how many stages
they made in it. We find them next at Kadesh,
whence the spies were sent ont (Num. xiii. 26 ;
Dent. i. 19) ; but to determine the position of
Kadesh itself is the great problem of the whole
route. We obtain no help from the list of sta-
tions (Num. xxxiii.), in which Kadesh is not
mentioned, and the name of Hazeroth is fol-
lowed by several unknown places, of which it is
even uncertain whether they belong to this
journey, or to the years of wandering in the
wilderness. The latter seems the more proba-
ble alternative, since the mention of Mount
Hor (Num. xiii. 37-41 ) clearly refers to the for-
tieth year; and at least the eight preceding sta-
tions (Nnm. xiii. 31-37) are closely connected
with it (comp. Deut x. 6, 7) ; while the halt at
Kadesh (Num. xiii. 37) must be understood of
a return to that place after the long wanderings
(comp. Num. xx. 1). The only escape from
these difficulties is by the hypothesis that Kadesh
served as a sort of head-quarters during the
thirty-eightyears of wandering. The Israelites
arrived at Kadesh forty days before the vintage,
or about the latter part of August ; and they
made there a longer halt than at any other
place, except before Sinai. At Kadesh, Jeho-
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WILDERNESS OF
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THE WANDERING
rah declared i» the people that they had reached
the mountain of the Amorites, into which they
were to ascend, to possess the land He had giv-
en them (Cent. i. 20, 21). But first the coun-
try was explored by twelve spies, who were
heads of their respective tribes (Num. xiii.
1-16; Dent. i. 22, 23). The people, alarmed
by the report which the spies brought back of
the strength of the Canaanite cities, broke out
into open rebellion, and proposed to elect 1 a cap-
tain, and to return to Egypt. God punished them
by declaring that they should not see the Prom-
ised Land. The execution of the sentence was
to begin on the morrow, by their turning into
the wilderness by the way of the Red Sea.
There they were to wander for forty years — a
year for each day that the spies had searched
the land — till all the men of twenty years old
and upwards had left their carcasses in the des-
ert ; and then at length their children, having
shared their wanderings, should enter on their
inheritance (Num. xiv.). Now that it was too
late, the people changed their mind ; and, hav-
ing lost the opportunity given them by God,
they tried to seize it against His will. In the
morning, they marched up the mountain-pass
{Es-Su/a), in spite of the warning of Moses
that it should not prosper ; and the Amalekites
and Canaanites, coming down upon them with
the Amorites of the mountain, defeated them
with great slaughter, and chased them as far as
Hormah, and even to Mount Seir (Num. xiv.
40-45; Deut. i. 41-44). The entrance to the
Promised Land on this side was now hopelessly
barred ; and their forlorn state is thus described
by Moses : " And ye returned, and wept before
Jehovah ; but Jehovah would not hearken to
your voice nor give ear unto you " ( Deut. i. 45,
46). The thirty-eight years (or rather exactly
thirty-seven years and a half) occupied in the
execution of God's judgment form almost a
blank in the sacred history. Their close may
be fixed at the period of the final march from
Kadesh to Mount Hor, and thence down through
the Arabak, and up the eastern side of Mount
Seir, to the plains of Moab (Num.xx. 23, xxxiii.
37 ; Deut. li. 23). But the intervening por-
tions of the narrative are most difficult to as-
sign to their proper place — whether to the first
or final stay at Kadesh, or to the years between.
The mystery which hangs over this period
seems like an awful silence into which the reb-
els sink away. Alter the rout in Hormah, the
people " abode in Kadesh many days " (Deut.
i. 46). This phrase may possibly* cover the
whole period of the wandering; and Kadesh
may very well be taken for a general name of
the wilderness (see Ps. xxix. 8). The direction
in which the people started on their wanderings
is defined "by the way of the Red Sea" (Num.
xiv. 25 ; Deut. i. 40), which seems clearly to
mean down the Arabah to the head of the Elan-
itic Gulf. Now it seems that the passage in
Deut. ii. 1 must be referred to this same " turn-
ing into the wilderness by way of the Red Sea,"
and not to the final march, the signal for which
is recorded at ver. 3 ; and this is confirmed by
the computation of the thirty-eight years of
wandering from the time they left Kadesh-bar-
nea (Num. xiv. 14). If this be so, we have a
dew to the direction of the wandering, in the
words " and we compassed Mount Seir mast*
days," — words which point to the Arabak.
With this agrees the notice of their last march
back to Kadesh, being from Ezion-gaber at
the head of the Gulf of Ahabah (Num. xxxiii
36).
Willows are mentioned in Lev. xxiii. 40 ;
Job xl. 22 ; Is. xliv. 4 ; Ps. exxxvii. 2. With
respect to the tree upon which the captive Is-
raelites hung their harps, there can be no doubt
that the weeping-willow (Salir Babylonica) is
intended. This tree grows abundantly on the
banks of the Euphrates, in other parts of Asia
as in Palestine. The Hebrew word translated
willows is generic, and includes several specie*
of the large family of Salica, which is well
represented in Palestine and the Bible lands;
such as the Solve alba, S. viminalit (osier), &
JEgt/ptiaca.
Willows, the Brook of the. • wady
mentioned by Isaiah (xv. 7) in his dirge over
Moab. His language implies that it was one
of the boundaries of the country, and is possi-
bly identical with a wady mentioned by Amos
(vi. 14) as the then recognized southern limit
of the northern kingdom. This latter appears
in the A. V. as " the river of the wilderness."
Widely as they differ in the A. V., the names
are all but identical in the original.
Wills. Under a system of close inheritance
like that of the Jews, the scope for bequest in
respect of land was limited by the right of re-
demption and general re-entry in the Jubilee
Year. But the law does not forbid bequests by
will of such limited interest in land as was con-
sistent with those rights. The case of houses
in walled towns was different ; and there can be
no doubt that they must, in fact, have frequently
been bequeathed by will (Lev. xxv. 30). Two
instances arc recorded in the O. T., under the
Law, of testamentary disposition, (1) effected
in the case of Ahithophel (2 Sam. xvii. 23),
(2) recommended in the case of Hezekiah (2
K. xx. 1 ; Is. xxxviii. 1).
Wimple, an old English word for hood or
veil, usedin the A. V. of Is. iii. 22. The same
Hebrew word is translated " veil " in Ruth iii.
15; but it signifies rather a kind of shawl or
mantle.
Window. [HousbJ
Winds. That the Hebrews recognized the
existence of four prevailing winds as issuing,
broadly speaking, from the four cardinal points,
north, south, east, and west, may be inferred
from their custom of using the expression
" four winds " as equivalent to the " four quar-
ters " of the hemisphere (Ez. xxxvii. 9 ; Dan.
viii. 8; Zech. ii. 6; Matt. xxiv. 31). The
north wind, or, as it was usually called, " the
north," was naturally the coldest of the four
(Ecclus. xliii. 20) ; and its presence is hence in-
voked, as favorable to vegetation, in Cant. iv.
16. It is described in Prov. xxv. 23 as bring-
ing rain : in this case, we must understand the
north-west wind. The north-west wind prevails
from the autumnal equinox to the beginning of
November, and the north wind from June to
the equinox. The east wind crosses the sandy
wastes of Arabia Deserta before reaching Pal-
estine, and was hence termed " the wind of the
wilderness " (Job i. 19 ; Jer. xiii. 24). It blows
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WINE
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WINE
with violence, and is hence supposed to be nsed
generally Tor any violent wind (Job xxvii. 21,
xxxviii. 24 ; Ps. xlviii. 7 ; Is. xxvii. 8 ; Ez.
xxvii. 26). In Palestine, the ^ast wind prevails
from February to June. The south wind,
which traverses the Arabian Peninsula before
reaching Palestine, must necessarily be ex-
tremely hot (Job x xxvii. 17; Luke xii. 55).
The west and south-west winds reach Palestine
loaded with moisture gathered from the Med-
iterranean, and are hence expressively termed
by the Arabs " the fathers of the rain. West-
erly winds prevail in Palestine from November
to February. In addition X the four regular
■vinds, we nave notice ir. 'he Bible of the local
quails (Mark iv 3" Luke viii. 23), to which
the Sea of Genesareth was liable. In the nar-
rative of St Paul's voyage, we meet with the
Greek term Lips to describe the south-west
wind ; the '.yfttin Cams or Caurut, the north-
west wind Acts xxvii. 12) ; and Euroclydon,
a wind o' a very violent character, coming from
E. N. 5. (Acts xxvii. 14.)
Wine. The manufacture of wine is car-
naa back, in the Bible, to the age of Noah
(Gen. ix. 20, 21), to whom the discovery of the
process is apparently, though not explicitly,
attributed. The natural history and culture of
the vine is described under a separate head.
[Vike.] The only other plant whose fruit is
noticed as having been converted into wine was
the pomegranate (Cant. viii. 2). In Palestine,
the vintage takes place in September, and is
celebrated with great rejoicings. The ripe fruit
was gathered in baskets (Jer. vi. 9), as repre-
sented in Egyptian paintings, and was carried
to the wtee-prcss. It was then placed in the
upper one of the two vats or receptacles of
which the wine-press was formed, and was sub-
jected to the process of " treading," which has
Efrptlin Wlne-praa. (Wllkiinon.)
prevailed in all ages in Oriental and South
European countries (Neh. xiii. 15; Job xxiv.
11 ; Is. xvi. 10; Jer. xxv. 30, xlviii. 33; Am.
ix. 13; Rev. xix. 15). A certain amount of
juice exuded from the ripe fruit from its own
pressure before the treading commenced. This
appears to have been kept separate from the
rest of the juice, and to have formed the " sweet
'vine" noticed in Acts ii. 13. (See above.)
The „i-uttaiiig " was effected by one or more
men, according to the size of the vat. They
encouraged one another by shouts (Is. xvi. 9,
10 Jer. xxv. 30, xlviii. 33). Their legs and
garments were dyed red with the juice (Gen.
xlix. 11 ; Is. lxiii. 2, 3). The expressed juice
escaped by an aperture into the lower vat, or
was at once collected in vessels. A hand-press
was occasionally used in Egypt ; but we nave
no notice of such an instrument in the Bible.
As to tho subsequent treatment of the wine,
we have but little information. Sometimes it
was preserved in its unfermented state, and
drunk as must ; but more generally it was bot-
tled off after fermentation, and, if it were de-
signed to be kept for some time, a certain
amount of lees was added to give it body (Is.
xxv. 6). The wine consequently required to
be " refined " or strained previously to being
brought to table (Is. xxv. 6). To wine is at-
tributed the " darkly flashing eye " (Gen. xlix.
12 ; A.V. " red "), the unbridled tongue (Prov.
xx. 1 ; Is. xxviii. 7), the excitement of the
spirit (Prov. xxxi. 6; Is. v. 11 ; Zech. ix. 15,
x. 7), the enchained affections of its votaries
(Hos. iv. 11), the perverted judgment (Prov.
xxxi. 5; Is. xxviii. 7), the n.xlecent exposure
(Hab. ii. 15, 16), and the sickness resulting
from the heat (chemah, A.V. " bottles ") of wine
(Hos. vii. 5). It has been disputed whether
the Hebrew wine was fermented ; but the im-
pression produce*.' t>n the mind by a general
review of the above notices is, that the Hebrew
words indicating wine refer to fermented, in-
toxicating wine. The notices of fermentation
ore not very decisive. A certain amount of
fermentation is implied in the distention of the
leather bottles when new wine was placed in
them, and which was liable to buist old bottles.
It is very likely that new wine was preserved m
the state of must by placing it in jars or bottles,
and then burying it in the earth. The min-
gling that we read of in conjunction with wine
may have been designed either to increase or
to diminish the strength of the wine, according
as spices or water formed the ingredient that
was added. The notices chiefly favor the for-
mer view ; for mingled liquor whs prepared for
high festivals (Prov. ix. 2, 5), and occasions of
excess (Prov. xxiii. 30; Is. v. 22). At the
same time, strength was not the sole object
sought. The wine "mingled with myrrh,"
given to Jesus, was deigned to deaden pain
(Mark xv. 23) ; and the spiced pomegranate
wine prepared by the bride (Cant. viii. 2) may
well have been of a mild character. In the New
Testament, the character of the " sweet wine,"
noticed in Acts ii. 13, calls for some little re-
mark. It could not be new wine in the proper
sense of the term, inasmuch as about eight
months must have elapsed between the vintage
and the Feast of Pentecost. The explanations
of the ancient lexicographers rather lead us to
infer that its luscious qualities were due, not to
its being recently made, hut to its being pro-
duced from the very purest juice of the gra]>e.
There can be little doubt that the wines of
Palestine varied in quality, and were named
after the localities in which they were made.
The only wines of which we have special notice
belonged to Syria : these were the wine of Hel-
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WITNESS
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WOMEN
boa (Ez. xxvii. 18), and the wine of Lebanon,
tamed for its aroma ( Hos. xiv. 7 ). With regard
to the uses of wine in private life, there is little
to remark. It was produced on occasions of
ordinary hospitality (Gen. xiv. 18), and at fes-
tivals, such as marriages (John ii. 3). Under
the Mosaic Law, wine formed the usual drink-
offering that accompanied the daily sacrifice
(Ex. xxix. 40), the presentation or the first-
fruits (Lev. xxiii. 13), and other offerings
(Num. xv. 5). Tithe was to be paid of wine
as of other products. The priest was also to
receive first-fruits of wine, as of other articles
(Deut xviii. 4; comp. Ex. xxii. 29). The use
of wine at the Paschal Feast was not enjoined
by die Law, but had become an established
custom, at all events in the post-Babylonian
period. The wine was mixed with warm water
on these occasions. Hence, in the early Chris-
tian Church, it was usual to mix the sacramen-
tal wine with water.
Wine-Press. From the scanty notices
contained in the Bible, we gather that the
wine-presses of the Jews consisted of two recep-
tacles or vats, placed at different elevations, in
the upper one of which the grapes were trod-
den, while the lower one received the expressed
juice. The two vats are mentioned together
only in Joel iii. 13 : " The press is full, the
fats overflow," — the npper vat being full
of fruit, the lower one overflowing with the
must. (See page 997.) The two vats were
usually hewn out of the solid rock (Is. v. 3,
margin; Matt. xxi. 33). Ancient wine-press-
es, so constructed, are still to be seen in Pales-
tine.
Winnowing. [Agriculture.]
Wisdom of Jesus, Son of Sirach.
[ECCLESIASTICUS.]
Wisdom, the, of Solomon, a book
of the Apocrypha, may be divided into two
parts : the first (chap, i.-ix. ) containing the doc-
trine of wisdom in its moral and intellectual
aspects ; the second, the doctrine of wisdom
as shown in history (chap, x.-xix.). The first
part contains the praise of wisdom as the
source of immortality, in contrast with the
teaching of sensualists; and next the praise of
wisdom as the guide of practical and intellect-
ual life, the stay ofprinces, and the interpreter
of the universe. The second part, again, fol-
lows the action of wisdom summarily, as pre-
serving God's servants, from Adam to Moses,
and more particularly in the punishment of the
Egyptians and Canaanites. From internal
evidence, it seems most reasonable to believe
that the book was composed in Greek, at Alex-
andria, some time before the time of Philo
(about 120-80 B.C.).
Wise Men. [Maoi.]
Witoh, Witchcrafts. [Maoic.]
Witness. Among special provisions with
respect to evidence are the following : — I .
Two witnesses at least are required to establish
any charge (Num. xxxv. 30 ; Deut xvii. 6 ;
John viii. 17 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 1 ; comp. 1 Tim. v.
19). 2. In the case of the suspected wife, evi-
dence besides the husband's was desired (Num.
v. 13). 3. The witness who withheld the truth
was censured (Lev. v. 1). 4. False witness
was punished with the punishment due to the
J offence which it sought to establish. S. 81aa
derous reports and officious witness are dis.
! couraged (Ex. xx. 16, xxiii. 1 ; Lev. xix. 16, 18,
1 &c.). 6. The witnesses were the first execu-
! tioners (Deut. xiii. 9, xvi. 7; Acts vii. 58).
I 7. In case of an animal left in charge, and torn
I by wild beasts, the keeper was to bring tbe
carcass in proof of the fact, and disproof of his
own criminality (Ex. xxii. 13). 8. According
to Joscphus, women and slaves were not ad-
mitted to bear testimony. In the N. T., tbe
original notion of a witness is exhibited in
the special form of one who attests his belief
in the gospel by personal suffering. Henrt*
it is that the nse of the ecclesiastical term
" martyr," the Greek word for " witness," ha*
arisen.
Wizard. [Maoic]
Wolf. There can be little doubt that the
wolf of Palestine is the common Cams I*)***,
and that this is the animal so frequently men-
tioned in the Bible. Wolves were doubtless
far more common in biblical times than (bey
are now, though they are occasionally seen by
modern travellers. The following are the
scriptural allusions to the wolf : — its ferocity
is mentioned in Gen. xlix. 27; Ex. xxii. 27*;
Hab. i. 8 ; Matt. vii. 15 : its nocturnal habit*,
in Jer. v. 6 ; Zeph. iii. 3 ; Hab. i. 8 : its attack-
ing sheep and lambs, John x. 12 ; Matt. x. '6 ;
Lnke x. 3. Isaiah (xi. 6, lxv. 25) foretells the
peaceful reign of the Messiah under the meta-
phor of a wolf dwelling with a lamb : cruel
persecutors are compared with wolves (Matt
x. 16; Acts xx. 29).
Women. The position of women in tbe
Hebrew commonwealth contrasts favorably with
that which, in the present day, is assigned
to them generally in Eastern countries. Tbe
most salient point of contrast in the usages of
ancient as compared with modern Oriental
society was the large amount of liberty enjoyed
by women. Instead of being immured in a
harem, or appearing in public with the face
covered, the wives and maidens of ancient
times mingled freely and openly with the other
sex in the duties and amenities of ordinary life.
Rebckah travelled on a camel, « ith her face
unveiled, until she came into die presence of
her affianced (Gen. xxiv. 64, 65). Jacob sa-
luted Rachel with a kiss in tbe presence of tbe
shepherds (Gen. xxix. 11). Women played
no inconsiderable part in public celebrations
(Ex. xv. 20, 21 ; Judg. xi. 34). The Odes of
Deborah (Judg. v.) and of Hannah (I Sam. ii.
1, 4c.) exhibit a degree of intellectual cultiva-
tion which is in itself a proof of the position of
the sex in that period. Women aiso occasion-
ally held pnblic offices, particularly that of
prophetess or inspired teacher (Ex. xv. 20;
2 K. xxii. 14; Neh. vi. 14; Lukeii. 36; Judg.
iv. 4). The management of household affair*
devolved mainly on the women. The value of
a virtuous and active housewife forms a fre-
quent topic in the Book of Proverbs (xi. 16.
xii. 4, xiv. 1, xxxi. 10, 4c). Her influence
was of course proportkmablv great. The effect
of polvgamy was to transfer female influence
from the wives to the mother. Polygamy also
necessitated a separate establishment for the
wives collectively, or for each individually.
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WOOL
WORMWOOD
"Wood. [Forest]
Pica* fpcoaw/nu. — See " Sycamore.™
Wool was an article of the highest value
«mon<r the Jews, as the staple material for the
manufacture of clothing (Lev. xiii. 47; Dent,
xxii. 11 ; Joh xxxi. 20; Prov. xxxi. 13; Ez.
xxxiv. 3 ; Hos. ii. 5). The importance of
wool is incidentally shown by the notice that
Mesha's tribute was paid in a certain number
of rams "with the wool" (2 K. iii. 4). The
wool of Damascus was highly prized in the
mart of Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 18). The Israelites
were forbidden to wear a garment mingled of
woollen and linen (Lor. xix. 19; Deut. xxii.
Woollen (Linen, and). Among the
laws against unnatural mixtures is found one
to this erTcct : " A garment of mixtures \shaat-
nez] shall not come upon thee " (Lev. xix. 19) ;
or, as it is expressed in Deut. xxii. 11, " thon
shalt not wear shaatnez, wool and flax together."
Our version, by the help of the latter passage,
has rendered the strange word shaulnez in the
former, "of linen and woollen ; " while in Deut.
it is translated " a garment of divers sorts."
Two things only appear to be certain about
shaatnez, — that it is a foreign word, and that
its origin has not at present oecn traced. Its
signification is sufficiently defined in Deut.
xxii. 1 1 . Jablonski favors the suggestion of
Forstcr, that a garment of linen and woollen
was called by the Egyptians shontnes, and that
this word was borrowed by the Hebrews, and
written by them in the form shaatnez. The
reason given by Josephus (Ant. iv. 8, § 1 1 ) for
the law which prohibited the wearing a gar-
ment woven of linen and woollen is, that such
were worn by the priests alone. Spencer con-
jectured that the use of woollen and linen in-
woven in the same garment prevailed amongst
the ancient Zabii.
Worm, the representative in the A. V. of
several Hebrew words. Sats, which occurs in
Is. Ii. 8, probably denotes some particular
species of moth, whose larva is injurious to
wool. Rimmdh (Ex. xvi. 20) points evidently
to various kinds of maggots, and the larva; of
insects which feed on putrefying animal matter,
rather than to earthworms, idle 'ah is applied
in Deut. xxviii. 39 to some kinds of larva; de-
structive to the vines. Various kinds of insects
attack the vine, amongst which one of the most
destructive is the lortrix ritisana, the little
caterpillar of which eats off the inner parts of
the blossoms, the clusters of which it bind*
together by spinning a web around them. In
Job xix. 26, xxi. 26, xxiv. 20, there is an allu-
sion to worms (insect larva;) feeding on the
dead liodies of the buried. There is the same
allusion in Is. lxvi. 24, which words are applied
by our Lord (Mark ix. 44, 46, 48) metaphori-
cally to the torments of the guiltv in the world
of departed spirits. The death of Herod Agrip-
pa I. was caused by worms (Acts xii. 23) : ac-
cording to Josephus [Ant. xix. 8), his death
took place five days after his departure from
the theatre. Whether the worms were the
cause or the result of the disease is an imma-
terial question.
Wormwood occurs frequently in the
Bible, nnd generally in a metaphorical sense,
as in Dent. xxix. 18, where of the idolatrous
Israelites it is said, " Lest there be among you
a root that bearetb wormwood " (see also Prov.
v. 4). In Jer. ix. 15, xxiii. 13, Lam. iii. 15.
19. wormwood is symbolical of bitter calamity
and sorrow : unrighteous judges are said to
"turn judgment to wormwood " (Am. v. V).
The Orientals typified sorrows, cruelties, and
calamities of any kind, by plants of a poisonous
or bitter nature. The name of the star which,
at the sound of the third angel's trumpet, fell
upon the rivers, was called Wormwood (Rer
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WHITING
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WRITINa
viii. 11). Four kinds of wormwood are found
in Palestine, — Artemisia Nilotka, A. Judaica,
A. fruticosa, and A. cinerea.
Worshipper, a translation of the Greek
word neocdros, used once only, Acts xix. 35 ;
in the margin, " Temple-keeper." The neocoros
was originally an attendant in a temple, prob-
ably intrusted with its charge. The divine
honors paid in later Greek times to eminent
persons, even in their lifetime, were imitated
and exaggerated by the Romans under the
empire, especially in Asia. The term neomros
became thus applied to cities or communities
which undertook the worship of particular
emperors even during their lives. The first
occurrence «.f the term in connection with
Ephesus is on coins of the age of Nero (a.d.
54-68).
Ancient Egyptian Adoration. (WUklnxm.)
Wrestling. [Games.]
Writing. There is no account in the Bi-
ble of the origin of writing. Throughout the
Book of Genesis, there is not a single allusion,
direct or indirect, either to its practice or exist-
ence. That the Egyptians in the time of Jo-
seph were acquainted with writing of a certain
kind, there is evidence to prove ; but there is
nothing to show, that, up to this period, the
knowledgo extended to the Hebrew family. At
the same time, there is no evidence against it
Writing is first distinctly mentioned in Ex.
xvii. 14 ; and the connection clearly implies that
it was not then employed for the first time, but
was so familiar as to be used for historic rec-
ords. Moses is commanded to preserve the
memory of Amalek's onslaught in the desert
by committing it to writing. The tables of
the testimony are said to be " written by the
finger of God" (Ex. xxxi. 18) on both sides;
and "the writing was the writing of God,
graven upon the tables " (Ex. xxxii. 15). The
engraving of the gems of the high-priest's
breastplate with the names of the children of
Israel (Ex. xxviii. 1 1 ), and the inscription upon
the mitre (Ex. xxxix. 30), have to do more with
the art of the engraver than of the writer; but
both imply the existence of alphabetic charac-
ters. The curses against the adulteress were
written by the priest " in the book," and blot-
ted out with water (Num. v. 23). Hitherto,
however, nothing has been said of the applica-
tion of writing to the purposes of ordinary life,
or of the knowledge of the art among the' com-
mon people. Up to this point, such knowledge
is only attributed to Moses and the priests.
From Deut. xxiv. 1, 3, however, it would ap-
pear that it was extended to others. It is not
absolutely necessary to infer from this that tL
art of writing was an accomplishment possessed
by every Hebrew citizen, though there is no
mention of a third party ; and it is more than
probable that these " bills of divorcement,"
though apparently so informal, were the work
of professional scribes. It was enjoined as one
of the duties of the king (Deut. xvii. 18), that
he should transcribe the book of the law for his
own private study. If we examine the instances
in which writing is mentioned in connection
with individuals, we shall find that in all cases
the writers were men of superior position. In
Is. xxix. 11, 12, there is clearly a distinction
drawn between the man who was able to read,
and the man who was not ; and it seems a
natural inference that the accomplishments of
reading and writing were not widely spread
among the people, when we find that they are
universally attributed to those of high rank or
education, kings, priests, prophets, and profes-
sional scribes. In the name Kirjath-sepbcr
(Book-town, Josh. xv. 15), there is an indication
of a knowledge of writing among the Phoeni-
cians. The Hebrews, then, a branch of the
great Semitic family, being in possession of the
art of writing, according to their own historical
records, at a very early period, the further ques-
tions arise, What character they made use of *
and whence they obtained it * Recent investi-
gations have shown that the square Hebrew
character is of comparatively modern date, and
has been formed from a more ancient type by a
gradual process of development What, then,
was this ancient type ? Most probably the Phoe-
nician. To the Phoenicians, the daring seamen,
and adventurous colonizers of the ancient world,
tradition assigned the honor of the invention
of letters. The old Semitic alphabets may be
divided into two principal classes: I. The
Phoenician, as it exists in the inscriptions in
Cyprus, Malta, Carpentras, and the coins of
Phoenicia and her colonies. From it are de-
rived the Samaritan character, and the Greek.
2. The Hebrew-Chaldee character, to which
belong the Hebrew square character ; the Pal-
myrene, which has some tracts of • cursive
hand ; the Estrangclo, or anciei.it Syriac ; and
the ancient Arabic or Cufic. It was probably
about the first or second century after Christ
that the square character assumed its present
form, though in a question involved in so
much uncertainty it is impossible to pronounce
with great positiveness. The Alphabet. — The
oldest evidence on the subject of the Hebrew
alphabet is derived from the alphabetical psalms
and poems ; Ps. xxv., xxxiv., xxxvii., exi.,
cxii., cxix., cxlv. ; Prov. xxxi. 10-31 ; Lam.
i.-iv. From these, we ascertain that the num-
ber of the letters was twentv-two, as at present
The Arabic alphabet originally consisted of
the same number. It has been argued by many
that the alphabet of the Phoenicians at first con-
sisted only of sixteen letters. The legend, as
told bv Plinv (vii. 56), is as follows. Cadmus
brought with him into Greece sixteen letters :
at the time of the Trojan War, Palamedes added
four others, 0, 2, #, X ; and Simonides of Melos
four more, Z, H, *, Q. Writing-materials, £r.—
The oldest documents which contain the writ-
I ing of a Semitic race are probably the bricks
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WRITING
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•f Nineveh and Babylon on which are impressed
the cuneiform Assyrian inscriptions. There is,
however, no evidence that they were ever em-
ployed by the Hebrews. Wood was used upon
some occasions (Num. xvii. 3), and writing tab-
lets of box-wood are mentioned in 2 Esd. xiv.
24. The " lead," to which allusion is made in
Job xix. 24, is supposed to have been poured
when melted into the cavities of the stone made
by the letters of an inscription, in order to ren-
der it durable. It is most probable that the
ancient as well as the most common material
which the Hebrews used for writing was dressed
skin in some form or other. We know that
the dressing of skins was practised by the He-
brews (Ex. xxv. S; Lev. xiii. 48), and they
may have acquired the knowledge of the art
from the Egyptians, among whom it had at-
tained great perfection, the leather-cutters con-
stituting one of the principal subdivisions of
the third caste. Perhaps the Hebrews may
have borrowed, among their other acquirements,
the use of papyrus from the Egyptians, but of
this we have no positive evidence. In the Bi-
ble, the only allusions to the use of papyrus are
in 2 John 12, where chartes (A. V. "paper")
occurs, which refers especially to papyrus pa-
per, and 3 Mace. iv. 20, where chartena is found
in the same sense. Herodotus, after telling us
that the Ionians learnt the art of writing from
the Phoenicians, adds that they called their
books skins, because they made use of sheep-
skins and goat-skins when short of paper.
Parchment was used for the MSS. of the Pen-
tateuch in the time of Josephus, and the mem-
brana of 2 Tim. iv. 13 were skins of parchment.
It was one of the provisions in the Talmud
that the Law should be written on the skins of
clean animals, tame or wild, or even of clean
birds. The skins when written upon were
formed into rolls (mtgiUM ; Ps. xl. 8 ; comp.
Is. xxxiv. 4 ; Jer. xxxvi. 14 ; Ez. ii. 9 ; Zecn.
v. 1 ). They were rolled upon one or two sticks,
and fastened with a thread, the ends of which
were sealed (Is. xxix. 11 ; Dan. xii. 4 ; Rev.
v. I, &c.). The rolls were generally written
-on one side only, except in Ez. ii. 9 ; Rev.
v. 1. They were divided into columns (A. V.
" leaves," Jer. xxxvi. 23) ; the upper margin
was to be not less than three fingers broad,
the lower not less than four ; and a space of
two fingers' breadth was to be left between
every two columns. But besides skins, which
were used for the more permanent kinds of
writing, tablets of wood covered with wax (Luke
i 63) served for the ordinary purposes of life.
Several of these were fastened together, and
formed volumes. They were written upon with
a pointed style (Job xix. 24), sometimes of
iron (Ps. xlv. 2; Jer. viii. 8, xvii. 1). For
harder materials, a graver (Ex. xxxii. 4 ; ,1s.
viii. 1 ) was employed. For parchment or skins,
a reed was used (3 John 13 ; 3 Mace. v. 20).
The ink (Jer. xxxvi. 18), literally "black,"
like the Greek fiiXav (2 Cor. iii. 3 ; 2 John 12 ;
3 John 13), was to be of lamp-black dissolved
in gall-juice. It was carried in an inkstand,
which was suspended at the girdle (Ez. ix. 2,
3), as is done at the present day in the East.
To professional scribes there are allusions in
Ps. xlv. I ; Ezr. vii. 6 ; 2 Esd. xiv. 24.
126
X.
Xan'thioru. [Mouth.]
Y.
Yam. The notice of yarn is contained in
an extremely obscure passage in 1 K. x. 28
(2 Chr. i. 16). The Hebrew Received Text is
questionable. The probability is, that the term
does refer to some entrepot of Egyptian com-
merce ; but whether Tekoah, as in the LXX.,
or Coa, as in the Vulg., is doubtful. Gesenius
gives the sense of " number " as applying
equally to the merchants and the horses : —
" A band of the king's merchants bought a
drove (of horse*) at a price ; " but the verbal
arrangement in 2 Chr. is opposed to this render-
ing. The sense adopted in the A. V. is derived
from Jewish interpreters.
Tear. Two years were known to, and ap-
parently used by, the Hebrews. 1. A year of
360 days, containing twelve months of thirty
days each, is indicated by certain passages in
the prophetical Scriptures. The time, times, and
a half, of Daniel (vii. 25, xii. 7), where " time"
means "year," evidently represent the same
period as the forty-two months (Rev. xi. 2)
and 1 ,260 days of the Revelation (xi. 3, xii. 6) ;
for 360 X 3} = 1,260, and 30x42=1,260.
This year perfectly corresponds to the Egyp-
tian vague year, without the Ave intercalary
days. It appears to have been in use in Noah s
time, or at least in the time of the writer of the
narrative of the Flood. A year of 360 days is
the rudest known. It is formed of twelve spu-
rious lunar months, and was probably the par-
ent of the lunaryear of 354 days, and the vague
year of 365. The Hebrew year, from the time
of the Exodus, was evidently lunar, though in
some manner rendered virtually solar ; and we
may therefore infer that the lunar year is as
old as the date of the Exodus. As the Hebrew
year was not an Egyptian year, and as nothing
is said of its being new, save in its time of com-
mencement, it was perhaps earlier in use among
the Israelites, and cither brought into Egypt
by them, or borrowed from Sncmitic settlers.
2. The year used by the Hebrews from the
time of the Exodus may be said to have been
then instituted ; since a current month, Abib,
on the fourteenth day of which the first Passover
was kept, was then made the first month of the
year. The essential characteristics of this year
can be clearly determined, though we cannot
fix those of any single year. It was essentially
solar ; for the offerings of productions of the
earth, first-fruits, harvest-produce, and ingath-
ered fruits, were fixed to certain days of the
year, two of which were in the periods of great
feasts, the third itself a feast reckoned from ono
of the former days. But it is certain that tho
months were lunar, each commencing with a
new moon. There must, therefore, have been
some method of adjustment. The first point
to be decided is how the commencement of
each year was fixed. Probably the Hebrews
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determined their new year's day by the obser-
vation of heliacal or other star-risings or set-
tings known to mark the right time of the solar
year. It follows, from the determination of
the proper new moon of the first month, wheth-
er by observation of a stellar phenomenon, or
of the forwardness of the crops, that the method
of intercalation can only have been that in use
after the Captivity, the addition of a thirteenth
month whenever the twelfth ended too long be-
fore the equinox for the offering of the first-
fruits to be made at the time fixed. The later
Jews had two commencements of the year;
whence it is commonly but inaccurately said
that they had two years, the sacred year and
the civil* We prefer to speak of the sacred and
civil reckonings. The sacred reckoning was
that instituted at the Exodus, according to
which the first month was Abib : by the civil
reckoning, the first month was the seventh.
The interval between the two commencements
was thus exactly half a year. It has been sup-
posed that the institution at the time of the
Exodus was a change of commencement, not
the introduction of a new year ; and that
thenceforward the year had two beginnings,
respectively, at about the vernal and the autum-
nal equinoxes. The year was divided into —
1. Seasons. Two seasons are mentioned in the
Bible, " summer " and " winter." The former
properly means the time of cutting fruits ; the
latter, that of gathering fruits : they are there-
fore originally rather summer and autumn than
summer and winter. But that they signify or-
dinarily the two grand divisions of the year, the
warm and cold seasons, is evident from their
use for the whole year in the expression " sum-
mer and winter" (Ps. lxxiv. 17 ; Zoch. xiv. 8).
2. Months. [Months.] 3. Weeks. [Weeks.]
Yoke. 1. A well-known implement of
husbandry, described in the Hebrew language
by the terms mdt, mStah, and '61, the two former
specifically applying to tho bows of wood out
of which it was constructed, and the last to the
application (binding) of the article to the neck
of the ox. 2. A pair of oxen, so termed as
being yoked together (1 Sam. xi. 7 ; 1 K. xix.
19, 21). The Hebrew term, teemed, is also ap-
plied to asses (Judg. xix. 10) and mules (2 K.
v. 17), and even to a couple of riders (Is. xxi.
7). 3. The term lamed is also applied to a
certain amount of land (1 Sam. xiv. 14), equiv-
alent to that which a couple of oxen could
plough in a day (Is. v. 10; A. V. "acre"),
eorresponding to the Latin jugum.
z.
Zaana'im, the Plain of, or, more ac-
curately, " the oak by Zaanaim." A ireo —
probably a sacred tree — mentioned as marking
the spot near which Heber the Kenite was en-
camped when Sisera took refuge in his tent
(Judg. iv. 11). Its situation is defined as
" near Kcdesh," i.e. Kedesh-Naphtali, the name
of which still lingers on the high ground north
of Safid, and west of the Lake of d-Huleh.
The Targum gives, as the equivalent of the
name, mishor agganiwa, " the plain of the
swamp," which con hardly refer to any thine
but the marsh which borders the Lake of Hulek
on the north side, and which was probablr
more extensive in the time of Deborah than it
now is. On the other band, Dr. Stanley has
pointed out how appropriate a situation for this
memorable tree is afforded by " a green plain
. . . studded with massive terebinths," which
adjoins on the south the plain containing the
remains of Kedesh. These two suggestions —
of the ancient Jewish and the modern Christian
student — may be left side by side to await the
result of future investigation. The Ktri, or
correction, of Judg. iv. 11, substitutes Zaanaa-
nim for Zaanaim; and the same form is found
in Josh. xix. 33.
Za'anan. A place named by Micah ( i. 1 1 )
in his address to the towns of the Shefclah.
Zaanan is doubtless identical with Zesan.
Za'avan. A Horite chief, son of Ezcr the
son of Scir (Gen. xxxvi. 27 ; 1 Clir. i. 42).
Za"bad. L Son of Nathan, son of Altai,
son of Ahlai, Sheshan's daughter (1 Chr. ii.
31-37), and hence called son of Ahlai (I Chr.
xi. 41 ) . He was one of David's mighty men ;
but none of his deeds have been recorded". The
chief interest connected with him is in his
genealogy, which is of considerable importance
in a chronological point of view. — 2. An
Ephraimito, if the text of 1 Chr. vii. 21 is cor-
rect. — 3. Son of Shimeath, an Ammonite* :
an assassin, who, with Jehozabad, slew King
Joash, according to 2 Chr. xxiv. 26 ; but, in 2
K. xii. 21 , his name is written, probably more
correctly, Jozachar. — 4. A layman of Israel,
of the sons of Zattu, who put away bis foreign
wife at Ezra's command (Ezr. x. 27). — 6.
One of the descendants of Hashum, who had
married a foreign wife after the Captivity (Ezr.
x. 33). — 6. One of the sons of Nebo, whose
name is mentioned under the same circum-
stances as the two preceding (Ezr. x. 43).
Zabadai'as. Zabad 6 (l Esd. ix. 35).
Zabadss'ans. An Arab tribe who were
attacked and spoiled by Jonathan, on his way
back to Damascus from his fruitless pursuit of
the army of Demetrius (1 Mace. xii. 31). Jo-
scphus calls them Nabataeans (Ant. xiii. 5, § 10) ;
but he is evidently in error. Nothing certain
is known of them. Jonathan had punned the
enemy's army as far as the River Elentherus
iiVaAr el-Kebir), and was on his march back to
)amascns when he attacked and plundered the
Zabadaums. We must look for them, therefore,
somewhere to the north-west of Damascus
Accordingly, on the road from Damascus to
Baalbek, at a distance of about 8} hours (twen-
ty-six miles) from the former place, is the vil-
lage Zebdani), standing at the upper end of a
plain of the same name, which is the very
centre of Anti-Libanus. The name Zebding u
possibly a relic of the ancient tribe of the
Zal>ndae:ins. Ap.
Zabba'i. 1. One of the descendants of
Bebai, who had married a foreign wife in the
days of Ezra (Ezr. x. 28). — 2. Father of
Bornch, who assisted Nebemiah in rebuilding
the city wall (Neh. iii. 20).
ZabTjud. One of the soas ef Btgvai, who
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returned In the second caravan with Exra (Ezr.
viii. 14).
Zabde'UB. Zebadiah of the sous of Im-
mer (1 End. ix. 21). Ap.
Zab'di. 1. Son of Zerah, the son of Ju-
dah, and ancestor of Achan (Josh. vii. 1, 17,
18). — 2. A Benjamite, of the sons of Shimhi
(1 Chr. viii. 19). — 3. David's officer over the
produce of the vineyards for the wine-cellars
(1 Chr. xxvii. 27).— 4. Son of Asaph the
minstrel (Neb. xi. 17) ; called elsewhere Zac-
ciir (Neh. xii. 35) and Zichbi (1 Chr. ix. 15).
Zab'diel. 1. Father of Jashobeam, the
chief of David's guard (1 Chr. xxvii. 2). — 2.
A priest, son of the great men, or, as the mar-
gin gives it, " Hag^gedolim " (Neh. xi. 14). —
5. An Arabian chieftain who put Alexander
Balas to death (1 Mace. xi. 17 ; Joseph. Ant.
xiii. 4, § 8).
Zabud. The son of Nathan (1 K. iv. 5).
He is described as a priest (A. V. " principal
officer"), and as holding at the court of Solo-
mon the confidential post of " king's friend,"
which bad been occupied by Husbai the Archito
during the reign of David (2 Sam. xv. 37, xvi.
16; 1 Chr. xxvii. 33).
Zab'ulon. The Greek form of the name
Zebulcn (Matt iv. 13, 15; Rev. vii. 8).
Zacca'l. The sons of Zaccai, to the num-
ber of 760, returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii.
9 ; Neh. vii. 14).
Zacchffi'US. The name of a tax-collector
near Jericho, who, being short in stature, climbed
up into a sycamore-tree in order to obtain a
sight of Jesus as He passed through that place.
Luke only has related the incident (xix. 1-10).
Zacchteus was a Jew, as may be inferred from
his name, and from the fact that the Saviour
speaks of him expressly as " a son of Abra-
ham." The term which designates this office
is an usual, but describes him no doubt as the
superintendent of customs or tribute in the dis-
trict of Jericho, where he lived, as one having
a commission from his Roman principal (man-
ceptpublicanus) to collect the imposts levied on
the Jews by the Romans, and who, in the execu-
tion of that trust, employed subalterns, who
were accountable to him, as he in turn was ac-
countable to his superior. The office must
have been a lucrative one in such a region, and
it is not strange that Zacchsus is mentioned
by the evangelist as a rich man. The Saviour
spent the night probably in the house of Zac-
ctueus, and the next day pursued his journey
to Jerusalem. He was in the caravan from
Galilee, which was going up thither to keep the
Passover. We read in the rabbinic writings
also of a Zacchteus who lived at Jericho at this
same period, well known on his own account,
and especially as the. father of the celebrated
Rabbi Jochanan ben Zachai.
Zacche'US. An officer of Judas Macca-
bseus (2 Mace. x. 19). Ap.
Zao'chur. A Simeonite, of the family of
Mishma (1 Chr. iv. 26).
Zao'cur. 1. Father of Shammua, the Reu-
benite spy (Num. xiii. 4). — 2. A Merarite Le-
vite, son of Jaaziahfl Chr. xx.iv.27). — 3. Son
of Asaph, the singer (1 Chr. xxv. 2, 10; Neh.
xii. 35). — 4. The son of Imri, who assisted
Nohemiah in rebuilding the city wall (Neh. iii.
2). — 5. A Levite, or family of Levites, who
signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x.
12). — 6. A Levite, whose son or descendant
Hanan was one of the treasurers over the treas-
uries appointed by Nehemiah (Neh. xiii. 13).
Zaahari'ah, or properly Zechabiah, was.
son of Jeroboam II., 14th king of Israel,
and the last of the house of Jehu. There is a
difficulty about the date of his reign. Most
chronologers assume an interregnum of eleven
years between Jeroboam's death and Zacha-
riah's accession, during which the kingdom was
Buffering from the anarchy of a disputed suc-
cession ; but this seems unlikely after the reign
of a resolute ruler like Jeroboam, and does not
solve the difference between 2 K. xiv. 17 and
xv. 1. We are reduced to suppose that our
present MSS. have here incorrect numbers, to
substitute 15 for 27 in 2 K. xv. 1, and to be-
lieve that Jeroboam II. reigned 52 or 53 years.
But whether we assume an interregnum, or an
error in the MSS., we must place Zachariah's
accession B.C. 771-72. His reign lasted only
six months. He was killed in a conspiracy,
of which Shallum was the head, and by which
the prophecy in 2 K. x. 30 was accomplished.
— 2. The father of Abi, or Abijah, Hczekiah's
mother (2 K. xviii. 2).
Zachari'as. 1. Zechariah the priest in
the reign of Josiah (1 Esd. i. 8). — 2. In I Esd.
i. 15, Zacharias occupies the place of Hemanin
2 Chr. xxxv. 15. — 3. = Sbbaiah 6, and Aza-
riah (1 Esd. v. 8; comp. Ezr. ii. 2; Neh. vii.
7). — 4. The prophet Zechariah (1 Esd. vi.
1, vii. 3). — S. Zechabiah 8 (1 Esd. viii. 30).
— 6. Zechariah 9 (1 Esd. viii. 37). — 7.
Zechabiah 10 (1 Esd. viii. 44). — 8. Zecha-
biah 11(1 Esd. ix. 27 ; comp. Ezr. x. 26)
9. Father of Joseph, a leader in the first cam-
paign of the Maccabsean war (1 Mace. v. 18,
56-62).— 10. Father of John the Baptist
(Luke i. 5, &c.). — 11. Son of Barachias,
who, our Lord says, was slain by the Jews be-
tween the Altar and the Temple (Matt xxiii.
35 ; Luke xi. 51 ). There has been much dis-
pute who this Zacharias was. Many of the
Greek Fathers have maintained that the father
of John the Baptist is the person to whom
our Lord alludes; but there can be little or
no doubt that the allusion is to Zechariah, the
son of Jehoiada (2 Chr. xxiv. 20, 21). The
name of the father of Zacharias is not mentioned
by St. Luke ; and we ma^ suppose that the
name of Barachias crept into the text of St.
Matthew from a marginal gloss, a confusion
having been made between Zechariah, the son
of Jehoiada, and Zacharias, the son of Barachias
(Berechiah) the prophet.
Zach'ary. The prophet Zechariah (2 Esd.
i. 40). Ap.
Za'cher. One of the sons of Jehicl, the
father or founder of Gibeon, by his wife Maa-
cbab(l Chr. viii. 31 ).
Za'dok. 1. Son of Ahitnb, and one of the
two chief priests in the time of David, Ablathar
being the other. Zadok was of the house of
Eleazar, the son of Aaron (I Chr. xxiv. 3), and
eleventh in descent from Aaron. The first
mention of him is in 1 Chr. xii. 28, where we
are told that he joined David at Hebron af-
ter Saul's death with 22 captains of his father's
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boose, and, apparently, with 900 men (4,600 —
3,700, ver. 26, 27 ). Up to this time, it may be
concluded, he had adhered to the house of Saul.
But henceforth bis fidelity to David was invio-
lable. When Absalom revolted, and David fled
from Jerusalem, Zadok and all the Levites bear-
ing the Ark accompanied him, and it was only
at the king's express command that they re-
turned to Jerusalem, and became the medium
of communication between the kingand Hushai
the Archite (2 Sam. xv., xvii.). When Absa-
lom was dead, Zadok and Abiathar were the
persons who persuaded the elders of Judah to
invite David to return (2 Sam. xix. II). When
Adonijah, in David's old age, set up for king,
and had persuaded Joab, and Abiathar the
priest, to join his party, Zadok was unmoved,
and was employed by David to anoint Solomon
to be king in his room (1 K. i.). And for this
fidelity he was rewarded by Solomon, who
" thrust out Abiathar from being priest unto
the Lord," and " put in Zadok the priest " in
his room (1 K. ii. 27, 35). From this time,
however, we hear little of him. It is said in
general terms, in the enumeration of Solomon's
officers of state, that Zadok was the priest
(IK. iv. 4; 1 Chr. xxix. 22); but no single
act of his is mentioned. Zadok and Abiathar
were of nearly equal dignitv (2 Sam. xv. 35,
36, xix. 1 1 ). The duties of the office were di-
vided. Zadok ministered before the Tabernacle
at Gibeon (1 Chr. xvi. 39); Abiathar had the
care of the Ark at Jerusalem. Not, however,
exclusively, as appears from 1 Chr. xv. II ; 2
Sam. xv. 24, 25, 29. Hence, perhaps, it may
be concluded that from the first there was a
tendency to consider the office of the priesthood
as somewhat of the nature of a corporate office,
although some of its functions were necessarily
confined to the chief member of that corpora-
Udwt breutpUia worn by priert*.— " Sea Pita*.*
tion. — 2. According to the genealogy of the
hiirh-priests in 1 Chr. vi. 12, there was a second
Zadok, son of a second Ahitub, son of Ama-
riah, about the time of King Ahaziah. It is
probable that no such person as this second Za-
dok ever existed, but that the insertion of the
two names is a copyist's error. — 8. Father of
Jerushah, the wife of King Uzziah, and mother
of King Jotham (2 K. xv. 33 ; 2 Chr. xxvii. 1 ).
— 4. Son of Baana, who repaired a portion of
the wall in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 4)
He is probably the same who is in the list of
those that sealed the covenant in Neh. x. 21, as
in both cases his name follows that of Mesheza-
beel. — 5. Son of Immer, a priest who repaired
a portion of the wall over against his own house
(Neh. iii. 29). — 6. In Neh. xi. 11, and 1 Chr.
ix. 11, mention is made in a genealogy of Za-
dok, the son of Meraioth, the son of Ahitnb.
Bat it can hardly be doubtful that Meraioth
is inserted by the error of a copyist, and that
Zadok the son of Ahitub is meant.
ZaTiam. Son of Rehoboam by Abihail.
the daughter of Eliab (2 Chr. xi. 19).
Za'ir. A place named, in 2 K. viii. 21 only,
in the account of Joram's expedition against
the Edomites. The parallel account in Chroni-
cles (2 Chr. xxi. 9) agrees with this, except
that the words " to Zair" are omitted, and the
words "with his princes" inserted. It has
been conjectured that the latter were substi-
tuted for the former, either by the error of a
copyist, or intentionally, because the name Zair
was not elsewhere known. Others, again, sug-
gest that Zair is identical with Zoar. A third
conjecture, grounded on the readings of the
Vulgate (Sara) and the Arabic version (Sa'ir),
is, that Znir is an alteration for Seir.
Zalaph. Father of Hannn, who assisted
in rebuilding the city wall (Neh. iii. 30).
Zal'mon. An Ahohite, one of David's
guard (2 Sam xxiii. 28).
Zal'mon, Mount. A wooded eminence
in the immediate neighborhood of Shechem
(Judg. ix. 48). It is evident from the narra-
tive that it was close to the city. But beyond
this there does not appear to be the smallest
indication of its position. The name SnUimijjek
is attached to the S. E. portion of Mount Ebel :
but, without further evidence, it is hazardous
even to conjecture that there is any connection
between this name and Zalmon. The name of
Dalmanutha has been supposed to be a corrup-
tion of that of Zalmon.
Zal'monah. The name of a desert sta-
tion of the Israelites (Num. xxxiii. 41). It
lies on the east side of Edom ; but whether or
not identical with Moan, a few miles E. of
Petra, as Raumer thinks, is doubtful. More
probably, Zalmonah may be in the Wadg
Zal'munna. One of the two " kings " of
Midian whose capture and death by the hands
of Gideon himself formed the last act of hit
rit conflict with Midian (Judg. viii. 5-21 ;
Ixxxiii. II).
Zamtris. The same as Amariaii (1 Esd.
ix. 34 ; comp. Ezr. x. 42). Ap.
Zam'bri. Zimri the Simeonite slain by
Phinehas (1 Mace. ii. 26). Ap.
Za'moth = Zattu (1 Esd. ix. 28; comp.
Ezr. x. 27). Ap.
Zam'ZUmmimS. The Ammonite nam*
for the people, who by others were called Rkph
aim (Deut. ii. 20) only. They are described
as having originally been a powerful and nu-
merous nation of giants. From a slight simi-
larity between the two names, and from th*
mention of the Emim in connection with each,
it is usually assumed that the Zamzummim an
Digitized by
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ZAPHNATH-PAANEAH
1005
ZARH1TES
identical with the Zazim. But at best the
identification is very conjectural.
Zanoah. In the genealogical lists of the
tribe of Judah in 1 Chron., Jekuthiel is said
to have been the father of Zanoah (iv. 18).
Zanoah is the name of a town of Judah, and
this mention of Bithiah probably points to
some colonization of the place by Egyptians,
or by Israelites directly from Egypt.
Zanoah. The name of two towns in the
territory of Judah. 1. In the Shefelah (Josh,
xv. 34), named in the same group with Zoreah
and Jarmuth. It is possibly identical with
Zanu'a, a site which was pointed out to Dr.
Robinson from Belt JVeUy! and which, in the
maps of Van de Velde and of Tobler, is placed
on the N. side of the Wady Ismail, 2 mues E.
of Zoreah, and 4 miles N. of Yarmuk. The
name recurs in its old connection in the lists of
Nehemiah. 2. A town in the highland dis-
trict, the mountain proper (Josh. xv. 56). It
is not improbably identical with Sanute, which
is mentioned by Seetzen as below Senuia, and
appears to be about 10 miles S. of Hebron.
Zaph'xiath-Paane'ah, a name given by
Pharaoh to Joseph (Gen. xli. 45). This name
has been explained as Hebrew or Egyptian,
and always as a proper name. It has not been
supposed to be an official title ; but this possi-
bility has to be considered. 1. The rabbins
interpreted Zaphnath-paaneah as Hebrew, in
the sense " revealer of a secret." 2. Isidore,
though mentioning the Hebrew interpretation,
remarks that the name should be Egyptian,
and offers an Egyptian etymology. " Inter-
pretatur ergo Zapnanath Phaaneca jEgyptio
sermone salvator mundi." 3. Modern scholars
have looked to Coptic for an explanation of
this name, Jablonski and others proposing as
the Coptic of the Egyptian original psdt era
phenech, " the preservation " or " preserver of
the age." It is impossible to arrive at a satis-
factory result without first inquiring when this
name was given, and what are the characteris-
tics of Egyptian titles and names. The name,
at first sight, seems to be a proper name, but,
as occurring after the account of Joseph's ap-
pointment and honors, may be a title. Before
comparing Zaphnath-paaneah and Psonthom-
phanech (LXX.) with Egyptian names, we must
ascertain the probable Egyptian equivalents of
the letters of these forms. The probable origi-
nals of the Egyptian name of Joseph maybe
that stated : —
S B 3 n
T P N T
F
D
P
j> 3 n
A N KH
+ o» 9 o ft
PS N T M
P
F
a v it x
N KH
The second part of the name in the Heorew
is the same as in the LXA., although in the
latter it is not separate : we therefore examine
it first. It is identical with the ancient Egyp-
tian proper name P-ANKHEE, " the living."
The second part of the name, thus explained,
affords no clew to the meaning of the first part.
The LXX. form of the first part is at once
recognized in the ancient Egyptian words
P-SENT-N, " the defender " or " preserver of.*
The word SENT does not appear to be used
except as a divine, and, under the Ptolemies,
regal title, in the latter case for Soter. The
Hebrew form seems to represent a compound
name commencing with jTETEF, or TEF,
" he says." But, if the name commence witli
either of these words, the rest seems inexpli-
cable. It is remarkable that the last two con-
sonants are the same as in Asenath, the name
of Joseph's wife. It has been supposed that In
both cases this element is the name of the god-
dess Neith, Asenath having been conjectured
to be AS-NEET ; and Zaphnath, by Mr. Os-
burn.we believe rEF-NEET, " the delight (?)
of Neith." Neith, the goddess of Sais, is not
likely to have been reverenced at Heliopolis,
the city of Asenath. It is also improbable
that Pharaoh would have given Joseph a name
connected with idolatry.
Za'phon. The name of a place mentioned
in the enumeration of the allotment of the
tribe of Gad (Josh. xiii. 27). No name re-
sembling it has yet been encountered.
Za'ra. Zarah the son of Judah (Matt.
i.3).
Zar'oces. Brother of Joacim, or Jehoia-
kim, king of Judah (1 Esd. i. 38). An.
Zarah. Zkrah, the son of Judah (Gen.
xxxviii. 30, xlvi. 12).
Zarai'as. 1. Zebahiar 1 (I Esd. viii. 2).
— 2. Zerahiah 2 (1 Esd. viii. 31). — 3.
Zeradiah 5 (1 Esd. viii. 34). Ap.
Za'reah. The same as Zobah and Zo-
reah (Neh. xi. 29).
Za'reathites, the. The inhabitants of
Zareah or Zorah (1 Chr. ii. 53).
Za'red, the Valley of. The namo is
accurately Zered (Num. xxi. 12).
Zar ephflth. A town which derives its
claim to notice from having been the residence
of the prophet Elijah during the latter part of
the drought (1 K. xvii. 9, 10). Beyond stating
that it was near to or dependent on Zidon,
the Bible gives no clew to its position. Jose-
phus {Ant. viii. 13, § 2) says that it was " not
far from Sidon and Tyre ; for it lies between
them." And to this Jerome adds {Onom. " Sa-
refta") that it " lay on the public road," that
is the coast road. Both these conditions are
implied in the mention of it in the Itinerary
of Paula by Jerome, and both are fulfilled in
the situation of the modern village of SSra/end.
Of the old town, considerable indications re-
main. One group of foundations is on a head-
land called Ain a-Kantarah; but the chief re-
mains are south of this, and extend for a mile
or more, with many fragments of columns,
slabs, and other architectural features. In the
N. T., Zarephath appears under the Greek form
of Sarepta.
Zar"etan. Zarthah (Josh. Hi. 16).
Za'reth-ShaTiar. A place mentioned
only in Josh. xiii. .19, in the catalogue of the
towns allotted to Reuben. It is named between
Sibmah and Bbthpeor, and is particularly
specified as " in Mount ha-Emek " (A. V. " in
the Mount of the Valley"). From this, how-
ever, no clew can be gained to its position.
Zar'hite8, the. A branch of the tribe of
Judah ; descended from Zerah the son of Jnrinh
Digitized by
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ZEBAH
1006
ZEBOIM
(Mum. xxri. 13, 20; Josh. vii. 17; 1 Chr.
xxvii. 11, 13).
Zarfranah. A place named in I K. iv. 12
to define the position of Bethshkan. It is
possibly identical with Zabthan ; but nothing
positive can be said on the point.
Zar'than. 1. A place in the decor or
circle of Jordan, mentioned in connection with
Succoth (1 K. vii. 46). 2. It is also named, in
the account of the passage of the Jordan by
the Israelites (Josh. lii. 16), as defining the po-
sition of the city Adam. 3. A place with the
similar name of Zartanah. 4. Farther, in
Chronicles, Zeredathah is substituted for Zar-
than, and this again is not impossibly identical
with the Zererah, Zererath, or Zererathah, of
the story of Gideon. All these spots agree in
proximity to the Jordan ; bat beyond mis we
are absolutely at fault as to their position.
Zath'oe. This name occurs in 1 Esd. viii.
32 for Zatto, which appears to have been
omitted in the Hebrew text of Ezr. riii. 5,
which should read, " Of the sons of Zattn,
Shechaniah the son of Jahaziel." Ap.
Zathu'L Zattu (1 Esd. t. 12). Ap.
Zat'thU. Elsewhere Zattu (Neh. x. 14).
Zat'tU. The sons of Zattu were a family
of laymen of Israel who returned with Zernb-
babel (Ezr. ii. 8 ; Neh. vii. 13).
Za van = Zaavan ( 1 Chr. i. 42).
Za'za. One of the sons of Jonathan, a
descendant of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 33).
Zebadi'ah. 1. A Benjamite of the sons
of Beriah (1 Chr. viii. IS). — 2. A Benjamite
of the sons of Elpaal (1 Chr. viii. 17). — 3.
One of the sons of Jeroham of Gedor (I Chr.
xii. 7). — 4. Son of Asahel the brother of
Joab (1 Chr. xxvii. 7). — 5. Son of Michael
of the sons of Shcphatiah (Ezr. viii. 8). —6. A
priest of the sons of Immer who had married
a foreign wife after the return from Babylon
(Ezr. x. 20). — 7. Third son of Meshelemiah
the Korhite (1 Chr. xxvi. 2). — 8. A Levite
in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 8). —
9. The son of Ishmael, and prince ot the house
of Judah in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr.
xix. 11).
Zelmh. One of the two " kings " of Mid-
ian who appear to have commanded the great
invasion of Palestine, and who finally fell by
the hand of Gideon himself. He is always
coupled with Zalmunna, and is mentioned in
Judg. viii. 5-21 ; Ps. lxxxiii. 11. While Oreb
and Zeeb, two of the inferior leaders of the in-
cursion, had been slain, with a vast number of
their people, by the Ephraimites, at the central
fords of the Jordan, the two kings had succeeded
in making their escape by a passage farther to
the north (probably the ford near Bethshean),
and thence by the W ady Yalit, through Gilead,
to Karkor, a place which is not fixed, hut which
lay doubtless high up on the Hauran. Here
they were reposing with 15,000 men, a mere
remnant of their huge horde, when Gideon
overtook them. The name of Gideon was still
y full of terror, and the Bedouins were entirely
unprepared for his attack — they fled in dismay,
and the two kings were taken. Such was the
third act of the great tragedy. Two mora
remain. First the return down the long defiles
leading to the Jordan. Gideon probably strode
on foot by the side of his captives. They
passed Penuel, where Jacob had seen the vision
of the face of God ; they passed Succoth ; they
crossed the rapid stream of the Jordan ; they
ascended the highlands west of the river, and
at length reached Ophrah, the native village of
their captor. Then at last the question which
must have been on Gideon's tongue during the
whole of the return found a vent: "What
manner of men were they which ye slew at
Tabor? " Up to this time, the sheiks may have
believed that they were reserved for ransom ;
but, these words once spoken, there can have
been no doubt what their fate was to be. They
met it like noble children of the Desert, with-
out fear or weakness. One request alone they
make, — that they may die by the sure blow of
the hero himself; " and Gideon arose and slew
them."
Ze'balm. The sons of Pochereth of hat-
Tsebaim are mentioned in the catalogue of the
families of " Solomon's slaves " who returned
from the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 57 ;
Neh. vii. 59). The name is in the original all
but identical with that of Zbboim.
Zeb'odeO. A fisherman of Galilee, the
father of the apostles James the Great and John
(Matt iv. 21), and the husband of Salome
(Matt, xxvii. 56 ; Mark xv. 40). He probably
lived either at Bethsaida or in its immediate
neighborhood. It has been inferred from the
mention of his "hired servants" (Mark i. 20),
and from the acquaintance between the apostle
John, and Annas the high-priest (John xviii.
15), that the family of Zebedee were in easy
circumstances (comp. xix. 27), although not
above manual labor (Matt. iv. 21 J. He appears
only once in the gospel narrative, namely in
Matt. iv. 21, 22, Mark i. 19, 20, where he is
seen in his boat with his two sons mending
their nets.
Zebi'na. One of the sons of Ncbo, who
had taken foreign wives after the return from
Babylon (Ezr. x. 43).
Zeboim. This word represents in the
A. V. two names which in the original are quite
distinct. 1. One of the five cities of tin
" plain " or circle of Jordan. It is mentioned
in Gen. x. 19, xiv. 2, 8; Deut. xxix. 23; and
Hos. xi. 8; in each of which passages it is
either coupled with Admah, or placed next it
in the lists. No attempt appears to have been
made to discover the site or Zeboim till M. de
Saulcy suggested the Talaa Sebaan, a name
which he, and he alone, reports as attached to
extensive ruins on the high ground between the
Dead Sea and Kerak. In Gen. xiv. 2, 8, the
name is given more correctly, in the A. V.,
Zeboiim. — 2. The Valley of Zeboim, •
ravine or gorge, apparently east of Michmash,
mentioned only in 1 Sam. xiii. 1 8. The road
running from Michmash to the east is specified
as " the road of the border that looketh to the
Ravine of Zeboim towards the wilderness."
The wilderness (mxdbar) is no doubt the district
of uncultivated mountain tops and sides which
lies between the central district of Benjamin
and the Jordan Valley; and here apparently
the Ravine of Zeboim should be sought. In
that very district, there is a wild gorge, bearing
the name of Shut ed-Dubba', " ravine of the
Digitized by
Google
ZEBULUN
1007
ZECHABIAH
hyena," — the exact equivalent of Gt hat-tte-
bo'im.
Zeb'Udah. Daughter of Pedaiah of Ru-
mah, wife of Jo»>ah, and mother of King Jehoi-
akim (2 K. xxiii. 3S).
Ze'bul. Chief man (A. V. "ruler") of
the city of Shechem at the time of the contest
between Abimelech and the native Canaanites.
HU name occurs Judg. ix. 28-11.
Zeb'ulonite, a member of the tribe of
Zebulun. Applied only to Eloji, the one
judge produced by the tribe (Judg. xii. 11,
12).
Zob'ulun. The tenth of the sons of Ja-
cob, according to the order in which their
births are enumerated ; the sixth and last of
Leah (Gen. xxx. 20, xxxv. 23, xlvi. 14; 1 Chr.
ii. 1). His birth is recorded in Gen. xxx. 19,
20. Of the individual Zebulun, nothing is re-
corded. The list of Gen. xlvi. ascribes to him
three sons, founders of the chief families of the
tribe (comp. Num. xxvi. 26) at the time of the
migration to Egypt. During the journey from
Egypt to Palestine, the tribe of Zebulun formed
one of the first camp, with Judah and Issachar
(also sons of Leah), marching under the stan-
dard of Judah. Its numbers at the census of
Sinai were 57,000, surpassed only by Simeon,
Dan, ami Judah. At that of Shittim they
were 60,500, not having diminished, but not
having increased nearly so much as might nat-
urally be expected. The head of the tribe at
Sinai was Eliab son of Hclon (Num. vii. 24) ;
at Shilob, Elizaphan son of Parnach (ib. xxxiv.
25). Its representative amongst the spies was
Gaddiel son of Sodi (xiii. 10). Besides what
may be implied in its appearances in these lists,
the tribe is not recorded to have taken part, for
evil or good, in any of the events of the wan-
dering or the conquest. Judah, Joseph, Ben-
jamin, had acquired the south and the centre
of the country. To Zebulun fell one of the fair-
est of the remaining portions. It is perhaps im-
possible, in the present state of our knowledge,
exactly to define its limits ; but the statement
of Josephus (Ant. v. 1, §22) is probably in the
main correct, that it reached on the one side
to the Lake of Genesareth, and on the other to
Carmel and the Mediterranean. On the south,
it was bounded by Issachar, who lay in the
great plain or valley of the Kishon : on the
north it had Naphtali and Asher. The fact
recognized by Josephus, that Zebulun extended
to the Mediterranean, though not mentioned or
implied, as far as we can discern, in the lists of
Joshna and Judges, is alluded to in the bless-
ing of Jacob (Gen. xlix. 13). Situated so far
from the centre of government, Zebulun re-
mains throughout the history, with one excep-
tion, in the obscurity which envelops the whole
of the northern tribes. That exception, how-
ever, is a remarkable one. The conduct of the
tribe during the struggle with Sisera, when
they fought with desperate valor side by side
with their brethren of Naphtali, was such as
to draw down the especial praise of Deborah,
who singles them out from all the other tribes
(Judg. v. 18). A similar reputation is alluded
to in the mention of the tribe among those who
attended the inauguration of David's reign at
Hebron (1 Chr. xii. 33). The same passage,
however, shows that they did not neglect the
arts of peace (ver. 40). We are nowhere di-
rectly told that the people of Zebnlun were
carried off to Assyria.
Zeb'ulunites. the. The members of the
tribe of Zebulun (Num. xxvi. 27 only).
Zechariah. 1. The eleventh in order of
the twelve minor prophets. Of his personal
history we know but little. He is called in bis
prophecy the son of Berechiah, and the grand-
son of Iddo ; whereas, in the Book of Ezra (v. I,
iv. 14), he is said to have been the son of Iddo.
Various attempts have been made to reconcile
this discrepancy. Cyril of Alexandria suppos-
es that Berechiah was the father of Zechariah,
according to the flesh ; and that Iddo was his
instructor, and;might be regarded as his spiritu-
al father. Gesenius and Rosenmiiller take
" son " in the passages in Ezra to mean " grand-
son." Knobel thinks that the name of Bere-
chiah has crept into the present text of Zecha-
riah from Isaiah viii. 2. It is surely more natu-
ral to suppose, as the prophet himself mentions
his father s name, whereas the historical Books
of Ezra and Nehcmiah mention only Iddo, that
Berechiah bad died early, and that there was
now no intervening link between the grand-
father and the grandson. Zechariah, according
to this view, like Jeremiah and Ezekiel before
him, was priest as well as prophet. He seems
to have entered upon his office while yet young
(Zcch. ii. 4), and must have been born in Baby-
lon, whence he returned with the first caravan
of exiles under Zerubbabel and Joshua. It was
in the eighth month, in the second year of Da-
rius, that he first publicly discharged his office.
In this he acted in concert with Haggai. Both
ahets had the same great object before them ;
directed all their energies to the building
of the second Temple. It is impossible not to
see of how great moment, under such circum-
stances, and for the discharge of the special
duty with which he was intrusted, would be the
priestly origin of Zechariah. The foundations
of the Temple had indeed been laid; but that
was all (Ezr. v. 16). Discouraged by the op-
position which they had encountered at first,
the Jewish colony had begun to build, and were
not able to finish ; and even when the letter
came from Darius sanctioning the work, and
Sromising his protection, they showed no hearty
isposition to engage in it. At such a time, no
more fitting instrument could be found to rouse
the people, whose heart had grown cold, than
one who united to the authority of the prophet
the zeal and the traditions of a sacerdotal fami-
ly. Accordingly, to Zechariah's influence we
find the rebuilding of the Temple in a great
measure ascribed. " And the elders of the
Jews builded," it is said; " and they prospered
through the prophesying of Haggai the proph-
et, and Zechariah the son of Iddo (Ezr. vi. 14).
Later traditions assume, what is indeed very
probable, that Zechariah took personally an ac-
tive part in providing for the liturgical service
of the Temple. He and Haggai are both said
to have composed psalms with this view. If
the later Jewish accounts may be trusted, Zech-
ariah, as well as Haggai, was a member of the
Great Synagogue. The patristic notices of the
prophet are worth nothing. According to
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ZECHARIAH
1008
ZECHARIAH
these, he exercised his prophetic office in Chal<
dam, and wrought many miracles there; re-
tamed to Jerusalem at an advanced age, where
he discharged the duties of the priesthood, and
where he died, and was buried by the side of
Haggai. The genuine writings of Zechariah
help us but little in our estimation of his char-
acter. Some faint traces, however, we may
observe in them of his education in Babylon.
He leans avowedly on the authority of the older
prophets, and copies their expressions. Jere-
miah especially seems to have been his favorite ;
and hence the Jewish saying, that " the spirit
of Jeremiah dwelt in Zechariah. " But, in what
may be called the peculiarities of his prophecy,
he approaches more nearly to Ezekiel and Dan-
iel. Like them, he delights in visions; like
them, he uses symbols and allegories, rather
than the bold figures and metaphors which lend
so much force and beauty to the writings of the
earlier prophets ; like them, he beholds angels
ministering before Jehovah, and fulfilling his
behests on the earth. He is the only one of the
prophets who speaks of Satan. That some of
these peculiarities are owing to his Chaliiaean
education can hardly be doubted. Even in the
form of the visions, a careful criticism might
perhaps discover some traces of the prophet's
early training Generally speaking, Zechariah's
style is pure, und remarkably free from Chalda-
isms. As is common with writers in the de-
cline of a language, he seems to have striven
to imitate the purity of the earlier models ; but
in orthography, and in the use of some words
and phrases, he betrays the influence of a later
age.
Contents of the Prophecy. — The Book of Zech-
ariah, in its existing form, consists of three
principal parts, — chap, i.-viii., chap, ix.-xi.,
chap, xii.-xiv. I. The first of these divisions
is allowed by all critics to be the genuine work
of Zechariah the son of Iddo. It consists, first,
of a short introduction, or preface, in which
the prophet announces his commission; then
of a series of visions, descriptive of all those
hopes and anticipations of which the building
of the Temple was the pledge and sure founda-
tion ; and finally of a discourse, delivered two
years later, in reply to questions respecting the
observance of certain established fasts. 1. The
short introductory oracle (chap. i. 1-6) is a
warning voice from the past, and manifestly
rests upon the former warnings of Haggai. 2.
In a dream of the night, there passed before the
eyes of the prophet a series of visions (chap. i.
7-vi. 15). These visions are obscure, and ac-
cordingly the prophet asks their meaning. The
interpretation is given by an angel who knows
the mind and will of Jehovah. (I.) In the
first vision (chap. i. 7-15), the prophet sees, in
a valley of myrtles, a rider upon a roan horse,
accompanied by others, who, having been sent
forth to the four quarters of the earth, had re-
turned with the tidings that the whole earth
was at rest (with reference to Hngg. ii. 20).
Hereupon the angel asks how long this state
of things shall last, and is assured that the in-
difference of the heathen shall cease, and that
the Temple shall be built in Jerusalem. (2.)
The second vision (chap. ii. 1-17, A. V. i. 18-
ii. 13) explains how the promise of the first is to
be fulfilled. The old prophets, in foretelling
the happiness and glorv of the times which
should succeed the captivity in Babylon, had
made a great part of that happiness and glory
to consist in the gathering-together again of the
whole dispersed nation in the land given to their
fathers. This vision was designed to teach tliat
the expectation thus raised — the return of the
dispersed of Israel — should be fulfilled, (t.)
The next two visions (iii., iv.) are occupied
with the Temple, and with the two principal
persons on whom the hopes of the returned ex-
iles rested. The permission granted for the re-
building of the Temple had no doubt stirred
afresh the malice and the animosity of the ene-
mies of the Jews. Joshua the high-priest bad
been singled out, it would seem, as the especial
object of attack, and perhaps formal accusations
had already been laid against him before the
Persian court. The prophet, in vision, sees
him summoned before a higher tribunal, and
solemnly acquitted, despite the charges of the
Satan, or Adversary. This is done with tlie
forms still usual in an Eastern court. (4.)
The last vision (iv.) supposes that all opposi-
tion to the building of the Temple shall be
removed. This sees the completion of the
work. The two next visions (v. 1-1 1 ) signify
that the land, in which the sanctuary has jus;
been erected, shall be purged of all its pollu-
tions. (5.) First, the curse is recorded against
wickedness in the whole land, v. 3. (6.) Next,
the unclean thing, whether in the form of
idolatry or any other abomination, shall be ut-
terly removed. (7.) And now the night is
waning fast, and the morning is about to dawn.
Chariots and horses appear, issuing from be-
tween two brazen mountains, the horses like
those in the first vision ; and these receive their
several commands, and are sent forth to execute
the will of Jehovah in the four quarters of the
earth. Thus, then, the cycle of visions is com-
pleted. Scene after scene is unrolled till the
whole glowing picture is presented to the eye.
All enemies crushed ; the land repeopled, and
Jerusalem girt as with a wall of fire ; the Tem-
ple rebuilt, more truly splendid than of Md, be-
cause more abundantly filled with a Divine
Presence ; the leaders of the people assured in
the most signal manner of the Divine protec-
tion ; all wickedness solemnly sentenced, and
the land forever purged of it, — such is the
magnificent panorama of hope which the proph-
et displays to his countrymen. Immediately
on these visions there follows a symbolical act-
Three Israelites had just returned from Baby-
lon, bringing with them rich gifts to Jerusa-
lem, apparently as contributions to the Tem-
ple; and had been received in the house of
Josiah the son of Zephaniah. Thither the
prophet is commanded to go, — whether still
in a dream or not, is not very clear, — and to
employ the silver and gold of their offerings
for the service of Jehovah. He is to make of
them two crowns, and to place these on the
head of Joshua the high-priest, — a sign, that,
in the Messiah who should build the Temple,
the kingly and priestly offices should be united.
3. From this time, for a space of nearly two
years, the prophet's voice was silent, or bis
words have not been recorded. But in the
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ZECHARIAH
1009
ZECHARIAH
fourth year of King Daring, in the fourth day
of the ninth month, there came a deputation
of Jews to his Temple, anxious to know wheth-
er the fast-days which had been instituted dur-
ing the seventy years' captivity were still to be
observed. It is remarkable that this question
should hare been addressed to priests and
prophets conjointly in the Temple. This close
alliance between two classes hitherto so sepa-
rate, and often so antagonistic, was one of the
most hopeful circumstances of the times. Still
Zechariah, as chief of the prophets, has the de-
cision of this question. In language worthy
of his position and his office, language which
reminds us of one of the most striking passages
of his great predecessor (Is. lriii. 5-7), he lays
down the same principle, — that God lores mor-
cy rather than fasting, and truth and righteous-
ness rather than sackcloth and a sad counte-
nance. Again he foretells, but not now in
vision, the glorious times that are near at hand,
when Jehovah shall dwell in the midst of them,
and Jerusalem be called a city of truth (riii.
1-15). Again, he declares that "truth and
peace" (rer. 16, 19) are the bulwarks of na-
tional prosperity ; and he announces, in obedi-
ence to the command of Jchorah, not only that
the fasts are abolished, but that the days of
mourning shall henceforth be days of joy, the
fasts be counted for festirals. His prophecy
concludes with a prediction that Jerusalem shall
be the centre of religious worship to all nations
of the earth (riii. 16-23). — II. The remainder
of the book consists of two sections of about
equal length, ix.-xi. and xii.-xir., each of
which has an inscription. 1. In the first sec-
tion, he threatens Damascus and the sea-coast
of Palestine with misfortune, but declares that
Jerusalem shall be protected. The Jews who
AMfrian Thron
or Chilr of HUte. (I.«y*rd.
an.)
are still in captivity shall return to their land.
The land, too, shall be fruitful as of old (romp,
riii. 12). The Teraphim and the false prophets
may indeed hare spoken lies ; but upon these
will the Lord execute judgment, and then He
will look with faror upon His people, and bring
back both Judah and Ephraim from their cap-
127
tirity. The possession of Gilead and Lebanon
is again promised, as the special portion of
Ephraim ; and both Egypt and Assyria shall be
broken and humbled. The prophecy now takes
a sudden turn. An enemy is seen approaching
from the north, who, having forced the narrow
passes of Lebanon, the great bulwark of the
northern frontier, carries desolation into the
country beyond. Hereupon the prophet re-
ceives a commission from God to feed his flock,
which God himself will no more feed because
of their dirisions. The prophet undertakes
the office, and cuts off several evil shepherds
whom his soul abhors, but observes, at the same
time, that the flock will not be obedient. Hence
he throws up his office. 2. The second section,
xii.-xiv., is entitled " The burden of the word
of Jehovah for Israel." But Israel is here used
of the nation at large, not of Israel as distinct
from Judah. Indeed, the prophecy which fol-
lows concerns Judah and Jerusalem. In this
the prophet beholds the near approach of troub-
lous times, when Jerusalem should be hard
pressed by enemies. But in that day Jehovah
shall come to save them, and all the nations
which gather themselves against Jerusalem shall
be destroyed. At the same time, the deliver-
ance shall not be from outward enemies alone.
God will pour out upon them a spirit of grace
and supplications. Then follows a short apos-
trophe to the sword of the enemy to turn
against the shepherds of the people ; and a fur-
ther announcement of searching and purifying
judgments, which, however, it must be ac-
knowledged, is somewhat abrupt. Ewald's sug-
gestion, that the passage xiii. 7-9 is here out
of place, and should be transposed to the end
of chap, xi., is certainly ingenious, and does
not seem improbable. The prophecy closes
with a grand and stirring picture. All nations
are gathered together against Jerusalem, and
seem already sure of their prey. Half of their
cruel work has been accomplished, when Jeho-
vah himself appears on behalf of His people.
He goes forth to war against the adversaries
of His people. He establishes His kingdom
over all the earth. All nations that are still
left shall come up to Jerusalem as the great
itre of religious worship, and the city from
that day forward shall be a holy city. Such is,
liricfly, an outline of a second portion of that
book which is commonly known as the Prophe-
cy of Zechariah. The next point, then, for our
consideration is this, — Is the book, in its pres-
ent form, the work of one and the same proph-
et. Zechariah the son of Iddo, who lived alter
the Babylonish exile 1
Integrity. — Mede was the first to call this in
question. The probability that the later chap-
ter), from the 9th to the 14th, were by some
other prophet, seems first to have been suggest-
ed to him by the citation in St. Matthew. He
says (Epist. xxxi.), "It may seem the evange-
list would inform us that those latter chapters
ascribed to Zachary (namely, 9th, 10th, 1 1th,
&c.) are indeed the prophecies of Jeremy, and
that the Jews had not rightly attributed them."
He rests his opinion, partly on the authority
of St. Matthew, and partly on the contents
of the later chapters, which he considers require
a date earlier than the exile. Archbishop New-
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ZECHARIAH
1010
ZECHARIAH
came went farther. He insisted on the great
dissimilarity of style M well as subject between
the earlier and later chapters ; and he was the
first who advocated the theory, that the last six
chapters of Zechariaii are the work of two
distinct prophets. Kir worrls are, " The eight
first chapters appear by ihe introductory parts
to be the prophecies of Zachar-oh, stand in con-
nection with each other, ara pertinent to the
time when they were delivered, are uniform in
style and manner, and constitute a regular
whole. But the six last chapters are not ex-
pressly assigned to Zechariah ; are unconnected
with those which precede; the three first of
them are unsuitable in many parts to the time
when Zechariah lived; all of them hare a
more adorned and poetical turn of corapo?itioa
than the eight first chapters; and they mani-
festly break the unity of the prophetical book.
I conclude," he continues, " from interna!
marks in chap, ix., x., xi., that these three
chapters were written much earlier than the
time of Jeremiah, and before the captivity
of the tribes. . . . The xiith, xiiith, and
xivth chapters form a distinct prophecy, and
were written after the death of Josiah ; but
whether before or after the Captivity, and by
what prophets, is uncertain." A large number
of critics have followed Mede aad Archbishop
Newcome in denying the later date of the last
six chapters of the Book. Rosenmiiller argues
that chap, ix.-xiv. are so alike in style, that
they must have been written by one author.
From the allusion to the earthquake (xiv. 5,
comp. Am. i. 1), he thinks the author must
have lived in the reign of Uzziah. Davidson
supposes him to have been the Zechariah men-
tioned Is. viii. 2. Eichhorn is of opinion that
chap, ix.-xiv. are the work of a later prophet,
who flourished in the time of Alexander.
Others, as Bertholdt, Gesenius, Knobel, Mau-
rer, Bunsen, and Ewald, think that chap, ix.-
xi. (to which Ewald adds xiii. 7-9) are a
distinct prophecy from chap, xii.-xiv., and sep-
arated from them by a considerable interval
of time. Most of them conjecture that the
author was the Zechariah mentioned Is. viii. 2.
There is the same general agreement among
the last-named critics as to the date of the sec-
tion xii.-xiv. They all assign it to a period
immediately previous to the Babylonish captiv-
ity. Bunsen identifies him with Urijah the
sou of Shemaiah of Kirjath-jearim (Jer. xxvi.
20-23). According to this hypothesis, we have
the works of three different prophets collected
into one book, and passing under one name,
— 1. Chapters ix.-xi., the Book of Zechariah
I., a contemporary of Isaiah, under Ahaz,
about 736. 2. Chanters xii.-xiv., author un-
known (or perhaps Urijah, a contemporary
of Jeremiah), about 607 or 606. 3. Chapters
i-— viii., the work of the son (or grandson) of
Iddo, Haggai's contemporary, about 520-518.
We have, then, two distinct theories before us.
The one merely affirms that the six last chapters
of onr present book are not from the same
author as the first eight : the other carries the
dismemberment of the book still farther, and
maintains that the six last chapters are the
work of two distinct authors who lived at
two distinct periods of Jewish history. The
arguments both for and against the gennin»
ness of the later chapters are set forth folly in
the larger Dictionary, to which we must refer
the reader. With regard to the quotation in
St Matthew, there seems no good reason for
setting aside the received reading. Jerome
observes, " I read a short time since, in a He-
brew volume which a Hebrew of the sect of
the Nazarenes presented to me, an apocryphal
Book of Jeremiah, in which I found the passage
word for word ; but still I am rather inclined to
think that the quotation is made from Zechari-
ah." Eusebius is of opinion that the passage thus
quoted stood originally in the prophecy of Jer-
emiah, but was either erased subsequently by
the malice of the Jews, or that the name of
Zechariah was substituted for that of Jeremiah
through the carelessness of copyists. Augus-
tine testifies that the most ancient Greek copies
had Jeremiah, and thinks tbat the mistake was
originally St. Matthew's. Some later writers
accounted for the non-appearance of the pas-
sage in Jeremiah by the confusion in the Greek
MS.S. of his prophecies, — a confusion, how-
ever, it may be remarked, which is not confined
to the Greek, but which is found no less in our
present Hebrew text Others again suggest
So-eaUtd » Tomb of Zrchiruh "
that, in the Greek autograph of Matthew
ZPIOT may have been written, and that copy-
ists may have taken this for 1PIOT. But tberl
is no evidence that abbreviations of this kind
were in use so early. Epiphrains and soma
of the Greek Fathers seem to have read b> nit
Trpo^riuf. And the most ancient copy of tb»
Latin Version of the Gospels omits the nam*
of Jeremiah, and has merely dictum erf per pro
phetam. It has been conjectured that this rep
resents the original Greek readine. and thai
some early annotator wrote Icpnu'ov on the
margin, whence it crept into the text The
choice lies between this and a slip of memory
on the part of the evangelist, if we admit the
integrity of our present Book of Zecharwh.
At the same time, it must be borne in mind that
the passage as given in St Matthew does not
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ZECHABIAH
1011
ZECHABIAH
represent exactly either the Hebrew text of
Zechariah or the version of the LXX.
2. Son of Meshelemiah, or Shelemiah, a
Korhite, and keeper of the north gate of the
Fiend* of TomtM. (From • pbotofTapn.)
tabernacle of the congregation (1 Chr. ix. SI ).
— S. One of the sons of Jehiel (1 Chr. ix.
37). — 4. A Levite of the second order in the
Temple band as arranged by David, appointed
to play "with psalteries on Alamotli (1 Chr.
xv. 18, 20). — 5. One of the princes of Judah
in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 7).
— 6. Son of the high-priest Jehoiada, in the
reign of Joash king of Judah (2 Chr. xxiv. 20),
Dkanm of JtwMi Bapalehn. — Sm " Tomb."
and therefore the king's cousin. After the
death of Jehoiada, Zechariah probably succeed-
ed to his office ; and, in attempting to check
the re-action in favor of idolatry which imme-
diately followed, he fell a victim to a conspiracy
formed against him by the king, and was stoned
in the court of the Temple. The memory of
this unrighteous deed lasted long in Jewish
tradition ; and the evident hold which the story
had taken upon the minds of the people renders
it probable that " Zacharias son of Barachias,"
who was slain between the Temple and the
Altar (Matt xxiii. 35), is the same with Zech-
ariah the son of Jehoiada, and that the name
of Barachias as his father crept into the text
from a marginal gloss, the writer confusing
this Zechariah either with Zechariah the pro-
phet, who was the son of Berechiah, or with
another Zechariah the son of Jebcrechiah (Is.
viii. 2). — 7. A Kohathite Levite in the reign
of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 12). — 8. The leadet
of the sons of Pharosh who returned wit*
Ezra (Ezr. viii. 3). — 9. Son of Bebai (Ezr.
viii. 11). — 10. One of the chiefs of the people
whom Ezra summoned in council at the River
Ahava (Ezr. viii. 16). He stood at Ezra's left
hand when he expounded the Law to the people
(Neh. viii. 4). —11. One of the family of Elam,
who had married a foreign wife after the Cap-
tivity (Ezr. x. 26).— 12. Ancestor of Athaiah,
or Uthai (Neh. xi. 4). — 13. A Shilonitc, de-
scendant of Perez (Neh. xi. 5).— 14. A priest,
son of Pashur (Neh. xi. 12). — 16. The repre-
sentative of the priestly family of Iddo in
the days of Joiakim the son of Jesbua (Neh.
xii. 16). Possibly the same as Zechariah the
prophet the son of Iddo.— 16. One of the
Flani of fttpulchn, — 8m " Tomb."
priests, son of Jonathan, who blew with the
trumpets at the dedication of the city wall by
Ezra and Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 85, 41). — 17.
A chief of the Reubenites at the time of the
Captivity by Tiglath-pileser ( 1 Chr. v. 7 ). — 18.
One of the priests who accompanied the Are
from the house of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xv. 24).
— 19. Son of Isshiah, or Jesiah, a Kohathite
Levite descended from Uzziel (1 Chr. xxiv. 25).
— 20. Fourth son of Hosah of the children
of Merari (1 Chr. xxri 11). — 21. A Ma-
nassite (1 Chr. xxvii. 21). — 22. The father
of Jahaziel (2 Chr. xx. 14).— 23. One of the
sons of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xxi. 2). — 24. A
prophet in the reign of Uzziah, who appears to
Plan of Sapulehn. —
have acted as the king's counsellor, but of
whom nothing is known (2 Chr. xxvi. 5). —
25. The father of Atyjah, or Abi, Hezekiah's
mother (2 Chr. xxix. 1). — 26. One of the
family of Asaph in the reign of Hezekiah (2
Chr. xxix. 13). — 27. One of the rulers of the
Temple in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv.
8). — 28. The son of Jeberechiah, who was
taken by the prophet Isaiah as one of the
" faithful witnesses to record," when he wrote
concerning Maher-shalal-hash-baz (Is. viii. 2).
He may have been the Levite of the same name-
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ZEDEKIAH
1012
ZELOTES
who in the reign of Hezekiah assisted in the
purification of the Temple (2 Chr. xxix. 13).
Another conjecture is that he is the same as
Zechariah the father of Abijah, the queen of
Ahaz.
Ze'dad, one of the landmarks on the north
border of the land of Israel, as promised by
Moses (Nam. xxxiv. 8), and as restored by
Ezekiel (xlvii. 15). A place named SidSd
exists to the cast of the northern extremity
of the chain of Anti-Libanus, about 50 miles
E. N. E. of Baalbec. This may be identical with
Zedad.
Zedechi'OS, [Zedekiah,] King of Judah
(1 Esd. i. 46). Ap.
Zedekiah. 1. The last king of Judah
and Jerusalem. He was the son of Josiah by
his wife Hamutal, and therefore own brother to
Jehoahaz (2 K. xxiv. 18; comp. xxiii. 31).
His original name had been Matt asi ah, which
was changed to Zedekiah by Nebuchadnezzar,
when he carried off his nephew Jehoiachim to
Babylon, and left him on the throne of Jerusa-
lem. Zedekiah was but 21 years old when he
was thus placed in charge of an impoverished
kingdom (b.c. 597). His history is contained
in a short sketch of the events of his reign given
in 2 K. xxiv. 17-xxv. 7, and, with some trifling
variations, in Jer. xxxix. 1-7, lii. 1-11, together
with the still shorter summary in 2 Chr. xxxvi.
10, 4c. ; and also in Jer. xxi., xxiv., xxvii.,
xxviii., xxix., xxxii., xxxiii., xxxiv., xxxvii.,
xxxviii., and Ez. xvi. 11-21. From these it is
evident that Zedekiah was a man not so much
bad at heart as weak in will. It is evident from
Jer. xxvii. and xxviii. that the earlier portion
of Zedekiah 'a reign was marked by an agitation
throughout the whole of Syria against the
Babylonian yoke. Jerusalem seems to have
taken the lead, since, in the fourth year of Zede-
kiah's reign, we find ambassadors from all the
neighboring kingdoms — Tyre, Sidon, Etlom,
and Moab — at His court, to consult as to the
steps to be taken. This happened either during
the king's absence, or immediately after his re-
turn from Babylon, whither he went on some
errand, the nature of which is not named, bnt
which may have been an attempt to blind the
eyes of Nebuchadnezzar to his contemplated
revolt (Jer. li. 59). The first act of overt re-
bellion of which any record survives was the
formation of an alliance with Egypt, of itself
equivalent to a declaration of enmity with
Babylon. As a natural consequence, it brought
on Jerusalem an immediate invasion of the
Chaldaeans. The mention of this event in the
Bible, though sure, is extremely slight, and
occurs only in Jer. xxxvii. 5-1 1, xxxiv. 21, and
Ez. xvii. 15-20; but Josephus (x. 7, §3)
relates it more fully, and gives the date of its
occurrence, namely the eighth year of Zedekiah.
It appears that Nebuchadnezzar, being made
aware of Zedekiah's defection, either by the non-
payment of the tribute or by other means, at
once sent an army to ravage Judaea. This was
done, and the whole country reduced, except
Jerusalem and two strong places in the western
plain, Lachish and Azekah, which still held out
(Jer. xxxiv. 7). In the mean time, Pharaoh
had moved to the assistance of his ally. On
hearing of his approach, the Chaldeans at once
raised the siege, and advanced to meet him.
The nobles seized the moment of respite to re-
assert their power over the king. How long
the Babylonians were absent from Jerusalem,
we are not told. All we certainly know is, that,
on the tenth day of the tenth month of Zede-
kiah's ninth year, the Chaldseans were again
before the walls (Jer lii. 4). From this time
forward, the siege progressed slowly but surely
to its consummation. Zedekiah again inter-
fered to preserve the life of Jeremiah from the
vengeance of the princes (xxxviii. 7-13), and
then occurred the interview between the king
and the prophet, which affords so good a clew
to the condition of abject dependence into which
a long course of opposition had brought the
weak-minded monarch. While the king was
hesitating, the end was rapidly coming nearer.
The city was indeed reduced to the last extrem-
ity. The bread had for long been consumed
(Jer. xxxviii. 9), and all the terrible expedients
had been tried to which the wretched inhabit-
ants of a besieged town are forced to resort in
such cases. At last, after sixteen dreadful
months, the catastrophe arrived. The wretched
remnants of the army quitted the city in the
dead of night; and, as the Chaldssan army-
entered the city at one end, the king and his
wives fled from it by the opposite gate. They
took the road towards the Jordan, but were
overtaken near Jericho, and carried to Nebu-
chadnezzar, who was then at Riblah, at the
upper end of the Valley of Lebanon. Nebu-
chadnezzar, with a refinement of cruelty char-
acteristic of those cruel times, ordered the
sons of Zedekiah to be killed before him,
and lastly his own eyes to be thrust out (b.c.
586). He was then loaded with brazen fetters,
and at a later period taken to Babylon, where
he died. — 2. Son of Chenaanah, a prophet
at the court of Ahab, head, or, if not head, vir-
tual leader, of the college. He appears but once,
viz. £8 spokesman when the prophets are con-
sulted by Ahab on the result of his proposed
expedition to Ramoth-Gilead (1 K. xxii. ; 2
Chr. xviii.). — 3. The son of Maaseiah, a false
prophet in Babylon (Jer. xxix. 21, 22). — 4.
The son of Hananiah, one of the princes of
Judah in the time of Jeremiah (Jer. xxxvi. 12).
Zeeb. [Oreb.]
Zelah, a city in the allotment of Benjamin
(Josh, xviii. 28) ; contained the family tomb
of Kish the father of Saul (2 Sam. xxi. 14).
Zelek, an Ammonite, one of David's guard
(2 Sam. xxiii. 37 ; 1 Chr. xi. 39).
Zeloph'ehad, son of Hepber, son of
Gilead, son of Machir, son of Manasaeh (Josh,
xvii. 3). He was apparently the second son of
his father Hepher (1 Chr. vii. 15). Zelopbehad
came out of Egypt with Moses, but died in the
wilderness, as did the whole of that generation
(Num. xiv. 35, xxvii. 3). On his death with-
out male heirs, his five daughters, just after the
second numbering In the wilderness, came be-
fore Moses and Eleazar to claim the inherit-
ance of their father in the tribe of Manasseh.
The claim was admitted by divine direction
(Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1-11).
Zelo'tea, the epithet given to the Apostle
Simon to distinguish him from Simon Peter
(Luke vi. 15). [Canaanite ; Simon 5.)
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ZEPHANIAH
1013
ZERUBBABEL
ZeTsah, a place named once only (1 Sam.
x. 9), as on the boundary of Benjamin, close to
Rachel's sepulchre.
Zemara'im, a town in the allotment of
Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 22), perhaps identical
with Mount Zemaraim, which was "in Monnt
Ephniim ; " that is to say, within the genera!
district of the highlands of that great tribe
(2 Chr. xiii. 4).
Zem'arite, the, one of the Hamite tribes,
who, in the genealogical table of Gen. x. (rer.
18) and 1 Chr. i. (ver. 16), are represented
as "sons of Canaan." Nothing is certainly
known of this ancient tribe. The old inter-
preters place them at Emessa, the modern
Hums.
Zemi'ra. One of the sons of Becher the
son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8).
Ze'nan, a town in the allotment of Judah,
situated in the district of the Shefelah (Josh.
xt. 37). It is probably identical with Zaaham
(Mici. 11).
Ze'nas, a believer, and, as may be inferred
from the context, a preacher of the gospel,
who is mentioned in Tit. iii. 13 in connection
with Apollos. He is further described as " the
lawyer. It is impossible to determine whether
Zenas was a Roman jurisconsult or a Jewish
doctor.
Zephani'ah. 1. The ninth in order of
the twelve minor prophets. His pedigree is
traced to his fourth ancestor, Hezekiah (i. 1),
supposed to be the celebrated king of that
name. In chap, i., the utter desolation of Judasa
is predicted as a judgment for idolatry, and
neglect of the Lord, the luxury of the princes,
and the violence and deceit of their dependants
(3-9). The prosperity, security, and insolence
of the people are contrasted with the horrors of
the day of wrath (10-18). Ch. ii. contains a
call to repentance (1-3), with prediction of the
ruin of the cities of the Philistines, and the
restoration of the house of Judah after the visi-
tation (4-7). Other enemies of Judah, Moab,
Ammon, are threatened with perpetual de-
struction (8-15). In chap, iii., the prophet
addresses Jerusalem, which he reproves sharply
for vice and disobedience (1-7). He then con-
cludes with a series of promises (8-20). The
chief characteristics of this book are the unity
and harmony of the composition, the grace, en-
ergy, and dignity of its style, and the rapid and
effective alternations of threats and promises.
The general tone of the last portion is Messi-
anic, but without any specific reference to the
person of our Lord. The date of the book is
5iven in the inscription; viz. the reign of
osiah, from 642 to 61 1 B.C. It is most prob-
able, moreover, that the prophecy was delivered
before the 1 8th year of Josiah. — 2. The son
of Maaseiah (Jer. xxi. 1 ), and $agan or second
priest in the reign of Zedekiah. He succeeded
Jehoiada (Jer. xxix. 25, 26), and was probably
a ruler of the Temple, whose office it was
among others to punish pretenders to the gift
of prophecy. In this capacity he was appealed
to by Sheroaiah the Nehelamite to punish Jere-
miah (Jer. xxix. 29). Twice was he sent from
Zedekiah to inquire of Jeremiah the issue of
the siege of the city by the Chaldasans (Jer.
xxi. 1), and to implore him to intercede for the
people (Jer. xxxvii. 3). On the capture of
Jerusalem, he was taken and slain at Riblah
(Jer. Iii. 24, 27 ; 2 K. xxv. 18, 21). — 8. Fa-
ther of Josiah 2 (Zech. vi. 10), and of Hen,
according to the reading of the received text
of Zech. vi. 14.
Ze'phath. [Hormah.]
Ze'phathah, the Valley of, the spot
in which Asa joined battle with Zerah the
Ethiopian (2 Chr. xiv. 10 only).
Ze pho, son of Eliphaz son of Esan (Gen.
xxxvi. 11), and one of the "dukes," or phy-
larchs, of the Edomites (ver. 15). In 1 Chr.
i. 36, tie is called Zepiii.
Ze'phon. Ziphion the son of Gad (Num.
xxvi. 15), and ancestor of the Zephonites.
Zer, a fortified town in the allotment of
Naphtali (Josh. xix. 35 only), probably in the
neighborhood of the S. W. side of the Lake of
Genesareth.
Ze'rah, a son of Renel son of Esau (Gen.
xxxvi. 13 ; 1 Chr. i. 37), and one of the
" dukes " or phylarchs, of die Edomites (Gen.
xxxvi. 17).
Ze'rah. 1. Less properly, Zarah, twin
son, with his elder brother Pbarez, of Judah
and Tamar (Gen. xxxviii. 30; 1 Chr. ii. 6;
Matt. i. 3). His descendants were called Zar-
hites, Ezrahites, and Izrahites (Num. xxvi. 20 ;
1 K. iv. 31 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 8, 11). — 2. Son of
Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 24), called Zohah in Gen.
xlvi. 10. — 3. The Ethiopian or Cushite, an
invader of Judah, defeated by Asa about B.C.
941. [Asa.] Zerah is probably the Hebrew
name of Usarken I. second king of the Egyp-
tian xxiid dynasty ; or perhaps more probably
Usarken II., his second successor.
Zerahi'ah, son of Uzzi (Ezr. vii. 4).
Ze red (Dcut. ii. 13, 14) or Za red (Num.
xxi. 12), a brook or valley running into the
Dead Sea near its S. E. corner, which Dr.
Robinson with some probability suggests as
identical with the Wady el-Ahty. It lay be-
tween Moab and Edom, and is the limit of the
proper term of the Israelites' wandering (Deut.
ii. 14).
Zer'eda, the native place of Jeroboam ( 1
K. xi. 26). Zeredah has been supposed to be
identical with Zeredathah and Zartban or
Zartakah. But the two last were in the Val-
ley of the Jordan ; while Zeredah was, accord-
ing to the repeated statement of the LXX., on
Mount Ephraim.
Zerea'athah (2 Chr. iv. 17). [Zartran.]
Zer'erath (Judg. vii. 22). [Zartran.]
Ze'resh. The wife of Haman the Agagite
(Esth. v. 10, 14, vi. 13).
Ze'reth. Son of Ashnr the founder of
Tckoa, by his wife Helah (1 Chr. iv. 7).
Ze'ri. One of the sons of Jeduthun in the
reign of David (1 Chr. xxv. 3).
Ze'ror. A Benjamitc, ancestor of rush the
father of Saul (1 Sam. ix. 1).
Ze'ruah. The mother of Jeroboam the
son of Nebat (1 K. xi. 26).
Zerub'babel (horn at Babd, i.e. Babylon) ,
the head of the tribe of Judah at the time
of the return from the Babylonish captivity in
the first year of Cyrus. He was appointed by
the Persian king to the office of governor of
Judaa. On arriving at Jerusalem, Zerub-
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babel's great work, which he aet about immedi-
ately, was the rebuilding of the Temple. After
much opposition [see Nehemiah], and many
hinderances and delays, the Temple was at
length finished, in the sixth year of Darius, and
was dedicated with much pomp and rejoicing.
[Temple.] The only other works of Zerub-
babel which we learn from Scripture are the
restoration of the courses of priests and Levites,
and of the provision for their maintenance, ac-
cording to the institution of David (Ezr. vi.
18 ; Neh. xii. 47) ; the registering the returned
captives according to their genealogies (Neh.
vh. 5) ; and the keeping of a Passover in the
seventh year of Darius, with which last event
ends all that we know of the life of Zerubba-
bel. His apocryphal history is told in 1 Esd.
iii.-vii. The exact parentage of Zerubbabel
is a little obscure, from his being always called
the son of Shealtiel (Ezr. iii. 2, 8, v. 2, &c. ;
Hagg. i. 1, 12, 14, &c.), and appearing as such
in the genealogies of Christ (Matt. i. 12 ; Luke
iii. 27), whereas in 1 Chr. Iii. 19 be is repre-
sented as the son of Fedaiah, Shealtiel or
Salathiel's brother, and consequently as Sala-
thiel's nephew. It is of more moment to re-
mark that, while St. Matthew deduces his line
from Jechonias and Solomon, St Luke de-
duces it through Neri and Nathan. Zerubba-
bel was the legal successor and heir of Jecho-
niah's royal estate, the grandson of Neri, and
the lineal descendant of Nathan the son of
David. In the N. T. the name appears in the
Greek farm of Zorobabel.
Zerui'ah, the mother of the three leading
heroes of David's army — Abishai, Joab, and
Asahel — known as the " sons of Zeruiah."
She and Abigail are specified in 1 Chr. ii. 13-17
as " sisters of the sons of Jesse " (v. 16). The
expression is in itself enough to raise a suspi-
cion that she was not a daughter of Jesse, a
suspicion which is corroborated by the state-
ment of 2 Sam. xvii. 25, that Abigail was the
daughter of Nahash. [Nahash.) Of Zerui-
ah's husband there is no mention in the Bible.
Ze'tham. The son of Laadan, a Gershon-
ite Levite (1 Chr. xxiii. 8).
Ze'than. A Benjamite of the sons of Bil-
han (1 Chr. vii. 10).
Ze'thar. One of the seven eunuchs of
Ahasaerus (Esth. i. 10).
Zi'a. One of the Gadites who dwelt in
Bashan (1 Chr. v. 13).
Zi"ba, a person who plays a prominent part,
though with no credit to himself, in one of the
episodes of David's history (2 Sam. ix. 2-12,
xvi. 1-4, xix. 17, 29). [Mephiboshbth.J
Zib'ia. A Benjamite, apparently the son
of Shaharaim by his wife Hodesh (1 Chr. viii.
Zib'iah. A native of Beersheba, and moth-
er of King Joash (2 K. xii. 1 ; 2 Chr. xiv. 1).
Zib'eon, father of Anah, whose daughter
Ahollbamah was Esau's wife (Gen. xxxvi. 2).
Although called a Hivite, he is probably the
same as Zibeon the son of Seir the Hon to
(ver. 20, 24, 29 ; 1 Chr. i. 38, 40).
Zich'ri. 1. Son of Izhar the son of Kohath
(Ex. vi. 21). — 2. A Benjamite of the sons of
Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 19). — 8. A Benjamite of
the sons of Shashak (1 Chr. viii. 28). — 4. A
Benjamite of the sons of Jeroham (1 Chr. vifc
27). — 6. Son of Asaph, elsewhere called
Zabdi and Zaccur (1 Chr. ix. 15). — 6. A
descendant of Eliezer the son of Moses (1 Chr.
xxvi. 25). —7. The father of Eliezer, the chief
of the Reubenites in the reign of David (1 Chr.
xxvii. 16). — 8. Of the tribe of Judah, father
of Amasiah (2 Chr. xvii. 16). — 8. Father of
Elishaphat, one of the conspirators with Jebot-
ada (2 Chr. xxiii. 1 ). — 10. An Ephraimito
hero in the invading army of Pekah the son of
Remaliah (2 Chr. xxviii. 7). — 1L Father or
ancestor of Joel 14 (Neh. xi. 91. — 12. A
priest of the family of Abijah, in the days of
Joiakim the son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 17).
Zid'dim, a fortified town in the allotment
of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 35).
Zrdon or Si'don (Gen. x. 15, 19; Josh,
xi. 8, xix. 28; Judg. i. 31, xviii. 28 ; Joel iii.
4 (iv. 4); Is. xxiii. 2, 4, 12; Jer. xxv. 22,
xxvii. 3; Ez. xxviii. 21, 22; Zech. ix. 2;
Matt. xi. 21, 22, xv. 21 ; Luke vi. 17, x. 13,
14; Mark iii. 8, vii. 24, 31). An ancient and
wealthy city of Phoenicia, on the eastern coast
of the Mediterranean Sea, less than 20 English
miles to the north of Tyre. Its Hebrew name,
TVdin, signifies " fishing," or " fishery." Its
modern name is Saida. It is situate in the
narrow plain between the Lebanon and the sea.
From a Biblical point of view, this city is infe-
rior in interest to its neighbor Tyre ; though,
in early times, Zidon was the most influential
of the two cities. This is shadowed forth in
the Book of Genesis by the statement thai
Zidon was the first-born of Canaan (Gen. x.
15), and is implied in the name of "Great
Zidon," or " the Metropolis Zidon," which U
twice given to it in Joshua (xi. 8, xix. 28). It
is confirmed, likewise, by Zidonians being used
as the generic name of the Phoenicians, or
Canaamtes (Josh. xiii. 6 ; Jndg. xviii. 7) ; and
by the reason assigned for there being no de-
liverer to Laish when its peaceable inhabitants
were massacred, that " it was far Jim* Ztdtrn : "
whereas, if Tyre had been then of equal im-
portance, it would have been more natural to
mention Tyre, which professed substantially
the same religion, and was almost twenty mile*
nearer (Jndg. xviii. 28). From the time of
Solomon to the invasion of Nebuchadnezzar,
Zidon is not often directly mentioned in the Bible,
and it appears to have been subordinate to Tyre.
When the people called " Zidonians " is men-
tioned, it sometimes seems that the Phoenicians
of the Plain of Zidon are meant (1 K. v. 6, xvi.
31, xi. 1, 5, 33; 2 K. xxiii. 13). There is no
doubt, however, that Zidon itself, the city prop-
erly so called, was threatened by Joel (iii. 4)
and Jeremiah (xxvii. 3). Still, all that is
known respecting it during the epoch is very
scanty, amounting to scarcely more than that
one of its sources of gain was trade in slaves,
in which the inhabitants did not shrink
from selling inhabitants of Palestine; that the
city was governed by kings (Jer. xxvii. 3 and
xxv. 22); that, previous to the invasion of
Nebuchadnezzar, it had furnished mariners to
Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 8) ; that at one period it was
subject, in some sense or other, to Tyre ; and
that, when Shalmaneser king of Assyria invad-
ed Phoenicia, Zidon seized the opportunity ta
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ZEZ, CLIFF OF
revolt. Daring the Fenian domination, Zidon
seems to have attained its highest point of
prosperity ; and it is recorded that, towards the
close of that period, it far excelled all other
Phoenician cities in wealth and importance. It
is very probable that the long siege of Tyre by
Nebuchadnezzar had tended not only to weaken
and impoverish Tyre, bat likewise to enrich
Zidon at the expense of Tyre. Its prosperity
was suddenly cut short by an unsuccessful revolt
against Persia, which ended in the destruction
of the town (b.o. 351). Forty thousand per-
sons are said to have perished in the flames.
Sidon, however, gradually recovered from the
blow, and became again a flourishing town. It
is about fifty mile* distant from Nazareth, and
is the most northern city which is mentioned in
connection with Christ s journeys.
Zif ( 1 K. vi. 37). [Mouth.]
Zi'ba. L The children of Ziha were a
family of Nethinim who returned with Zerub-
babel (Ezr. It 43).— 2. Chief of the Nethinim
in Ophel (Neh. xi. 30).
ZuClag is first mentioned in the catalogue
of the towns of Judah in Josh, xv., and occurs,
in the same connection, amongst the places
which were allotted out of the territory of Judah
to Simeon (xix. 5). We next encounter it in
the possession of die Philistines ( 1 Sam. xxvii.
6), when it was, at David's request, bestowed
upon him by Achish king of Gath. He resided
there for • year and four months (ibid. 7 ; 1
Sam. xxxL 14, 26 ; 1 Chr. xii. 1, 20). It was
there be received the news of Saul's death (2
Sam. i. 1, ir. 10). He then relinquished it for
Hebron (U. 1 ). Ziklag is finally mentioned as
being re-inhabited by the people of Judah after
their return from the Captivity (Neh. xi. 28).
The situation of the town is difficult to deter-
mine, and we only know for certain that it was
in the south country.
Zillah. [Lakech.]
Zil'pah, a Syrian given by Laban to his
daughter Leah as an attendant (Gen. xxix. 24),
ind by Leah to Jacob as a concubine. She
Was the mother of Gad and Asher (Gen. xxx.
9-13, xxxv. 26, xxxvii. 2, xlvi. 18).
Zll'tbai. 1. A Benjamite (1 Chr. viii. 20).
— 2. One of the captains of thousands of Ma-
nassen who deserted to David at Ziklag (1 Chr.
xii. 20.)
Zim'mah. L A Gersbonite Levite ( 1 Chr.
vi. 20). — 2. Another Gershonite (1 Chr. vi.
42). — 3. Ancestor of Joah (2 Chr. xxix.
W k
Zim'r&n, the eldest son of Keturah (Gen.
xxv. 2; lChr. i. 32). His descendants are
not mentioned, nor is any hint given that he
was the founder of a tribe.
Zim'ri. 1. The son of Salu, a Simeonite
chieftain, slain by Pbinehas with the Midianit-
ish princess Cozbi (Num. xxv. 14). — 2. Fifth
sovereign of the separate kingdom of Israel, of
which Tie occupied the throne for the brief
period ol seven days in the year b.o. 930 or
929. Originally in command of half the chari-
ots in the royal army, he gained the crown by
the murder of King Elah, son of Baasha. But
the army, which at that time was besieging the
Philistine town of Gibbethon, when they heard
o<Elah's murder, proclaimed their general Omri
king. He immediately inarched against Tb>
zah, and took the city. Zimri retreated into
the innermost part of the late king's palace, set
it on fire, and perished in the ruins (I K. xvi.
9-20).
Zin, the name given to a portion of the
desert tract between the Dead Sea, Ghdr, and
Arabah, on the E., and the general plateau of
the TSh which stretches westward. The coun-
try in question consists of two or three succes-
sive terraces of mountain converging to an
acute angle at the Dead Sea's southern verge,
towards which also they slope. Kadesh lay in
it, and here also IJumeea was conterminous with
Judah, since Kadesh was a city in the border
of Edom (see Kadesh ; Num. xiii. 21, xx. 1,
xxvii. 14, xxxiii. 36, xxxiv. 3; Josh. xv. 1).
Zi'on. [Jerusalem.]
Zi'or, a town in the mountain district of
Judah (Josh, xv. 54). It belongs to the same
group with Hebron.
Zl'na. (Zizah.J The second son of Shimei
(1 Chr. xxiii. iO).
Ziph, the name of two towns in Judah.
L In the south ; named between I thrum and
Telem (Josh. xv. 24). It does not appear
again in the history, nor has anv trace of it been
met with. — 2. In the highland district ; named
between Carmel and Juttah (Josh. xv. 55). The
place is immortalized by its connection with
David (1 Sam. xxiii. 14, 15, 24, xxvi. 2). These
passages show that at that time it had near it
a wilderness (i.e. a waste pasture-ground) and
a wood. The latter has disappeared ; but the
former remains. The name of Zif is found
about three miles S. of Hebron, attached to a
rounded hill of some 100 feet in height, which
is called Tell Zif. In the A. V., its inhabitants
are called in one passage the Ziphims (Ps. liv.),
but more usually the Ziphites (1 Sam. xxiii.
19; xxvi. 1).
Ziph. Son of Jehaleleel (1 Chr. iv. 16).
Ziph'ah. Another son of Jehaleleel (1
Chr. iv. 16).
Ziph'ims, the. The Inhabitants of Ziph
2. In this form, the name is found in the A. V.
only in the title of Ps. liv. In the narrative, it
occurs in the more usual form of
Ziphites, the (1 Sam. xxiii. 19, xxvi.
!)•
Ziph'ion. Son of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16);
elsewhere called Zkphow.
Ziph'ron, a point in the north boundary
of the Promised Land as specified by Moses
(Num. xxxiv. 9).
Zip'por, father of Balak king of Moab
(Num. xxii. 2, 4, 10, 16, xxiii. 18; Josh. xxiv.
9 ; Judg. xi. 25).
Zip'porah, daughter of Reuel or Jethro,
the priest of Midian, wife of Moses, and mother
of his two sons Gershom and Eliezer (Ex. ii. 21,
iv. 25, xviii. 2; com p. 6). The only incident
recorded in her life is that of the circumcision
of Gershom (iv. 24-26).
Zith'ri. Properly " Sithri ; " one of the
sons of Uzziel, the son of Kohath (Ex. vi. 22).
In Ex. vi. 21, " Zithri," should be " Zichri," as
in A. V. of 1611.
Zis, the Cliff of, the pass by which the
horde of Moabites, Ammonites, and Mehunim,
mad* their way up from the shores of the Dead
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ZOPHIM, FIELD OP
Sea to the Wilderness of Judah, near Tekoa
(3 Chr. xz. 16 only ; comp. 20). It was the
pass of Ain Jidy — the very same route which
is taken by the Arabs in their marauding expe-
ditions at the present day.
Zi'za. 1. Son of Shiphi a chief of the Sime-
onites in the reign of Hczekiah (1 Chr. iv. 37).
— 2. Son of Rehoboam by Maachah the grand-
daughter of Absalom (2 Chr. xi. 20).
Zo'an, an ancient city of Lower Egypt,
called Tanis by the Greeks. It stood on the
eastern bank of the Tanitic branch of the Nile.
Its name indicates a place of departure from a
country, and hence it has been identified with
Avaris, the capital of the Shepherd dynasty in
Egypt. We read in the Book of Numbers that
" Hebron was built seren years before Zoan in
Egypt" (xiii. 22), which tends to establish the
identity of Avaris and Zoan, since we know
that Hebron was already built in Abraham's
time, and the Shepherd invasion may be dated
about the same period. Supposing that the
Pharoah who oppressed the Israelites belonged
to the Shepherds, it would be natural for him
to reside at Zoan ; and this city is mentioned
in connection with the Plagues, in such a man-
ner as to leave no doubt that it is the city
spoken of in the narrative in Exodus as that
where Pharoah dwelt (Ps. lxxviii. 42, 43).
Tanis gave its namu to the xxist and xxiiid
dynasties, and hence its mention in Isaiah (xix.
13, xxx. 4). " I will set fire in Zoan " (xxx.
14), where it occurs among the cities to be
taken by Nebuchadnezzar.
Zo ar, one of the most ancient cities of the
land of Canaan. Its original name was Bela
(Gen. xiv. 2, 8). It was in intimate connection
with the cities of the "Plain of Jordan," —
Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, and Zeboiim (see j
also xiii. 10, but not x. 19). In the general
destruction of the cities of the plain, Zoar was I
spared to afford shelter to Lot (xix. 22, 23, 30). |
It is mentioned in the account of the death of ;
Moses as one of the landmarks which bounded !
his view from Pisgah (Deut. xxxiv. 3) ; and it !
appears to have been known in the time both j
of Isaiah (xv. 5) and Jeremiah (xlviii. 34). |
These are all the notices of Zoar contained in j
the Bible. It was situated in the same district |
with the four cities already mentioned, viz. in
the " plain " or "circle " " of the Jordan ; " and
the narrative of Gen. xix. evidently implies that
it was very near to Sodom (ver. 15, 23, 27).
The definite position of Sodom is, and probably
will always be, a mystery ; but there can be
little doubt that the Plain of the Jordan was at
the north side of the Dead Sea, and that the
cities of the plain must, therefore, have been
situated there instead of at the southern end of
the lake, as it is generally taken for granted
thev were. [Sodom.]
Zo ba or Zo'bah, the name of a portion
of Syria, which formed a separate kingdom in
the time of the Jewish monarchs, Saul, David,
and Solomon. It probably was eastward of
Coele-Syria, and extended thence north-east
and east, towards, if not even to, the Euphrates.
We first hear of Zobah in the time of Saul, when
we find it mentioned as a separate country,
governed, apparently, by a number of kings
who owned no common head or chief (1 Sam.
xiv. 47). Some forty years later than this, we
And Zobah under a single ruler, Hadadeser,
son of Rehob. He had wars with Toi, king of
Hamath (2 Sam. viii. 10), and held various
gstty Syrian princes as vassals under his voke (2
am. x. 19). David (2 Sam viii. 3) attacked
Hadadezer in the early part of his reign,
defeated his army, and took from him a thou-
sand chariots, seven hundred (seven thousand,
1 Chr. xviii. 4) horsemen, and 20,000 footmen.
Hadadczer's allies, the Syrians of Damascus,
were defeated in a great battle. The wealth of
Zobah is very apparent in the narrative of this
campaign. It is not clear whether the Syrians
of Zobah submitted and became tributary on
this occasion, or whether, although defeated,
they were able to maintain their independ-
ence. At any rate, a few years later, they
were again in arras against David. The war
was provoked by the Ammonites, who hired
the services of the Syrians of Zobah. The
allies were defeated in a great battle by Joab,
who engaged the Syrians in person (2 Sam. x.
9). Hadadezer, upon this, made a last effort
(1 Chr. xix. 16). A battle was fought near
Helam, where the Syrians of Zobah and their
new allies were defeated with great slaughter.
Zobah, however, though subdued, continued to
cause trouble to the Jewish kings. A man of
Zobah, Rezon, son of Eliadah, made himself
master of Damascus, where he proved a fierce
adversary to Israel all through the reign of
Solomon (1 K. xi. 23-25). Solomon also was,
it would seem, engaged in a war with Zobah
itself (2 Chr. viii. 3). This is the last that we
hear of Zobah in Scripture. The name, how-
ever, is found at a later date in the Inscriptions
of Assyria, where the kingdom of Zobah seems
to intervene between Hamath and Damascus.
Zobe'bah. Son of Coz, of the tribe of
Judah (1 Chr. iv. 8).
Zoliar. 1. Father of Ephron the Hittite
(Gen. xxiii. 8, xxv. 9). — 2. One of the sons
of Simeon (Gen. xlvi. 10; Ex. vi. 15) ; called
Zbrah in 1 Chr. iv. 24.
ZoTieleth, the Stone. This was " by
En-Bogel" (1 K. i. 9); and therefore, if En-
Rogel be the modern Umtd-Dcraj, this stone,
" where Adonijah slew sheep and oxen," was
in all likelihood not far from the Well of the
Virgin. The Targumists translate it " the roll-
ing stone ; " and Kashi affirms that it was a
large stone on which the young men tried their
strength in attempting to roll it. Others make
it " the serpent stone. Others connect it with
running water; but there is nothing strained in
making it " the stone of the conduit " (Maxhe-
lah), from its proximity to the great rock con-
duit or conduits that poured into Siloam.
Zolieth. Son of Ishi of the tribe of Judah
(1 Chr. iv. 20).
Zo'phah. Son of Helem, or Hotham, the
son ofHeber, an Asherite (1 Chr. vii. 35, 36)
Zopha'i. A Kohathite Levite, son of El-
kanah, and ancestor of Samuel (1 Chr. vi. 26
(ill). In ver. 35, he is called Zuph.
Zo'phar. One of the three friends of Job
(Job it. 11, xi. 1, xx. 1, xiii. 9).
Zo'phim, the Field of. A spot on or
near the top of Pisgah, from which Balaam had
his second view of the encampment of Israel
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ZOROBABEL
1017
ZUZIMS
(Nam. xziii. 14). If the word $adeh (rendered
" field ") mar be taken in its usnal sense, then
the " field of Zophim " was a cultivated spot high
up on the top of the range of Pisgan. But
that word is the almost invariable term for a
portion of the upper district of Moab. The
position of the field of Zophim is not defined.
Hay it not be the same place which, later in the
history, is mentioned as Mizpah-Moab 1
Zo rah. One of the towns in the allotment
of the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 41). It is pre-
viously mentioned (xv. 33), in the catalogue of
Judah, among the places in the district of the
Shefelah (A. V. Zoreah). In both lists, it is
in immediate proximity to Eshtaol. Zorah
was the residence of Manoah, and the native
place of Samson . Zorah is mentioned amongst
the places fortified by Reboboam (2 Chr. xi.
10). In the Onomasticon, it is mentioned as
lying some 10 miles north of Eleutheropolis on
the road to Nicopolis. By the Jewish traveller
hap-Parchi, it is specified as three hours S. E.
of Lydd. These notices ajjree in direction —
though in neither is the distance nearly suffi-
cient, — with the modem village of SSr'ah,
which has been visited by Dr. Robinson and
Tobler. It lies just below the brow of a sharp-
pointed conical hill, at the shoulder of the ran-
ges which there meet and form the north side of
the Wady Ghurab, the northernmost of the two
branches which unite just below Sir 'ah, and
form the great Wady Surar. In the A. V.,
the name appears also as Zaheah and ZO-
REAH.
Zo'rathites, the, »•«■ the people of Zorah,
mentioned in 1 Chr. iv. 2 as descended from
Shobal.
Zo'reah. Another form (Josh. xv. 33) of
the name usually given in the A. V. as Zorah.
Zo'rites, the, are named in the genealogies
of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 54) apparently amongst
the descendants of Salma and near connections
of Joab.
Zorob'abel (1 Esd. iv. 13; v. 5-70; vi.
2-29 ; Ecclus. xlix. It ; Matt. i. 12, 13; Luke
iii. 27). [Zebubbabbl.1
Za'ar. Father of Nethano. the chief of
the tribe of Issachar at the time of the Exodu*
(Num. i. 8, ii. 5, vii. 18, 23, x. 15).
Zuph, the Land Of. A district at which
Saul and his servant arrived after passing
through those of Shalisha, of Shalim, and of
the Benjamites (1 Sam. ix. 5 only). It evi-
dently contained the city in which they encoun-
tered Samuel (ver. 6), and that again was cer-
tainly not far from the " tomb of Rachel." The
only trace of the name of Zuph in modern Pal-
estine, in any suitable locality, is to be found in
Soba, a well-known place about seven miles due
west of Jerusalem, ana five miles south-west of
Neby SamwU. But this is at the best no more
than conjecture ; and, unless the land of Zuph
extended a good distance east of Soba, the city
in which the meeting with Samuel took place
could hardly be sufficiently near to Rachel's
sepulchre.
Zuph. A Kohathite Levite, ancestor of
Elkanah and Samuel ( 1 Sam. i. 1 ; 1 Chr. vi.
35 [20]). In I Chr. vi. 26, he is called Zophai.
Zur. 1. Father of Cozbi (Num. xxv. 15),
and one of the five princes of Midian who were
slain by the Israelites when Balaam fell (Num.
xxxi. 8). — 2. Son of Jehiel the founder of
Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 30, ix. 36).
Zu'riel. Son of Abihail, and chief of the
Merarite Levites at the time of the Exodus
(Num. iii. 35).
Zurishad'dai. Father of Shelumiel, the
chief of the tribe of Simeon at the time of the
Exodus (Num. i. 6, ii. 12, vii. 36, 41, x. 19).
Zu'zims, the. The name of an ancient
people who, lying in the path of Chedorlaomer
and his allies, were attacked and overthrown by
them (Gen. xiv. 5 only). Of the etymology or
signification of the name, nothing is known.
Hardly more ascertainable is the situation which
the Zuzim occupied. There is some plausibili-
ty in the suggestion of Ewald, that the Zuzim
inhabited the country of the Ammonites, and
were identical with the Zamznmmim, who are
known to have been exterminated and succeed-
ed in their land by the Ammonites.
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND CONTRACTIONS
USED IN THIS WORK.
X C ante Christum,— Before Christ
occur. accurately.
A. D. Anno Domini, — in the year of oar
Lord.
Abp. Archbishop.
Am. Amos.(0. T.)
anc ancient
Ann. Annals of Tacitus, a Roman his-
torian.
Ant Antiquities.
Ap. A Apoc Apocrypha.
Ar. & Arab. Arabic, or Arabia.
A. CO... Anno urbit condiie, — in the year
of the building of Borne.
A. V. Authorized, or English version of
the Bibla
B.&D.... History of Bel and the Dragon.
(Apoc.)
Air. Baruch. (Apoc)
B. 0. Before Christ
B.J. Belbm Judaicum, — Jewish War.
B. R. Biblical Researches by Bobinson.
Cant Canticles, or Song of Solomon.
(O.T.)
cent century.
cf. confer, (Ft.) — compare.
ch. A chs.. . chapter and chapters, respectively.
ChaL Chaldea, or Chaldean.
1 Ohr. 1st B. of Chronicles. (0. T.)
2. Chr. 2nd B. of Chronicles. (0. T.)
Chrys. Horn. Homilies of Chrysostom, A D. 388.
Cic. Cicero, a Roman orator, B. C. 60.
Gic. in Verr. Cicero's oration against Verres.
dr. or tire circa, — about
Col Ep. to the Colossians. (N. T.)
Oomm.. . . . Commentary.
comp. compare.
1 Cor. 1st Ep. to the Corinthians. (N. T.)
2 Cor. .... 2nd Ep. to the Corinthians. (N. T.)
eye. cyclopedia.
Dan. Daniel. (0. T.)
Deui Deuteronomy. (O. T.)
Diet Dictionary.
B. East
EccL Eoclesiastes. (O. T.)
Ecchts. Ecclesiasticus. (Apoc.)
ed. edition.
e. g. exempli gratia, — for example.
Bag England, or English.
ep. & epp. . . epistle and epistles, respectively.
BpK Ep. to the Ephesians. (N. T.)
1 Bed. .... 1st B. of Esdras. (Apoc)
2 Bed. .... 2nd B. of Esdras. (Apoc)
Btth. Esther. (0. T.)
Buaeb. Eusebius, a Christian Historian,
A. D. 264-340.
Ex. Exodus. (0. T.)
Bt. <fc Ew.. Ezra.(0. T.)
Btk EsekieL (0. T.)
/. following verse, or page.
fern. feminine.
ff. following verses, or pages.
Gal Ep to the Galatians. (N. T.)
Gen. Genesis. (0. T.)
Or. Greek.
Bab Habakkuk. (0. T.)
Bag. Haggai. (0. T.)
Bandb. .... Handbook.
B. E. Ecclesiastical History by Eusebius.
Beb. Hebrew, or Ep. to the Hebrews.
(N. T.)
Berod. .... Herodotus, a Greek Historian, B. C
484-424.
Bui History.
Bar. Sat . . Satires of Horace, a Roman Poet,
B. C. 68.
Bos. Hoses. (0. T.)
ib. or ibid. . ibidem, — in the same place.
id. idem, — the same.
ie id est, — that is.
in. toe. .... in loco, — in its place.
Is. Isaiah. (0. T.)
Jos. Ep. ot James. (N. T.)
Jvd. Judith. (Apoc)
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Uj>1' Oi' AbbllEViATlUKS AND CO&TltACl'iOKS.
Jer. Jeremiah. (0. T.)
Jon. Jonah. (O. T.)
Jos Josephus, a Jewish Historian, A. D.
37-100.
Josh. Joshua. (0. T.)
Jadg. Judges. (0. T.)
Juven. Sal . Satires of Juvenal, a Roman Poet
IK. 1st B. of Kings. (0. T.)
2 K. 2nd B. of Kings. (0. T.)
Lam. Lamentations of Jeremiah. (0. T.)
Lc loco citato,— At the place before
cited.
Lev Leviticus. (0. T.)
Mb. liber— book.
Lin. ALmn. Linnaus, the naturalist.
lit literal, or literally
TAv. Livy, a Roman Historian.
LXX. the Seventy, or the Septuagint
M. monsieur, — Mr
1 Mace. ... 1st B. of Maccabees. (Apoc)
2 Mace . . . 2nd B. of Maccabees. (Apoc.)
3 Mace, ... 3d B. of Maccabees. (Apoc.)
marg. margin, or marginal.
Mart. Martial, a Roman Poet, A. D.
40-100.
mate. masculine.
Matt. Gospel by Matthew. (N. T.)
Jfie. Micah. (0. T.)
Mod. Eg. . . Modern Egyptians, by Lane.
MS. & MSS. Manuscript and Manuscripts, re-
spectively.
K. North.
Hah Nahum. (O. T.)
if. A. North East.
ifeh. Nehemiah. (O. T.)
iVtn. ifc Bab. Nineveh and Babylon, by Layard.
if.T. New Testament
.Vara. Numbers. (0. T.)
N. W. .... North West
Obad. Obadiah. (0. T.)
O.T. Old Testament.
p. dkpp... . page and pages, respectively.
Pal Palestine.
Pent. Pentateuch.
Pers Persia, or Persian.
1 Pet 1st Ep. of Peter. (N. T.)
2 Pet 2nd Ep. of Peter. (N. T.)
PhiL Ep. to the Phihppiaua. (N. T.)
Philem Ep. to Philemon. (N. T.)
Poiyb. .... Poly bius, a Greek Historian, B. G.
205-123.
Paige, Polycarp, martyred, A. D. 161.
Prov. Proverbs. (0. T.)
Pt. A Pas. . Psalm and Psalms, respectively.
PtoL Ptolemy.
R. Rabbi.
SowL Rawlinson.
See. Revelation, or Apocalypse. (N. l.|
Rom. Ep. to the Romans. (N. T.)
8. South.
Soar. Lit. . Sacred Literature.
Sam Samaritan.
1 Sam. 1st B. of Samuel. (0. T.)
2 Sam. 2nd B. of Samuel (0. T.)
S. & P. ... Sinai and Palestine, by Stanley.
se, scilicet, — namely.
sq. or seq.. . sequent, — following.
S. S. W. .. South-south West
Suet Suetonius, a historian, A. D. 100
Sue. History of Susanna. (Apoc)
Syr. Syria, or Syriac.
Syr. Pen.. Syriac Persian.
Tac. Tacitus, a Roman Historian, A. D.
66-135.
1 Thess. ... 1st Ep to the Thessalonians. (N. T.(
2 Thess. . . . 2nd Ep. to the Thessaloniana,
(N.T.)
1 Tim 1st Ep. to Timothy. (N. T.)
2 Kro. 2nd Ep. to Timothy. (N. T.)
TU. Ep. to Titus. (N. T.)
Ibb. Tobit ( Apoc)
ver. verse, or verses.
viz. videlicet, — to wit
vol volume.
vulg. vulgate.
W. West
Wild. Wisdom. (Apoc)
Zeeh. Zechariau. (O. T.)
... Zephaniah. (0. T.)
. . . Section, or Subdivision.
A word in small capitals, printed in brackets, refers to the word in the Dictionary in Its place.
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